realm as the princes of the blood and the kings Counsell is to say nothing because it may so come to passe that the princes themselves be under age or prisoners or captives or witlesse or suspected or dead or otherwise uncapable as also it may come to passe that the kings Counsell shall be dead or quashed or suspected or otherwise unable so that the estate of the kingdome and the Roialtie shall be evill founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks But the body of the estates Generall is a body not subject to minoritie captivitie perclusion of understanding suspition nor other incapacitie neither is it mortall therefore is it a more certaine and firme foundation of the kingdomes and Roialties estate than any other For the body of the Ewates which is a body composed of the wisest fittest of the kingdome can never faile because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain perticular persons but it standeth in Specie being a body immortal as al the French nation is immortall The Princes the kings Counsellors are but fraile brittle leaning stocks and means subject to incapacitie so is not the body of the Estates and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetuall foundation to sustaine and conserve the kingdome cannot be abolished but ought to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned Withall also Reason willeth that the Estates whom the affairs of the realme toucheth most should have a part in the conduction of publike things but most especially in the cases aforesaid where the king cannot order them Therefore is it a strange damnable and pernitious position which our strangers that governe France at this day dare impudently hold That it is treason to speake of holding the Estates But contrary a man may rather say That it is treason to abolish the Estates and that they which wil hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid but especially for the reformation more than necessarie of so many abuses as these strangers haue brought into Fraunce are themselves culpable of treason being such as doe overthrow and ruinat the Realm the Roialtie and the King in taking away the principall piller which sustained them And truly such people do merit that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth which doe subvert overthrow the foundations upon which our Auncestors have with great wisdome founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdome The like may we say of the Law whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crowne of Fraunce are inalienable For a king of France cannot abolish that Law because it is the third piller upon which the realme and his estate is founded For proofe hereof I will alleage but two examples the one was practised in the time of Charls le sage king of Fraunce and the other in the time of king Francis the first of happie and late memorie By which two examples may appeare not onely that this law of Not alienating the lands of the Crowne is a pillar of the kingdome but also that the Estates are as the very and true basse and foundation thereof King Iohn having been taken prisoner at the battaile of Poiters was conducted Froiss lib. 1. ca. 201 211 212 214 246 247 310. into England where he made treatie of peace with king Edward of England But the estates of the kingdome which were assembled would not agree unto that treatie as too prejudiciall and to the diminution of the Crowne of France King Edward was so angry and despited thereat that he made a great oth that he would end the ruinating of Fraunce And indeed whilest king Iohn was his prisoner he passed over the sea and made great warre in France and much wasted the flat Countrey but he made no great conquest of the Townes In the end the Duke of Lancaster counselled him to make peace with the French shewing him that he did but leese time so to run over the fields and spoile the champion countrey and souldiers only had the profit and he himselfe losse of people and expences These reasons could not much move the king to make peace he was so sore offended and animated But God who had pitie of this poore kingdome which was in extreame desolation and confusion wrought and brought to passe as it were by miracle a peace sending from heaven a tempest accompanied with lightening so great over the campe of the English that they thought that heaven earth would have met and the world have finished for so great stones fell with the tempest that they overthrew men and horses Then the king of England seeing God fight against him being in a great fear and distresse made a vow unto God That if by his grace he escaped from that peril he would hearken unto peace and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people as indeed he did after the tempest seased Which peace yet was accorded to his so great advantage that thereby besides the ransome of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in soveraigntie also the countrey of Armignac de Albret de Comines de la Marche de Santongeois Rochellois and a good part of Languedoc which before never was in the peaceable obedience domination of English Vnto this peace which was concluded in a village called Bretigni nigh to Chartres the French subjects of that countrey would not in any sort agree nor condiscend but refused to obey and yeeld themselves English For their reasons they alleaged That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crowne of France and that therupon they had priviledges from king Charlemaine whereby they could not nor ought not to be cut off from the truncke and house of France After that they had long debated refused to obey the king Iohn who upon good hostages was returned into Fraunce sent into his countries M. Iames de Bourbon his cousin and a Prince of his bloud to make them obey the English insomuch that whether they would or no those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience and be under the English governement This could not be without great greefe of heart sadnesse and incredible displeasure But above all others most remarkable for great constancie were they of Rochell to remaine French for they many times excused themselves unto the king and stood stiffe more than a Rochellois good Frēchmen yeare before they would let the Englishmen into the towne And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead they sent to the king their Orators which arriving at Paris and being brought before the king fell at his feet with weepings sobbings and lamentations making this speech Most deare sir your poore and desolate subjects of your towne of Rochell have sent us hither to beseech your Majestie in all humilitie and with joined hands that it
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
Normandie to the number of about 3000 men after hee embarked with the troupe and tooke his course to Dover wher king Richard attended him with 4000 men but God conducted that busines sending a contrary wind which landed the said earle in the northern parts of England where without all interruption landing they which sent for him met him by consent marched toward London King Richard met him on the way with 40000 or 50000 as they came nigh one another to give battaile the most part of king Richards people turned to the earle of Richmonds side Yet that king who despaired otherwise to bee maintained in his estate than by a victory upon his enemie gave battaile to the earle and was slaine fighting after hee had raigned about a yeere And the earle of Richmond went right to London with his victory and the slaying of that tirant Then tooke he out of the monastery king Edwards two daughters whereof hee espoused the elder and was straight made king of England called Henry the seaventh grandfather of the most ilustrious Queene Elizabeth at this present raigning Alfonsus king of Castile the 11 of that name who began his raigne Anno 1310 Frâ—isar lib. 1. cap. 230. 231 241. 242 243. raigned 40 yeeres left after him Peter Henry his bastard sons This king Peter was a prince very cruell inhumane amongst other cruelties he committed he caused to die Madame Blanche his wife daughter of duke Peter of Bourbon sister of the queene of France of the dutches of Sauoy He made also to die the mother of the said Henry his bastard brother also banished slew many lords barons of Castile Insomuch as by his crueltie hee acquired the hatred of all his subjects yea of strangers his neighbours so that his bastard brother being legitimated by the Pope at the earnest sute of the nobilitie of Castile and the help of the king of France Charles le Sage who sent him a good armie under the conduction of master Iohn of Bourbon countie of March of Messier Bertrand of Guesclin after constable of France hee enterprised to eject king Peter out of his kingdome of Castile and to make himselfe king and did according to his enterprise For as soone as hee was entred with forces into Castile all the countrie of all sorts abandoned that cruell king Peter who fled and retired to Bourdeaux towards the prince of Wales praying him to give him succours against his bastard brother This prince who was generous and magnanimous graunted his demaund under colour that the said Don Peter was a little of his parentage but in truth moved with desire of glorie and to acquire the reputation to have established a lawfull king in his kingdome against a bastard which the French had set in so did hee enterprise to goe inro Castile with a strong army to establish king Peter in his kingdome All succeeded so well unto him that hee got a battaile at Naverret against king Henry who fled into France and king Peter was established in his kingdome The prince of Wales exhorted him to pardon all such as before had borne armes against him and from thence forward to become gentle and kind towards all his subjects which hee faithfully promised to bee But hee did no such thing but againe exercised his cruelties and vengeances as well upon the one as the other In the meane while Henry the bastard gathered a new army with the help of the king of France which was conducted by the said Messier Bertrand of Guesclin and unlooked for they gave an assault nigh unto Montiell in Castile to king Peter and put him to flight with a great overthrow of his people King Peter saved himselfe in a castle which was incontinent besieged and seeing himselfe evill provided within it hee by stealth sought to save himselfe with a few people but he was encountred by the said Henry his bastard brother who slew him with his owne hand By which meanes the said Henry with his race remained peaceable kings in the kingdome of Castile and king Peter finished his life unhappie by reason of his great cruelty whereof hee could never be chastised By the abovesaid examples it seemes unto mee That a prince may easely judge if hee be of any judgement how pernitious and damnable the doctrine of Machiavell is to enstruct a prince to bee cruell for it is impossible that a cruell prince should long raigne but we ordinarily see that the vengeance of God yea by violent meanes followeth pace by pace crueltie Machiavell for confirmation of his doctrine alledgeth the example of the emperour Severus who indeede was a man very cruell and sanguinarie yet raigned eighteene yeeres or there abouts and dyed in his bed But unto this I answere that the cruelties of Severus seeme to bee something excusable because that he had for competitors in the empire Albinus and Niger two of greater nobilitie than hee and which had more friends Insomuch as it seemed necessarie for him to weaken the two competitors and to withstand their friends from hurting him to use that crueltie to kill them Yet hee pardoned many Albinians and reconciled himselfe unto them moreover hee exercised part of his cruelties in the revenge of the good emperour Pertinax which was a lawfull cause yet withall had he in himselfe many goodly and laudable vertues as wee have in other places rehearsed so that as his crueltie made him much hated his other vertues wrought some mitigation thereof Lastly hee made no other end than other cruell princes for hee dyed with sorrow as saith Herodian who was in his time for that hee saw his children Dion in Seve Herod lib. 3. such mortall enemies one against another and that Bassianus the eldest had enterprised to kill his father who yet did pardon him But Bassianus pardoned not his fathers phisitions which would nor obey him when hee commanded them to poison his sicke father for as soone as his father was dead hee hanged and strangled them all Heerein also God punished the crueltie of Severus that having exercised all these cruelties and slaughters well to establish the empire in his house hee was frustrated of his intention For of those two sonnes Bassianus and Geta one slew the other and Bassianus after he had slaine Geta endured not long but was slaine by Macrinus and left behind him no children Therefore although it seemed that God spared to punish Severus crueltie for his other good vertues yet remained not hee unpunished for seeing his sonne who had learned of him to bee cruell durst enterprise to slay him hee dyed of griefe and sorrow And wee neede not doubt but his conscience assaulted him greatly for he might well thinke that it was a just divine vengeance to see himselfe so cruelly assaulted by his owne blood and to see machinated against himselfe by his owne sonne the like crueltie which hee exercised against others yet he dissembled this pardoned
Knights and thirtie thousand other people of warre the other victorie was at the journey of Poitiers which also the said K. Edward gained by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his sonne and lieutenant Generall against Iohn King of Fraunce who was there taken prisoner with a son of his called Philip after Duke of Bourgogne and many other Princes and great Lords all which were conducted into England there was made there a great discomfiture of people By these two battailes lost in Fraunce the one after the other in a small time the kingdome was so debilitated of his forces and goods as it could not stand yet for a further heape of mischeefes at Paris and in many other places of the realme at the same time arose there many broiles and civile dissentions But that good King Charles le Sage was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affaires of the realme as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France his Father being prisoner as after when he was king that by little and little hee laid to sleepe all civile stirres and discords after hee did so much that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied and although he was not so brave a warriour as his father king Iohn nor as his grandfather King Philip yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations not hazarding his affaires as they did fearing to be reputed cowards nor did any thing rashly without due consideration Hee tooke not arms in hand but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good Insomuch that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdome of that king made his Armes rebound and become dull and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated Truly said he I neuer knew king that lesse useth Armes yet troubleth me so much he is all the day enditing letters and hurteth me more with his missives than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Armes Behold the witnesse which king Edward gave of the wisdome of his enemie king Charles which was yet of so great efficacie that he brought his kingdome into a good peace by the meanes wherof his people became rich and wealthie where before they were as poore and miserable And not only the people became rich but the king also himselfe heaped up great treasures which hee left to his sonne after him insomuch that he was not onely surnamed the Wife but the Rich also I could to this purpose adde here many other examples but in a thing so cleare the example of these two kings Salomon and Charles shall suffice which two for their great wisdome have acquired the name of Wife they both were rich in great treasures both of them maintained their subjects in peace both left their kingdomes opulent and abundant and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicitie It is a thing then plaine confessed That it is an exceeding great good to a people Prudence is more requisit in a Princes Counsell than in himselfe when they have a Prince that is wise of himselfe but thereupon to inferre and say as Machiavell doth That the government of Prince ought to depend vpon his owne proper wisdome and that he cannot be well counselled but by himselfe is evill concluded and such a conclusion is false and of pernitious consequence For a Prince how prudent soever he be ought not so much to esteeme of his owne wisedome as to despise the counsell of other wise men Salomon despised them not and Charles the wise alwaies conferred of his affaires with the wise men of his Counsell And so farre is it off that the Prince ought to despise anothers Counsell that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsell which are wise and ought not stubbornely to resist their advise but to follow it and hold his owne for suspected And therefore that wise and cunning Emperour Marcus Antonius the Philosopher being in his privie Counsell house where was that great Lawyer Scaevola Maetianus Volusianus many other great persons excellent in knowledge and honestie after having well debated with them the matters they handled when sometimes he tooke in hand to sustaine opinions contrarie to theirs Well said he masters The thing then must be done according to your advise For it is much more reasonable that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithfull friends as you are than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone Vnto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverbe That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone Experience also teacheth vs That things determined and resolved by many braines are alwayes wiser safer better ordered than the resolutions of one alone And we see also that the ancient Dionis Halic lib. 2. Romanes and all Commonweales well governed as well in times past as at this day have alwayes followed and observed that which by pluralitie of wise mens voices was concluded determined And truly so much the wiser a Prince is so much the more will he suspect his owne opinion For the same wisedome which is in him wil persuade him not to beleeve himselfe too much and to have his own judgement for suspected in his owne case as all publicke affaires may be said to be proper to the Prince and to permit him to be governed by his Counsell And contrarie because there are no people more presumptuous nor that thinke to know more than they which know little nor that thinkes to be more wise than they that have no wisdome if you learne a Prince that thinketh himselfe wise this principle of Machiavell That he ought to governe himselfe by his owne wisdome and Counsell and that he cannot be better counselled than by himselfe you shall streight find inconveniences For then shal you see that he will beleeve neither counsell nor advise but that comes out of his owne head and he will say to them that will give him any That he vnderstands well his owne matters and that he knoweth what he hath to doe and so will bring his estate and affaires into confusion and overthrow all upside downe And from whence comes this evill government and disorder Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which willeth That a Prince should govern himselfe by his own wisedome and that maintaineth That a prince cannot be well counselled but by his owne wisedome The consequence then of this Maxime is not small seeing the publicke state of a countrey may stagger and be overthrowne thereby Better then it is that contrarie the Prince hold this resolution To govern himselfe by good counsell and beleeve it and have in suspition his owne wisedome For if the Prince bee wise and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason they of his Counsell will easily fall to his advise seeing also that
