King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
king and crowne have great priviledge and prerogative above the state and affaires of subjects and great differences allowed in points of law As for example it is a generall common rule of law that the wife after the decease of her husband shall enjoy the third of his lands but yet the Queene shall not enjoy the third part of the Crowne after the Kings death as well appeareth by experience and is to be seene by law Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the third and Anno 9. and 28. of Henry the sixt Also it is a common rule that the husband shall hold his wives lands after her death as tenant by courtesie during his life but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdome In like manner it is a generall and common rule that if a man dye feased of Land in Fee-simple having daughters and no sonne his lands shall be divided by equall portions among his daughters which holdeth not in the Crowne but rather the eldest Daughter inheriteâ—h the whole as if she were the issue male So also it is a common rule of our law that the executor shall have all the goods and chattels of the Testator but not in the Crowne And so in many other cases which might bee recited it is evident that the Crowne hath priviledge above others and cannot be subject to rule be it never so generall except expresse mention be made thereof in the same law as it is in the former place and a statute alledged but rather to the contrary as after shall be shewed there is expresse exception for the prerogative of such as descend of Royall bloud Their second reason is for that the demand oâ— title of a Crowne cannot in true sense bee comprehended under the words of the former statute forbidding aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance of England and that for two respects The one for that the Crowne it selfe cannot be called an heritage of allegiance or within allegiance for that it is holden of no superiour upon earth but immediately from God himselfe the second for that this statute treateth onely and meaneth of inheritance by descent as heyre to the same for I have shewed before that Aliens may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion and then say they the Crowne is a thing incorporate and descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances but goeth by succession as other incorporations doe In signe whereof it is evident that albeit the King be more favoured in all his doings then any common person shall be yet cannot hee avoyd by law his grants and letters patents by reason of his nonage as other infants and common heires under age may doe but alwayes be said to be of full age in respect of his Crown even as a Prior Parson Vicar Deane or other person incorporate shall be which cannot by any meanes in law bee said to be within age in respect of their incorporations Whiâ—h thing maketh an evident difference in our case from the meaning of the former statute for that a Prior Deane or Parson being Aliens and no Denizens might alwayes in time of peace demand lands in England in respect of their corporations notwithstanding the said statute or common law against Aliens as appeareth by many booke cases yet extant as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard the second which was after the foresaid statute of King Edward the third The third reason is for that in the former statute it selfe of King Eâ—ward there are excepted expresly from this generall rule Infantes du Roy that is the Kings off spring or issue as the word Infant doth signifie both in France Portugall Spaine and other Countries and as the Latine word Liberi which answereth the same is taken commonly in the civill 〈◊〉 Neither may we restraine the french words of that Satute Infantâ—s du Roy to the kings children onely of the first degree as some doe for that the barrâ—nnesse of our language doth yeeld us no other word for the same but rather that therby are understood as wâ—ll the nephewes and other discendants of the king or blood Royall as his immediate children For it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagin that king Edward by this statute would go about to disinherit his own nâ—phews if hâ— should have any borne out of his own allegiance as easily he might at that time his sons being mâ—ch abroad from England and the black Prince his eldest son having two children borne bâ—yond the seas and consequently it is apparent that this rule or maxime set down against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the descendants of the king or of the blood Royall Their fourth reason is that the meaning of king Edward and his children living at such time as this statute was made could not be that any of their linage or issue might be excluded in law from inheritance of their right to the Crowne by their foraine birâ—h wheresoever For otherwise it is not credible â—hat they would so much have dispersed their own blood in other Countries as they did by giving their daughters to strangers other meanâ—s as Leoneâ— the kings third son was married in Millan and Iohn of Gaunt the fourth son gave his two daughters Philip and Katherine to Portugall and Câ—stâ—le and his