to make others of the â—emples of the Idols which saint Gregory ordayned shuld â—e donne with casting holy water therin buylding altars â—nd placing relikes of saynts commaunding further that â—easts should be celebrated in the dayes of the dedication of â—he sayd Churches in the natiuity of the martyrs whose â—elykes should be kept there besyds that he appoynted saynt Augustin to be Metropolitan of England and sent him holy vessels and vestiments for altars and Priests and relyckes of the Apostels and martyrs and granted him the vse of the pal ad sola missarum solemnia agenda only for the celebration of solemne masses and further gaue him order to ordayne 12. Bishops vnder himself and to make another Metropolitan at Yorke who when those parts should be coÌ„uerted should haue as many vnder him and be himself after saynt Augustins dayes dependant only vpon the sea Apostolyk and receiue the Pal from the same furthermore saynt Augustin caused King Edelbert to buyld a Church from the ground in honour of the blessed Apostles S. Peter S. Paule and a monastery not farre from Canturbury whereof the first Abbot called Peter was of so holy a lyfe that after his death it was testified from heauen by a continual light that appeared ouer his tombe Also King Edelbert caused S. Paules Church to be buylt in London and another in Rochester dedicated to S. Andrew the Apostle Hereto may be added the exercise of the Popes autority not only in the dayes of King Edelbert but also after in the raygne of other Christian Kings vntil the tyme that saynt Bede ended his history Pope Boniface sent the Pal to Iustus fourth Archbishop of Canturbury after saynt Augustin Honorius the Pope sent also the Pal to Honorius that succeded Iustus and to Paulinus Archbishop of York ordayning at the request of King Edwin and his wyfe that the longer liuer of them should consecrate a successor to the orher that should dy first to excuse so long a Iourney as to Rome The two Kings Oswy and Egbert the one of Northumberland and the other of kent sent Wigard to Rome to be made Primat when both the seas of Canturbury and Yorke were vacant and Wigard dying there Pope Vitalianus made Theodore a grecian primat in his steede Wilfrid Byshop of Yorke being twys vniustly expelled from his Bishoprik appealed both tymes to Rome first to Pope Agatho and after to Pope Iohn and being cleared by their sentences was restored to his Bishoprik and heer I wil ad a woord or two concerning the exceeding great zeale and deuotion of the Saxon Kinges to the sea Apostolyke in those dayes King Oswy determined to goe to Rome in Pilgrimage and had donne it yf death had not preuented him King Ceadwald weÌ„t thether to be baptysed dyed there King Hun his successor after he had raygned 37. yeares weÌ„t thether also in Pilgrimage as many sayth saynt Bede in those dayes both of the layty and clergy as wel women as men were wont to doe King Coenred did the lyke had in his company the sonne of Sigher King of the east Saxons and both of them entred into religion in Rome about the yeare of our Lord 709. not past 22. yeares before S. Bede ended his history which was almost 900. yeres a goe wherto may be added out of later historiographers the lyke examples of the extraordinary deuotion and obedience of our English Kings vnto the sea Apostolyke in â—uery age vntil after the conquest King Inas shortly after S. Bedes tyme about the yeare of our Lord 740. went to Rome and made his Kingdome tributary to the Pope ordayning the Peter pence the lyke did also afterwards Offa the King of the Mercians in the yeare of our Lord .775 Etheluolph King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the yeare of our Lord 847. and made that part of England which his father Egbert had conquered tributary also to the Bishop of Rome King Edward being threatned with excommunication by Pope Iohn the teÌ„th for that he was carelesse to prouide the English Church of Bishops caused Pleimund the Bishop of Canterbury to make many and after to goe to Rome to purge him selfe of his negligence about the yeare of our Lord 920. King Edgar obtayned of Pope Iohn the 13. with licence to giue certayne liuings of secular Priests to Monkes about the yeare of our Lord .965 Canutus King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the yeare of our Lord 1024. S. Edward King of England hauing made a vow to goe to Rome procured the same to be commuted by Pope Leo the nynth into the buylding of a monastery of S. Peter he also confirmed the payment of the yearly tribute to the sea Apostolyke about the yeare of our Lord 1060. which was not past 5. yeares before the conquest after the which there were no lesse notable examples of this matter King Henry the second who by Pope Adrian was first intituled Lord of Ireland sent legats to Rome to craue pardon of Pope Alexander for the murder committed by his occasion vpon saint Thomas of Canterbury where vpon two Cardinals were sent into England before whome the King lyke a publike penitent a priuat person submitted himselfe to the Ecclesiastical discipline in a publik assembly of the cleargy and nobility When King Richard the first was kept prisoner by Frederick the Emperour his mother wrote to Celestinus the Pope calling him the successor of Peter and the Vicar of Christ quem Dominus constituit super gentes regno in omni plenitudius potestatis whome our Lord had placed ouer nations and Kingdomes in all fulnesse of power and willed him to vse the spiritual sword against the Emperour as Alexander his predecessor had donne against Frederick his Father whome he did excommunicate King Iohn being excommunicated by the Pope was not absolued before he tooke his crowne of froÌ„ his owne head and deliuered it to Pandulfus the Popes legat promising for himselfe and his heyres that they should neuer receiue it afterwards but from the Bishop of Rome I omit others of later tyme seing no maÌ„ I think doubteth but that all the successors of King Iohn liued in the communion and obedience of the Roman Church paying the old yearely tribute called the Peter peÌ„ce vntil the tyme of King Henry the 8. her maiestyes father who being maried to his brother Arthurs widdow by dispeÌ„sation of the sea Apostolyke continued many yeares after in the obedience therof and in defence of the autority of the sayd sea wrote a learned book agaynst Luther for the which the honorable title of defender of the fayth was giuen him by Pope Leo which tytle her maiesty also vseth at this day so that no man can deny that our country was conuerted by S. Gregory to the Roman fayth or that it hath continued therin vntil K.
Henries tyme except he haue a brazen face and a â—eared conscience or els be ignorant of all antiquity But to returne to S. Augustin and those first two hundreth yeres comprysed in the history of S. Bede yf wee consider the notable miracles wherwith it pleased God to confirme this our Catholyke religion in those dayes for his owne glory and the conuersion of the panims no man can â—out that it is the true fayth except he be more faythlesse incredulous then those infidels that were conuerted therby Saynt Bede signifieth that S. Augustin wrought so many miracles whereof he declareth some that S. Gregory wrote vnto him to admonish him not to be proud therof he also declareth very many famous miracles donne by a crosse erected by King Oswald and after by his relickes as wel in Ireland and Germany as England and by the relickes of saynt Eartongatha daughter to the King of Kent and her cosen Edelburg both virgins and nunnes of S. Edelâ—â—eda the Queene that dyed a virgin in a monastery whose â—ody was taken vp whole vncorrupt after many yeares â—â— the discouery whereof diuels were expelled and many â—â—sseasses cured Also he recounteth the lyke notable miraâ—â—es of S. Chad S. Cutbert S. AEdelwald and saynt Iohn a Bishop which they did whyles they were yet liuing and others donne by holy oyle by the blessed sacrifice of the masse all which for breuities sake I omit remitting our aduersaries to the autor in the places aleaged in the margent OF THE FIRST CONUERSION of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euident proofes that our Catholyke fayth was then preached planted there CHAP. V. BVT for as much as our country hath ben twyse coÌ„uerted from paganisme first in the tyme of the Britains and after in the tyme of the Saxons or English they wil say perhaps that although we proue that the second tyme our Catholyke religion was planted and established there when many errors as they would haue the world to thinke were crept into the Church yet at the first conuersion in King Lucius dayes their religion was taught and deliuered to the Britains which some of their croniclers are not ashamed to intimat to their readers and namely Holinshed who yf my memory fayle me not for I haue not his book here maketh Eleutherius the Pope write a letter to King Lucius more lyke a minister of England then a Bishop of Rome Therefore I wil take a litle paynes to examine this poynt wil make it manifest that our Catholyke religion which saint Augustin planted amongst the English was deliuered 400. yeres before to King Lucius and the Britains by Fugatius and Damianus or as some say Donatianus sent into Britany by Pope Eleutherius in the yeare of our Lord 182. And although no ancient historiographer or writer for ought I haue seene do signify particularly what poynts of religion were preached to King Lucius at his conuersion partly for that matters of so great antiquity are but very breefly and obscurely handled and partly because in those dayes when there was no other but our Catholyke religioÌ„ vniuersally professed this of the protestants not so much as dreamt of it was needlesse to signify the poynts or articles therof for that it could not be immagined to be any other bur the Roman fayth yet in the discourse of the tymes and ages next ensewing the conuersion of King Lucius whyles the fayth which he receiued remayned pure and vncorrupt the cleare light of truth doth snfficiently shew it selfe through the clouds of the obscure breuity wherewith the matters of those tymes are treated To this purpose it is to be vnderstood that as our famous countryman S. Bede testifieth the fayth preached to King Lucius and the Britains remayned in integrity and purity vntil the tyme of the Arrians which was for the space of almost 200. yeares and although he signify that from that tyme forward the people of Britany weare geuen to noueltyes and harkened to euery new doctrine yet it is euident in him that neyther the Arrian heresy nor yet the Pelagian afterwards took any root there or could infect the whole body of the Britain Church but only troobled the peace thereof for a short tyme in so much that it should seeme the first was rooted out by the industry of the good Pastors and Bishops of Britany whereof some were present at the great councel of Sardica held against the Arrians shortly after that of Nice in which respect S. Hilary doth worthely prayse the Britain Bishops for that they wholy reiected the Arrian heresy and the later I meane the heresy of Pelagius which saynt Bede sayth the britains would nullaâ—enus suscipere in no sort receiue was suppressed by S. German and saint Lupus two Bishops of France who at the request of the Britains came into Britany and confounded the Pelagians in open disputation whereby the people were so â—ncensed against the said heretykes that they could hardly â—old theire hands from them and in conclusion banished those that would not yeld to the true Catholyke faith and here vpon ensewed such peace and tranquility in the britan Church that for a long tyme after as saynt Bede testifieth the fayth remayned there intemerata vncorrupt wherby it appeareth that after the expulsion of the Pelagians which was about the yeare of our Lord 450. the Church of Britany reteyned the same fayth that it receiued at the first conuersion and therfore yf we fynd the vse and practise of our religion vntil these tymes it may serue for a testimony that the same was deliuered to King Lucius First we read that presently after the persecution of Dioclesian wherin our protomartyr saynt Alban with some others was put to death about the yeare of our Lord 286. the Christians that had liued before in woods and caues not only repayred the Churches which the persecuters had destroyed but also made new in honour of the martyrs celebrated festiual dayes and buylt amongst others a most sumptuous Church in honour of S. Alban where many miracles were wount to be donne continually vntil the tyme of S. Bede as he himselfe witnesseth afterwards when the Pelagian heresy had somwhat infected the country saynt German going thether out of France to confound the Pelagians at the request of the Britans themselues as I haue declared before appeased a great storme at sea with casting therein a little water in the name of the Trinity which no dout was holy water and being arriued there he restored sight vnto a noble mans daughter applying vnto her eyes certayne relyckes which he caryed about him c. after hauing confuted the Pelagians and reduced all to the purity of fayth as saynt Bede sayth meaning therby the fayth first preached to King Lucius he went to the toomb of S. Alban to geue thankes to God per ipsum by
matter passed and euidently see the supreme autoritie of the Bishops of Rome in those dayes it is to be considered that there hauing been from the tyme of the Apostles a different manner of keeping Easter in the Churche of Rome and the Churches of the lesser Asia the Romans keeping it alwayes vpon the sunday according to the tradition of the Apostles S. Peter and saynt Paule they of Asia obseruing the tyme and custome of the Iewes pretending the example and tradition of S. Iohn the Euangelist Pius the first of that name Bishop of Rome desyring to reduce all the Churche to vniformity made a decree that the feast of Easter should be celebrated only vpō sunday but for that the Churches of Asia made great dificulty to leaue their tradition as wel Pius as Anicetus Soter and Eleutherius forbore for peace and quietnesse sake to compel them by Ecclesiastical censures to the obseruation therof but afterwards Victor who succeeded Eleutherius noting that not only those which inclyned to keep the ceremonies of the old law were much confirmed therby in their opinion but also some in Rome namely one Blastus sought to introduce that custome there and Iudaysme withall cauled a councel of the Bishops of Italy neere adioyning and not only caused other councels to be assembled in France but also directed his commaundements to the Bishops of the east to do the lyke namely to Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea as that S. Bede reporteth in these words victor the Pope Bishop of the citty of Rome dixerit authoritatem that is to say directed a commaundement to Theophilus Byshop of Caesarea and Palaestina that it should be determined how the easter should be celebrated there where our Lord the sauiour of the world conuersed Therfore perceptae qutoritate the authority or commaundement being receiued Theophilus assembled Bishops not only out of his owne prouince but also out of diuers other cuntryes and when they were come togeather in great numbers Theophilus protulit autoritatem ad se missam Papae Victoris Theophilus shewed the autority or commaundment that Pope Victor had sent him declared quid sibi operis fuisset iniunctum what was enioyned him to do c. herein by the way I wish to be noted how the Bishop of Rome in those dayes that is to say in the tyme of Lucius exercised his autority in calling of councels both of the Byshops of the Latin or west Church also of the east seing Theophilus Byshop of Palaestina assembled the prelats not only of his owne prouince but also of diuers other by vertue of the commission geuen him by Pope Victor But to proceed yt being determined by all those coūcels that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sunday according to the custome of the Romā