hardie withall he suffered them to take upon him some small advantages seeking still to draw them unto some place of advantage to fight with them as indeed he did They beeing swelled for that in some light skirmishes they had overthrowne some few of Annibals souldiors and thereby thought it was not honourable to recoile and that men would think their hearts failed them to flie before such as they had alreadie beaten resolved to give battaile and indeed they gave it but they lost it to their great shame and confusion Which the Romane Senate seeing sent against Anniball Fabius Maximus who was not so forward and it may bee not so hardie in enterprizing as Flaminius or Sempronius were but he was more wise and carefull as he shewed himselfe For at the first arrivall as the other did he did not aboord and set upon Anniball who desired no other thing but began to coast him a farre off seeking alwayes advantageous places And when Anniball approched him then would he shew him a countenance fully determined to fight yet alwaies seeking places of advantage But Anniball which was not so rash as to joine with his enemie to his own disadvantage made a shew to recoile and flie to draw him after him Fabius followed him but it was upon coasts and hils seeking alwayes not the shortest way but that way which was most for his advantage insomuch as Anniball saw him alwaies upon some hill or coast nigh him as it were a cloud over his head so that after Anniball had many times assaied to draw Fabius into a place fit for himselfe and where he might give battaile for his owne good and yet could not thereunto draw him said I see well now that the Romanes also have gotten an Anniball and I feare that this cloud which approching vs still hovers upon those hils will some of these mornings poure out some shoure on our heads Breefely the prudencie and wisdome of Fabius brought more feare and gave more adoe unto Anniball than all the Romane forces which yet was not small I have above recited another example witnessed of king Edward of England who said That he feared more the missives and letters of king Charles le Sage than he feared the great and puissant armies of 40 and 100000 men of his Father and Grandfather and that wrought him more trouble and broke more of his purposes and enterprises in enditing of letters than they ever did with their great forces Which is another witnesse made for prudence and good Counsell like unto the example of Anniball which witnesses are so much the more worthie of credite as the one proceeded from a most valiant king and the other from a most noble and hardie Captaine both which well knew by long use and experience how to helpe themselves with force and armes And if we consider the Romane hystories we shall truly find that the ancient Romanes made themselves lords and maisters almost of all the world more by wisdome and good Counsell than by force although they used both Therefore said Varro as by a common proverbe received in his time That the Romans vanquished sitting as if he would say As they sit in their chairs in their Senate they provide so for their affaires by good Counsell and wisedome that they get and obtaine the upper hand in all their enterprises Yea and we see that at this day the Venetians maintain very well their estate yea do augment and make it greater although they understand no thing how to handle armes and indeed when they must needs goe to warre they hire and wage people to doe it but yet notwithstanding are they wise and prudent keeping themselves as much as they can from the warre and when they have warre they do discreetly seeke meanes to quiet and appease it by some other way than by battailes besiegings of Townes or any other exploits of warre And assuredly they know better how to finish and bring a warre to an end by their wisedome and good Counsell without striking any stroke than many puissant princes by their forces and armes Hitherto we have spoken of a princes Counsell which in the time of the Roman A Senat and the Estates are things correspondēt emperours men called The princes Consistorie and our French The kings Priuie Counsell But now we must know that as well the Romane emperours as the kings of France of old have yet had another Counsell whereunto they had recourse in all their waightie affaires which were of great consequence as when they stood in need to make lawes ordinances and rules concerning the universall estate the Romanes called this Counsell the Senat and the French call it the Parlement But this name of Parlement aunciently signifieth an assemblie of the three estates as Philip de Comines saith and as is seene by all our French hystories Our kings also De Comines lib. 1. cap. 64. convocated sometimes with their ordinarie and priuie Counsell some good number of great Prelats and Barons of the realme and that assemblie they called The great Counsell But afterward men attributed the name of Parlement unto the assemblie of Iudges and Senators which judged causes and processes from whome there is no appeale And some thinke that our Parlement is at this day like unto the Senat of Rome but they are greatly deceived for the Romane Senat tooke not any knowledge of the processes and causes of particular persons but only dealt with affairs of the State of the universall government and pollicie and of matters of consequence unto all the Commonwealth and therefore the assemblie of the three estates in France doe much better resemble the Roman Senat than the Parlements doe at this day which might better be compared unto the Romans Centumvirat or to their Praetorian government which dealt in the knowledge of appellations and matters of justice distributive from which judgement ther was no appeale And as the name of Parlement is at this day otherwise applied than it was anciently so is it of the name of Great Counsell But to come to our purpose Wee read that the good Emperours never contemned or thought much in waightie affairs to take the advice of the Romane Senat and to governe themselves thereby for although that by the change of the estate which happened in the time of Iulius Caesar when the commonwealth was changed into a Monarchie the authoritie of the Senate was much abated and weakened yet there was never emperour found that durst enterprise altogether to abolish it but contrarie the good and wise emperors rather helped to establish their authoritie and power And the reason why no emperor good or wicked durst enterprise to abolish the Senate was because by the Law Roiall whereby the estate Monarchicall was established at Rome there was only transferred unto the king the authoritie and power of the people and not that which the Senat had Which people although they had sovereigne power over every particular person of
in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
or rather into a manifest tyrannie as will easily appeare unto them which are advertised and have seene how Florence is at this day governed and ruled Besides this booke of a Prince or of a Principalitie Machiavell hath also written three bookes of discoursing upon the first Decade of Titus Livius with ilustrating the other booke of Principalitie is instead of a Commentary thereunto Through all which discourses hee disperseth heere and there a few words out of Titus Livius neither rehearsing the whole deede nor hystorie of the matter for which hee fisheth these words and applyeth them preposterously after his owne fantasie for the most part forcing them to serve to confirme some absurde and strange thing Hee also mixeth heerewith examples of small and pettie Potentates of Italy happening in his time or a little before which are not worth the recitall but are lesse worthie to bee proposed for imitation Yet heerein is hee to bee excused in that hee knew no better for if hee had known better I doubt not but would have brought them to light to have adorned his writings and to have made them more authentike and receiveable But out of those two bookes namely of Principalitie and out of Machiavels discourses I have extracted and gathered that which is properly his owne and have reduced and brought it to certaine Maximes which I have distinguished into three parts as may bee seene heereafter And I have beene as it were constrained so to doe that I might revocate and gather every matter to his certaine heade and place to the end the better to examine them For Machiavell hath not handled every matter in one same place but a little heere and a little there enterlacing and mixing some good things amongst them doing therin as poysoners doe which never cast lumpes of porson upon an heape least it bee perceived but doe most subtillie incorporate it as they can with some other delicate and daintie morsells For if I had followed the order that hee houlds in his bookes I must needes have handled one same point many times yea confusedly and not wholy I have then drawne the greatest part of his doctrine and of his documents into certaine propositions and Maximes and withall added the reasons wbereby he muntaineth them I have also set downe the places of his bookes to leade them thereunto which desire to try what fidelitie I have used either in not attributing unto him any thing that is not his owne or in not forgetting any reason that may make for him wherein so much there wanteth that I feare that any man may impose upon mee to have committed some fault therein that contrarie in some places I have better cleared and lightened his talke reasons and allegations than they bee in his writings And if any man say that I doe wrong him in setting downe the evill things contained in his bookes without speaking of the good things which are dispersedly mixed therewith and might bring honour and grace unto him I answere and will maintaine that in all his writings there is nothing of any valew that is his owne Yet I confesse that there is some good places drawne out of Titus Livius or some other authors but besides that they are not his they are not by him handled fully nor as they should For as I have abovesaid hee onely hath dispersed them amongst his workes to serve as with an honny sweet bait to cover his porson And therefore seeing that that which is good in his writings is taken from other better authors where wee may learne them better for our purpose and more whole and perfect than in Machiavell wee have no cause to attribute honour vnto him nor to thanke him for that which is not his and which wee possesse and retaine from a better shop than his And as for his precepts concerning the militarie art wherewith hee dealeth in his bookes which seeme to bee new and of his owne invention I will say nothing but that men doe not now practise them neither are they thought worthie of observation by them which are well seene in that art as wee may see in that which hee maintaineth That a prince ought not to have in his service any strange soldiors nor to have any fortresses against enemies but onely against his subiects when hee is in feare of them For the contrary heereof is ordinarily seene practised and in truth it sheweth an exceeding great pride and rashnesse in Machiavell that hee dare speake and write of the affaires of warre and prescribe precepts and rules unto them which are of that profession seeing hee had nothing but by heare-say and was himselfe but a simple Secrethrie or Towne-clarke which is a trade as far different from the profession of warre as an harquebush differs from a pen and inckhorne Heerein it fals out to Machiavell as it did once to the philosopher Phormio who one day reading in the Peripatetiâ—e schoole of Greece and seeing arrive Ciâ—ero de Orator Plutarch in Anniball enter thither Anniball of Carthage who was brought thither by some of his friends to heare the eloquence of the philosopher he began to speake dispute with much babling of the lawes of warre and the dutie of a good captaine before this most famous captaine which had forgotten more than ever that proud philosopher knew or had learned When hee had thus ended his lecture and goodly disputation as Anniball went from the auditorie one of his friendes which brought him thither demanded what hee thought of the philosophers eloquence and gallant speach Hee said Truely I have seene in my life many old dottards but I never saw so great an one as this Phormio So I doe not doubt but such as have knowledge in the militarie art will give the like iudgement of Machiavell if they reade his writings will say according to the common proverbe That he speaketh not like a clarke of armes But I leave things touching this matter unto them which have more knowledge therein than I for it is not my purpose any thing to touche that which Machiavell hath handled of the militarie art nor such precepts as concerne the leading of an army By this which wee have before spoken That Machiavell was during the raigne of Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth kings of France and attained the beginning of At what time and wherefore Machiavell was received into France the raigne of Francis the first It followeth that there hath not beene past fiftie or three-score yeeres since his writings came to light whereupon some may mervaile why hee was not spoken of at all in France during the raigne of king Henry the second and that after them the name of Machiavell did but beginne to bee knowne on this side the mountaines and his writings into some reputation The answere heereunto is not very obscure to such as know how the affaires of France have beene governed since the decease of king Henry the second of
unbrideled and undiscreet appetites but a good Prince cannot correct so many evill Counsellors which will feed their Prince with smoke and lies and will hide from him such things as he ought to know for the Commonweale This may yet be better shewed by the examples of many Princes which have ben Princes of little wisedome have beene well governed by good Counsâ—ll Capitol in Goâ—d Iun. of small wisedome and vertue and yet notwithstanding have well ruled the Commonwealth by the good and wise Counsell of prudent and loyall Counsellors wherwith they were served as did the Emperour Gordian the yong who was created Emperour at eleven yeares of age insomuch that many judged the Empire to be falne in to a childish kingdome and so into a weakenesse and a bad conduction But it proved otherwise for this young Emperour Gordian espoused the daughter of a wise man called Misitheus whom he made the high Steward of his houshold and governed himselfe by his Counsell in all his affaires so that the Romane Empire was well ruled so long as Misitheus lived Likewise Ioas king of Israel came to the Crowne a young child of the age onely 2. Kings 11. and 12. and 2. Chro. 23. of seven yeares but hee was governed by Ioiada his vncle a very wise man Insomuch that whilest that good Counsellor lived the kingdome was well and rightly administred Charles the sixt king of France was but thirteene yeares old when hee came to the Crowne was of small vnderstanding yet during his minoritie the kingdome was well and wisely governed by his three uncles the Dukes of Anjou of Berry and Bourgoigne There was nothing in their government to be spoken against but only that they were a little drawing unto themselves the kings treasure all other affaires were administred well and prudently Yet true it is that after the kings majoritie they yet entred into the government of the kingdome because of a phrensie that tooke the king which endured more than twentie years but then their government was corrupted by ambition covetousnesse a desire of vengeance envie yet as I said during the kings minoritie they did governe well The kings of France Clotharie the fourth of that name and Chilperic the second Annales of France vpon the year 716 the three following were both Princes of small vnderstanding and indeed had no wisdome to conduct the affaires of the realme but they had for a Counsellor and Conductor of their affaires that valiant Lord Charles Martell that during their reigne the realme was well ruled yea with many great and excellent victories In our time we know that the Emperour Charles the fift was left very young by his father and grandfather in such sort as during his minoritie hee could never have Du Bellay lib. 1. de se Memoires knowne how to governe his affaires which were great and in great trouble in many places His said father then foreseeing at his death that his sonne had need of a good overseer which were a good man ordained for that purpose to governe him and his affaires king Lewis the twelfth praying him to accept that charge knowing well the sinceritie and loyaltie of that good king which for nothing would wound his conscience as he did not althogh he might for therby he had offered him great occasions of enlarging his limits The king then loyally to acquit himselfe of that charge gave unto that young Prince for Governour a good man faithfull and of good understanding called the Lord de Chieures by the counsell of whom and of certaine other good Counsellors the affaires of that young Prince were much better managed even in that low age than ever they were in his fathers or grandfathers time This good government in that base age proceeding from good Counsell gave so great a fame and reputation unto that yong Prince that he was chosen Emperour at the age of 20 yeares The Emperour Domitian besides he was not wise he was wicked and exceeding cruell yet he during his raigne had so good hap to encounter and light upon such Suetonius in Domit. cap. 3. 