neece Joan to the king of Scots as Thomas of Woodstocke also the yongest brother married his two daughters the one to the king of Spaine and the other to Dâ—ke of Britaine Which no doubt they being wise Princes and so neer of the blood Royal would never have done if they had imagined that hereby their issue should have lost all claime and title to the Crown of England and therefore it is most evident that no such bar was then extant or imagin'd The fift reason is that divers persons born out of all English dominion and allegiance both before the Conquest and since have bin admitted to the succession of our Crown as lawfull inheritours without any exception against them for their foraine birth As before the Conquest is evident in yong Eâ—gar Etheling borne in Hungarie and thence called home to inherit the Crowne by his great unckle king Edward the Confâ—ssor with full consent of the whole Realm the B. of Worcester being sent as Ambassador to fetch him home with his father named Edward the out-law And since the Conquest it appeareth plainly in king Stephen and king Henry the second both of them borne out of English dominions and of Parents that at their birth were not of the English allegiance and yet were they both admitted to the Crowne Yong Arthur also Duke of Britain by his mother Constance that matched with Geffray king Henry the seconds sonne was declared by king Richard his unckle at his departure towards Jerusalem and by the whole Realme for lawfull heire apparent to the Crowne of England though
ruine of â—he Râ—alm For whereas â—y the common dâ—stiâ—ctâ—on now râ—ceived in speech thâ—re are three noâ—â—ble differences of religion in the Lâ—nd â—he two extreams whereof are the Papâ—st and â—he Paritan and the religious Protâ—stant oâ—taining the meane this fellow being neither maketh his gaine of all and as he sâ—ekâ—â—h a Kingdome by the one extreame and spâ—ile by the otherâ— so he useth the authority of the third to compâ—sse the fiâ—st two and the couâ—ter-mine of eaâ—h one to the overthrow of all thrâ—e To this I answered In good sooth Sir I see now where you are you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinâ—ry taâ—ke and confeâ—â—nce in the Universiâ—y for I know that you meane my Lord of Leâ—â—â—ster who is the subjâ—ct of all pleasâ—nt discourses at this dâ—y â—hroughouâ— the Râ—â—lme Not so pleasant as pittifull answered the Gentlâ—mâ—n if all mâ—ttâ—rs and circumsâ—anâ—es were wel consiâ—ered excâ—pt any man tâ—ke pleasure to jest at oâ—r owne miseries whiâ—h are like to be greater by his inâ—quâ—â—y â—f God aveâ—t â—t not then by al the â—iâ—kednâ—ssâ—â—f England bâ—sides he being the man that by all probâ—biliâ—y is like to be the bâ—ne and fâ—tall dâ—stiny of oâ—r â—tatâ— with the eversion of â—rue râ—lâ—gâ—on whereof by indirâ—ct meanes he 〈…〉 thâ—â— the Lanâ— dâ—â—h nourâ—sh Now 〈◊〉 qâ—â—th thâ— Lâ—wyâ—â— if you say th◠〈◊〉 for â—he Proâ—estants opinion of him whâ—t shâ—ll I 〈◊〉 for his mâ—rits towards the Papâ—stâ— who for as mâ—â—h â—s I câ—n perceive doe 〈◊〉 theâ—sâ—lâ—â—s lâ—â—tle bâ—holding unâ—o hâ—m albeâ—â— fâ—r hâ—s â—aine he was some yeere their secret friâ—nâ— agâ—iâ—â—t you untill by his friends he was pâ—rswaâ—ed and chiefly by thâ— Lâ—rd North by way of poliâ—y as the said Lord bosâ—eth in hope of gâ—â—ater gâ—â—â—e tâ— step ovâ—r to the Puritans agaâ—nst us both whom notwithstanding it is probâ—ble that he loveth as much as he doth the rest You know the Bearâ—s love said the Gentleman which is all for his own panch and so this Bear-whelp turneth all to his own commodity and for greedinâ—sse thereof will overturn all if he be not stopped or muzlâ—d in time And suâ—ely uâ—to me it is a strange speculation whereof I cannot pick out the reason but onely that I do attribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes that in so wise and vigilant a State as ours is and in a Countrey â—o well acquâ—inâ—ed and beaten with suâ—h dangeâ—s a man of such a Spirit aâ— he is knowne to be of so extrâ—me ambition prâ—de falshâ—â—d and tâ—â—châ—ry so borne so bâ—ed up so nâ—zled in treason fâ—om his infancy descended of a tribe of traytours and flâ—shâ—d in conspiracy agaâ—nst the Royâ—ll blood of King Henries children in his tâ—ndâ—r yâ—erâ—s and exâ—rcâ—sâ—d â—ver since in drifts againsâ— the same by the blooâ— and ruâ—ne of diâ—â—rs others a man so well knowne to beare sâ—â—râ—t in 〈◊〉 aâ—ainst hâ—r Majâ—sty for causes irreconcilâ—able and most dradly rancour against the beâ—t and wâ—sâ—st Coâ—ncâ—llours of her Hâ—ghnâ—sse thâ—t suâ—h a oâ—e I say so hâ—â—â—full to God and man anâ— so markâ—â—ble to the simplest Subjâ—ct oâ— thiâ— Land by the puâ—lique â—nsignes of hiâ—â—yrannous purpose shâ—uld b◠〈◊〉 so many yeâ—res wâ—thout châ—â—kâ— to aspire to tyranny by most manifest wâ—yes and to pâ—â—ssâ—sse himâ—eâ—fâ— as now hâ— hath doâ—◠〈◊〉 Courâ— Couâ—câ—ll and Couâ—â—râ—y wâ—â—hout 〈◊〉 so that noâ—hing wantâ—â—h to him but onâ—ly hâ—s pleasâ—re and the dâ—y already conâ—eived in his minde to dispose as hâ— liâ—t boâ—h of Prince Crown Realm anâ— Râ—ligiâ—n It â—s much truly quoth I that you sâ—y and it ministrâ—â—h not a little mâ—rvaile unto mâ—â—y wherof your Worship is noâ— the first