Churche Victor the Pope renewed the decree of Pius his predecessor and denounced excomunication against all the Churches of Asia that would not cōforme them-selues therto which though some holy and learned Bishops amongst other Irenaeus thought to bee rigorously done and not with such consideratiō as it seemed to them the peace of the Church required yet none of them nor any of the schismatykes themselues took any exception to his autority as though he had donne more then he might do which no dout they would haue done yf he had exceeded the limits of his power therfore Eusebius sayth that Irenaeus did admonish him that he would not cut of from the body of the whole Church so many Churches for obseruing a tradition vsed amongst them according to an old custome and Nicephorus testifieth that they aduised him vt benignius statueret that should determine therof with more benignity and myldnes wherin wee see Pope Victors authoritie and power to excommunicat all other Bishops sufficiently acknowledged though there was question of the iustnesse of the cause and conueniency of the fact neuerthelesse yt appeared afterwards by the determination of the whole Churche of God yea of the greatest part of the Asian Churches themselues that Victor had reason in that which he did for as Nicephorus testifieth not only Asia did at lēgth yeild therin but also vbique terrarum in orbe decretum est it was decreed through out the world that the feast of Easter should be celebrated vpō the sunday in so much that those which would not yeild therto were held for heretykes cauled quarta decimani for so they are accounted and termed by Nicephorus saynt Augustin Epiphanius Philastrius and the councels of Antioch and Laodicea and to conclude this poynt yt shal not be impertinent to the matter in hād to consider how this controuersy about the keeping of easter ended many yeares after in England betwyxt the English Byshops mayntayning the custome of Rome and the Scottish that were Schismatykes and obserued the custome of Asia which venerable Bede recounteth saying that Bishop Colman with his Scotish elergy being assembled in Northumberland with Agilbert Bishop of the east Saxons his Priests Wilfred and Agathon in the presence of King Oswy after long debating the matter on both sydes Wilfred answered to Colman who relyed vpon the autority of Anatholius and Columba his predecessors although quoth he Columba was a holy man yet could he not be perferred before Peter the most blessed Prince of the Apostles to whome our Lord sayd thou art Peter and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche hel gates shal not preuayle against it and to thee I wil geue the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen when Wilfrid had sayd this King Oswy who had ben brought vp by the Scots and infected with their schisme asked Colman wheather he could proue that so great autority was geuen to Columba and Colman answered no and do you on both syds sayth the King grant without controuersy that this was sayd principally to Peter and that the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen were geuen him by our Lord and both parts answered yea nay then quoth the King merily I assure yow I wil not in any thing contradict that porter but as farre as my knowledge and power shal extend I wil obey his commaundments least perhaps when I shal come to heauen and haue him my enemy that keepeth the keyes no man wil open me the gates The King hauing sayd thus all that were present both litle and great sayth saynt Bede allowed therof and yeilded to receiue the Catholyke custome of keeping Easter on the sunday Thus wee see this great controuersy ended also in England neere a thousand yeres agoe by the autority of the sea Apostolyke so that to returne to Pope Victor wee may truly say he had the victory or rather that saynt Peeter by him and his successors vanquished all such as opposed themselues to this traditiō of the Roman Churche Seing then in the tyme of K. Lucius the Bishops of Rome both claymed and exercised supreme authority ouer all
to your Lordships eares and thus much for the man now to the matter First that which Stanley affirmed that he heard of me in Madrid was not perticuler concerning Squyres employ to kil her Ma tie for the which he was condemned but general concerning some seruice to be donne by him which might haue beene vnderstood if I had spoken it as I neuer did of some other matter of lesse importance and daunger to the state then the Queenes death in so much that howsoeuer it might serue to induce some light presumpcion it could be no euidence sufficient to condemne Squyre neyther yet to geue him torment other circumstances being considered as after shal be proued Secondly this Stanley testified nothing vpon his owne knowledge against Squyre but only vpon hearesay from vs heer which cannot suffise in law to condemne any man especially in this case seing it was acknowledged by M. Atturney that we of whome he was supposed to haue heard it had suborned him to ouerthrow Squyre and besydes to do some great mischeif in England vnder colour to accuse Squyre of that matter so that both he and we are supposed to haue conspired to betray Squyre Whervpon may be inferred two things very euident the one that Stanley being Squyres accuser he could be no witnesse against him for that in law they are to be distinct persons The other that though he were not his accuser but witnesse yet might not his accusation or testimony be of any force against him for that yf it be true as law determineth that a mortal enemie to any man cannot be his accuser nor a lawful witnesse against him because the law presumeth that whatsoever he pretendeth he is not moued therby by zeale of Iustice but by desire of reuenge what shal we say of Stanley of whome it was presumed by the lawyers theÌ„-selues that neyther zeale of Iustice nor loue of his countrey nor coÌ„sideration of his duety to her Ma tie nor any other good respect moued him to accuse Squyre or to be witnes against him but as in Iudgement it was anowed and supposed that he was suborned and sent in by vs heer of purpose to cut Squyres throte and vnder colour therof to do also some other notable mischeif wher-vpon in lyke manner it may be no lesse probably coÌ„iectured that yf we heer made no conscience to employ Stanley to two mischeuous and pernicious purposes at once making the one a colour for the other we would make as litle scruple for the better compassing of our designments to bely Squyre also vnto him and so his testimonie should be false which although it be farre fromour customes and consciences yet I say it might haue seemed probable ynough to those that would not stick to vse the lyke practises towards vs yea haue donne many tymes as wel by counterfet letters sent to some principal men of our nation in such sort as they might be intercepted conteyning thankes for services donne as also by woords cast out at home of some of vs in the presence of such as were lyke to blow it abroad to our disgrace by which meanes a very honest and wyse gentleman and confident seruant of the Kinges was cauled in questioÌ„ of late yeares by some aduersaries of his who accused him to have intelligence with the state of England for that a councelour now dead had sayd of him in the presence of some principal Catholykes that he was an honest man and a frend to his countrey but the commissioners that were deputed for the hearing and examining of the matter on this syde the seas had neyther so litle law or conscience or so smal iudgement in discouering trecherous deuises as to suffer the partie to be so much as apprehended vpon such an accusation Therefore to conclude if such a testimonie as this of Stanley be held good in our law as it is in no law els of the world such a gappe is layd open to calumniatours as no man in England can make account that this head is sure vpon his shoulders But put the case that Stanley had beene both a lawful witnesse and his testimonie neuer so much to the purpose yet he could not by any law eyther humayn or diuine be sufficient to condemne Squyre being a lone and that no maÌ„ els witnessed the same particularitie that he did as had beene requisitie to proue it iuridically in a matter of lyfe and death wherein as the law sayth vox vnius vox â—ullius the saying of one is the saying of none and our Sauiour sayth in ore duorum aut trium testium stet omne verbum let euery matter be decyded by the witnesse of two or three witnesses And although in some cases our lawes admit one only witnes yet the same cannot be with any reason or conscience practised but when the iurers themselues haue so sufficient knowlege of the matter that they need not any further testimony for which purpose our law ordayneth yf I be not deceaued that the Iury shal be impaneled in the same county where the acte was donne to the end that the iurers may haue eyther all or some of them at least some perticular vnderstanding thereof But in such cases as this of Squyre whereof the Iury could haue no knowlege but by the euidence and proofes produced our lawes cannot so far disagree from all other lawes humain and diuine as to coÌ„demne a man to death vpon the testimony of one alone though it bee neuer so direct and pertinent to the purpose and much les when it is so indirect weak and impertinent as was this testimony of Stanley Furthermore seeing that Stanley was not deposed in the presence of the prisoner nor of the Iury but only his deposition red how did the Iurie know for the satisfaction and discharge of their consciences whether he had geuen his testimony voluntarily or by violence and whether he would stand vnto it to Squyres face or no which they were bound to consider yea and to be assured of yt before they should find him guyltie vpon his euidence for no doubt to those ends the law ordayneth the publike presentation and deposition of the witnesses before the Iurie the prisoner for what might be thought but if Stanley had sayd any such thing yet that he had reuoked it agayne and would not stand vnto it or that there was some other iugling in the matter seing he being then liuing and in the tower was not brought to the court to be deposed there confronted with the prisoner as reason and the custome of our law requireth wherto the ciuil law is also coÌ„forme which ordayneth that the witnesses examined in sumariae informatione be produced agayne in plenaeriâ— iudicio or els that their testimony is nothing worth and this is thought so necessarie in all causes criminal that it caÌ„not be dispeÌ„ced with no not with the consent of the
open iniustices donne vnto vs in this kynd for yf this had beene the first we should haue had lesse cause to complayne this might haue passed the better vncōtrold as many others of lyke sort haue donne but seing this māner of proceeding against vs is now so vsual in England that it is growne to a common practise and therby much guyltles blood shed many innocent men slaundered many weake scandalized the simple abused and deceyued the true cause of our suffring obscured and our religion defamed no reasonable man can blame me I hope if vpon so iust an occasion as the defence of my brethren our common cause and my selfe that am more perticularly interessed in this matter then many others I lance a litle this long festring sore to the end that the malignitie therof being discouered it may receyue some cure and remedie through your Lordships wisedomes whome yt importeth and in whose hands yt resteth to remedie the same For this purpose may it please yow to consider that ther is such a symphathy betwixt persecution calumniation as they are euer lightly found to concurre and go accompagned for besyds that calumniation is of it self a kynd of persecution we neuer read that Gods Churche was euer persecuted but his seruants were calumniated slaundred in which respect our Sauiour fore warning his Apostles Disciples of the persecutions that they were to suffer armeth them no lesse against slaunderous and calumnious tongues then against other furious assaultes of his their enemies saying happy are yow when men shal rayle vpon yow and persecute yow speak all euil of yow belying yow for my sake and after exhorting them to pray for their persecutours insinuateth also the concurrence of calumniatours saying pray for them that persecute and caluminiate yow and S. Paule speaking of persecution raysed against him the rest of the Apostles sayth we are cursed and we blesse we are persecuted and we indure yt we are blasphemed and wee beseech This wil be also more manifest yf we consider the nature and propertie of the cheife persecutour of Gods Churche whose armes and instruments all other persecutours are I meane the deuil himselfe who being as the Scripture sayth a lyer and the father of lyes yea and a slaunderer in which respect he is called Diabolus which signyfieth nothing els in the greeke tongue but a calumniatour can no more forbeare to lye and slaunder then the dog to bark when he is augrie or the snake to hisse and therfore whēsoeuer by Gods permission he maketh warre against the Churche he employeth his instruments no lesse to slander and calumniate Gods seruants then corporally to afflict and persecute them Hereof the experience hath beene seene in all the persecutions aswel of our Sauiour himself as of his Apostles infinite other Martyrs whensoeuer the Churche hath beene persecuted eyther by Infidels or heretyks our Sauiour was slaūdered to be a seducer of the people to woork by the deuil to be enemie to Caesar to hinder the paying of his tribute and lastly to make himself a King S. Paule was falsly charged with prophaning the Temple with sowing sedition stirring vp the people to rebellion and many other such lyke odious and greiuous matters S. Stephen the first Martyr was stoned to death vpon the testimonie of false witnesses that were suborned to accuse him of blasphemy against God and Moyses In lyke sort in the persecutions vnder Nero Dioclesian Antonius others the Chrystians were put to death vnder colour that they had set a fyre the citie of Rome killed sacrifised children eaten mānes flesh stirred vp the people to seditiō against the Emperours and their Gods and religion The Arrian heretikes in Greece accused S. Athanasius to be a whore maister a witche and a traytour The Vandales that were also Arrians in Africk kylled the Catholykes there vnder pretence that they had secret intelligence with the Romans against their state and gouermēt as we are now and lastly the Emperesse Theodora wyfe to Iustiniā the Emperour did cruelly persecute S. Siluerius Pope of Rome and all his cleargie obiecting falslie against them that they had written to the Gothes to inuite them to inuade the Roman Empyre and other lyke calumniations wherby to spil their blood with lesse admiratiō and repugnance of the common people In all which it is to be noted that as S. Gregorie Nazianzen sayd of Iulian the Apostata when he persecuted the Christians the enemies of Gods Churche endeuoured by all subtyle crafty meanes to procure that they which suffred for Christs cause should be punished as wicked and facinorous men yea and to make them and their religion more odious to all they slaundered them commonly with matters pernicious and daungerous to all as with treason against the Prince and State so that whilest they were punished as publyke enemies neyther fauoured nor pittied by any their persecutors had free scope to discharge all their furie vpon them without contradiction This hauing beene alwayes the custome and practise of the enemies of the Christian and Catholyke fayth which we professe yt is no marueil though those which impugne the same in England in these our dayes prouoked or rather possessed by the same spirit of lyes and calūniations that their praedecessours were do hold the same course that they haue donne partly slaundering vs with such deuised matter as this of Squyre which neuer had essence or being in rerum natura but only in imagination and fiction of the deuisers and partly ordayning lawes and statutes wherby some principal points of Catholyke Religion or els some necessarie consequence exercise and issue therof being made treason many may be intrapped within some shew of offence against these lawes and statutes whervpon agayne yt enseweth that the common people who hold for Gospel all that our English parlament enacteth and haue not the capacitie to discerne betwixt a true and a fayned treason hearing that the Catholykes are alwayes put to death as traytours whome they vnderstand to be none but such as commit some heynous crymes against the Prince or state are brought to imagyn that all Catholyks are perturbers and enemies of the common wealth and that their religion is not the common and general religion of Christendome or that ancient fayth in which all their forefathers liued and dyed and our Realme florished so many hundred yeares together but rather some particuler and pestilent opinion of some sect sprong vp of late that cannot stand with the safety of Kinges and Princes nor with the quietnes of their states And verely I dare say that such of the common sorte as are not aboue 40. yeares of age and neuer saw Catholyke tymes in England and haue heard of so many executions of trayterous papists as we are tearmed do think Papistery to be nothing els but a very compact of treason or perhaps vnderstand that Papist and