4. 8. 10. Governors and Magistrates for the Provinces of his Empire being good and wise men that whilest he raigned the Romane Empire was well governed and there was none but certaine particular persons of Rome which felt the evill of his vices and crueltie Charles the eight king of Fraunce came to his Crowne at the age of thirteene yeares and was a very good Prince but of no great understanding nor wisedome Annales of France upoÌ„ the yeare 1484. yet the Estates that were assembled at Tours gave him a good Counsell which they did chuse of fit and capable persons by which Counsell the affaires of the kingdome were well governed during the kings minoritie although there fell out some emotions and stirres of some revolters I will not here repeat the example of the Emperour Alexander Severus who very young came to the Empire and under whom the affaires of the Commonwealth were well governed by the meanes of good Counsellors as is abovesaid I may also here adde many other examples of our kings of Fraunce which were not too spirituall and yet governed well by their good Counsell As also there were many Emperours of the Romane Empire some ignorant and brutish others voluptuous and effeminate others cruell and knowing nothing but to handle yron As were Philipus Licinius Dioclesianus Maximianus Carus Carinus Gallus Constantius Aurelianus Galienus Leon Macrinus Zeno Iustintanus and many others which yet made very good Lawes as wel for distributive justice as for the pollicie of the Empire as is seene by the Code of Iustinian which lawes wee must needs attribute to their wise and learned men which were their Counsellors for none of all them knew any thing or little except Macrinus how to make good Lawes Therfore I conclude this point against the Maxime of Machiavell That a Prince may wel governe wisely the Commonweale by the good counsell of good and faithfull Counsellors although he be evill provided of wisdome But here remaineth a difficultie which is not small How an unwise Prince may Of the election of good CouÌ„sellors and Magistrats provide good and loyall Counsellors seeing that Princes that are wise and well advised are therein often deceived And upon this point I confesse there is nothing harder nor of greater consequence to a Prince than to guide himselfe well in the election of such persons whereof he should compose his Counsell For there are great hypocrisies and dissimulations and one seemes to be a good man sincere and continent which shewes himselfe another man when meanes comes in his hand to corrupt vertue for to make his particular profit thereof And we see but too much by experience that the old Proverbe is true Honours change manners You may see how the most gracious and courteous in all the world the most affable and officious to every one that is
unto him then he constrained him whether he would or no to accept that Office He had also a good grace in the election of the Senators of the Senat for he chose not any without demanding the advise of them which were already in that estate and enquired of the maners knowledge and sufficiencie of him or them which were to be Senators And when it came to passe that any man by his opinion did bring any into an Office that was not in all points sufficient as it often commeth to passe that they that favor a man make his manners good and his knowledge greater than it is he thus punished them to bring them to the lowest roume of all their companie which was a covenable and meet punishment for he that by undue and unlawfull meanes will advaunce another meriteth well to bee put from the place himselfe We find in our hystories of France that our kings have sometimes imitated this manner of proceeding of the Emperour Alexander in his manner of election of Counsellors and Magistrates For by auncient ordinances which lately were fresh in the publicke Counsell of Estates of Orleance but since evill observed Offices ought to be conferred upon such as were named to the king by the other Officers and Magistrates and by the Consuls Presidents of Townes and Provinces which were to make true report of the life good manners and sufficiencie of such as they named As for the vent and selling of Offices it seemeth that it hath been long time tollerated in Fraunce For M. Philip de Comines in his Hystorie which hee writ of Comines li. 1. cap. 12. the life of king Lewis the eleventh saith That alreadie in the time of that king when he had warre against the lords of the Commonweale in the yeare 1464 the Perisians made a great trafficke and commerce of Offices whereof they are more desirous than any others of all the French nation For sayth he there are some which will give eight hundred skutes or crownes for an Office that hath no wages nor stipend belonging unto it and some will give for an Office that hath a stipend belonging unto it more than fifteene yeares the stipend comes to But it seemes unto me that de Comines toucheth not the white when he speakes of the cause why the Parisians are so desirous of Offices For the true cause seemeth to be for that by the customes of Paris a father cannot bestow upon one child more than upon another be they daughters or sonnes unlesse it be in Offices And that therefore the Parisians which desire to advantage any of his children above other as commonly the father which hath many children loves one more than another are as it were constrained to buy Offices And would to God that this custome were yet to invent and that the Parisians had free dispensation of their goods and that they had not brought in this villainous trafficke of Offices But a strange thing it is which Comines addeth That even in the time of king Lewis the eleventh the parliament of Paris maintained that such a commerce and trafficke was lawfull But he speakes not of what Offices the Court of Parliament tollerates that kind of trafficke It is not credible that at that time Offices of judgement were sold nor that the Court of Parliament approved such a commerce but rather that they were Offices of Fines Vshers Castle keepers Sergeants Notaries Offices of Waters and Forrests and such like whereof the sale was tollerable but not of Offices of Presidents Counsellors Bailiffes Stewards Lieutenants and other Offices of judgement For it is seene by Annales vpon An. 1499. our Annales that king Lewis the twelfth who was called the Father of the people to spare his people and to pay the debts of king Charles the eight his predecessor and to helpe other great affaires which he had on his Arme for the recoverment of the Duchie of Millaine he was the first king that began to sell Offices Royall excepting alwayes the Offices of judgement which he touched not This was a very good king and did this to a good end to comfort and help his poore people from tallages and borrowings Who considered that it was as much and more reasonable that hee should take silver for such Offices which were not of judgement as privat persons did upon whom they were freely bestowed unto whom it was lawfull as is said by a sufferance alreadie inveterate of the said Parliament to sell and trafficke them But since the fact of this good king hath been drawn into a consequence and an use yea the exception of Offices of judgement is cleane also taken away in such sort that now al Offices indifferently are venall yea to him that offereth most to the last penny And although we may say still it is to the same end namely to helpe the people yet it is evident that that end is not sought nor followed For by the contrarie the people is eaten up even to the bones by these buyers of Offices which will needs draw out of them the mony of that they bought And it seemeth according to the saying of the Emperor Alexander that they have reason for that which may be bought may be sold As for the manner of election of the said Emperour whereby he preferred to estates such as demaunded them not before such as sought them our kings have sometimes used that also as king Charles le Sage when he gave the Office of Constable to that generous and valiant Knight Bertrand de Guesclin For de Guesclin Froisart lib. 1. chap. 290. lib. 2. cap. 49. Annales vpon An. 1402. excused himselfe the most that hee could in the world from accepting that estate shewing him that he was a simple knight that the Office of Constable is so great that he that will acquite himselfe of that Office ought rather to commaund great men than them that were of low calling and that he durst not enterprise so much as to commaund the brethren cousins and nephewes of his Majestie But the king replied unto him M. Bertrand by this meanes excuse not your selfe for I have neither Brother Cousin Nephew Countie nor Barron in my kingdome which shall not obey you with a good heart and if any one doe otherwise I will cause him to know that it displeaseth me So that in the end de Guesclyn accepted the Office as constrained After the death of this valiant Constable king Charles the sixt sonne of the said Charles le Sage minding to give that Office to the Lord de Coucy who was a brave and wise knight and of a great house and had performed great services unto the Crowne of France but he refused it saying that he was not capable for an Office of so great a burthen and that M. Oliver de Clysson was more sufficient than he to exercise that Estate for he was valiant bold wise and wel beloved of the people of warre M. Oliver made the
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
of benefices to the ordinary Collators and also to labour unto the prelates of Fraunce for dispensations requisit Hereupon the king made an Edict with the advice of his daughter the Vniversitie so names he it whereby inhibitions defences were made to all subiects as well of the Nobilitie and the Clergie as of the third Estate no more to acknowledge either of the said Popes for Popes neither any more to run either to Rome or Avignon for the obtaining and impetration of benefices dispensations or other buls and provisions Apostolicall but to the ordinary Collators and to the Prelates of the French church upon paine to be debarred of their pretended right and other great punishments which Edict was observed by the space of three yeares at the end of which time was a Pope chosen at the counsell of Pise called Alexander the fift under whose obedience the king and his kingdome yeelded themselves But the space of the said three yeares they did well ynough without a Pope in France and so likewise during the said time of pluralitie of Popes which endured forty yeares And there were then many princes which acknowledged neither the one nor the other for Popes as the king of Aragon the countie of Hainaut the duke of Bretaigne the commonwealth of Liege If then in times past so many could be without popes why might we not as wel spare them now as then But as I have said before I see not why the Catholikes should so much care for the Pope as to travell and iourny so farre as Rome to kisse his pantophle nor to spend so much money to buy his pardons being such vile and base marchandize To conclude my masters it seemeth unto me by this breefe discourse I have made hitherto that my proposition is sufficiently cleared That the Catholike and we differ not in Religion but do agree in all points necessary for our salvation After that that good parson had made us the said discourse truly every one of us thanked him but especially the Catholike gentleman saying That as for him he never beleeved otherwise A pleasant discourse of Friers habits the points which he had delivered but even as hee had said and that he would never have thought that they of the Evangelike Religion had accorded so well with the Catholikes as he saw they did But said he my masters after so serious a discourse it should not be impertinent to adde another to make us laugh All the companie prayed him to do it then begun he to say in this manner I have above touched how habites and apparrell brought no sanctitie to the masse we may also say That they adde no sanctitie to the persons neither according to that common proverbe Apparell makes not a Monke Yet I find that this question hath been sometimes handled with great contention and diversitie of opinions which endured nigh fiftie yeares amongst the Friers because they could not accord upon the colour greatnesse widenesse and forme of their habites For you must understand that the glorious S. Francis amongst other articles of his rule hee had placed one whereby he ordained That all that were of his Order for apparrell should cloth themselves with the basest vilest and of the lowest price that could be that they should onely have one coat with an hood and another without an hood and that they should weare no shoes nor ride on horsebacke Vpon the intelligence and interpretation of this article arose great and marvellous altercations and disputations in the order of Friers insomuch that they held a generall Chapiter to accord these disputations and to rule themselves all by one sort of habites For some wore habites of one colour some of another some short others long insomuch that they seemed not to be of the same Order In this Chapiter then was there a great disputation about the intelligence and interpretation of the said article About the last two points they were easie to agree for seeing they were forbidden by the said article to ride on horsebacke they resolved to ride but on Asses and Mules or on foot as commonly they do They considered also That Asses were fittest for them in their Covents for being kept with least charge As for shooes they resolved That they would take away the most part of the leather leaving onely a sole with a thong to go overthwart the foot to make the sole fast to the foot so should they not be shoes but soles But the greatest difficultie and strife was about the fashion of the hood and of the coat or Iacket For in the said Chapiter were mooved three principall questions by certaine subtile and cunning Friers The first upon the Colour the second upon the Quantitie and the third about the Forme But to handle these three questions in order you must understand That about the colour there was divers opinions upon which they could not accord For the blessed S. Francis had spoken nothing of the colour in his rule but only ordained That they of his order should weare habites of a low price Then fell out a great question What colour was of least price and thought to be most vile Some reasoned That the greene colour was the vilest and might bee bought cheaper than any other and that it was ordinarily seene that people of most vile condition as carters marriners and other meane people did weare that colour in lining to their doublets as the worst colour of all They said also That the matter wherewith a greene colour is made is cheaper than any other for with hearbes and leaves greene may bee made to die both woollen and linnen Others said the murrey or smoakie colour was the worst best cheap for to make that colour there need no more but to take white wooll and soot But the third opinion seemed to be best taken with reason and equitie And that was they which said That there was no viler colour nor more meet for their Order than that which came from the beasts back it selfe But it is so that both white and black came from the beasts backe and it is evident that the blessed S. Francis did so understand it they should weare the colour of the beast in token of humilitie patience saying further That all other colours cost something if it were but labour but the colour of the beast cost nothing Therfore they concluded That al the order of Friers ought to weare their garmēts either of white or blacke colour and not of greene smokie or any other colours that this was their opinion Assuredly these reasons of the first disputers were so pregnant that they shaked al the rest of the company yet notwithstanding they which had disputed for Green and smokie colours thinking it not good to bee overcome at the first blow replied more They which have disputed of the colour of the beast say they do shew that they hold some thing of the beast speaking under the brotherly
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