nor yâ—t the 〈◊〉 person of accompt which I have heard discourse and complaine But what shall I say hereunto there is no man that ascribeth not this unto the siâ—gular benignity and most bountifull good nature of her Majesty who measuring other men by her owne Heroicall and Princely sincerity cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden to her grace as he is nor remove her coâ—fidence from the place where she hath heaped so infinite benefits No doubt said the Gentleman but this gracious and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true originall câ—use thereof which Princely disposition as in her highnesse it deserveth all rare commendation so lyeth the same open to many dangers oftentimes when so benâ—gne a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambâ—tiâ—us persons which observation perhaps câ—usâ—d her Mâ—jesties most noble Grandfather and Father two renowned wâ—se Princâ—s to withdraw sometime upon the sudden their great favour from certaine Sâ—bjects of high estate And her Majesty mâ—y eâ—sily use her owne excellent wisdome and memory to recâ—ll to minde the manifold examples of perilous haps fallen tâ— divers Princes by too muâ—h confidence in obliged proditours with whom the name of a Kingdome and one houres reigâ—e weyeth more then all the duty obligation honesty or nature in the world Would God her Mâ—jâ—sty could see the continuall feares that be in heâ— faithfull Subjâ—cts hearts whiles that man is abouâ— her noble person so well able and lâ—kâ—ly â—f thâ— Lord avert it not to be the calamity of her Priâ—ely blood and name The talke wâ—ll never out of many mouthes anâ— minds that diverâ— ancient mâ—n of this Reâ—lme and once a wise Gentleman now a Councâ—llour had with a certaine friend of his concerning the presage and deep impression which her Mâ—jesties Father had of the house of Sir Iohn Duâ—â—ey to be the raine in time of his Majâ—sties royall house and blood which thing was â—â—ke to have been fulfilled soon after as all the world knoweth upon the death of King Edward by the said Dudley this mans Faâ—her who at one blow procured to dispâ—tch from a possession from the Crown all three children of the said noble King And yet in the middest of thâ—se bloody practices against her Majesty that now is and her sister wherein also this fellowes hand was so far as for his age he could thrust the same within sixteen dayes before King Edwards death he knowing belike that the King should dye wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary as I have heard by them who then were with her promâ—sing all loyalty and true service to her after the decease of her brother with no lâ—sse paâ—nted words then this man now doth use to Queene Elizabeth So dealâ— he â—hen with the most deare châ—ldren of his good King and Master by whom he had bâ—ene no lâ—sse exalted and trusted then this man is by her Mâ—jâ—sty And so deâ—ply dâ—ssembled he then when he had in hâ—nd the plot to dâ—stroy â—hem boâ—h And whâ—t then alas mâ—y not we feare and doubt of thiâ— his son who in outragious ambition and dâ—sire of reigne is not infâ—riour to his Fathâ—r or to any oâ—hâ—r aspiring spirit in the world buâ— far more iâ—sâ—lent câ—uâ—ll vindiâ—ative â—xpert poteâ—t
with it selfâ— first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâ—yned with a conscience loden wâ—th the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâ—hority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for â—hat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâ—hen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe â—or himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yâ—rke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hâ—nry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ— old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâ—ght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
desired peace which ever since wee have enjoyed by the raigne of their two most noble issue so the plot that now is in hand for the cutting off the residue of that issue and for recalling backe of the whole Title to the House of Yorke againe is like to plung us deeper then ever in civile discord and to make us the bait of all forraine Princes seeing there be among them at this day some of no small power as I have said who pretend to bee the next heires by the House of Lancaster and consequently are not like to give over or abandon their owne right if once the doore bee opened to contention for the same by disanulling the Line of King Henry the seventh wherein onely the keyes of all concord remaine knit together And albeit I know well that such as be of my Lord of Huntingtons party will make small accompt of the Title 〈◊〉 Lancasteâ— as lesse rightfull a great deale then that of Yorke and I for my part meane not greatly to avow the same as now it is placed being my selfe no favourer of forraine Titles yet indifferent men have to consider how it was taken in times past and how it may againe in time to come if contention should arise how many Noble personages of our Realme did offer themselves to die in defence thereof how many Oaths and Lawes were given and received throughout the Realme for maintenance of the same