was forst to cut his owne throte or Domitian killed by his chamberlaynes or â—omodus murdred by his concubyn Phocas by one of his cheefest fauorits or Caligula Pertinax Caracalla Heliogabalus Pupienus Balbinus Philippe Galien Seuerus Macrinus Aurelianus Maximinus Probus with diuers others some of them slayn by their owne gards and some by their souldiars to whome wee may ad the last King of France killed by one alone in the midst of his puisant army when he thought himselfe most potent and secure Whereby it euidently appeareth how vnsure daungerous and pernicious are the pollicies of our aduersaries who following the absurd and pestilent doctrin of Maâ—hiauel think they can assure her Ma ties estat by rigour cruelty and iniustice wheareas both reason experience teacheth that mercy and truth as Salomon sayth do preserue the Prince and that his crowne and throne is fortified with clemency to which purpose also Seneca sayth the loue of subiects is to the Prince a castel inexpugnable and clemency a sufficient gard though he be alone in the midst of the market place so that these most cruel and bloody deuises of our persocutours are not only impious but also foolish in that very point wherein they wil haue them seeme most wyse But yf it be considered how they riuet this peece of pollicy with an other point of state and what may by lykelihood ensew thereof yt may be thought their meaning is no other but to put fyre to gunpowder and to set all on a flame and themselues also to burne therewith or to ruÌ„ne away by the light for vsing the matter towards vs as they doe procuring so much as in them lyeth to alienat vs from our natural obedience to her Ma tie and to dryue vs to some desperat course which neuerthelesse I hope they shal neuer be able to doe a man would think they would at least seek to put her maiesty in peace with her neighbours abroad But they are so farre from the same that they doe not only incite her Ma tie dayly against the most potent Prince of Europ by slaundring him vnto her with practises against her person and lyfe but also do seek to kindle him against her by infamous libels published in diuers languages and stuffed with lyes and slaunders with â—niurious and dishonorable speeches against his person to make him an enemy irreconciâ—able for who knoweth not that iniurious woords offend much more many tymes then deeds as Plutark wel noteth especially against Princes that most of all esteeme their honours for so long as their contentions ar only for amplifying their dominions or meerly for matter of state the enmity commonly endeth with the occasion of the quarrel and the dammages are by restitution or recompence easely repayred whereby wee see that those Princes which haue had the greatest differences and warres betweene them selues do many tymes after become the greatest confederats and frends but personal iniuries especially touching honour and reputation as they proceed from an excessyue hatred in them that offer them so are they not easely pardoned neyther yet amongst Princes repacable by any restitution What then is the meaning of these make-bates wil they oblige Ma tie to a perpetual warre not with some petty Prince or poore potentat but with the most poteÌ„t rich and mighty Monark of Europe and vpon what confidence is yt the welth and force of England the strength of allyes and confederats or yet the good successe of these late warres which mooues them therto who knoweth not that in power welth her maiesty though she be most puissant and rich yet is farre inferiour to him in which respect that which Plutark noteth of Cleomenes King of Lacedemony and Antigonus the great King of Macedony may wel be sayd in this case It seemed sayth hee to proceed of great wisdome valour and â—rowes that Cleomenes could with the forces of one only state mayntayne warre against the power and treasure of the Kingdome of Macedony and all the people of Peloponese and not only defend his owne but also take places and townes of his enemies But he which first said that money is the sinowes of warre had great reason for euen as amongst wrastlers those which haue strong bodies by nature and hardened by continual exercise do alwayes in tyme ouerthrow them which haue nothing but art and agilitte euen so Antigonus who had the power and welâ—â— of a great and rich Kingdome to sustayne the expences of the warre at length weried and ouerlayd Cleomenes that had no such meanes to beare the charges therof thus sayth Plutark in substance of these two Kinges and so may wee say of her maiesty and the King Catholyke that by all lyklyhood the multitude of his Kingdomes the welth infinit number of his subiects the aboundance of his treasures that flow from his Indies and the strength of his armies and garrisons continually kept in pay cannot but weare out in tyme the power and wealth of England though it were much greater and richer then it is especialy yf eyther any breach should fal out betwyxt the french and vs or any ciuil warres amongst them or a new storme aryse from any other part in which cases how England would be able to weald with so potent an enemy as is his maiesty I leaue to your lordships wife consideration But perhaps these men presume vpon her Ma ties league and amity with forrayn Princes and States let them therefore consider what assurance is therein seing experience teacheth that the amity of Princes neuer lasteth longer then fortune fauoreth or consideration of profit concurreth besydes that infinit occasions of Ielousies and vnexpected quarrels fall out dayly amoÌ„gst Princes which break the surest leagues and make the best friends the greatest enemies What resteth then to make these brewbates so confident is it her Ma ties good successe but of all other reasons that ought least to mooue them for he is not wyse sayd Iason to Epaminondas that feares not the euents of warre which are so variable as neyther force nor pollicy nor skil of art military nor any humain meanes can assure whereof wee neede not to seek examples abroad seeing wee hane enough at home yf wee but consider the varietie and counterchange of good bad successe in the warres betwyxt King Henry the sixt and King Edward the fourth and the great victories and dominions which our Kinges her Ma ties predecessors had in France some yeares togeather and that at last they lost against all that they had got there such is the inconstancy of humain affayres stable in nothing but in instability and therefore after a glowing Sunne of prosperity all wyse men feare a sharp shower of aduersity knowing that extrema gaudij luctus occupat which a poor of our tyme wel-expressed in this distich When hope and hap when health and welth are highest Then woe and wrack disease and need are nighest
his persecution with craftie and subtyle deuises enuying them the name and glorie of Martyrdome that the souldiours of Christ had got in former persecutions and therfore he endeuored to vse violence in such sort as it should not appeare ordayning that the Christians which suffred for Christ should be put to death as malefactours this affirmeth S. Gregory NaziaÌ„zen of Iulian the apostata wherein yow may see a true pattron of your owne proceedings for to exemplify the same with answere to the question yow aske concerning the temper of the lawes made in the 23. yere of her Ma ties raigne what other cause had yow to make those lawes in that yeare but that yow knew that Father Campian and diuers Seminary Priests were come into EnglaÌ„d lately before therfore to make the world beleue that their comming was to no other end but to sow sedition and trouble the State yow did not only make those lawes but also shamfully mundered the same yeare thesaid famous man and 11. godly innocent Priests with him for fayned conspiracies proued against no one of them disauowed by them all at their deathes which sufficient proof of their innocency as before I haue declared at large in the 11. chapter besydes many other since made away in lyke manner vpon lyke fals pretences and especially in the yeare 88. after the Kinges Armada had past through the channel in which yeare yow executed aboue 40. Priests and Catholykes in diuers partes of England to make the world beleeue that they had intelligence with the Spaniards or had procured the comming of thesaid Armada which could not bee proued nor so much as iustly suspected of anyone of them Moreouer I dare boldly affirme neyther shal yow euer be able with truth to controle me that wheras our Seminaries haue yeilded within these 30. yeares 5. or 6. huÌ„dreth Priests that haue laboured in that vyneyard wherof yow haue put to death more then a hundreth yow could neuer iustly charge any one of them with sedition or matter of state except it were Ballard executed with Babington and the rest whom as I wil not excuse because I know not how farre he waded in those matters so wil I not condemne him considering the proceedings of yow and your fellowes with Catholykes in lyke cases yet this I wil be bold to say that if he had any dealing therin it was without the consent or knowledg of any of his superiours yea or of any intrinsecal frend of theirs wherof I could yeild a sufficient reason if it were conuenient But let vs admit that he was as deep in those matters as any of the rest haue yow therfore any reason to condemne all other Seminary Priests for his act I do not blame yow heer for punishing any Catholyke that yow should fynd to be truly seditious but I fynd it strange against all reason and iustice that yow do not only punish vs for fayned crymes but also impute the doings of one or of a few to all which was alwayes in my tyme and I think it stil the absurd dealing of your lawyers in the araignment of Catholykes vrging against them the attemptes of Doctor Sanders in Ireland and Feltons setting vp of the Bul and such like as though euery Catholyke were priuie to their doings or thought himself bound in conscience to do as they did which kynd of argument your lawyers would neuer vse if they were not eyther most malitious or ignorant or thought all their audience to be fooles For what conclusion can be drawne from one or some particuler to a general as to say Eaton the preacher did pennance on the Pillery in cheapsyde and after at Paules Crosse for lying with his daughter such a minister was hanged for a rape such an other for sodâ—my such a one for a murder ergo all ministers are mnrderers sodomites rauishers of women and incestuous persons Would your ministers allow this conclusion or els that lawes should be made against them all for the offence of some of them and yet to say truly there haue beene so many examples of ministers conuict executed for such crymes that yow might with more reason exterminate the whole ministery as a very sink of sinne then condemne all Catholykes as seditious for Doctor SaÌ„ders and Feltons cause oâ— all Seminary Priests for Ballards But to conclude this point it is euident ynough that neyther Ballards offence yf he committed any nor theirs that were executed with him could be any occasion of those rigorous lawes against Seminary Priests which were made some yeares before when as I haue said yow had not any one example of a Seminary man that had beene or could be touched with any sedition other then such as yow fayned of them your selues Furthermore what iust cause had yow to make the distinction in your lawes betwixt Queene Marie Priests Seminary Priests haue yow found any more in the one then in the other but only that yow know the old Priests of Queene Martyrs tyme were so spent and wasted already that ther was not left of them perhaps half a score in England who also yow thought would be in a short tyme consumed wheras of the others yow saw a continual spring that would flow perpetually to the vndouted destruction of your heresy in tyme if it were not stopped in which respect yow thought good to seeme to fauour the first that yow might with more shew of reason persecute the later Neuerthelesse yow haue hanged some of those Q. Marie Priests as wel as the other only for doing their function counting them therin no lesse seditious then the Seminary Priests and yet yow say yow spare the one sort as only superstitious and punish the other as seditious But such seditious and superstitious Priests as these are were the very Apostles and Disciples of our Sauiour for they absolued from sinne as these do they administred the Sacraments of Baptisme or the Aâ—ter extreeme vnction the rest as these do they said masse that is to say they offred in sacrifise the blessed bodie and blood of our Sauiour as these do they did preach and teach the Christian Catholyke doctrine as these do finally they were persecuted punished for sedition as these are Thus Sir yow may see yow had not those causes which yow pretend to change the temper of your Iawes nor to distinguish betwyxt Seminarie and Queene Marie Priests neyther any reason at all to cal them eyther superstitious or seditious But let vs see some more of your gloses THE CONFVTATION OF an inuectiue which the Author of the Pamphlet maketh against the Iesuits CHAP. XXIIII IN your 10. and 11. page yow make a digression to treat of the strange mysteries as yow cal them of the Iesuits doctrin how they mingle heauen and hel and lift vp the hands of the subiects against the anointed of God yow wonder that Princes do not concurre in