a new evill deed and in your prosperitie handle not as enemies them which in your adversitie you elected for friends The people saith Titus Livius were much moved by the ancient merit of the Caerites rather to forget the new fault than the old benefit and a An old pleasure putteth out a new offence peace and remission of their offences was accorded unto them The same moderation of minde used Francis the first of that name of good memorie towards the inhabitants of Rochell in Anno 1541. The Rochelois falling to mutunie against certaine of the kings officers about the impost of Salt but acknowledging Du Bello lib 9. of his Coment their fault they humbled themselves before that good king demanding pardon which hee granted in an oration with a grave and discreet admonishment very worthie such a king and Christian prince in these words My good subjects and friends for such may I well call you since you acknowledge your faults the office and dutie of subjects is so great towards their prince that they which faile in that dutie commit so great a crime as they cannot perpetrate a greater nor more punishable for the inconveniences which may thereupon follow For every estate of The publick estate lieth in wel commanding wel obeying a well instituted monarch and commonweale consisteth in two points namely in the just commandement of the prince or superiors and in the loyall obedience of subiects If either of these want it is as much as in thelife of a man the separation of the bodie and of the soule for in man life can no longer endure than the soule desisteth to command and governe the body and that the body desisteth from obeying the soule God grant mee grace that I may not faile in the commandement which hee hath given mee over you which I doe acknowledge to hold of him as a thing whereof I must make account unto him and although according to that command I have over you I may reasonably practise the punishment of justice upon you yet because it is a thing more covenable for a prince to prefer mercy and clemencie before the rigour of justice but especially towards such as repent and demand pardon I pardon you with a good heart seeing likewise that I know you are children of good fathers whose fidelitie hath beene many times experimented by my predecessors I had rather forget your new misdeede than your ancient merits I hope also that from henceforth you will as willingly bee enclined to obey mee as my naturall inclination is to pardon you I will not doe to you as the emperour did to them of Gaunt which having committed them under the slavish servitude of a citadell defiled his hands with their bloud My hands thanks bee to God are Crueltie takes love from subjects to their princes cleare from the bloud of my subjects and indeede hee lost the hearts and amitie of his subjects by shedding their bloud but I hope that my mercie and clemency shall confirme your hearts love towards me your king who kindly handleth you as a good father and that if you and your predecessors have beene in times past good and faithfull subjects you will bee much better heereafter I pray you forget this offence which is happened and for my part I will not remember it at any time of my life I pray you also bee as good subjects as you have heeretofore beene and I hope God will give mee grace to bee better towards you than I have beene God our Lord and creatour pardon you and I doe heartely forgive you all you have done without excepting any thing At this word proceeding from so magnificall and generous a king all the Rochelois began to weepe for joy and crying Vive le Roy they prayed God to conserve in all prosperitie so good a king so kind and mercifull Then upon the kings commandement all the bells of Rochell were rung all their gunnes were shot off and bonefires made in signe of great rejoycing And so much there wants that good princes have beene enclined to vengeance that contrary the principallitie it selfe makes them forget all affection of vengeance Spartian in Adrian that they had before as wee reade of the emperour Adrian who being come to the empire forgot all his former enmities insomuch as one day soone after he Ascending unto honor is descending from vengeance came to the empire encountring a capitall enemie of his hee said unto him Thou art escaped King Lewis the twelfth before hee was king being but duke of Orleance had many troubles For in the time of king Charles the eight his predecessor his enemies Annales upon Anno 1488. thought to have taken him prisoner but hee saved himselfe in Bretaigne whither hee was persecuted with an army and battaile was given him and the duke of Bretaigne who tooke his part at S. Aubin where the kings armie got the victorie and the said duke of Orleance were taken prisoners led to the castle Luzignen and from thence brought to the great towre of Bourges After all this there was a concorde amongst them and the said duke came to the crowne Being king they which followed him into Bretaigne and to other places during his adversitie persuaded him to bee revenged of such as had made warre upon him at the kings command and they shewed unto him that the cause of his then persecution came not by king Charles his motion who was then within age but by his principallest Counsellors and governours such as was Messire Lewis de la Trimonille and others But that good king Lewis shaped them this answere worthie of so gentle and christian a king that could command his choler and passions Nay saith hee a king of France may not revenge injuries done to the duke of Orleance King Phillip the hardie a gentle prince a lover of peace and very easie to graunt Annal. upon the year 1272. pardon The countie de Foix in his time rebelled but at the request of a sonne in law of the countie this good king pardoned him his fault and gave him againe certaine land which hee caused to bee seized and moreover made him knight and at Court retained him into his service This is far from nourishing enemies and perpetuall vengeance as Machiavell teacheth But heere might I accumulate and heape up many other examples of Caesar Augustus Traian Marcus Antonius Constantine Charlemaine S. Lewis Charles le sage Alexander the great of Sirus and generally of all the good princes which ever have beene all which were endowed with that excellent vertue of clemencie and were farre from all vengeance But these I have recited I hope may serve sufficientlie to shew by good reasons and notable examples that that passion of irreconcilable vengeance is unseemely and unworthie a good prince And as for the examples wherewith Machiavell serves himselfe they bee but examples of tyrants and such as were of no account and of
that which is drawne out of it and inserted in the Missall and Breviarie He was also a reasonable good clarke in the Cannons yet not one of the profoundest therein but he knew sufficient for his provision Likewise the Pope Boniface of whome wee have before spoken was declared an hereticke by the said Vniversitie and facultie of Theologie not that he erred in the Faith for it was a thing whereof hee had little care but because he would needs enterprise upon the kings priviledges But as soone as he was declared an hereticke all the kingdome of France retired from his obedience Pope Iulius the second was not declared an hereticke by the Vniversitie because they thought it better so to proove him in Italie at a Counsell there that so Italie it selfe might also withdraw from his obedience And indeed do the Pope what he could a Counsell was held at Pise where he was endighted for an heretick but he died before the sentence was given Breefely of old it was a good and gentle meanes to bridle the unmeasurable power of the Pope to declare and descrie him for an hereticke Our masters also of that time I know not what they do now defined an hereticke to be he which either in fact or opinion doth contrarie to the doctrine of the church So it was very easie to convince Popes of heresie for although they maintained no opinions contrarie to the doctrine of the Catholicke Romane faith yet no doubt they did many things reprehensible by that doctrine and that sufficed straight to make them heretickes You have heretofore understood the controversie betwixt the Pope the Counsell Monstrel lib. 2. cap. 231 237. lib. 3. cap. 5. 103. 112. and how the Counsels favorers partakers have often beaten down the Popes hornes and cut his combe Now will I recite how that the Pope got a good revenge once It was in the yeare 1437 when Pope Eugenius the fourth held the Romane seat At that time a Counsell was kept at Basil by which amongst other things it was decreed That Eugenius should loose his Popedome in his place should come Ame de Savoy called Pope Foelix who a little before had resigned to his son Lewis his dutchie lands and seignories to become an hermite at Ripaille a solitarie place in Chablais This Pope beeing chosen Eugenius begun straight to cause very rigorous bulls to be published against him and anathematized him if hee continued to call himselfe Pope Foelix the new Pope stood stiffe and all the Counsell for him which was translated from Basil into the towne of Geneva where this Pope held Pope Foelix sate at Geneva his seat and from thence dispatched as forcible bulls against Eugenius made no account of his anathematizations but hoped well that hee should remaine master and head of the Church at the least on this side the mounts if once he could place his seat at Avignon as other Popes had done But because he placed his seat at Geneva the king of Fraunce would not depart from the obedience of Eugenius Pope of Rome although he something enclined to the Counsell of Basil and approved the resolutions made there Moreover he did so much that in the end hee agreed Pope Foelix with Pope Nicholas successor of Eugenius in the year 1447 And Pope Foelix contented himselfe to be the Popes perpetuall vicar in Savoy after hee had enjoyed tenne yeares the Popedome having alwayes his seat at Geneva as well of Pope as of the Popes great perpetuall vicar And after this concord made Foelix acknowledged Pope Nicholas for true Pope as also did all they which had elected Foelix remained with him at Geneva Therfore from that time forward was there Felix sate Pope at Geneva no Pope at Geneva neither would they of Geneva receive any into their citie again as I heare And for as much as the Pragmaticke sanction which were certaine articles touching the matter of benefices which were resolved upon in the said Counsell greatly diminished the Popes revenues and the Bullists and Datances at Rome the Pope never ceased till he had abolished it in Fraunce by the meanes of a bishop of Arras a great favourite of the kings whome the Pope made cardinall giving him a red hat in recompence of his paines So from that time was abolished the said Pragmaticke which had endured and was after a sort observed kept in France for the space of thirtie yeares to the great discontentment of the nobles and of such as were rich who could not so easily and fitly whilest the Pragmaticke lasted abuse the Pops bulls and indulgences as they did before and since True it is that whilest the Pragmaticke was in force which favoured learned men the noble and rich men by quirkes and litigious contentions of law so troubled the poore graduates that they were commonly repelled from the fattest benefices for officers of justice have commonly more respect to the money of the rich than to the learning of the poore and they found it an unseemely thing to give to some poore master of art or to some bachelour or doctor in Theologie an abbey or bishoptick of ten or twentie thousand pound a yeare They thought such fat and pleasant morsels were not for men of base qualities which had not used to keepe abbots and bishops tables in Sorbonne or other colledges Therefore that rule of equitie which wils that poore base men should not soare mount so high as they might become too rich and so destroy and corrupt themselves caused our master of the parliament still to drive away all poore masters of Art bachelours doctors and licentiates in Theologie and in the decrees from great and fat benefices notwithstanding the Pragmatick sanction but they maintained them to enjoy cures chappels monachall portions and other little prebends of small revenue And surely this equitie of the courts of parliament was great and admirable For they considered that there is nothing that corrupteth more vertuous men nor that sooner causeth them to be idle given to voluptuousnesse and other vices than the great abundance of goods and riches and that there is nothing more proud than a base proud man which suddainly ascendeth into some great degree of honour and riches And therefore esteemed they that it was more expedient to give the good and rich benefices to noble and rich people than to this poore and base masters of art and doctors Sorbonnists and Decretists for these would but have been corrupted and made proud thereby and the noble and rich men could not have been more corrupted neither prouder than they were alreadie But finally the Pragmaticke having been after a sort practised and used by the space of thirtie yeares it was quashed and abolished by king Charles the seventh And a certaine time after Pope Pius the second who in poesie had before beene another Ronsard and was called also Aeneas Silvius utterly condemned to all reproch that poore pragmaticke sanction
namely to bee publickely trailed and drawne through the streets of the towne of Rome in token and signe of irrision ignominie and infamie thereof and of the Counsell that made it which so durst fasten himselfe unto the Popes sanctitie After sentence was pronounced this poore Pragmaticke was ignominiously drawne through the towne of Rome And there might you have seene all the Dotaries Bullists Copists and Notaries about the court of Rome leape daunce laugh gibe and mocke at this poore Pragmaticke in revenge of the losses and domages which they had by it sustained And heerein truly the Counsell received a great checke which made it well appeare to the Pope That hee was greater master than the Counsell whatsoever our masters Occham Gingencourt Gerson have said written maintained to the contrary whatsoever all the facultie of Theologie have resolved that the Counsell is greater than the Pope The Pope not onely sayth he is greater than the Counsell but also than all the kings and emperours of the world as is prooved by many of the Popes Cannons and Decretals and therefore upon this point it is not amisse to rehearse the storie of Pope Innocent the third and of an emperour of Constantinople which raigned about the yeare 1200. This Pope had written certaine letters unto that emperour whereby he rebuked and spoke to him as to his varlet The emperour made him a modest answere sending him word That hee was much abashed that hee should write unto him in so loftie and imperious a stile and that therein hee observed not the commandement of Saint Peter his predecessor who wils and enjoynes all persons to obey and be subject unto the king as to the most excellent and unto magistrates under him his deputies concluding by this place That the Pope ought to acknowledge himselfe to be subject unto the emperour and not so bravely to speake to him as to his inferiour But Pope Innocent failed not to frame him this answere Thy imperiall sublimitie marvelleth that wee durst rebuke thee because thou hast read in S. Peter prince of the Apostles That every man ought to be subject unto the king as to the most excellent and to magistrates by him established But thou hast not well considered the person of him that speaketh For the Apostle writeth to his subjects That in all humilitie they will yeeld him obedience and when he sayth To the king as the most excellent it must be understood of the temporaltie for without doubt the Pope in spirituall things is the more excellent and is so much the more to be preferred before kings and emperours as the soule is to be preferred before the bodie And if thou haddest read that which is written of the sacerdotall and priestly prerogative thou mightest better have knowne this for it is written Behold I have appointed thee over nations and kingdomes that thou mayest root out dissipate build and plant Thou oughtest also further to know That God hath placed in the firmament of Heaven two great lights the Sunne to lighten the day and the Moone to lighten the night Likewise for the firmament of Heaven that is for the universall Church God hath made two lights that is to say two powers namely the Papall which lighteneth the day and that is spirituall things and the Royall or imperiall which lighteneth the night that is to say terrene and earthly things If then thy imperiall greatnesse did well understand these things thou shouldest know as great difference to bee betwixt us and thee as is betwixt the Sunne and the Moone and that kings and emperours are subject under the Pope as the Moone is under the Sunne Behold in summe Pope Innocents answere unto the emperour of Constantinople which containeth a profound Theologicall exposition to make flies laugh About this time there were also erected and set up in the Church two strong pillars of the Papall power and doctrine namely the orders of the begging Friers and the Decretals For the last point which we will touch of the Popes power shall bee that which the learned Poet George Buchanan saith who speaking of this matter toucheth the white for he saith That the ancient governours of Rome which were kings consuls and emperours have subjugated and vanquished both earth and sea but that this was nothing or small in regard of the moderne dominators of Rome which are the Romane bishops For the first bishops of Rome as S. Peter S. Clement and certaine others by their good and holy life gained heaven and paradice which is alreadie more than the earth and the sea which the old Romanes conquered But what have the last bishops done as Pope Gregorie the seventh Boniface the eight Silvester the second Iulius the second Iohn the two and twentieth Alexander the sixt the father of Caesar Borgia above mentioned and other Popes their like they have done more than their predecessor bishops or the ancient kings emperours or consuls of Rome for they have valiantly conquered hell saith Buchanan and have Popes have conquered hell made themselves masters and peaceable possessors thereof notwithstanding all the forces and resistance of Pluto and all his sequell which would not suffer that Popes should dominier in hell but would only receive them as his vassales But the chance hath happened contrarie for the Pope is at this day and hath beene long time a peaceable dominator and lord of hell and Pluto is no more but his vassale and the simple executioner of his commandements and as it were the gaoler of the Popes prisons insomuch as when at this day the Pope dispatcheth buls of pardons or croisadoes as did Pope Leo the tenth in his time he commandeth the angels of paradice to go seeke the soules of prisoners in hel after once their ransome be paid Pluto and his officers to open their gates and set them at libertie without contradiction upon paine to loose their charges and estates And thinke you that Pluto durst disobey one only word of the Pope his soveraigne It is very certaine that he durst not once grunt nor contradict him in any thing but all he can possible maintaine his amitie and to doe him all the services he can Here is the substance of that which Buchanan speaketh of the Popes power in these verses In alder time with yron sharpe and by their navall warre Old Rome subdued sea and land though nigh it were or farre But after that the Romane bishops soar'd to heaven on hie By knowledge bountie patience eke and their humilitie No more remaines to their succeeding Popes but only hell Whereof possessors are they sure they have it conquered well 8. Maxime A prince neede not care to bee accounted cruell if so bee that hee can make himselfe bee obeyed thereby Caesar Borgia saith Messier Nicholas was reputed cruell yet by his crueltie hee brought into order and into his obedience the Cap. 17 of the Prince whole countrie of Romania Wherefore the prince neede take no