against the other House of Yorke for ever how many worthy Kings were crowned and raigned of that House and Race to wit the foure most Noble Henries one after another the fourth the fift the sixt and the seventh who both in number government sanctity courage and feats of armes were nothing inferiour if not superiour to those of the other House and Line of Yorke after the division betweene the Families It is to bee considered also as a speciall signe of the favour and affection of our whole Nation unto that Family that Henry Earle of Richmond though discending but of the last Sonne and third Wife of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster was so respected for that onely by the universall Realme as they inclined wholly to call him from banishment and to make him King with the deposition of Richard which then ruled of the House of Yorke upon condition onely that the said Henry should take to Wife a Daughter of the contrary Family so great was in those dayes the affection of English hearts towards the Line of Lancaster for the great worthinesse of such Kings as had raigned of that Race how good or bad soever their Title were which I stand not here at this time to discusse but onely to insinuate what party the same found in our Realme in times past and consequently how extreame dangerous the contention for the same may be hereafter especially seeing that at this day the remainder of that Title is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger whose power is very great Which we Lawyers are wont to esteeme as a point of no smaâ—l importance for justifying of any mans title â—o a Kingdome You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir quoth I howsoever you want right for if you will examine the succession of governements from the beginning of the Wâ—rld untill this day either among Gentile Jew or Christian people you shall finde that the sword haâ—h â—eene alwayes bâ—tter thâ—n halfe the title to get estâ—bliâ—h or maintaâ—ne a Kingdome which maketh 〈◊〉 â—hâ—â—ore apalled to heare you discourse in such sort of new contentions and forraine titles accompanied wâ—th such power and strength of the titlers which cannot bee but infinitely dangerous and fatall to our Realme if once it come to actâ—on both for the division thâ—t is like to be at home and the variety of partâ—es from abâ—oad For as the Prince whoâ— you signifie will not faile by all likelyhood to pursue his title with all forces that hee can make if occasion were offered so reason of state and policy will enforce other Princes adjoyning to let and hinder him therein what they can and so by this meanes shâ—ll we become Juda and Isrâ—el among our selves one killing and vexing the othâ—r with the sword and to forraine Princes we shall be as the Iland of Salamina was in old time to the Athenians and Megatians and as the Iland of Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians Carthaginians and Romans and as in our dayes the Kingdome of Naples hath beene to the Spaniards French-men Germans and Venetians That is a bait to feed upon and a game to fight for Wherefore I beseech the Lord to avert from us all occasions of such miseries And I pray you Sir for that wee are fallen into the mention of these matters to take so much paines as to open unto me the ground of these controversies so long now quiet betweene Yorke and Lancaster seeing they are now like to bee raised againe For albeit in generall I have heard much thereof yet in particular I either conceive not or remember not the foundation of the same and much lesse thâ— state of their severall titles at this day for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto my profession The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster quoth the Lawyer took his actuall beginning in the issue of King Edward the third who died somewhat more then two hundred yeares agone but the occasion pretence or cause of that quarrell began in the children of King Henry the third who died an hundred yeares before that and left two Sonnes Edward who was King after him by the name of Edward the first and was Grandfather to Edward the third and Edmond for his deformity called Crookebacke Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that House whose inheritance afterward in the fourth discent fell upon a Daughter named Blanch who was married to the fourth Son of King Edward the third named John of Gaunt for that he was borne in the City of Gaunt in Flanders and so by this his first wife hee became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that House And for that his Son Henry of Bolingbrooke afterward called King Henry the fourth pretended among other things that Edmond Crookeback great Grandfather to Blanch his mother was the elder Sonne of King Henry the third and unjustly put by the inheritance of the Crowne for that he was Crook-backed and deformed hee tooke by force the Kingdome from Richard the second Nephew to King Edward the third by his first Sonne and placed the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained for three whole discents untill afterward Edward Duke of Yorke descended of Iohn of Gaunts yonger brother making claime to the Crowne by title of his Grandmother that was heire to Lionel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunts elder Brother tooke the same by force from Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and brought it backe againe to the