men amongst the protestātes themselues haue noted heretofore But now comming hether to Rome and seing the matter reuiued and mightyly vrged to the preiudice of all Catholykes by 2. seueral lybels composed lately in England the one by an heretical minister ashamed of his name and therfore Sutly shrowding it vnder a fals Visar of O. E. and the other written very lately by a puritan as it seemeth calling himself Thomas Diggs I haue determined to set out my apology for the ful satisfaction of all indifferent men in this poynt wherto I am moued the rather for that I haue also sufficiently treated therin some other matters handled by O. E. who laboureth to proue that all the persecution which Catholykes haue hetherto suffred is iustly to be ascribed to their treasonable attēpts besydes that he is not ashamed to affirme that none haue bē put to death in all her maiestyes raigne for matter of religion which impudent assertion of his I haue so sufficiently confuted in my sayd apology as no more needeth to be sayd in that matter Neuertheles vpon this new occasion giuen by him I haue thought good to prefix this treatise to thesaid Apology to giue thee good reader some more particular satisfaction concerning this point and first to answere sincerely and truly vpon my owne knowlege an other slanderous and malitious conceit of his touching the il affection as he supposeth of diuers principal Catholykes to their country and therefore for as much as I intend also vpon occasions that may be offred to debate and discusse in this treatise some pointes of Catholyke religion now in controuersy and withal to cleare our doctrine in those pointes from certaine malitious slanders of our aduersaries I haue thought good to entytle the whole A defence of the Catholyke cause Wherein I make no doubt but that thow wilt easely note good reader amongst many other thinges the inconsideration of our aduersaries in that they are not content only to wrong vs in our goodes and persons by extreme iniustice vsed towards vs but also to wound vs so deeply in our fame by their calumniatious and slanderous lybels and reportes that they force vs much against our willes to lay open to the world their shameful and vnchristian proceedings in defence of our owne innocencie and for the honor of our cause which not only all lawes of God nature and nations do allow and permit but also conscience vrgeth and byndeth vs vnto in this case For although priuate men may somtymes with great merit suffer themselues to be slaundered without contradiction when no furder detrimēt ensueth thereof then the losse of their owne fame or their particular hurt yet when the same is ioyned with other mennes harme or with a publyke damage espetialy of religion they cannot without offence to God neglect or omit their owne iust defence Therefore I hope no man wil blame mee or other Catholykes in lyke case for offring iust purgation of our selues and our cause though it bee with the reproch of them that slander vs vt obstruatur os loquentium iniqua that the mouthes of calumniators may bee stopped And whereas the same may seeme to redound to some disgrace or dishonor of the state by reason of the publyke authority pretence of her maiesties seruice wherewith our aduersaries do comonly couer and colour all their malitious actions I purpose for my parte to vse in this my defence such due respect to the state to the supreme gouernours thereof I meane her Maiestie and the honorable Lordes of her counsel that I hope to auoyd all iust cause of offence and giue ample testimony of the loyalty of a moste dutiful subiect discouering to her Maiestie and their honors by way of humble complaint the great abuse offred by our aduersaries no lesse to them then to vs as wil more particularly appeere in my Apologie directed and dedicated to the Lordes of the councel AN ANSWER TO TVVO MALITIOVS SLANDERS CONCERNING the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended and solicited by the Catholykes and touching the late enterprise of the king of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning Sir VVilliam Stanley CHAP. I. AMONGST many malitious slanders wherwith O. E. and other heretyks seek to make vs and our cause odious to all men one of the principalest is that wee desyre and conspyre the cōquest of our countrey by the king of Spayne wherewith they charge not only F. Parsons and the Iesuytes but also other English Catholykes that haue serued and serue the Catholyke king in which respect I cannot forbeare to testify the truth of my knowledge in this poynt hauing had sufficiēt meanes and occasion to vnderstand what hath ben treated with the Catholike kings of Spayne by any of our nation since the yeare of our Lord 1589. at what tyme I passed from the court of France by reason of the troubles there to the seruice of their Catholike Maiesties whome I haue serued euer since and for some yeres together in the court of Spayne vntil now of late that I retyred my selfe from thence to Rome to satisfy my priuate deuotiō by dedicating the rest of my declyning dayes to the seruice of God in an ecclesiastical function Therfore I here protest vpon my conscience not only in my owne behalf but also in the behalf of F. Parsons and the English Catholykes that serue his Catholyke Maiesty that our dealings haue bin so contrary to that which is imputed vnto vs that we haue donne farre better offices for our country in this poynt then the malice of our aduersaries suffereth them to suppose For hauing wel considered that the breach of amity betwyxt her Maiestie and the Catholike king growing dayly by sundry acts of hostility on both parts to an implacable quarrel might moue him to seek the conquest of our country wherof his puissant preparations in the yere 88. gaue no smalle suspition to the world and not hauing any hope to be able to diswade his Maiestie from seeking some sharp reuenge of the attempts made against him by sea and land wherto not only reason of state but also respect of his reputation and honour seemed to oblige him wee determined to do our vttermost endeuour so to temper and qualify the same as it might not turne to any conquest of our country To which purpose sir Francis Englefield whylst he liued Father Parsons Fa. Creswel and my self haue at dyuers tymes represented to his Matie of glorious memory many important reasons to perswade him that it was not conuenient for him to seek the conquest of England nor probable eyther that he could conquer it or yet if he were able to do it that he could long keep it in subiection and this wee haue vrged so oft and with such pregnāt reasons as wel to his Matie that now is as to his father of glorious memory that I verely beleeue that if they euer had any inclination or resolutiō
religion condemned and therfore as the whole Churche hath hetherto held and honored those old Christians for glorious martyrs so doth it now at this day and euer wil esteeme these other for no lesse as I haue shewed in my Apology more at large and therfore I wil proceed to speak a woord or two of the great iniustice donne since my Apology was writteÌ„ to two priests called M. Hunt and M. Sprat condemned and excuted at Lincolne in the yeare 1600. These two being taken in a search and confessing themselues only to be Catholykes were first imprisoned and then shortly after indited for hauing conspyred and practised the death of her Maiesty mooued her subiects to rebelion withdrawne them from theyr natural and due obedience and from the religion now established in England to the Roman fayth and finally for hauing mayntayned the autority of the Pope of all which poynts no one touching matter of state was proued against them no witnesse being produced nor so much as the least presumption of any attempt or coÌ„spiracy against her maiestyes person or state or that rhey had persuaded any man to the Catholyk religion ot sayd any thing in fauour of the Popes autority more then that which they answered to the captious question of the Queenes supremacy demaunded of them there after their apprehension lastly it was not so much as proued that they were Priests which though they denied not yet they did not confesse but put it to tryal vrging to haue it proued by witnesses or other sufficient arguments whereas there was none at all but light presumtioÌ„s therof as that there was found in thir males two breuiares which many lay men vse as wel as Priests and a few relicks and some holy oyle which they might haue carried for other mennes vse not their owne so that to conclude of all those great treasons whereof they were indited there was no one proued except the matter of the Queenes supremacy which is a meere poynt of religion as I am sure the puritans in England and all other heretykes abroad wil witnesse with vs who impugne the same as wel as wee and yet neither by the verdit of the Iury nor yet by the senteÌ„ce of the Iudge were they cleared of any one point but condemned for all as though they had bin guilty of all and so in truth executed for matter of religion though slandred with matter of state whereby their martyrdome was far more glorious the malice of our aduersaries more manifest the iniury donne vnto them vnexcusable the sinne of the Iudges and Iury most execrable which sufficiently appeared by the iustice of God extended vpon Iudge Glanduile who had shewed an extraordinary malice and fury agaynst them and was therfore as wel may bee presumed within a few dayes after strooken by the hand of God in such miraculous manÌ„er as the rest may take example therby yf their harts be not indurat And besydes these late martyrs before rehearsed M. Tichborne M. Fr. Page and M. R. Watkinson were arraigned condemned at London for beeing made Priestes beyond the seas and coming into England contrary to the statute were executed at Tiburne the 20. of April this present yeare 1602. beeing there not suffred to declare the truth of their cause and suffrance And this was donne euen at such tyme as hope was both giuen and conceaued of a more mylder cours of proceeding towards Catholykes then heretofore It is moste grieuous to consider how M. Tichborne by one of his owne cote was betrayed and apprehended almighty God vouchsafe to restore to that wretched man so great grace as he fel from in the dooing of that acte M. Page and M. Watkinson were apprehended in the tyme of the sessions the one by a wicked woman suborned to dissemble religion for such purposes the other by one Bomer who hauing late before playd the dissembling hypocrite spy at Doway returned into England there to become the disciple of his master Iudas At the same sessions was condemned for fellony and also executed one Iames Ducket a Catholyke lay man and another lay man with him about a treatise written by a martyr diuers yeares since concerning the cause of Catholyke sufferers OF THE IMPVDENCIE OF a minister who being present at the death of two martyrs aforesayd affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monke to the protestants religion by occasion whereof the truth of the poynt is euidently declared CHAP. IIII. I Can not omit to say somewhat here of the notable impudency of a foolish minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs at Lincolne aforenamed and hearing one of theÌ„ declare vnto the people his innoceÌ„cy protesting amongst other things that he dyed only for the profession of the Catholyke fayth to the which our country was conuerted from paganisme in the tyme of Pope Gregory the great was not ashamed to say publykly that the religion now taught preached there is the same wherto England was first conuerted And although I hold not this minister for a man of that woorth that he may merit my labour or any mans els seriously to confute his ydle babling yet for as much as the same hath bin oft published and preached by many others and many ignorant abused therby and seing the narration of our first conuersion may no lesse profit and edify the vnlearned reader with the testimony of the truth then content and delyte him for the pleasure of the history I wil breefly treat first of the coÌ„uersion of the Saxons or English in the tyme of King Edelbert and after of the conuersion of the Britains in the tyme of King Lucius euidently proue that our Catholyke faith was preached and planted in our country at both tymes and that our Kings and country continued euer after the latter conuersion in the obedience of the Church of Rome vntil the tyme of K. Henry the eyght It appeareth by our chronicles and histories that in the yere of our Lord 582. according to S. Bedes computation S. Gregory surnamed the great the first of that name sent into England saynt Augustin a monke with diuers others of his profession to preach the Christian fayth to the English and that they came thither bearing a siluer crosse for their banner and the Image of our Lord and sauiour as saynt Bede saith paynted in a table and hauing leaue of King Edelbert to preach to his subiects began first the exercyse of Christian Catholyk religion in the citty of Canterbury in an ancient Chutch which they found there dedicated to S. Martin from the tyme that the Romans liued there in which Church ipsi primo sayth saynt Bede conueâ—ire Psaâ—lâ—re orare missas facere praedicare baptizare coeperunt they first began to assemble themselues to sing to pray to say masse to preach and baptise vntil the King being conuerted they had â—eaue to buyld some Churches and
him sayth saynt Bede that is to say by his meanes or meditatioÌ„ causing the sayd toÌ„be to be opened he placed very honorably therin certayne relickes of the Apostles dyuers other martyrs going to the place where the blood of the blessed martyr was shed he took away with him some of the dust which was stil bloody Furthermore it hapned after in the tyme that the Britans kept their lent a litle before the feast of the resurrection of our Lord that they were molested by the Picts and SaxoÌ„s whyles saynt German was yet there and therefore they craued the help of his prayers and direction dispayring altogeather of theyr owne forces and he vndertaking the conduct of them ordayned that when they should come to ioyne battayle all the army of the Britains should cry out a loud three tymes Alleluya which they did and therewith they put their enemyes to flight and gayned a notable victory This being donne and the affayres of the Iland both spiritual and temporal wel composed saynt Bede sayth the holy Bishops had a prosperous returne partly by their owne merits partly by the intercession of blessed saynt Alban whereby he geueth to vnderstand that such was their opinion according to the great deuotion they had shewed before to the blessed martyr It is also to be gathered playnly out of S. Bede that there were monasteries of Monkes and religious men in Britany before this tyme for speaking of the rebellion of Constantinus against Honorius which was in the yeare of our Lord 407. he sayth that hauing proclaymed himselfe Emperour he made his sonne Constance Caesarem ex monacho Caesar of a monk Here I wish thee to note Good reader that saynt Bede in his breefe introduction to his Ecclesiastical history where he intended to treat specially of the second conuersion of our country in the tyme of the Saxons toucheth the 400. yeares before from the tyme of King Lucius so breefely that he passeth with silence about 350. yeres therof at one tyme and other noting only some things by the way aswel concerning the temporal as spiritual affayres in diuers tymes ages to make some conexion of his history from the beginning Therfore I leaue it to thy consideration what testimony and euidence we should haue found of our Catholyke religion yf he had treated those matters particularly and at large â—eâ—ngâ—n the course of so few yeres as he runneth ouer and in so few leaues lynes of a part only of his first book which is also very breefe wee fynd the practyse of so many poynts of our religion testified and confirmed as buylding of Churches in the honour of martyres the reuerend vse of saynts relyckes and greate miracles donne by the same the intercession of saynts for vs and the custome to prayse and geue God thankes by them also monastical lyfe which includeth vowes of religion and chastity the vse of hollywater the custome which in our Church is yet most frequent of Alleluya whereby it may be gathered that the seruice of the Church out of the which the same no dout was then taken was not in the vulgar tongue finally the keeping of lent easter and others feastes wherby playnly appeareth the vse force of traditioÌ„ in the Church of God without the testimony of expresse scripture and all this we see was vsed in the Church of Britanny when the fayth deliuered to King Lucius was yet in purity which proueth euidently that he was conuerted to the â—ame Catholyke religion that saynt Augustine planted after-wards amongst the English Saxons which wee that be Catholykes professe vntil this day THE SAME IS CONFIRMED and proued out of Gildas CHAP. VI. THis may easely be confirmed out of Gildas the britan surnamed the sage who wrote shortly after the Saxons came into Britany almost 200. yeares before S. Bede in whose treatyse of the distruction of Britany and in his reprehension of the Ecclesiastical men of those dayes