fire therein thinking to burne him is also worthie of double death Fourthly every subject making alliance with the mortall enemies of the king the kingdome is also worthie of death Fiftly every subject which fraudulently setteth dissention betwixt the king and the queene making the queene understand that the king hateth her and counselling her to goe out of the realme she and her children offering safely to conduct her out is worthie of the like death as above Sixtly every subject that giveth the Pope to understand false things as to make him understand that his king and lord is not worthie to hold the crowne nor his children after him is worthy of like death Seventhly the tyrant that hindereth the union of the church and the deliberations of the Cleargie for the utilitie of the holy mother Church ought to be punished as an hereticke and schismaticke and meriteth that the earth should open and swallowe him as Dathan Core and Abiron Eightly the subject which by empoysonments and viands seekes to cause the king or his children to die is worthie of the aforesaid death The last is that every subject which with souldiers causeth the people and countrey of his soveraigne to bee eaten up and exiled and which taketh and distributeth his money at his pleasure and makes it serve his turne to procure alliances with his lords enemies ought to be punished as a very tyrant with the first and second death And here I make an end of my Maior of the justification of Monsieur the duke of Bourgoigne But I come now to declare my Minor wherin I have shewed That Lewis late duke of Orleance was so much embraced with ladie Covetousnesse of the honours and riches of this world that hee would have taken away the seignorie and crowne of Fraunce from the king his brother and his children by temptation of the enemie of hell using the aforesaid meanes for he found an Apostata monke expert in the divellish art unto whom he gave a ring and a sword to consecrate them to the divell This monke went into a solitarie place behind a bush where he put off all his garments to his shirt and fell on his knees so invocating devils Straight there appeared two devils apparelled in darke greene whereof the one was called Hernias and the other Estramain Then this monke did unto them as great reverence honour as he could doe to God our Saviour and one of the devils tooke the ring and the other the sword and after vanished away the monke went away also Hee returned into that place againe and there found the ring having a red colour and the sword wherewith he thought to have slaine the king but by the helpe of God and of the most excellent ladies of Berry and Bourgoigne the king escaped Also the said duke of Orleance made an alliance and confederation with the duke of Lancaster who in like manner warred against king Richard of England his lord as is abovesaid Item He went about to have carried away the queene and her children which hee meant to have carried into the countie of Luxembrough to take his will of her which the queene would not agree to Item Hee practised to make Monseignior le Daulphin eat an impoysoned apple which was given to a child who was charged to give it to none but to the said Daulphin but it so happened that the child gave it to one of the sonnes of the said duke of Orleance who diâ—d thereof Item The said duke hath alwayes favoured the Pope in the extraction of money out of the kingdome to obtaine of him a declaration against the king and his generation of inhabilitie to hold the kingdome and to give it unto him Item He hath held armed men in the fields by the space of 14 or 15 yeares which did nothing but pill exile rob ransack and sley the poore people and force women and maids Item He laid tallages upon the kings subjects and emploied the silver in making alliances with our enemies to come to the crowne and besides hee hath committed many great crimes which my said Monseignior le Bourgoigne reserveth to declare in time and place It followeth then by good consequence that my said lord of Bourgoigne Conclusion ought not to be blamed for sleying the said duke of Orleance and that the king should like that deed well and to authorize the same as much as were needfull And besides he ought to be rewarded in three especiall things that is in Love Honour and Riches as were S. Michaell the archangell and the most valiant Phineas that is to say as I thinke in my grosse and rude understanding That the king our lord ought more than before to beare amitie loyaltie and good reputation to my said lord of Bourgoigne and to cause to be published letters patents through all the realme God graunt it may bee so who bee blessed world without end Amen Here is in substance the Oration of that venerable doctor in Theologie unto which I have not added one word onely I have shortened certaine long and reiterated allegations whereby might be seene the beastlinesse of this our master a man hired to justifie one of the most execrable murders that ever was committed Very notable is the rhethoricke and art of this venerable doctors Oration which in the Exordium or beginning to obtaine benevolence confesseth that he is an ignorant man without sence or memorie And to make a reason why hee hath enterprised to be in these causes advocate he saith it is for a pension which the duke of Burgoigne gave him towards his living After for proofe of his Maior he alleadgeth places of Scripture so evill applied as children at this day will discover his follie And for notable authors he alledgeth a sort of sottish scholasticall sophisters of Theologie as Alexander de Hales Salceber Mivile and other like His Correlatives and his Minor are the false imputations wherewith the duke of Bourgoigne charged the duke of Orleance Moreover this Oration was reviewed by the masters of the facultie of Sorbonne with the bishop of Paris and the Inquisitor of faith and there were condemned for heresies these propositions following Every tyrant may be slaine by his vassale and subject without commandement of justice Secondly S. Michael slew Lucifer without Gods commandement Thirdly Phineas killed Zambry without the commandement of God Fourthly Moses slew the Egyptian without the commandement of God Fifthly Iudith sinned not in flattering Holofernes nor Iohn in lying that he would honour Baal Sixtly it is not alwaies perjurie when a man dooth that which he hath sworne not to doe Which articles having been declared hereticall they were condemned to be burnt publickely as also M. Iohn Petits bones who had maintained them for he was at this judgement dead and buried at Hesdin and the said articles were executed and put into the fire but not the doctors bones for they could not be gotten because the duke of Bourgoigne then
by Machiavell which maintaineth his subjects in division and partialitie and which seekes to sley all them which love the commonweale and which desire a good reformation a good policie in the commonweale There are also other tokens and markes whereby to know a tyrant as them which wee have before alledged out of doctor Bartolus and them also which hystoriographers have marked to have been in Tarquin the proud For they say when he changed his just and royall domination Dioni Halic lib. 4. into a tyrannicall government he became a contemner and a despiser of al his subjects as well the meane people as the nobilitie and Patritians he brought a confusion and a corruption into justice he tooke a greater number of waiting servants into his guard than his predecessors had he tooke away the authoritie from the assembly of the Senate which it alwaies before had moreover hee dispatched criminall and civile causes after his fancie and not according to right hee cruelly punished such as complained of that change of estate as conspirators against him he caused many great and notable persons to die secretly without any forme of justice hee imposed tributes upon the people against the auncient forme and regalitie to the impoverishing and oppression of some more than of others hee had also spies to discover what was said of him and afterward punished rigorously such as had blamed either him or his government These be the colours wherewith the hystories do paint Tarquin when of a king he became a tyrant and these are ordinarily the colours and liverie of all tyrants banners whereby they may be knowne It seemeth that Tarquin forgot nothing of all that a tyrant could doe but that he slew not Brutus which was a fault in the art of tyrannie as learnedly Machiavell noteth it which fell to bee his ruin But the cause hereof was that Brutus in the court counterfeted the foole wherby Tarquin had no suspition of him For none but wise men and good people are suspect and greevous to tyrants but as for counterfeting fooles unthrifts flatterers bauds murderers inventors of imposts and such like dregs and vermine of the people they are best welcome into tyrants courts yet even amongst them are not tyrants alwaies without danger for amongst such fooles sometimes happeneth a Brutus who at last will plat out their ends so that ever their lives hangs by a small thred as Denis the tyrant sayth But the example of Hieronimus another tyrant of Sicilie is to this purpose well to be noted This Hieronimus was the sonne of a good and wise king called Hiero whom also they well called tyrant because he came not to that estate by a legitimate title although he exercised it sincerely and in good justice who when he died left this Hieronimus his sonne very young and under age For the government therefore of him and of his affaires he gave him fifteene tutors and amongst them Andronodorus and Zoilus his sonnes in law and one Thraso which he charged to maintaine the countrey of Sicilie in peace as he himselfe had done by the space of fiftie yeares of his raigne but especially that they should maintaine the treatie and confederation which he had all the length of his time duly observed with the Romanes The said tutors promised to performe his request and to change nothing in the estate but altogether to follow his footsteps Straight after Hiero was dead Andronodorus being angry because of so many tutors caused the king who was then but 15 yeares old to be proclaimed of sufficient age to bee dismissed of tutors and so dispatched himselfe as well as others of that dutifull care they ought to have had of their king and countrey After he got to himselfe alone the government of the kingdome and to make himselfe to bee feared under the kings authoritie hee tooke to him a great number of waiters for his guard and to weare purple garments and a diademe upon his head and to goe in a coach drawne with white horses altogether after the manner of Denis the tyrant and contrary to the use of Hieronimus yet was not this the worst for besides all this Adronodorus caused the yong king his brother in law to bee instructed in pride and arrogancie to contemne every man to give audience to no man to bee quarelous and to take advantage at words of hard accesse given to all new fashions of effeminacie and riotousnesse and to bee unmeasurable cruell thirstie after bloud After Andronodorus had thus framed to his minde this yong king a conspiration was made against him unto which Andronodorus was consenting to dispatch and sley him but it was discovered but yet executed which A conjuration discovered yet executed was strange For one Theodorus was accused and confessed himselfe to bee one of the conspiracie but being tortured and racked to confesse his complices and parteners in that conspiracie knowing he must needs die and by that meanes desiring to be revenged of that yong tyrant he accused the most faithfull and trustiest servants of the king This young tyrant rash inconsiderat straight put to death his friends and principal servants by the counsell of Andronodorus who desired nothing more because they hindered his deseignes This execution performed incontinent this yong tyrant was massacred and slain upon a straight way by the conspirators themselves which before had made the conjuration the execution whereof was the more easie by the discoverie thereof because as is said the tyrants most faithfull friends and servants were slaine Soone after the tyrants death Andronodorus obtained the fortresse of Siracuse a towne of Sicilie but the tumults and stirres which he raised in the countrey as he thought for his owne profit fell out so contrarie to his expectation that finally he his wife and all their race and the race of Hieronimus were extermined as well such as were innocent as they that were culpable And so doth it ordinarily happen to all young princes which by corruption are degenerated into tyrants So fals it out also to all them which are corrupters of princes to draw them into habits of all wickednesse Lastly here would not bee omitted altogether this wickednesse of Machiavell who confounding good and evill together yeeldeth the title of Vertuous unto a tyrant Is not this as much as to call darkenesse full lightsome and bright vice good and honourable and ignorance learned But it pleaseth this wicked man thus to say to plucke out of the hearts of men all hatred horror and indignation which they might have against tyrannie and to cause princes to esteeme tyrannie good honorable and desirable 16. Maxime A Prince may as well be hated for his vertue as for his vice THe emperour Pertinax saith Machiavell vvas elected emperor Cap. 19. Of the prince against the vvils of his men of vvarre vvhich before had customably lived licentiously in all vices and dissolutenesse under the emperour Commodus his predecessor
there is like to be so little helpe therein as it vvill rather advance his ruine IT should bee best and more expedient for a prince to prevent all his subjects with good and courteous dealings than to attend till hee see himselfe constrained to diminish his rigour and as the common proverbe saith to bend or breake Notwithstanding the counsell here given by Machiavell is altogether wicked and cannot but bring into ruin a prince and his estate for in summe his counsell is To hold hard against his subjects nothing to abate his rigour nor to use any kindnesse or graciousnesse then and when he sees himselfe to doe it constrained and pressed thereunto If a prince then will stand stiffe alwayes rigorously to handle his subjects and to oppresse them The rigour of a prince is the cause of deniall of obedience without abating any thing thereof although he heare of their grievances and complaints and that hee see them prepared to rebellion and to denie their obedience what other thing can there follow but the entire ruine of him and his estate For wherein consisteth the estate of a prince but that his subjects agree together for to yeeld him obedience If then by his obstinate rigour and evill dealing hee so doe as he brings his subjects into that necessitie to denie him obedience will not that be the ruine of him and his estate There is no man of good judgement but he knows this Therefore said the poet Sophocles Even as hard steele in fire we see In pieces breake most easilie So minds too hard and fierce which bee Most oft with fall on ground doth lie Wherefore this precept whereby Machiavell would make a prince stiffe and inflexible against his subjects can bring to him but his owne ruine as it happened to Roboam the king who when his people humbly desired an ease and mitigation of their tributes he obstinately and proudly denied them For this king following such counsell as Machiavell giveth here made answere to his subjects that so much there wanted that he had any intent to abate any thing of his former dealing with them that contrarie he determined to augment rather his rigour towards them And for this cause did the greatest part of his kingdome cut themselves from his rule and obedience And to say that the people are unthankfull to their prince for benefits accorded Constrained graunts are not without profit as it were by constraint this is false and experience shewes us the contrarie For the people is not so speculative that they will cause to seeke out and examine the impulsive cause which moved the prince to commit or ordain any thing but holds themselves contented with the good and profit which redounds to them by that ordinance and the enjoying of the good they receive bringeth unto them such a pleasure and contentment as it moves them to thanke their prince for that good and to praise and blesse him yea to pray unto God for his conservation and prosperitie In all the peace that was made in Fraunce since the civile warres there hath alwayes been seene an experience thereof For a man may well say that the king accorded peace to the Protestants as it were by constraint which indeede is contained in the edicts of peace for the king himselfe so declared it in other edicts which hee made when the warre was renued as he declared by an edict in the yeare 1568 wherein hee saith That hee had alwayes had in his heart to abolish the religion of the said Protestants and the cause of his before suffering it had been as by constraint and to accommodate himselfe to the time The Courtiers also have alwayes called it the Suffered Religion and the Catholicke Romane the authorised Religion Although then that those goodly edicts of peace were accorded by the king against his heart yet ceased not the people to be thankfull unto the king yea to praise and exalt him as a lover of the good and repose of his poore people and to blesse and praise God for him both publickely and privately But put the case that were true which Machiavell saith That the subjects of a prince cannot be thankfull for a benefit accorded by constraint it followeth not therefore that such a benefit and a better handling must needs be unprofitable and without fruit For certaine it is that alwaies this will make cease the complaints of the people and cause them to desist from all rebellions and whatsoever enterprises are intended machinated against him Titus Livius sheweth us by many examples this to have many times happened at Rome where the commons entered into seditions and rebellions against the Patricij and such as were great men in authoritie but they were appeased incontinent as soone as the great men graunted that which they desired And yet wee find not that the great Patricians and nobles of Rome did almost at any time accord unto the commons but as constrained and against their wills There was amongst them men of as good wits and judgement as Machiavell such as Coriolanus Appius Caeso Fabius and other like which cried that they must not accord to common people under the pretext of their seditions and rebellions what they demand because it is an evill example and as it were to give occasion to the people ever to rebell and be seditious causing their faults to turne to their profit but notwithstanding all these reasons the most part of their wise Senators found it more expedient to bow and give place to the tumultuous people than to resist them There hath beene many times seene in Fraunce rebellions and stirres of the people for new imposts which straight were stayed by taking them away And indeed naturall reason sheweth well that it ought so to be For in all things of what sort soever they bee as soone as the cause is taken away men also take away the effect thereof Moreover I will not denie but this is of very evill consequence that a profit should come of a rebellion and sedition but upon this point it is worth noting that seldome or never people arise without some great just and urgent occasion therefore if the prince have not done his dutie to cut off that occasion before but that thereby there arise rebellion sedition he may not find it strange nor evill to remedie it rather late than never and so to purge his negligence A prince in stead to harden his heart against his subjects as Machiavell teacheth shall doe better not to bee so obstinate but to plie and bow his courage when the good of the commonweale and his owne requireth it following the admonition which that wise knight Phenix gave to the prince Achilles his disciple Appease thy selfe Achilles strong thy hardened heart abate A mortall man it not becomes implacable to bee Hom. Iliad 9. Though power most and honour eke on gods attend and wait To prayers of us mortall men yet yeeld they we