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
he were borne in Britaine out of English allegiance and so he was taken and judged by all the world at that day albeit after king Richards death his other uncle Iohn most tyrannously took both his kingdome and his life from him For which notable injustice he was detâ—sted of all men both abroad and at home most apparently scourged by God with grievous and manifold plagues both upon himself and the Realm which yeelded to his usurpation So that by this also it appeareth what the practice of our Countrey hath beene from time to time in this case of forraine birth which practice is the best intâ—rpreâ—er of our common English law which dependeth especially and most of all upon custome nor can â—he adversary alledge any one example to the contrary Their sixt is of the judgement and sentence of King Henry the seventh and of his Councell who being together in consultation at a certaine time about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughâ—er into Scotland some of his Councell moved this doubt what should ensue if by chance the kings issue male should faile and so the succession devolve to the heyres of the said Margaret as now it doth Whâ—reunto that wâ—se and most prudent Prince made answer thâ—t if any such event should be it could not be prejudicialâ— to Englâ—nd being the bigger part but rather beneficiall for that it should draw Scotland to England that is the lesser to the more even as in times past it happened in Normandy Aquitaine â—nd some other Provinces Which answer appeased all doubts and gave singular content to those of his Councell as Polidore writeth that lived at that time and wrote the speciall matters of that reigne by the kings owne instruction So that hereby wee see no question made of king Henry or his Councellors touching forraine birth to let the succession of Lady Margarets issue which no doubt would never have beene omitted in that learned assembly if any law at that time had beene esteemed or imagined to beare the same And these are six of their principallest reasons to prove that neither by the words nor meaning of our common lawes nor yet by custome or practice of our Realme an Alien may bee debarred fâ—om claim of his interest to the Crowne when it falleth to him by righfull descent in blood and succâ—ssion But in the particular case of the Queen of Scots and â—erson they doe adde another reason or â—wo thâ—reby to prove them in very deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often and continuall mixture with English blood from the beginning and especially of late the Queens Grandmother and husband being English and so her sonne bâ—goâ—ten of an English father but also for two other causes and reasons which seeme in truth of very good importance The first is for that Scotland by all Englishmen howsoever the Scots deny the same is tâ—ken and holden as subject to England by way of Homage which many of their kings at divers times have acknowledged and consequently thâ— Queene and her son being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the allegiance of England and so no forrainers The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forrainers in the 25 yeare of King Edward the third is intitled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the body of the said statute the doubt is moved of children borne out of English allegiance beyond the seas whereby cannot bee understood Scotland for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas And all our old Records in England that talke of service to bee done within these two countries have usually these Latin words Infraquatuor mâ—ria or in French deins lâ—zquâ—tre mers that is within the foure Seas whereby must needs be understood as well Sâ—otland as England and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned of the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the Crowne of England In respect whereof it may be that it was accounted of old but one dominion or allegiance And consequently no man borne therein can bee accounted an alieâ— to Englaâ—â— And this shal suffice for the first point touching foragine Nativity For the second impediment objected whâ—ch is the testament of King Henry the eight authorized by Parliament wherby they affirm the succession of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but onely that they â—re put back behinde the succession of the hous of Suffolk For in that pretended Testament which after shâ—ll be proved to be none indeed King Henry so disposeth that after his own children â—f they shold chance to dye without issue the Crowne shall passe to the heires of Frances of Elenor his neeces by his yonger sister Mary Queene of France and after them deceasiâ—g also without issue the succession to returne to the next heire againe Whâ—rby it is evident that the succession of Margarâ—t Queene of Scotland his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back onely from their due place and order to