it is euident ynough what religion was professed from Lucius tyme vntil his for first speaking of the persecution vnder Dioclesian he sayth that electi sacerdotes gregis domini the chosen Priests of our Lords flock were killed meaning such priests as did offer sacrifice vpon the altar for so he sufficiently interpreteth him selfe when he reprehendeth the negligeÌ„ce or the Britain Priests of his dayes whome he calleth sacerdotes raro sacrificantes ac raro puro corde inter altaria stantes Priests sacrifising sildome and seldome comming to the Altar with a pure harte and tearmeth the Altars venerabiles aras and sacrosancta altaria sedem Caelestis sacrificij the reuerend and holly altars and the seat of the heauenly sacrifice and calleth that which is offred therein sacrosancta Christi sacrificia the holly sacrifices of Christ and further geueth to vnderstand that the hands of the Priestes were consecrated at those dayes as yet they are in the Catholyke Church when holy orders are geuen wherby wee may playnly see that the Priests of our primatiue Church in England and their function consisting principally in offring to almighty God sacrifice vpon the Altar is all one with ours Furthermore treating of the martirdome of S. Alban and his fellowes he sayth that yâ— God had not permitted for che great sinnes of the Britains that the barbarous nations which were entred he meaneth the Picts and Saxons did depriue the People of the toombs of saynt Alban and of the other martyrs and of the place of their martyrdomes the same might stryk vnto them a feruor of deuotion and deuine charity insinuating therby the great consolation and spiritual benefite that the Christians were wont to receiue by the visitation of those holy places Also he sayth that before ful 10. yeares past after that persecution the Christians repayred the old Churches distroyed by the persecutors and buylt now in honour of the martyrs and kept festiual and holy dayes lastly he playnly signifieth that the Christians vsed in his tyme to make vowes of chastity and that their were monasteries wherin religious and monastical life was exercysed for he maketh mention of an holy Abot called Amphibalus and most bitterly reprehendeth two wicked Princes Cuneglasus and Maglocunus the first for marying a widdow that had vowed perpetual chastity and the other for that being become a monke he returned to the world and maryed hauing a former wyfe then liuing wherein he also geueth to vnderstaÌ„d that it was not then lawful for him post monachi votum irritum after the breach of his monastical vow to returne to his owne wyfe and much lesse to mary another To this purpose also it may be obserued in Gildas as before I noted in saynt Bede that vntil the tyme of the Arrians there entred no infectioÌ„ of heresy into Britany therfory hauing signifyed the sincerity and zeale of the Christians after saynt Albans death in buylding Churches of martyrs keping feastiual dayes and
who can with any reason deny that the Popes supremacy the confession whereof is now made treason in England was in King Lucius dayes acknowledged generally of all men for what moued him being so farre from Rome to seeke to receiue the faith of Christ from thence but that he desyred to haue it from the fountayne head were there not Christians at the same tyme in England as there had ben from the tyme of Ioseph of Arimathia by some of whome it is lyke he was conuerted and might haue ben Baptysed or yf there were no Christians there that might satisfy his deuotion and desyre in that behalfe was there not at the same tyme very learned Bishops in France by whome he might haue receiued satisfaction without sending so farre as to Rome what then moued him therto but that he vnderstood that the admission of all Christs sheep into his fold the Church belonged principally to the successor of S. Peter to whome our sauiour particularly commended the feeding of his flock which saynt Bede insinuateth sufficiently saying that King Lucius beseeched Eleutherius by his letters that he might be made a Christian per eius mandatum by his commandement Neither can there any other probable reason be geuen why a few yeres after Donaldus King of Scots sent to Pope victor the next successor of Eleutherius to receiue of him the Christian fayth which at the same tyme florished not only in France as before I haue sayd but also in England from whence he might haue had Bishops and Priests to instruct and baptise him and his people But for the more manifest proof of this poynt let vs heare what S. Ireneus who florished at the same tyme in France teacheth concerning the autority of the sea Apostolike gouerned then by Eleutherius from whome K. Lucius receiued the fayth VVhen we shew sayth he the tradition of the greatest and most AuncieÌ„t Church knowen to all men founded constitute at Rome by the two most glorious Apostles Peter Paule that the same tradition receiued from the sayd Apostles is deriued euen to this our tyme by the succession of Bishops we confound all those that any way eyther by an ouerweening of their owne wits or by vayne glory or by blyndnesse and euil opinion are led away with fals conceyts for euery Churche that is to say the saythful which are euery where must needs haue recours to this Church agree therewith propter potentioreÌ„ principalitatem for the greater or more mighty principality of the same wherein the tradition of the Apostles hath ben alwayes conserued by them which are euery where abroad and a litle after hauing declared the succession of the Bishops of Rome from saynt Peter to Eleutherius who he sayth was the twelfth he addeth by this ordination and succession the tradition which is in the Church from the Apostles and the preaching of the truth is come euen to vs hec est plenissima osteÌ„sio this is a most ful euident demonstration that the fayth which hath ben conserued in the Churche from the Apostles vntil now is that one true fayth which geueth lyfe Thus farre S. Ireneus out of whose words may be gathered three things very imporrant and manifest against our aduersaries The first the force of tradition in the Churche of God that the same alone being duly proued is sufficient to conuince all heretykes that teach any thing contrary therto The second that the continual succession of the Bishops of Rome in one seat and doctrin is an infalible argument of the truth The which also Tertulian in the same tyme not only obserued but also prescrybed for a rule against all heretykes in his book of Prescriptions To which purpose S. Augustin sayth the succession of Priests from the seat of Peter the Apostle to whome our Lord recoÌ„mended his sheep to be fed holdeth me in the Catholyke Church and in another place number the Priests euen from the very seat of Peter and in that order of fathers see who succeded one an other that is the rock which the proud gaâ—â— of hel do not ouercome Optatus Mileuitanus in lyke sort vrgeth this succession of the Roman Bishops against the Donatists reckoning vp all the Bishops from S. Peter to Siricius with whome he sayth all the world did communicat and there-vpon concludeth therfore yow sayth he that challeÌ„ge to your selues a holy Churche tel vs the beginning of your chayre Thus reasoned these fathers against heretykes aboue 1200. yeres ago as also did S. Ireneus before in K. Lucius tyme and the same say wee now with no lesse reason against the heretykes of our tyme we shew them our doctrin conserued in a perpetual succession of Bishops from the Apostles vntil this day we demaund the lyke of them and seing they cannot shew it we conclude with S. Irenaeus that they remayne confounded and that they are to be registred in the number of those that eyther by an ouerweening of their owne wits or by vayne glory or by blyndnes and passion are led away with fals conceits The third poynt that I wish to be noted in the words of S. Irenaeus is the supreme dignity of the Roman Churche aboue all other seing that he cauleth it the greatest most ancient not in respect of tyme for the Churches of Hierusalem and Antioch were before it but for autority and therfor vrgeth it as a matter of necessity duty that all other Churches whatsoeuer and all faythful people throughout the world ought to haue recours therto and agree therwith propter potentioreÌ„ principalitateÌ„ for the greater and more powreful principality and autority therof which autority is founded vpon no other ground then vpon the institution of our Sauiour himselfe who gaue the gouerment of his Church to S. Peter the Apostle not only for him selfe but also for his successors which I wil prooue heare with as conuenient breuity as the importance of the matter wil permit THAT OVR SAVIOVR made S. Peter supreme head of his Churche CHAP. VIII THE supreme autority of S. Peter ouer the Churche of God is to be proued directly out of the holy scriptures by many places and arguments but 3. shal suffice for breuityes sake The first place is in S. Mathew where our sauiour promised to S. Peter to buyld his Church vpon him saying Tu es Petrus super hanc Petram adificabo Ecclesiam meam that is to say thou art Peter or a rock and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche signifying by this allegory that he made him the foundation or head of his Church for the head is to the body the gouernour to the common welth as the foundation is to the buylding that is to say the principal part the stay strength and assurance therof and this appeareth more playnly in the Siriac tongue in which saynt Mathew wrote his gospel where
and cauled him Cephas to signify the same the which word Cephas is interpreted Petrus in our Latin translation and Peter in English for where as the Euangelist himselfe expoundeth Cephas by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greeke saying quod interpretatur Petús that is to say which is interpreted a rock the Latin translator saith quod interpretatur Petrus which is interpreted Peter meaning therby also a rock or a man that metaphorically was a rock for other wyse he geueth not the true sence of Cephas nor of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agayne in this sentence tu es Petrus super hanc Petram thow art Peter and vpon this rock c. these words super hanc Petram do playnly expound Petrus to signify a rock for that the pronoun this can not haue so proper relation to any other word as to the next antecedent which is Petrus so that the sence must needs be thus thou art a rock and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Church Here also may be considered the correspondence that the words of our sauiour to S. Peter haue with S. Peters words to him for when our sauiour asked his Apostles quem me esse dicitis who say you that I am he asked not what they called his name but what they sayd was his quality dignity and therfore saynt Peter answered not thou art Iesus which was the name that was geuen him at his circumsision but thou art Messias that is to say the anoynted or as we commonly say Christ the sonne of the liuing God which our sauiour recompensed not by telling him his name which was Simon but by giuing him another name and such a one as signified the office qualitie and dignitie that he bestowed vpon him and therfore he sayd vnto him thou art Cephas or Petrus that is to say a rock or Peter and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche which saynt Leo expresly noteth saying in the person of Christ to S. Peter thus as my father hath made knowen vnto thee my diuinity euen so I make knowne to thee thy excellency that thou art Peter that is to say a rock c. and S. Hierome expounding the same words of our sauiour and speaking also in his person sayth thus because thow Symon hast sayd to mee thou art Christ the sonne of God I also say to thee not with a vayne or Idle speeche that hath no operation or effect but quia meum dixisse fecisse est because my saying is a doing or a making therfore I say vnto thee thow art Peter or a rock and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche thus farre S. Hierom signifieng that Christ both made him a rock and cauled him a rock which yet he declareth more playnly in that which he addeth immediatly as Christ sayth he being himselfe the light granted to his disciples that they should be cauled the light of the world ita Simoni qui credebat in Pertam Christum petri largitus est nomen so to Simon who beleued in Christ the rock he gaue the name of a rock for yf we expound not Petri so the similitude is to no purpose and therfore it followeth immediatly and according to the metaphor of a rock it is truly sayd to him I wil buyld my Churche vpon thee here yow see S. Hierome vnderstandeth Petrum Petram that is to say Peter a rock to be all one and so doth S. Ambrose expounding tu es Petrus thow art Peter he is cauled saith he a rock because he first layd the foundation of fayth amongst the gentils and lyke an vnmoueable stone doth hold vp or susteyn the frame and weight of the whole Christian woork This may be confirmed out of saynt Basil who sayth Petrus dixerat tu es filius deiviui vicissim audierat se esse Petram Peter sayd thou art the sonne of God and heard agayne that he him selfe was a rock which according to our Latin and English translation of the scripture is not trew if Petrus and Peter do not signify a rock and thus wee see that Petrus being spoken in the scriptures of S. Peter and especially in those words of our sauiour Tu es Petrus doth signify a rock no lesse then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greeke or cepha in the Hebrew which in our Latin translatiō is interpreted Petrus in our English Peter In this respect Tertulian in K. Lucius tyme cauleth S. Peter aedificandae ecclesiae Petram the rock where vpon the Church was to be buylt Origen in the same age for he was borne about the tyme of King Lucius his conuersion or within fyue or six yeres after tearmeth him magnū illud ecclesiae fundamentum Petram solidissimam super quam Christus fundauit Ecclesiam that is to say the great foundation of the Churche and the most solid or stedfast rock where-vpon Christ founded his Churche S. Cypriā who florished also within 40. or 50. yeres after the conuersion of K. Lucius hauing rehearsed these words of our sauiour thow art Peter c. concludeth thus super illum vnum adificat ecclesiam suam ills pascendas mandat oue◠suas that is to say vpon him beiug one he buyldeth his Churche and to him he commendeth his sheep to be fed and after declaring the cause therof and the reason why our sauiour made him cheese or head of his Apostles though they were otherwyse equal with him in honour and power of the Apostleship yet sayth he to manifest vnity he cōstituted one chayre and so disposed by his autority that vnity should haue beginning from one and a litle after Primatus Petro datur vt vna Ecclesia Christs Cathedra vna monstretur the supremacy is geuen to Peter that the Churche of Christ may be shewed to be one and one chayre wherby he signifieth that our sauiour to conserue vnity aswel amongst his Apostles as also in his whole Church and to auoyd the occasion of schisme which ordinarily ryseth of pluralitie of heads ordeyned and appoynted one head ouer all to wit S. Peter the which reason ys also obserued by Optatus Miliuitanus and other most learned and auncient fathers who acknowledge neuerthelesse an equalitie of Apostolical autoritie in all the Apostles which I note here the rather for that our aduersaries are wont to obiect the same agaynst the supremacy of S. Peter as though the one did contradict or ouerthrowe the other whereas they may learne of saynt Hierome that although all the Apostles receiued the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen yea and that the strength of the Churche was established vpon them equaly that is to say aswel vpon one of them as vpon an other though not in lyke degree vpon euery one yet sayth he one was chosen amongst twelue to the end that a head being appoynted all occasion of schisme may be taken away and S.