After that the emperour Nerva was chosen emperour hee entred into the Senate Dion in Nerva when it was assembled and after hee made them understand how kindlie and temperatelie hee meant to behave himselfe in the government of the empire hee added for a conclusion an oath and promise That never by his ordinance and command hee would put to death any Senator A thing which greatlie pleased all the companie and especiallie because that cruell emperour Domitian his predecessor whom hee succeeded had caused a great number to die yea for frivolous and trifling causes What followed It happened that certaine Senators conspired against that good emperour and that the conspiration was discovered but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators and that hee had given to them all his Faith and oath that hee would cause none of them to dye loved better to observe his Faith and oath than to punish with death those Senators which had well merited it What will our Machiavellists say heere which most cruelly put to death massacre against publik Faith even such as no way have deserved any punishment But it is time to leave those ancient Romane examples for wee should never Beliay lib 1. Of his memories have done to rehearse them all now let us come to domesticall examples In the yeere 1508 king Lewis the twelfth who then held the dutchie of Millan made a league at Cambray with the emperour Maximilian and pope Iulius the eleventh to expulse at their common charge and expences the Venetians out of the firme land as usurpers of that they held upon the empire upon the Church and upon the dutchie of Millan And it was accorded that in the yeere following at a convenient and good time every one of the said three princes shoule appeare upon the place with his army and every man should have that yeelded unto him that was his owne after they had conquered the said countries which the Venetians held The king according to this accord came himselfe in person with his army and many great princes and French lords but the emperour and the pope failed Yet the king feeling himselfe strong enough alone gave battaile to the Venetians and got the victorie insomuch as their chiefetaines were taken and 2000 slaine and almost all the townes which the Venetians had on firme land yeelded to him What then did this good king although the other two held not their Faiths unto him and that having then the dutchie of Millan hee alone might easily have kept all that he had conquered yet notwithstanding hee voluntarilie yeelded to the emperour Verone Vicence Padua and otherplaces belonging to the empire and to the Pope Rimini Faence Cervia Ravenna and other church townes Heereby this good king shewing in what great recommendation hee had the observation of his Faith and to maintaine whole and perfect his promise For if with excuses hee would have dealt deceitfully to have broken his Faith as Machiavell saith hee ought to have done had hee not a faire pretext to say that others had not held promise with him might hee not have the said that hee was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his owne charges by the traict of their league Might hee not well have beaten the Pope with his owne Cannons alledging as before Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But he was a plaine man without guile and sincere hee sought no evasions or refuges but an upright observer of his Faith and promise yet Machiavell reprehends him because hee used not deceits and tromperyes as the popes Alexander Iulius did The memorie is yet fresh of the great warres which the emperour Charles the fifth and Francis the first king of France had together as also how they objected Bellay lib. 8. Of his memories one to another the observation of Faith in their publike escripts and writings yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another experience manifested the truth in the yeere 5539 when the emperour under the word of the king passed through France to goe from Spaine into Flanders where the people of Gant were risen up against him for in that passage the emperour shewed well that hee beleeved the king was a prince who would keep his Faith unviolated when he trusted his owne person under it notwithstanding all the warres enmities hostilities and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two and were not yet extinguished And certaine it is that if the emperour who was a wise prince had had the least doubt in the world of the kings Faith and loyaltie hee would never have put himselfe in his hands and especially for so small an occasion as in hast to goe build a citadell in the towne of Gant insomuch as his fact contradicteth his mouth and word For before hee had many times given an intimation to the king not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith but as by his own fact he shewed that he beleeved the contrary of that hee had said so found hee by experience that the king was the part hee plaied with the king of Armenia succeeded not alike unto him which king he sent for to come unto him being then nigh his country making him to understand that hee would agree him with his children with which then the king had some dissention For as soone as hee came to him hee caused him to be taken prisoner and to bee bound and to bee cast into a straight prison as hee had done with Augarus But the Armenians having discovered this perfidie and disloyaltie rose up in armes and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla Hee also played another part of treacherie under the pretext and shew of marriage with the king of the Parthians Artabanus For hee writ letters unto him whereby hee signified unto him that the empire of the Romanes and that of the Parthians were the two greatest empires of the world and that hee beeing the sonne of a Romane emperour could not find a partie more sociable unto him for a wife than the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians he therefore praied him to give her to him in marriage to the end to allie and joyne together the greatest empires of the earth as thereby also to impose an end to their warres This king at the first denyed him his daughter saying that such a marriage was very unfit because of the diversitie of their tongues manners and habits as also for that the Romanes never heeretofore allied or married with the Parthians But upon this refuse Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before and sent to Artabanus great gifts so that in the end hee gave to him his daughter Whereupon Caracalla assuring himselfe that hee should finde noe hostilitie in the Parthian countrie entred bouldly farre into the countrie with his armie making men understand wheresoever hee passed that hee went but for to see and make love to the kings daughter
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
dead man makes no warre But if a man reply upon them that a dead man yet may because of warre although he can make no warre what would they answere Dare they denie so apparent a thing as we see with our eyes and whereof hystories furnish us with infinit examples Lewis duke of Orleance king Charles the sixt his brother after the duke Iohn of Bourgoigne had caused him to be slaine made no warre indeed but yet was the cause of a civile warre in Fraunce which endured more than sixtie yeares Pompeius after he was slaine made no more warre but his death was the cause of a great and long civile warre in the Romane empire The violating and Iudges 19 20. death of a Levites wife was it not the cause of a warre wherein there died more than sixtie thousand men They which were slaine at Vassi Anno 1562 drew not they on a civile warre which endured too long They also which were slaine in Anno 1572 in the moneth of August by the great townes of Fraunce but especially Paris were not they cause of great warres It is therefore a foule and an inconsiderate saying to alledge that a dead man makes no warre thereupon to found their massacres and slaughters without considering the consequences thereof Hereupon is very memorable the speech that Geta the yong prince made to the emperour Severus his Spar. in Geta father Severus having vanquished Albinus and Niger his competitors to the empire begun to make a great slaughter of the greatest lords and gentlemen of Rome which had taken part with Albinus or Niger because they were of a more noble house than Severus As then day by day he was committing his slaughter he one day said unto Bassianus Geta his children as men spoke of that fact I shall by this meanes ease you of all your enemies Hereupon Geta his sonne demanded of him My lord and father them which you meane to put to death are they a great number Yea answered Severus and told him the number All they replied he have they neither parents allies nor friends Yea they have many said Severus You then said Geta will leave us more enemies than you take from us This wise speech of this young prince touched so well the heart of Severus although he was cruell that hee would needs cease from his slaughter but that Plautianus and other courtiers which attended the enriching of themselves by confiscations incited him to continue Let murderers then hold themselves assured that for one they have slaine they stirre up tenne enemies And yet is not this all for all the rest of their life they have soules and consciences tormented with the remembrance of such as they have most wickedly murdered and the shadowes and remembrances of them shall alwayes bee before their eyes as a feare and terror unto them O how the shadow of that great Admirall shall strangely torment these great enterprisers of massacres it will never leave them at rest but shall bee a burning flame which shall agast and fearefully accompanie them even to their sepulchres Let them then hearken unto the menace and threatening he makes in his tombe against them Although the soule from bodie mine cold death hath ravished Virgil Aene. lib. 4. Yet absent I will follow thee yea with a flame full blacke My shaddow alwaies shall appeare about thee as one dead Which shall revenge on thee my blood thou who no ill doest lacke I thought good by the way to touch what warre the dead makes or what cause of war they are to refute that saying of the Machiavellians That a dead man makes no warre Let us now come where we left Of subtilties which wee say ought not to bee practised in the government of the affaires of State and that thereby none may cover any perfidie When Anniball had gotten the battaile of Cannas against the Romanes hee toke a great number of prisoners and because he more loved money for their ransome than to hold them hee sent a certaine number of them to Rome to practise and worke their redemption but hee made them sweare and promise that they would returne to him and so did let them goe upon their Faith But one advised himselfe of a subtile device when hee came at Rome to returne no more yet none should say hee broke his Faith For having passed a good piece of his way towards Rome hee suddenly returned backe againe to Anniball fayning hee had forgotten something after againe followed his companions and so they all came to Rome But their affaires comming to bee debated in the Senate none would yeeld to redeeme the prisoners insomuch as they all which came to Rome for that purpose returned very sad to Anniballs campe except hee which returned by the way who with these came not to the campe but remained in his house thinking hee was well discharged of his Faith and othe But when the Senate heard tell of the fallacious and deceitfull returne of the said souldier so unworthy and unseemely for a Romane they commanded him to bee drawne out of his house and by force to bee led unto Anniball Heereby you may see then that no wise people of good judgement such as were the ancient Romanes can approve such subtile palliations and covertures of an infraction and breach of Faith such as Machiavell persuadeth to a prince A like deceit was in the king of France Phillip the sixt of that name for having Froisart lib. 1. cap. 10. made an oth as almost all his ancestors kings of France had done never to run over or attempt to besiege or take any thing belonging to the empire yet desiring the castle of Tin the Bishops nigh to Cambray which troubled him much caused his sonne the duke of Normandie as the chiefe generall of the armie to besiege it and himselfe went thither also as a simple souldier without any command at all By which subtiltie the king Phillip could not save his oth for hee that doth any thing by a mediator is as much as if hee had done it himselfe neither did the deceit succeede well unto him for both the duke of Normandie was constrained to raise his siege from before the castle and not long after the king lost the battaile at Cressy The emperour Valentinian in his time was cruell in his actions and dealings Amm. Marel lib. 28. and had many officers like himselfe Amongst other such there was a criminall judge called Maximus who as hee examined certaine criminall persons promised them if they would confesse the truth they should suffer no punishment either of sword or fire These poore accused persons as often men doe confessed things they had never perpretated trusting upon his Faith and promise But this wicked judge caused them to bee beaten downe and slaine with leaden hammers thinking by this cavillation to save his oth God would that for a recompence hee should after be hanged and strangled under the emperour Gratianus
Volsques practised in the campe towards the souldiers the same rigour and severity which hee did against the common people at Rome and cared not to bee beloved but onely sought to make himselfe to be feared This was the cause that his people of warre would not obey him but as constrained they executed their charge cowardly and negligently When hee commanded to march quickly and swiftly his souldiers would goe slowly and softly when hee came towards them to command them any thing they would not vouchsafe to regard him but fixed their eyes on the ground and as hee passed by cursed him Hee once went about to assemble them all in one place to have persuaded them to have performed their dueties in a battaile but in place being assembled they scattered themselves hither and thither When hee saw this manifest disobedience in lieu to correct his rigour which was cause thereof hee augmented and redoubled it by causing them to bee whipped with rods and by putting to death the captaines which dispersed themselves when they should have joyned together and at last he fell to decimer and to tythe all the rest of his army by lot putting to death one of each ten through his army Yet for all this hee did nothing of account or to his honour Returning after to Rome hee was accused by the tribunes of his great severitie and inclemencie and by not getting the love of his souldiers hee effected nothing but his dishonour and shame But fearing to bee condemned hee procured his owne death in his house and this evill hap accompanied with great opprobrie ignominie had not happened unto him if hee had beene of a gentle and good nature to have obtained love The Bountie Clemencie and Gentlenesse of a prince manifest themselves by many meanes towards his subjects as by good tractations and comforts farre from oppression by maintaining their liberties and franchises by making edicts equall ordinances and in observing and causing good justice to be observed But the pleasantest meane which most contenteth the subjects is when the princed dooth them this honour to communicate himselfe to them deales in publick affaries with them and demands their advises aids and meanes for subjects seeing themselves on the one side so much honoured of their prince as to be called into the participation of his counsell and seeing and understanding on the other side the urgencie of the publicke affaires and just reasons wherefore the prince demaundeth such a thing or such a thing it is certain that they will obey much more voluntarily than when they know nothing of his affaires and when they know not wherfore nor wherein mony should bee employed that is demanded This was seene and practised at the beginning in a parliament held at Tours of the generall States during the raigne of king Charles the eight Anno 1483 as M. Philip de Comines witnesseth for the poore people De Comines lib. 1. cap. 109 110. of Fraunce were before vexed and eaten up by the space of 20 yeares and more with great tallages and imposts and great civile warres which never comes without a great ruine yet notwithstanding seeing themselves so much honoured by their prince as by him to be convocated together with the States to understand publicke affaires and therein to give their aid and advice not onely the States accorded to their king the impost which he demaunded but also humbly besought his majestie that it would please him to assemble them againe within two yeares after and that if his said Majestie had not money ynough to dispatch his affaires they would at his pleasure furnish him and that if he had any warre or that any would offend him they would employ their persons and goods for his service and never would denie him any thing whereof hee had need Behold then how this soft and sweet manner of a princes actions to conferre of his affaires