reuenge thereof and S. Chrysostome complayneth greeuously of the indignity donne to the Emperour therin The lyke was iudged in England of the violeÌ„ce doÌ„ne by Hacket to the Queenes picture which was iustly held for a disloyal act agaynst her Magestyes person And who knoweth not that he which standeth bare headed in the presence chaÌ„ber before the Queenes chayre and cloth of state doth honour the Queene therein Also it was the custome in tymes past to adore the images of the Roman Emperours which the Christians refused not to do in which respect Iulian the Apostata thinking either to draw them to adore his fals Gods or els to haue some pretence to punish them for contempt of his person placed his owne image amongst the images of false Gods as I haue noted in my Apology vpon an other occasion whervpon S. Gregory Nazianzen sayth that the simple Christians who did not fal into account of the deceat were to be excused of ignorance for that they thought they adored no more but the Emperours image if therfore it be lawful to adore the image of an Emperour or earthly king for that he is the image of almighty God I meane if it bee lawful to adore the image of Gods image how much more is it lawful to do reuerence to the image of God him selfe I meane of Christ God and man And sure I am that many in England which wil not haue nor reuerence the image of our sauiour for feare of committing idolatry wil make no bones at all to keep some picture or remembrance of their Maistres to kisse it and to vse other tokens of affection and respect towards it to shew therby their good wil to her And how many are there in England that condemne catholykes for keeping images and pictures to moue them to deuotion and yet make no scruple to keep lasciuious pictures to prouoke themselues to lust wherby they might see by their owne experience if they were not wilfully blynd what is the effect of good and deuout pictures in wel disposed mynds and what it would bee in themselues if they were as spiritual and feruerous in the loue of God as they are carnal and fyry in sensual appetyt for who douteth that deuout representatioÌ„s do as easely moue pious and godly minds to holy cogitations and affections as lasciuious obiects do kindle carnal mynds to concupiscence and lust and therfore S. Gregory Nissen sayth that he neuer beheld the picture of Abraham sacrifising his sonne Isaac but hee was moued to teares and yet it is likely that he had often read the story therof without any such effect as Basilius byshop of Ancyra noted very wel in the 7. general councel of Nice when the same was aleaged there out of S. Gregory aboue 800. yeres agoe wherevpoÌ„ Theodorus byshop of Catane also inferred in the same councel that much more may the story of our sauiours passion represented by picture woorke the lyke effect in deuout persons that behold the same Wherof I think good to declare here a manifest example of my owne knowledge It chaÌ„ced in the house of a Catholyke where I was that a young mayd of 15. or 16. yeres of age who had ben alwayes brought vp amongsts protestaÌ„tes comming thether and seeing a picture of Christ crusified demaunded whose picture it was and being told that it was the picture of our sauiour Christ wherby she might see what he suffred for vs she was moued with such compassion that after she had stedfastly beheld it a whyle she burst out first into sighes after into teares saying that shee had often heard of it but neuer seene it before adding further our Lord helpe vs if he suffred all this for vs. Wherby it may appeare how true is that which saynt Gregory the greate sayth of Images to wit that they are the bookes of the ignorant who are many tymes more moued with pictures then with preaching and vnderstand that which is taught theÌ„ much better when it is by Images or pictures represented to their eyes for as the Poet sayth Segnius irritant animos immissa per auros Quam quae sunt oculis commissa fidelibus That is to say those things that are conceaued by hearing do lesse moue the mynds of men then such thinges as are committed to the sight This the deuil knoweth so wel as to hinder the same all other good effects of holy Images and deuour pictures yea and to exterminat as much as in him lyeth all external monuments and memories of the lyfe and passion of our sauiour and his saynts and so by degrees to root out all Christian religion he hath stirred vp in all ages his instruments and seruants to make warre against holy Images vnder colour of zeale to Gods honour and glory To this purpose it may be noted that the first and cheef impugners of the lawful vse of Images for some hundreth yeares togeather were eyther Iewes or magicians or manifest heretikes or otherwyse know in for most wicked men The first wherof was a perâ—â—◠〈…〉 about 500. yeres after Christ whome 〈…〉 cauleth the seruant of Satan saying that he made himselfe a Bishop before he was baptised and that he was the first that taught that the Image of Christ and of his saynts ought not to be woorshiped and almost 200. yeres after in the yere of our Lord 676. the Iewes impugned the vse of Images in their Talmud and about the yere of our Lord 700. a Iew persuaded a Mahometan King in Arabia to burne all the Images in the Churches of the Christians and shortly after Leo Isaurus the Emperour did the lyke by persuasion of a Iew whose example his sonne Leo Copronimus followed being a magician and a nestorian heretyk and about the yere 800. Leo Armenius the Emperour and his successors Michael Balbus and Theophilus all three most wicked men the last addicted both to iudaisme and necromancy made a new warre against Images which the wyclefists also did 500. yeares after and now of late the Lutherans and Caluinists whereas all those that defended the vse of Images against Leo and those other Emperours were most holy and learned men as Gregorius and Hadrianus Bishops of Rome in those dayes and Germanus and Tharasius Bishops of Constantinople S. Iohn Damascen Methodius Leontius Ionas Aurelianensis Paulus Diaconus and diuers others all of them men of singuler learning and vertue by the testimony of all autors both Greeks Latins THE COMMANDEMENT OF God touching images explicated and the practise of the Churche declared CHAP. XII BVT our aduersaries obiect against vs the commaÌ„dement of God to wit thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image nor any similitude of any thing c. wherto I answere yf they take the bare letter without the true sence and circumstances no man may make any Image whatsoeuer nor so much as any lyknesse of any thing
of the Eucharist to serue vs not only for a food and spiritual meate but also for a sacrifice offring the fame him-selfe first to his Father and then geuing commissioÌ„ and power to his Disciples to do that which he did to wit to offer and sacrifice the same saying hoc facite in nâ—eam commemorationeÌ„ that is to say do make or sacrifice this in remembrance of me for this woord facite as wel in the Syriac Hebrew and Greek as in the Laryn signifieth to sacrifice no lesse then to do or make as in Leuiticus faciet vnum pro peccate he shal sacrifice one of the turtle doues for remissioÌ„ of sinne and in the book of Kings faciam bovem alterum I wil sacrifice the other oxe the lyke may be seene in diuers other places of the holy scriptures where the Hebrew Greek woord which doth properly signify facere must needs be vnderstood to do sacrifice in which sence facâ—re is also vsed amongst the Latins as cum faciam vttulapro frugthus c. when I shal sacrifice a calfe for my corne c also in Plautus faciam tibâ— fideliam mulsiplenam I wil sacrifice vnto the a poâ—ful of sweete wyne and agayne in Cicero Iunoni omnes consules facere necesse est all the consuls must needs sacrifice to Iune But howsoeuer it is it litle importeth for the matter in questioÌ„ whether faecere do properly signify to sacrifice or no seing it is euident that all the doctors of the Churche do vnderstaÌ„d that Christ coÌ„maunding his Apostles to do that which he did commaunded them to sacrifice S. Denis who was conuerted by S. Paul at Athens declaring the practise of the Churche in his tyme fayth that the Bishop in the tyme of the holy mysteries excuseth himself to almighty God for that he is so bold to sacrifice the host that geueth health or saluation aleadging for his excuse our Sauiours commandment to wit hoc facite do this in my remembrance S. Clement in his Apostolical constitutions speaking to Priests in the name of the Apostles fayth suscitato Domino offerte saecrificium vestrum de quo vobis praecepit per nos hae facite in meam commemorationem on easter day when our Lord is risen offer your sacrifice as he commaunded yow by vs saying do this in my remembrance Martialis who also conuersed with the Apostles sayth that the Christians offred the body and blood of our Sauiour Iesus Christ to lyfe euerlasting because he commaunded them to do it in remembrance of him Iustin the Philosopher and Martyr within 140. yeares after Christ sayth that God who receiueth sacrifice at the hands of none but of Priests did foretel by his Prophet that those sacrifices should be grateful to him which Iesus Christ commaunded to be offred in the Eucharist S. Cyprian sayth our Lord and God Iesus Christe is the cheefe Priest and offred first sacrifice to God the Father and commaunded that the same should be donne in his remembrance S. Chrysostome teaching that the sacrifice which is dayly offred in the Churche ys alwayes one and the self same sacrifice be it offred neuer so oft addeth that which we do is donne in remeÌ„brance of that which was donne by our Sauiour far he sayd do this in remembrance of me I omit for breuityes sake S. Augustin S. Ambrose Primasius Bishop of vtica S. Isidore Haymo and diuers others that testify in lyke manner that our Sauiour saying to his Apostles do this gaue them coÌ„mission and power to sacrifice and thus much for the institution of the masse by our Sauiour THAT THE APOSTLES practysed the commission geuen them by our Sauiours sacrificing or saying Masse them-selues and leauing the vse and practyse therof vnto the Churche and that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme but also for the first 500. yeares after Christ teach it to be a true sacrifice and propitiatory for the liuing and for the dead CHAP. XVII NOW then to speake breefly of the practyse of the Apostles and of Gods Churche euer since It being manifest by that which I haue sayd already that our Sauiour himselfe did not only institute offer the sacrifice of his body and blood at his last super but also gaue commission and power to his disciples to do that which he did it cannot be douted but that they executed this power and commission and did not only consecrate and make the body of our sauiour as he did but also sacrificed the same Therefore whereas we read in the Acts of the Apostles that they vsed to assemble themselues together ad frangendum panem to break bread it is doutles to be vnderstood that they offred this sacrifice informe of bread according to the commission coÌ„maundmeÌ„t of our Sauiour that the same was the publike ministery wherein the scripture sayth they were occupied when they were commanded by the holy ghost to segregat Paul and Barnabas whereof it is sayd ministraÌ„tibus illis Domino ieiunantibus c. whyles they were ministring to our Lord and fasting c. which being in the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signify the ministery of sacrifice in which sence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are taken in the scripture when they are vsed absolutely and spoken of any publyke and holy ministery wherof wee haue examples as wel in the epistieto the Hebrewes in dyuers places as also in the gospel of S. Luke author of the Acts of the Apostles who speaking of Zacharias the priest and of his ministery or office which was to offer sacrifice calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and therfore Erasinus of whose iudgement in lyke cases our aduersaries are wont to make no smaâ—e account had great reason to translate the foresayd woords 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. sacrificanâ—bus illu Domino c. as they were sacrifycing to our Lord c. and so coÌ„mon was this sence vnderstanding of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for sacrifice that the grecians haue no other proper woord for the sacrifice of the Masse Furdermore that the ministery of the Apostles in breaking bread was a sacrifice it appeareth euidetly by S. Paule who to withdraw the Corinthians from sacrificing to Idols did represent vnto them the sacrifice which he and the Apostles did vse to offer in the breaking of bread making a playne antithesis betwyxt the one sacrifice and the other and comparing the bread which they brake as wel with the lawful sacrifices of the Iewes as also with the vnlawful sacrifices of the gentils Of the first he sayth Behold Israel according to the flesh are not those which eate of the sacrifices partakers of the Altar and agayne speaking of the other flie sayth he from the woorship that is to say the sacrifices of Idols and yeilding a reason thereof the cup sayth he which wee blesse
poynts which I haue handled what hath alwayes bin the doctrin of the Churche of God concernâ—ng the same and that therfore King Lucius could receiue no other froÌ„ the Catholyke RomaÌ„ Churche by the which he was conuerted to the Christian fayth and yf I thought it needful to rip vp euery other particuler point controuersed betwyxt our aduersaries and vs I could easely shew the same in euery one But what needeth it seing they cannot proue that any Pope I wil not say from S. Eleutherius to S. Gregory but from S. Peter to Clement the eight that now gouerneth the Churche hath taught and decreed any different doctrin from his predecessors whereas on the other syde wee shew euidently that in a perpetual succession of our Roman Bishops there hath ben also a continual succession of one the selfe same doctrin where vpon it followeth infalibly that King Ethelbert and the English could not receiue from S. Gregory the Pope any other fayth then King Lucius and the britans receiued from saynt Eleutherius and that wee which now hold communion with the Roman Churche teache no other doctrin then that which was taught by them to our ancestors and hath successiuely come from S. Peter consequently from our Sauiour Christ. Therefore thou mayst wel wonder good reader at the impudency of our English ministers that are not a shamed to preache teache the contrary wherby thow mayst also see how lamentable is the case of our poor country wherein such haue the charge and cure of soules as haue not so much as common honesty to say the truth in matters as cleare as the Sunne and teach such a religion as for lack of better reasons and arguments they are forst to mayntayne it with manifest lyes slanders yea and murders of innocent men whome they execute for fayned crymes vnder colour of matter of state acknowledging therby sufficiently the truth of our Catholyk fayth seing they are ashamed to aâ—ow that they trooble any man for it whyles they confesse that they punish and put to death heretykes namely the Anabaptists directly for their religion and their impudency is so much the more notorious for that their publyk proceedings in the dayly execution of penal and capital lawes touching only matter of religion doth contradict and conuince their sayings and writings wherein they affirme that they put none to death for religion But for as much as I haue treated this matter at large in diuers partes of my Apology besydes that I vnderstand that some others also entend to treate thereof in the answere of a ridiculous challenge made by O. E. fraught with most absurd paradoxes as wel concerning this poynt as others touching our Catholyke fayth I remit thee good reader therto and so conclude this treatys beseeching almighty God to geue our aduersaries the light of his grace and vs in the meane tyme pacience and constancy and to thee indifferency to iudge of maters so much importing the eternal good and saluation of thy soule which I hartely wish no lesse then my owne FINIS A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS TREATISE THE preface wherein are declared the causes of the long delay of printing the Apology and withall is noted the impudency of a late wryter in England disguysing his name with the letters O. E. who auoweth the fiction of Squyres employment for a truth and affirmeth that none are put to death in England for religion An Answere to two malitious slanders auowched in the foresayd libels concerning the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended sollicited by the Catholyks touching the late enterprise of the King of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning sir VVilliam Stanley and the Iesuits calumniated by the lybellers CHAP. 1. Concerning father Parsons in particular and that the extreame malice that the heretyks beare him is an euident argument of his great vertue CHAP. 2. That the Catholykes are persecuted martyred now in England for the same causes that the martyrs dyed in the primatiue Churche and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduile CHAP. 3. Of the impudeÌ„cy of a minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs aforesaid affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monk to the protestants religion by occasion where-of the truth of that poynt is euidently declared CHAP. 4. Of the first conuersion of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euideÌ„t proofes that our Catholyk fayth was then preached and planted there CHAP. 5. The same is coÌ„firmed proued out of Gildas the sage Ca. 6. Certayne poynts of controuersy are discussed whereby it is proued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiasticall causes CHAP. 7. That our Sauiour made S. Peter supreme head of the churche CHAP. 8. That the successors of saynt Peter to wit the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche CHAP. 9. That the Bishops of Rome exercised supreme autority in the tyme of King Lucius CHAP. 10. The matter of holy Images is debated and the vse thereof proued to haue ben in the Churche of God euer since our Sauiours tyme. Chap. 11. The commandment of God touching Images is explicated the practise of the Churche declared Chap. 12. Concerning the relicks of saynts and the reuerend vse thereof Chap. 13. That our doctrin concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was generaly receiued and beleeued in the tyme of King Lucius and first that it was foretold and prophecyed by Malachias Chap. 14. That not only the sacrifice of Melchisedech but also all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of the sacrifice of the masse and are changed into the same and by the way is declared the necessity of sacrifice as wel for common welth as for religion Chap. 15. That our Sauiour Christ instituted and offred at his last supper the sacrifice of his blessed body and blood proued by his owne woords by the expositions of the Fathers with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the masse and lastly that he gaue commission and power to his Disciples to offer his body and blood in sacrifice that is to say to say the Masse Chap. 16. That the Apostles practised the commission geuen them by our Sauiour sacrificing or saying Masse them-selues and leauing the vse and practise thereof vnto the Churche that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme but also for all the first 500. yeares afeer Christ taught it to bee a true sacrifice and propitiatory for the liuing for the dead Chap. 17 An answere to the obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paules epistle to the Hebrewes with a declaration that the heretyks of this tyme that abolish the sacrifice of the Masse haue not the new testameÌ„t of Christ and that they shew themselues to be most pernicious enemies of humain kynd Chap. 18.
lyke cases And that this was also his resolution it appeared manifestly at his death at what tyme he vtterly denyed not only the fact and all intention therof but also that he had bene employed to any such end by any man accusing his owne frayltie in that he had for torment belyed himself which being considered with the weaknes of the euidence doth no lesse manifest his innocencie and ours then discouer the impietie of those that enueygled him to bely and slaunder himselfe others wherof I wil speake more hereafter AN EXPOSTVLATION which M. Cook her Maiesties Atturney CHAP. IX FOR as much as I vnderstand that M. Cook her Ma ties Atturney was a principal actor in the tragedy of Squyre and played the part as wel of a kynd as of a kindly cook in seasoning such an vnsauory matter with salt teares and of a notable calumniatour in belying and slandering me with father Walpole and others charging me not only with discouering the matter to Stanley whereof I haue spoken before but also with imparting it to the King my maister of glorious memory making his Ma tie therby an abettour of that imaginary conspiracy I cannot forbeare to answere him breeâ—ly thereto and to debate the matter with himself Therefore good M. Cook how simple â—oeuer yow conceiue me to bee yet I would haue yow to vnderstand that I haue not got so litle experience and skil of Kings humorsâ— in these 15. or 16. yeares that I haue haunted their courts and serued some of them that if I should haue employed Squyre or any man els to kil her Ma tie I would haue acquaynted any king or souerayne Prince therewith whereby they might take me for a Queene or King killer for howsoeuer the act might turne to their benefits or be to their lykings I ame sure they would say with Augustus Caesar I loue the treason but I hate traytour besides that I am not ignorant that they hold it for a necessary poynt of state to mayntayne the soueraigne maiesty of Princes as sacred and iâ—â—â—oâ—able yea though yâ—â—be of their very enemies therefore wheÌ„ Darius was ouerthrowne by Alexander the greate and trayterously killed afterwards by a subiect of his owne called Bessuâ— he recommended the reuenge thereof to no other but to Alexander himself saying that yt was not his particular but the common cause of Kings and matter of necessary example which should be both dishonorable and daungerous for him to neglect in which respect Alexander afterwards reuenged the same not esteeming sayth the story Darius to be so much his enemy as he that slew him This consideration might haue suffised I assure yow M. Cook to with hold me from acquaynting his Ma ie with the matter yf there had ben any such but much more his Ma ties great vertue piety and Iustice so knowen to all the Christian world howsoeuer yow and your fellowes in your hemisphere are ignorant thereof that I know not who durst haue presumed so much as to intimat any such matter to him whose royal harte the very harbour of honour and true magnanimity was no more compatible with murders mischiefs theÌ„ your base mynd is capable of Kingly conceits This shal suffise for answere to your discours of my imparting the matter to the King seing there was no other ground thereof but your owne imagination which was no lesse Idle then your head was addle all that day being the morow after your mariage as I vnderstand when yow were not as yet come to your self hauing left as yt should seeme not only your hart but also your wits at home with my lady your wyfe as yt may wel appeare by the aboundance of teares yow shed in your pittiful pleading where of I cannot but say as Catulus sayd to a bad oratour that hauing employed all his eloquence to moue his audience to pitty asked him his opinion thereof whereto he answered in truth quoth he yow mooued much pitty for there was no man there that thought not both yow your oration much to be pittied and so Sir I may say of yow that no dout yow mooued all wyfe men that were present to pitty yow and to hold yow eyther for the simplest or els the most malitious man that euer occupied your place the simplect if your teares were from the hart the most malitious yf they were fayned For though yow had ben a man of farre lesse vnderstanding in the lawes of England then one that should deserue to be the Queenes Atturney and had not ben employed in the examinatioÌ„ of the cause as by all lykelyhood yow were yet yow could not but note such weakenes insufficiÌ„ency of the euidence such wresting of law and consequently so litle appearence of truth and lesse of her Ma ties daunger that yow could haue no cause of teares except yt were to bewayle the lamentable case of the poore prisoner yea and your owne for being in great part guilty of his blood which if yow saw not but weapt in good earnest for pitty of her Ma tie your law serued yow for litle and your wits for lesse and I dare say there were some on the bench that laught wel in their sleeues to see your simplicity and thought yow were more fit as good a cook as yow are to be a turne spit in the Queenes kiching then her atturney in the kings benche But yf yow saw the poore mannes inocency yet could shed teares lyke the crocodil to his distruction your malice surpassed all that euer I heard of And truly the best that your best friends can conceiue thereof is that it proceeded from some natural infirmity of a moyst and Ide brayne and therefore I would aduise my lady your wyfe hereafter to keep yow at home seing yow haue such a childish trick when yow come abroad to cry for nothing or els to send with yow a nours with an aple to stil yow when yow cry for otherwyse verely yow wil shame your self and your friends and so I leaue yow vntil yow geue me furder occasion which if yow do yow may assure your self that I wil follow the councel of Salomon and answere a fool according to his foolishnes least by other mennes silence he may think himself to be wyse OF THE LIKE SLAVNDERS raysed diuers tymes heretofore against Catholykes and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution CHAP. X. YOVR lordships haue seene vpon what smal ground or rather none at all Squyre was condemned and we heere slaundered wherby yow may iudge how Iustice is administred now in your Realme by those that are or should be the Ministers therof for the better declaration wherof and the further iustification as wel of vs heere for this matter as also of all Catholykes for the lyke slaunders raysed against them diuers tymes heretofore both at home and abroad I wil be so bould as to represent vnto your Lordships sundry manifest wronges and
of their primacy in causes ecclesiastical Seing then your religion so far as it is distinct from others hath no other ground then reason of state I doubt not but yf the matter were wel examined what God they beleeued in that persuaded her Ma tie therto or yow and your fellowes that manitayne it vpon the same reason and by such vnchristian practises as yow do yow would be found to be coÌ„preheÌ„ded in the third diuisioÌ„ of varro who said that 3. kynds of men had three different kynds of Gods the Poëts one the Philosophers an other and statists or Polityks a third that euery one of them had a different religion according to the difference of their Gods as that the religion of the Poets was fabulous the other of the Philosophers natural the third of the Statists polityke and accomodated to gouernment And this is that which yow professe For the God yow beleeue in is the Prince your scriptures are the actes of Parliament your religion is to conserue the state persas uefas and therfore as all good Christians do measure the reason of state by religion which is the true rule and the end therof and from the which it cannot in reason dissent or disagre so yow on the other syde reduce and frame religion to your fals reason of state and by that meanes peruert all the order both of nature and grace preferring the body before the soule temporal things before spiritual humayn before deuine earth before heauen the world before God and which is more yow subiect both earth heauen body soule the world yea God and all to the priuate pleasure and profit of the Prince as though he were the end the Lord and God of all the world and of nature it self whervpon ensew those monstrous pollicies which wee fee fraught with all frand hipocrisy periuries slauÌ„ders murders and all kynd of cruelty oppression and impiety which haue ruined infinite Kinges with their countries Kingdomes and what they wil bring our poore country vnto in the end tyme wil tel wherto I remit me for as the Italian prouerb sayth La vita il sine â—l di lâ—da La sera the end prayseth the lyfe and the euening the day OF THE TRVE CAVSES OF more moderation vsed in the beginning then afterwards of the difference made by the Lawes betwixt Seminarie and I Mary priests CHAP. XXIII BVt to proceed in your obseruations you go forward to geue example that there is moderation vsed in ecclesiastical causes where matter of state is not mixt with religion saying for els I would gladly learne what should make the difference the temper of the lawes in the first yeare of the Queene and in the 23. and 27. but that at the one tyme they were papists in conscience and at the other they were growne papists in faction or what should make the difference at this day in law betwixt a Queene Marie priest a Seminary priest saue that the one is a priest of suspition and the other a priest of sedition Hereto I answere that because you say you would gladly learne and that I take yow to be of a good wit and docile I wil take paynes to teach you this poynt that you say you would so fayne learne Know you therfore that there were diuers causes of more moderation and lenity vsed for some yeares in the beginning then afterwards yet not those which you speak of and so you shew your self eyther ignorant or malitious in both The first an ordinary rule of state which those great statists that procured this change could not neglect I meane in case of innouation to vse no suddayne violence but to proceed by degrees especially in matter of religion which is seldome changed without tumult and trouble wherof they had seene the experience in the tymes of both the kings Henry and Edward therfore they had great reason to water their wyne at the beginning and to vse moderation at least for some yeares vntil the state and gouernment were setled The second cause was the doctrine of your owne gospellers in Q. Maryes tyme who because some of their folowers were burnt for heresy according to the Canons and lawes of the Churche cryed out that they were persecuted and published in their bookes and sermons that faith ought to be free and not forced that therfore it was against all conscience to punish or trouble men for their religion in which respect the authors of the change that serued themselues of them in the ecclesiastical and pastoral dignityes could not for shame at the very first vse the bloody proceeding which afterwards they did though neuerthelesse they forbore not in the very beginning to imprison and otherwise to afflict all Bishops and cheif pastours and such others as would not subscribe come to their Churches for the which cause I remember that besydes a great number of ecclesiastical and temporal persons some of my owne kindred and familie were called to London and imprisoned in the second yeare of her Maiesties raigne and so remayned prisoners many yeares after The third cause was the vayne hope that those polityks had that a religion so sensual and ful of liberty as theirs authorized with the power of the Prince vpholden with lawes promulgate with all artifice of writers preachers and perswaders would easely within a fewe yeares infinuate it self into the hartes of all men especially of the youth wherby they made accompte that the elder sort being worne out there would be within a fewe yeares litle memorie or none at all left of Catholike religion but when they saw after some yeares experience how much they were deceiued of their expectation and that through the zealous endeauours of the learned English Catholikes abroad learned bookes written Colledges Seminaryes erected priests made and sent in therby infinite numbers reduced to the vnity of the Catholike Churche not only of the schismatiks that fel at the first eyther by ignorance or for feare but also of the ProtestaÌ„ts themselues and amongst them euen many ministers and principal preachers and none sooner conuerted or more zealously affected to Catholike religion then the yongest and fynest wits wherwith our new Seminaryes beganne to be peopled when those statists I say saw this they thought it then tyme to bestyrre themselues and to persecute in good earnest and yet to do it in such sort as they might if it were possible auoyd the name suspition of persecutors both at home and abroad and therfore they vsed the same pollicy that Iulian the Apostata did of whom S. Gregory Nazianzenus writeth that he professed not externally his impiety with the courage that other persecutors his predecessours were wont to do neyther did he oppose himself against our faith lyke an Emperour that would gayne honour in shewing his might and power by open oppression of the Catholyks but made warre vpon them in a cowardly and base maÌ„ner couering