with his subjects makes him so obeied as by this meanes hee may sooner obtaine a great thing than by rigour a small thing And to this purpose he askes certaine questions with a good grace Might it Comines not bee accounted a farre more just thing both before God and the world by such force as this to levie money than upon a disordinate will For no prince cannot otherwise levie it but by tyrannie would priviledges to take it at their pleasure bee alledged against so good subjects which so liberally give that which is demaunded was such an assembly daungerous and treasonable according as some men of base condition and baser vertue say alledging that to congregate the States is to diminish the kings anthoritie and to commit treason but rather those commit treason towards God the king and the commonweale which hold estates and offices which they never merited neither serve they to any other thing but to whisper and tattle in princes eares things of small account and they feare nothing more than great assemblies that so they may not appeare and bee knowne as they are These words of Comines are very notable to be applied to our time Let us now come to the other effect of the Clemencie of a prince which concerneth the assurance of his estate Hereupon I thinke every man will confesse unto me A clement prince assured in his State that there is nothing that better assureth a prince in his estate than when hee hath no enemies But a debonaire and gentle prince shall never lightly procure enemies but rather daily friends because that vertue of Clemencie is of it selfe so amiable and attractive that they are alwayes loved which are endowed therewith And if sometimes enemies arise against a good and gentle prince as the envie and desire to have and to make themselves greater causeth ambitious and covetous men sometimes to enterprise upon such clement princes yet very hardly shall such enemies shake their estates or prevaile against them and especially if that prince with his Clemencie have about him a good Counsell For his vertues will procure him many friends of his neighbours and make his subjects voluntarie and obeisant insomuch as it shall be very easie for him to resist the enterprises of such as will invade set upon him We reade that the emperour Alexander Severus was very modest Lampri in Alex. Sever. soft clement and affable towards all his subjects wherewith Mammaea his mother was not content So that one day she said unto him that he had made his authoritie not regarded but contemptible by his Clemencie Yea but answered hee I have made my estate so much the longer and more assured And in truth he had in likelyhood lived longer time but she so ruled him that he got the evill will of his subjects and so did his sonne by the extreame avarice and arrogancie that was in her which caused the death of them both The same notable speech of Alexander is attributed to Theopompus king of Sparta who knowing that the puissance of a
employed not upon his owne pleasures and delights the silver which his covetousnesse had collected but bestowed it on good uses for the good of the commonwealth And certainly there is nothing that more troubles subjects which pay tributes than when they see that the prince spendeth evill the silver which is levied upon them which would alwaies more liberally furnish them with a crowne than they would do with a penny if they saw their money well bestowed Our king Lewis was herein something like Vespasian for he levied much mony upon his subjects yea triple so much as his predecessors had done but he spent it not in his pleasures and delights nor other dissolutenesse nor in practise of liberalitie upon unworthy people but upon good things about the affaires of the kingdome as to buy peace with his neighbors and to corrupt strangers which might serve therein or in other affaires Moreover he did not as the emperour Mauricius or as king Perseus which heaped up great treasures and then durst not touch it for as Comines saith he tooke all and spent all Princes then which levie money upon their people are something excusable when they employ them upon good uses and especially when they have that discretion to pill the pillors and to tansacke theeves and eaters of the poore people and Profusion cause of ruine in a prince Sueto in Calig cap. 37 38 40 41. spare other good subjects which are not of that sort But such as make great levies upon the people and doe bestow them evill they cannot bee any thing excused in their covetousnesse and prodigalitie The emperour Caius Caligula succeeding Tiberius found an inestimable treasure even 67 millions and 500000 crownes To calculate this unmeasurable summe after the proportion of 1240000 crownes which made 32 Mule loads as du Bellay saith which were sent to Fontarabie in the yeare 1529 for king Francis the firsts ransome it should be found that the 67 millions of Caligula should make about 1800 Mullet loads which is an huge and a most admirable treasure yet did this monster spend all this in lesse than a yeare But was this possible will you say that so great heapes should be laid out in so litle space Yea I say for this brainelesse foole caused houses to bee builded upon the sea yea and that should be onely where men said it was deepest So that there to make good foundations he was forced to cast in great heapes of stones as great as high mountaines and so much more as any thing was impossible so much rather loved hee to doe it Moreover he delighted to bring downe mountaines and rockes to equall them with flats and plaines so in plaines to erect mountaines this also must needs be done even the very day that he commaunded it upon paine of life He would also cause bathes to be made in waters of very precious sents he would make prodigall bankets wherein he would serve excellent pearles and other precious stones which he would cause to be liquified and dissolved as they might be drunke Again he caused ships to bee made of Liburnian Caedars whose sternes were all covered with pearles and within them were builded bathes galleries halls and orchards and there sitting amongst dauncers and players of instruments he caused himselfe to be caried in those ships about the coasts of Campania By these unmeasurable and monstrous expences he saw the end of that great treasure left by Tiberius in lesse than a yeare Hereof came it that wanting silver he converted himselfe to rapines and to lay great and new imposts upon his subjects yea tributes upon victuals upon processes upon labourers salaries upon harlots gaines upon players gaines and upon many such like things and so having againe gathered huge heapes of crownes upon a covetous pride to touch and handle money hee delighted to walke bare foot and to tumble upon it By this meanes and with crueltie and other vices he was hated of all the world and incontinent slaine And in truth he was inexcusable for inventing new and great imposts upon his people seeing hee so evill employed the money The emperour Nero likewise laid great imposts and levies of money upon his Sueto in Nero cap 27. 30 32. Dion in Nerone subjects and quashed and made void the Testaments of such as would not make him their heire As an ingrate person to his prince he by force took treasures out of temples and committed infinit other extortions But how expended he all this money In making sumptuous bankets as Caligula did in giving unmeasurable gifts to flatterers and bad people and upon other strange dissolutenesse He alwaies apparrelled himselfe with exceeding rich precious habites yet he never put on garment twice he played away great summes of money at once he fished alwaies with golden nets the cords whereof were knit with purple and scarlet he never went abroad with lesse than a thousand coaches or litters drawne with Mules whose shoes were all of silver all the Mulleters also were gallantly and costly apparrelled Sabina Poppea his wife caused the coaches wherein she rid to be drawne with cords and all other furniture for her mules of gold Whensoever shee went abroad there waited on her 500 shee Asses which gave milke and that milke was drawn out every day to make bathes for her to bathe in Breefely Nero made so great and riotous expences that no silver could suffice him insomuch as spoiling his provinces of their goods and riches by rapines and imposts and withall practising great cruelties for rapine and crueltie are alwaies companions he brought upon himselfe the hatred of all the world and came to a miserable end as we have above said The like happened to the emperour Vitellius who in a yeare spent in bankets without all measure nine millions of crownes Dion saith That in a vessell served at Dion in Vitel Sueto cap. 13. his table he had so many tongues braines and livers of certaine strange and exquisit fishes and birds as cost ten thousand crownes Suetonius sayth That his brother bestowed a supper upon him whereat was served two thousand exquisit fishes and seven thousand exquisit and precious birds besides all other services These so exorbitant and unreasonable expences drew him into covetousnesse rapine and crueltie which was the cause that he was massacred and slaine and raigned but a yeare and tenne daies Here might I adde to these the examples of Domitian Commodus Bassianus and many other Romane emperours which held of the two extremities of Liberalitie namely Covetousnesse and Prodigalitie using Covetousnesse and rapine to heape up silver and Profusion to spend them all which had the like end as Nero Caligula and Vitellius had But hereby is sufficiently shewed in those examples the contrarie of the Maxime which Machiavell saith is true and that a prince which is covetous and hard cannot prosper but especially when he naughtily bestoweth the treasures and money which he heapeth up Now there
came there was much beloved of the souldiors as well because he resembled his father Amilcar as for his militarie vertues Not many yeares after he was chosen captaine generall of the Carthaginian armie But as soone as he was setled in that estate he accomplished the prophesie of Hanno for hee lighted the great fire of the Punicke warres against the Romanes whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined All this proceeded but from the Partialitie which was at Carthage for as soone as the Hannonians reasoned one way the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrarie and they studied for nothing but that by the pluralitie of their voices their opinion might obtaine the upper hand without any care or consideration what opinion was the best And thus ordinarily happeneth it where there is any Partialitie For then men give themselves more to contradiction than to judge after an wholesome sentence and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient The Partialities of the houses of Orleance and Burgoigne in our grandfathers memorie were they not cause of infinit miseries and calamities wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore yeares and of the entier ruine of the Bourgonianne house Lewis duke of Orleance the alone brother of king Charles the sixt tooke for his devise Mitto Duke Iohn de Bourgoigne tooke for his Accipio challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king under colour that he was richer than hee This commencement of contrarie devices which they caused to paint in their banners of their launces and on their servants liverie coats erected a great Partialitie insomuch as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleance to bee slaine as hee did The children of the duke of Orleance because justice was not executed on their fathers massacre levied armes Duke Iohn also by armes resisted them insomuch as all the realme was partialized about the quarrell of these two great houses After duke Iohn was slaine at Monterean-fante-Yonne in a strange manner whereupon his sonne Philip willing to revenge himselfe sent for the Englishmen which he caused to passe through Fraunce and occupied at least the third part of the kingdome of France This duke Philip made peace with the king but he had a son Charles his successour who would never put trust in the king of Fraunce fearing himselfe because of the warres which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdome but would needs graple with king Lewis the eleventh This king who was too good for him raised him up so many enemies on all sides that the house of that duke came to ruine Behold the fruits of partialities which Machiavell recommendeth so much to a prince And hereupon should well be noted the saying of master Philip de Comines That Divisions and partialities are very easie to sowe and are a sure token of ruine and destruction in a countrey when they take root therein as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweales De Comines to prove his alledged saying setteth down other examples The Partialitie of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke in England whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought downe and the one house delivered to the other seven or eight battailes betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royall blood of England and an infinit number of people This here is no small thing but it is rather an example which should make us abhorre all Partialities Hee further saith That by the meanes of the said Partialitie betwixt these two houses many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England and amongst others that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster the cheefe of the league of that house and brother in law of king Edward the fourth who saved himselfe in Bourgoigne yet in so poore estate that hee went bare foot and without hose after the traine of duke Charles of Bourgoigne demaunding his almes from house to house Hee after reciteth the tragicall acts of the duke of Warwicke of the kings Edward and Henry of the prince of Wales of the dukes of Glocester and Somerset which are strange hystories that cannot be heard or read without great horror and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions In the time that Anniball made warre upon the Romanes there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. 7. Dec. 3. lib 4. 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero which bore great enmitie one towards another and of long time The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate which might turne to the domage of the publicke good admonished them both to be reconciled together Marcus Livius made answere That it was not needfull and that their enmities and Partialities should cause them with envie to seeke one to doe better than another but the Senate was not of that advice For they remembred that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus Caius Furius Marcus Posthumius and Cornelius Cossus the Romane armie had been vanquished and chased by the Veians because of the Partialities of the cheefetaines which could not accord in their counsels and deseignes but tended alwayes to contrarie ends The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius and Marcus Sergius But the most memorable and latest example which the Senate had before their eyes was the losse of the battaile at Cannes where the Romans lost fiftie thousand men which losse happened by the discord Partialitie of two cheefetaines Paulus Aemylius and Terentius Varro These examples mooved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls Livius and Nero to a reconciliation not beleeving that their Partialitie could serve them for any thing but evill to conduct the affaires of the commonweale insomuch as being constrained by the Senates authoritie they accorded and reconciled themselves together and very well acquited themselves in their charge and overthrew together a succour of fiftie thousand men which Asdruball conducted and brought over into Italie to Anniball his brother In this defeat also Asdruball himselfe was slaine and his head secretly carried and cast into Annibals campe who yet knew no newes of that journey When Anniball saw the head of his brother he then deplored his fortune and despaired of his affaires knowing that the Roman vertue would never bow nor stoope for either misfortune or calamitie The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero were the cause of a great good and utilitie to the commonwealth and remounted the affaires Concord very profitable to the common-wealth thereof into a great hope and abated the pride that Anniball had taken of the battaile at Cannes as also by the contrarie the Partialitie of Paulus Aemylius who was a wise captaine and of Terentius Varro who was very rash and headie was the cause that the Romane