that for the remedy there wanteth nothing but that your honours may haue notice thereof which I haue therefore presumed to geue yow in this Apology by the occasion of this my purgation which I present vnto yow in all humility beseeching your Lordships for conclusion of this treatise to consider from what root all these foule vnchristian practises of our aduersaries do spring as that they are nothing els but the fruit of heresy which hath no other period where to rest but atheisme or apostacy from Christ as euidently appeareth by all the east parts of the world which from lyke schisme and heresy are falne to flat infidelity which if it please your Lordships wel to weigh and the true remedy withall which Machiauel though in other things he be most absurd and impious yet wysely teacheth in this case to wit to reduce a corrupted state of common wealth to the point froÌ„ whence it first declined I hope your honours wil see the necessity of the reduction of our realme to the ancient Catholyke religion and to the vnity of the Catholyke body of Christendome whereof it was many hundred yeares togeather a principal meÌ„ber in all honour and security florishing in iustice equity and piety whereas now by this difunion and diuorce from the said Catholyke body and religion it is not only exposed to many daungers and much in â—â—my but is also replenished with iniustice and impiety as appeareth by the ordinary dayly proceedings of our aduersaries against vs declared sufficiently in this Apology which I leaue to your honours wyse consideration humbly beseeching almighty God to illuminat your Lordships and her Mayesty also in this behaulf which if it shal please his deuine Ma tie to do and with so great a grace and blessing as is the light of his Catholyke fayth to consummate and perfect those other rare gifts that he hath already bestowed vpon her Ma tie I meane her many princely partes her power by sea land her peace at home her prosperity abroad her long lyfe and raygne shee wil be one of the most fortunat famous glorious Princes that England or Christiandome hath had in many ages and a most rare example of Gods inspeakable mercy to the endles comfort of all true Christians From Madrid the last of August 1599. Your Lordships humble seruant T. F. THE TABLE OF the Chapters THE preamble to the right honorable the Lords of her Maiesties priuy councel The authors protestation of his innocency with the confutation of the fiction by the improbabilitie of the end that was supposed to moue Squyre there vnto Chap. 1. The examination of the grounds wherevpon Squyre was condemned and how vncertayne is the trial of truth by torment Chap. 2. Of the cruelty of the rackmaisters in England and of their manner of examination Chap. 3. Of the tormentors their manner of proceeding against law and conscience Chap. 4. That the common lawes of England do not admit torment in trial of criminal causes for the condemnation of the delinquent Chap. 5. Of the presumptions vrged by some lawyers against Squyre and first of the deposition of Ihon Stallage alias Stanley Chap. 6. Of the testimony geuen by a priuy councellour Chap. 7. That the euidence produced against Squyre was not sufficient in law to geue him torment and that therefore his confession extorted therby was of no force and consequently his condemnation vniust Chap. 8. An expostulation with M. Cook her Maiesties atturney Chap. 9. Of the lyke slander raysed diuers tymes heretofore against Catholyks and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution Chap. 10. Of the vniust condemnation of father Campion of the Society of Iesus and 11. Priests for a fayned conspiracy against her Maiesty and the state Chap. 11. Of the lyke iniustice vsed against M. payne a Priest for a surmised conspiracy against her Ma ties person Cha. 12. Of the lyke vniust condemnation of M. Iames Fen M. George Haddock vpon the lyke fals pretence Chap. 13. Of two Catholykes in wales condemned vpon the testimony of fals witnesses suborned and hyred for money Cha. 14. Of VVilliams York CulleÌ„ executed for fayned conspiracies against her Maiesty Chap. 15. Of the ends that our aduersaries haue or may haue in slandering Catholyks with treasonable attempts and first of the end that they haue common with all persecutors of Gods Churche and how much they fayle of their purpose therein Chap. 16. Of other ends particuler to our aduersaries and of their disloyalty towards her Maiesty Chap. 17. That these proceedings of our aduersaries which they hold for polityke are against all policy true reason of state Chap. 18. Of two ineuitable dommages that must needs ensew to the whole state by the effusion of innocent blood with an intimation of some part of the remedy Chap. 19. The confutation of a pamphlet printed in England concerning the fayned conspiracy of Squyre and first of two notable lyes which the author thereof auoweth vpon his owne knowledge Chap. 20. Of certayne absurd improbabilities in the paÌ„phlet touching the manner of the discouery of Squyres supposed conspiracy Chap 21. Of certayne impertinent and foolish gloses of the author of the pamphlet and first concerning the moderation and lenity which he sayth is vsed in causes of religion where it is not mixt with matter of state Chap. 22. Of the true causes of more moderatioÌ„ vsed in the beginning then afterwards and of the difference made by the lawes betwixt Seminary Queene Mary Priests Chap 23. The confutatioÌ„ of aninuectiue which the author of the pamphlet maketh against the Iesuits Chap. 24. Of the hipocrisy of the autor of the pamphlet and his fellowes and of a ridiculous miracle fayned in her Ma ties supposed escape Chap. 25. The conclusion to the lords of the councel Chap. 26. Such fevv faultes as may haue escaped in the printing it may please the courteous reader to pardon Edvvard Squyre executed for a fayned conspiracy and the author of this treatyse charge therevvith The reasons that moued the author to vvryte an Apology in his ovvne defence The Apology stayd froÌ„ the print in hope of some toleration of Catholyke religion in England Hope of toleration frustrate Squyres matter seemed to be forgot Squyres matter held by the vvyse for a stratagem of state Squyres matter lately reuyued by 3. lybels and much vrged against Catholyks The authors determinatioÌ„ to set out his Apology O. E. In his nevv challeng to N.D. Chap â— The autor ansvvereth and confuteth this slaÌ„der vpon his ovvne knovvledge The autors protestation vpon his coÌ„science The endeuour of Syr Fran. Englefeld F. Parsons F Cresvvel and of the autor to diuert the Catholik king from the conquest of Engl. The Catholyk kings ansvver concerning his intention Restitution of Catholyk religion in England Ease of persecution by treaty of peace The reasons vvhy the Catholyks rather expected remedy by peace then by vvarre Frequent ouuertures to treatyse of
peace these later yeres Impossibilites of conquest Her maiesties propensioÌ„ to peace and to geue toleration to Catholyks The heretyks measure Catholyks by themselues The charity of Catholyks tovvards their enemies The Catholyks desyre restitution of religioÌ„ by svveet meaâ—es The erection of Seminaryes tendeth not to force of armes The svvoord needles vvhere the vvoord preuayleth Heresy dayly decaying The vvyse gouernours can not but note Gods handivvork in the progresse of Catholyk religioÌ„ in England VVhat conquest the Catholyks desyre in England Neyther F. Pars. at Rome nor any Englishman in Spayn made priuy thereto The prudent manner of proceeding of the councel of Spayn The circumspection of the Yrish VVitnes maye be takeÌ„ of Hugh Buy agent of late for Odonel in Spayn and novv in her maiestyes seruice Not lykly that Syr VVilliam Stanley could approue the plot that vvas executed The ridiculous folly of a lybeller in obiecting to sir VVilliam Stanley his deliuering of Deuenter to the true ovvner Syr VVilliaÌ„s generosity sincerity in tendring Dauenter The hatred of heretyks is a notable testimony of F. Parsons his great vertue The greatest saynts of God alvvayes calumniated As the church vvas planted so it must be restored Ioan. 7 10. Luc. 2â— Act. 6. 14. 17. 21. 24. 23. Gods seruaÌ„ts so cunningly calumniated by euil men that good men sometymes held them suspected S. Athanasius extremly caâ—lumniated Baron anno 336. 339. 335. Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 30â— Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 21. Epiph. haer 68. Athan. Apoâ—log ad Constant Baron anno 363. 371. S. Basil. Basil. Ep. 7â— epist. 79. Basil. ad Eustachium epist. S. Hierome Baron To. anno 39â— â—roâ—â—anno â— Hieron epist. ad Demetria The good vvoorks of good men remayn honorable vvhyles their persecutours perish vvith ignoâ—iny S. Chrisostome so calumniated that he vvas tvvys banished by Catholyk Bishops Baron annâ— 427. Baron anno 369. * Greg. Nazian oratione ad 150. Episc. in vita sua Idem an 387 Aug. contra IulianuÌ„ lib. 6 cap. 12. Baron anno 426. Item epist. â— editio nouae Ciril epist. 7â— 14. Baron anno 429. S. Ciril slandered by meÌ„ sent abrode of purpose to defame him Spyes sent abroad to defame F. Parsons Spyes discouered in the seminaries of Spayne Baron â—od an Ciryl epist. 8. S. Cirils ansvver to Nestorius applyed to F. Pars. Parsons repayeth the malice of his enemies vvith charity Hiero. epist. â—7 Miserable to do iniury but not to suffer it Of F. Pars. his great profitable labours in gods Church His notable books Soules gayned to God by him in England 4. Notable Seminaries erected and 2. residences for priests 2000 Crovvnes rent procured for the seminary of Dovvay The tumults of the English in Rome pacified His vvyse examplar gouernment of the English colledge at Rome All our Seminaries eyther erected or releeued or exceedingly benefyted by him His lyfe so religious that his greatest enemies can iustly repreheÌ„d nothing therein F. Parsons charged for lack of better matter vvith the actions of his very enemyes His good vvoorks calumniated il interpreted as our Sauiours vvere Gods manifest coÌ„curreÌ„ce vvith his labours in the progres of Cathol religioÌ„ Three conâ—lusions â—ravvn of â—he premisses God hath â—aysed F. Parsons for a special instrument to repayre his Church in England Exod. 31. â—5 3â— It is not possible but that F. pars being employed by almighty God shal be impugned by the deuil and all his instruments His Apostolical labours shal be the more glorious to all posterity for the great coÌ„tradiction he receaueth of Gods enemies The autor proceedeth to the discouery of the impudency of O. E affiâ—â—â—ing that none are puâ— to death in Engl. for religion M. Iohn Righby exeâ—cuted in the yere 1600. M. Palaser M. Talbot M. Ihon Norton Mrs. Lyne M. Ihon Pibush M. Mark Barkvvorth M. Robert Nutter M. Edvvard Thvving M. Thurstan Hunt M. MiddletoÌ„ M. Harrison â— a lay man Catholyke Priests traytors novv in to other â—ort then vvere the Christian Priests in the primatiue Church Beda histor Eccles. lib. 1. S. Alban our first martyr charged vvith receauing a trayterous Priest S. Alban martyred about the yere of our Lord. 300. An example for Catholyks Matth 10. Christians martyred in the primatiue Church by paynims for the same points of religion that Catholyke are persecuted novv Baron To. 2. anno 303. Surius 11. Februa The sacrifice of the Masse forbidden vpon payne of death by Dioclesian Concil Roman sub Siluestro 1. Con. Carth. â— can 3. Leo Mag. Epist 81 Aug. ser. 9â— de tempore Ambros. li. 5. epist. 33. Liturg. Dionys Basil. Chrisost. Tertul lib. 3. ad vxorem li. de Castira li. de oratione Cypria 63. Ibidem Christians martyred vnder Diocletian for heating masse The ansvvere of the martyrs concerning the necessity of masse To heare masse in England is treason by consequence A coÌ„parison of the proceedings of the old persecutours vvith those of this tyme in Engl. The ansvver of the old martyrs conform to ours novv Act. cap. 5. The old martyrs vvere condemned for disobedience to the temporal lavves as Catholyks are novv Treason pretended but religion condemned as vvel in the old martyrs as in ours novv Notable iniustice donne to M Hunt and M. Sprat condemned at Lincolne anno 1600. Iudge Glanâ—duile punished exemâ—plarly by alâ—mighty God â—â—lâ—en the â—inister Beda hist. Angl. li. 1. c 23. Lib. 1. ca. 26. Ibid. ca. 29. â—p 29. â—p 33. â—â—b 2. cap. 3. â—id 2 cap â— â—ib 2. cap. 7. 1â— â—l 3 ca. 29. Lib. 4. cap. 1. Lib. 5. ca. â—0 Lib. cap. 5. Lib. 5. cap. 7. Ibibem Lib. 5. cap. 20 Polid. lib. 4. hist. Angl. Polid. lib. 6. Ibidem Polid. lib 7. Alâ—ed invita S. Eduuardi Gulielmus NeubriceÌ„ li. â— ca. 25. 34. Petrus blesensis epist. 44. â—olid vergil lib. â—5 Polid. lib. 27. Lib. 3. ca. 2. quest 10. 11. 12. 13. Lib. 3. cap. â— Lib. 4. ca. 10. Lib. 5. ca. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. lib 3. cap. 15. Polid. lib. 2. Platina in Eleuther Beda hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 4. Lib. 1. hist. eccles ca. 17 Athan. Apoâ— log 2. contra arrianos Hilari epist. ad Epistolos c. Ibid. cap. 21 Cap. 7 â— Beda Eccl. hist. lib. 1. cap. 17. Ibid. ca. Lib. 1. ca. Gildas in â— stigatio in eccles ordinem Ibidem Ibidem Ibidem Ibidem Ibidem Polido verg hist. Angl. lib. 3. Gildas de excidio Britaniae Beda hist. Angl. lib. cap. 2. Lib. 2 cap. 2. Ibidem Tertul. li. aduersus Iudeos Origen in Ezech. hom 4. in hom 6. in luâ— Athanas. 2. Apolo Hilar. sinodi soft hâ— in Maâ— Hieroâ— marcel migret Bethleâ— â—lido lib. 1. Angl. â—an 21. â—eda hist. â—ngl â— â— ca. 4. â—ector Boeâ—ius hist. coâ— lib. 6. â—reneus lib. 3. â—ap 3. Tertul. lib prescrip Ang. cont epist. Man chaei quaâ— vocat Funmenti Aug. in P mo contra parteÌ„ Doâ— Optams â—