there is no more comparison to be made betwixt their speeehes and our sermons than to compare a calfe to an asse Moreover if wee should come to a disputation to speake Latin were these Curates to be compared unto us the least novices in our covents shall alwaies say a lesson more sufficiently than these Curates if they will but learne it Finally all this lent passed in sermons and contersermons of the said Mendicants and Curats all which of the one part and the other sought to winne the peoples favour and devotion to enjoy the fruits revenewes of Cures After the Lent was passed they came to justice for the Mendicants pursued the reception and enrowling of their bulls entreating the court of Paris to admit and allow them whereupon the said Curates of Paris formed an opposition As the parties proceeded in their causes they respectively alledged by intendits replies duplications triplications the reasons and meanes touched before and farre more reasons which touched the quicke But the evill luck was for the Mendicants for upon the point of their good hope to obtaine the cause on their side Pope Alexander died Then the Curates beganne to oppose against them that the said bulls had no force nor vigour in them unlesse they were confirmed by Pope Iohn the foure and twentie of that name successor of the said Alexander The Mendicants much grieved heereat sought to obtaine a confirmation but could not For the Curates got before them insomuch as the poore Mendicants seeing themselves out of hope to obtaine the reception and enrowling of their said bulls resolved to leave the pursute thereof and the Iacobines first left the cause and the others consequently So that the Curates were maintained diffinitively in the possession and enjoyance of their cures and of the revenewes depending thereunto and the Mendicants were maintained in their possession and season of their beggery with expresse inhibitions accorded by the consent of the said Curates not to trouble nor molest them in any sort and each to beare his part of the law charges These Mendicants seeing themselves fixed fastened to their Povertie more than ever tooke it with the best patience they could possibly for so were they forced to do Yet notwithstanding some particulars amongst them which were the most angry had most credit did so much as they obtained for them provisions and reservations from the Pope of certaine cures and other benefices with dispensation to hould and possesse them notwithstanding their vow of Povertie The abovesaid Curates of France fearing the consequence made their complaints to king Charles the sixt then raigning The king by the advice of his Counsell made an ordinance in the yeere 1413 wherein hee much praiseth the rules of the Mendicants founders in that by them it is ordained that they ought to live in Povertie and Mendicitie without having any thing in common or in particular saying that such an ordinance is both salutarie and good And that Povertie is so annexed to the Monachall profession of Mendicants that the Pope himselfe cannot separate them which considered hee forbiddeth expreslie that none shall have regard to the said provisions obtained by any Mendicants upon cures or other benefices and if any bee in possession that hee bee taken out and they which are not yet received that none should receive them in And commanded all baylifes stewards and other officers of the realme not to suffer so pernitious yea so superstitious a thing to have place but rigorously to punish such as stand against this ordinance notwithstanding all bulls provisions and dispensations of the people to the contrarie So that by this the kings ordinance the Mendicants were more strongly tyed to the possession and enjoyance of their Povertie and beggerie as well in generall as particular this happened at the pursute of the said Curates their adversaries But yet a strange case it is that the passions and hatred of men should bee such as they have no end The said Mendicants were so farre from contentment at this ordinance that they bare great mallice to all Curates yea the one beheld the others with an evill eye and could not hould themselves from reciprocall detractions and evill speaches and from blazing on another in pulpits taxing the abuses and heresies one of another and describing one anothers marchandize When Pope Sixtus the fourth came to his papacie in the yeere 1472 the Mendicants became very proude because hee was a fryer minor and waxed insolent and audatious against Curates assuring themselves that the Pope would support them in all things The Curates then not beeing able to suffer the detractions skoulding and insolences of these Mendicants complained to the Pope who could doe no lesse than seeke to accord them For this effect hee deputed foure Cardinals that is the Cardinall of Hostia of Praeneste and of S. Peter ad Vincula and of S. Sixtus to heare the differences of the said Curates and Mendicants and in quietest manner to compound them The Cardinalls heard the parties in their alligations and did so much with them as they submitted themselves to their finall judgement After this to set a firme Cap. 2. De Treâ—ga pace in exâ—ra Articles of peace betwixt the Curats and the Mendicants and finall peace betwixt the said parties they pronounced for them an amiable sentence which was authorised by the Pope in Anno 1478 and containeth the Articles following That Curates from thence forward should no more say that the Mendicants were authors of heresies seeing that the Faith hath beene greatlie brought to light by them And likewise the Mendicants shall preach no more that parishoners are not bound to heare the parochiall Masse of their Curate on Sundaies and solemne feasts seeing that by the Cannons they are thereunto restrained and obliged Item that neither the one nor the other shall any more sollicit persons to chuse a sepulchre in their churches but shall leave it at the free election of every man Item that the said Mendicants shall preach no more that the parishioners are not bound to confesse themselves to their owne Curates at the least at Easter since that by right they are bound thereunto and that every good parishioner ought to make his Easter with his owne Curate without any thing derogating by that article from the priveledge which Mendicants have to heare confessions and to enjoyne pennance to confessed and repentants Item that the Mendicants in their actions of preaching of saying Mattins and ringing their Bells doe not enterprise upon the houres that Curates say their service unlesse it bee by the consent of the parties Item that the Mendicants shall no more turne away persons and parishioners from their parish Masses neither shall Curates take away the devotion of parishioners from the Mendicants but rather aide and succour them Behold in summe the articles of this peace and arbitrarie sentence betwixt the Mendicants and Curates which the Pope Sixtus greatly approved and
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of
his father made good profit of these excellent commands and maintained the kingdome in good peace and great prosperitie during his raigne For an end heereof I doe note in this good king Lewis That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us That the lust shall spring up and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation For there were more than three hundreth yeeres that the race of this good king held the crowne of France yea there was no more any other race of the blood royall but his For the house of Valois and the house of Burbon have issued from this good king God by his mercie graunt grace to princes of this time which are discended from so good a roote that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandements of this king whose meaning verily was not onely to prescribe to the said king Philip his sonne but generally to all his posteritie 36. Maxime Gentlemen which hould Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales THe Leages and Cantons of Almaigne saith Machiavell live very peaceably and at their ease because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equalitie amongst themselves and suffer no gentlemen in their country and those fevv they have they so hate them that vvhen by adventure any of them fall into their hands they put them to death and take none to mercie saying they are they vvhich destroy all and hould schooles of wickednesse I call saith hee them gentlemen vvhich live of their revenew without giving themselves to any trade These in a countrey are very dangerous and above all high Iusticers vvhich hould Castles and fortresses and which have a great number of vassailes and subiects which owe them faith and homage The kingdome of Naples the land of Rome Romaigne Lombardie are full of such manner of men and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politicke can bee constituted in those places for they are formall and capitall enemies of the civile estate of common-weales THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne and of Suises may well give Machiavell the lie for that he saith in this Maxime for in those countries may bee found many gentlemen great Iusticers having under them men jurisdictions and castles which were not onely maintained in their nobilitie and authoritie but also are there greatly respected and imployed in publike affaires And so much there wanteth that there they hould a schoole of wickednesse that contrary onely they hould the countries in peace every one in his owne countrey and doe see justice administred to their subjects I will not denie but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne in the countrey of Suisses in France and other where which are bad inough and which are violent and vitious yet for some few wee must not condemne all in generall as Machiavell doth heere who saith they bee dangerous people in a countrie and that they are enemies to an estate politicke I know not if those hee named bee such namely the gentlemen of Naples of Romania of Lumbardie and of Rome and I am content to confesse unto him because I will not contest and strive against him upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth But I deny unto him that on this side the mounts they are such but contrary wee see that it is onely the Nobilitie of France and other neighbour countries which authorize protect justice and which make it to bee obeyed Yet will I also confesse that the gentlemen on this side the mounts are very dangerous and great enemies unto such a politicke estate as Machiavell hath builded by his writings that is a Tyrannicall For hystories tell us that our ancestors especially the barons lords gentlemen have vigorouslie alwaies opposed themselves against tyrannies and would never suffer them long to grow up or take roote which is a naturall thing in the French Nobilitie good though evill for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies for by Gods grace they shall with much a doe take any deepe roote there 37. Maxime The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare THe kingdome of France saith Nicholas is a kingdome more living under lawes than any other whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers especially that of Paris And hitherto that kingdome is maintained because the Parliaments have alwaies beene obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobilitie without which the kingdome of France had come to ruine MAchiavell had done much better to have medled onely with the estate of Florence for hee shewes well his ignorance and that hee never knew the estate of France nor how it hath beene governed by our ancestors For I pray you where hath hee found this that the kingdome of France would dissolve and come to ruine but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobilitie Is not this as much to say as the French Nobilitie will ruinate the kingdome if it bee not brideled and held short by Parliaments and that it were better there were none I doubt not but that Machiavell thus though For wee see it by the practise of the Machiavellists which never shot at other marke than to ruinate in France all the Nobilitie the better to establish their tyrannie at ease without contradiction And for this effect have they cassed violated and overthrowne all the good lawes of the kingdome by the meanes of which it hath alwaies hitherto been maintained and Machiavell confesseth and said true which his disciples having well marked and desiring to ruinate the said kingdome have not fayled to beginne by the lawes thereof knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted Before Parliaments the kingdome was no lesse florishing in peace and good iustice than since that having ruinated her foundations she will be easily dissolved and overthrowne But to confute this Maxime I will alledge no other thing but that wee see in our French hystories That our kingdome was as much or more flourishing and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France than since For the Parliament of Paris which is the ancientest was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel Anno 1294. That of Tholouse during the raigne of Charles the seventh Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux in the time of the same king Anno 1451. That of Daulphin in the time also of the same king but by the authoritie of king Lewis the eleventh his sonne then Daulphin and then inhabiting in Dauphine in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh That of Rovan in the time of king Lewis the twelfth in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne was erected onely in the time of king Henry the second in Anno 1553 But before there was any
newes of all those Parliaments was not the kingdome large and flourishing rich in peace flourishing in warre None can deny this without giving the lie to all our hystories which doe witnesse that in the times of Clowis Charles Martell Charlemaigne Philip August S Lewis and of many other kings of France the kingdome greatly flourished in peace and warre Yet was there no newes of all the Parliaments abovenamed And so much there wanted that the gentlemen troubled or ruinated the estate of the kingdome when there was no Parliaments that by contrary they were they which exercised in person the estates of baylifes and seneshals and ministred justice to every man through the provinces and when they were constrained to goe out they appointed themselves a lieutenant to exercise their offices And as for appellations from their sentences they were discussed by a generall meeting of the deputies of provinces and good townes of the kingdome which congregated at a place assigned by the king once a yeere Which assembly men well called a Parliament in the ould French tongue But those assemblies were not formed offices neither in any thing are like the Parliaments at this present but rather are like the assembly of our Estates generall There did sit the deputies of the Short robe whereof the most part were gentlemeâ— which they called Lay men and the deputies of the Long robe which wee call clerkes although since councellors clerkes are onely called Clerkes Lay men they which be married with the Peeres of France when they would sit with them Therefore gentlemen were employed to doe justice to the people not onely in offices of baylifes and seneshals but also as delegates of townes and provinces to assist in the assembly of Parliament which otherwise men called the court of Peeres It is therefore seene that the saying of Machiavell is a meere slaunder and that the Nobilite of France is not such as he makes it although in all estates there be both good and evill and that of all times even before ther were any Parliaments the Nobilitie were employed to maintaine the kingdome in peace repose by their exercise of the charges offices of justice And would to God that yet at this day gentlemen would not give themselves so much to armes but that some of them would studie the civil law that they might exercise offices of Iustice The ancient Romanes made no lesse account of a civile vertue Many of this time despise letters and the noblenesse of vertue Salust in Catelin wherby a man knew how to maintaine peace justice in his country than of the military vertue whereby we are defended from strange oppression And indeede it is a small thing as Salust saith to bee puissant in armes without when within wee have no counsell For the Barbarians as the Scythians and Tartarians are greatwarriors against their enemies and neighbours yet amongst themselves they have no counsell no good policie no well governed justice no letters sciences nor schooles and in summe they are Barbarians though they bee warlike Whereby appeareth how much it serveth to the publike estate of a countrey to have within it a good justice and a good policie and fit and capable people well to manage it But our gentlemen at this day at the least many have letters and sciences in too great despight and doe thinke it doth derogate from their gentry and nobilitie if they know any thing and make a mocke at such as deale with a pen and inckhorne which is one of the greatest vices which at this day raigneth amongst the Nobilitie And if they delighted not in ignorance but would vouchsafe onely to reade hystories they should finde that Iulius Caesar Augustus Tiberius Claudius Adrian Marke Antonine Severus Macrinus and many other emperours were very learned in letters and sciences yea themselves writ bookes Wee reade also in our hystories that king Charlemaigne king Robert Charles le Sage and of recent memorie king Francis the first of that name were princes endewed with good knowledge for their times I say for their times for the time wherein were these ancient kings except the said king Francis were full of barbarousnesse and ignorance and farre from the learned world of the emperours which wee have before named I will also note another notable vice which runnes currant amongst gentlemen at this day which is That they make so great accompt of their Nobilitie of blood that they esteeme not the Nobilitie of vertue insomuch as it seemeth to some that no vices can dishonour or pollute the Nobilitie and gentry which they bring from their ancestors But they ought well to consider that to their race there was a beginning of Nobilitie which was attributed to the first that was noble in consideration of some vertue which was in him If then the Nobilitie and gentrie of race tooke his originall and spring from vertue it followeth that so soone as it houldeth no more of the said spring it is no more Nobilitie nor gentrie no more nor lesse than the water which commeth and springs from a neate and cleere fountaine when it polluteth and corrupts it selfe in filthie boggs carres fennes and miery sinkes shall bee called the fountaine water since it hath corrupted it selfe in filthie mire and clay but shall bee accounted corrupt and stinking water although it runne from a most pure and cleare spring We reade that the emperour Marke Antonine made so great account of the Nobilitie of vertue although hee himselfe was most noble and of an ancient race that in comparison of it hee made no estimate of Nobilitie of race therefore married hee his daughters to persons which were not of great ancient Nobilitie but to such as were wise and vertuous such as none were found like amongst the most illustrious races of Rome Maecenas also was a great lord in the time of Augustus Caesar issued of a royall race yet hee made no account of that Nobilitie of blood in comparison of that true Nobilitie which is of vertue Hee loved honoured praised and enriched learned men yea was very familiar with them and had them ordinarily at his table although otherwise they were of base race This his love and favour which he bore to learning was the cause that his name by them was immortalized and heereupon such as are liberall and love learned men are called Maecenates The Poet Horace greatly praiseth him because hee preferred the Nobilitie of vertue before that of race when hee saith Thou saist truâ— Macenas what matters it to thee Serm. lib. 1. Saâ—ir 6. On what 〈◊〉 is borne so that borne hee bee free Therefore gentlemen of 〈◊〉 ought not to despise such as by their vertue may bouldly say carry themselveâ—â—or Nobles 〈◊〉 â—ught to respect them and acknowledge in them the cause from whâ—nce their Nobilitie of blood tooke their originall commencement They also which are Noble not onely of race but also of vertue ought verily to be