expect the remainder which may in time be left by the yonger Whereof in mine opinion doe ensue some considerations against the present pretenders themselves First â—hat in King Henries judgement the former pretended rule of foraine birth was no sufficient impediment agaiâ—st Scotland for if it had bin no doubt but that he would have named the same in his alleaged testament and thereby have utterly excluded that successioÌ„ But there is no such thing in the testament Secondly if they admit this testament which alotteth the Crown to Scotland next after Suffolk then seeing that all the house of Suffolk by these mens assertions is excluded by bastardy it must needs follow that Scotland by their own judgement is next so this testament wil make against them â—s indeed it doth in all points most apparantly but only that it preferreth the house of Suâ—â—olk before that of Scotland And therefore I think sir that you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleaging this testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction will alleage or urge the testimony of this testament but rather some friend of the house of Sâ—ffâ—lk in whose favour I take it that it was first of â—ll fâ—rged It may be quâ—th the Gentleman nor will I stand obstinatly in the contrary for that it is hard sometime to judge of what faction each one is who discoursâ—th of these affâ—irâ—s But yet I marvel â—f it were as you say wâ—y Lâ—ycesters Father â—fâ—er K. Edwardâ— death made no mention therof in the favor of Suffolk in the other testament which then he proclaimed as made by K. Edward deceased for preferment of Suffolk before his own sisters The cause of this is â—vident quoth the Lawyer for that it made not sâ—ffiâ—iently for his purpose which was to disinherit â—he two dâ—ughters of King Henry himselfe and advance the
house of Suffolk bâ—fore them both A notable change quoâ—h the Gâ—ntleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so â—uch debased by the Son as thouâ—h it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâ—s how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thâ—ngs men and times And as we have seene now two testâ—ments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begâ—n greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâ—ortly a third Testâ—ment of her Mâ—jesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thâ—t before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ— wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâ—d that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâ—sideration of some doubt aâ—d irâ—esolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâ—ssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine â—hose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâ—ve thereby and that whatsoever succâ—ssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâ—stâ—ment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâ—me should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ— owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâ—med to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâ—ble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâ—tter the authoritie of Paâ—lament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâ—r as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden â—gainst the neâ—t inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâ—ance in the right of his mother though he were excludâ—d by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâ—ian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ— Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâ—lme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâ—e to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâ—pose no examination of the witnessâ—s or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
hee was going towards the place of his appoynted destiny there was given up into his hands a detection of the whole treason with request to read the same presently which he upon confidence omitted to doe Wee read also of Alexander the great how hee was not onely forbidden by a learned man to enter into Babylon whither he was then going for that there was treason meant against him in the place but also that he was foretold of Antipaters mischievous meaning against him â—n particular Buâ— the yong Prince hâ—ving so well deserved of Antipatâ—r could not bâ— brought to mistâ—ust the man that was so deaâ—e unto him and by that meanes was poysoned in a banquâ—t by three sons of Antipater which were of most credit and confidence in the Kings Chamber Here truly my heart did somewhat tremble with feare horror and detâ—station of such events And I said unto the Gentlemâ—n I beseech you Sir to talke no more of these matters for I cannot well abide to heare them named hoping in the Lord thâ—t there is no câ—use nor ever shâ—ll be to doubt the like in England especially from thâ—se mâ—n who are so much bound to her Majesty and so forward in seeking out and pursuing all such aâ— may be tâ—ought to be dâ—ngerous to her Majesties peâ—son as by the â—undâ—y late executions wee have have seâ—n and by the punishments every way of Papists we mâ—y perceive Truth it is quoth the Gentlemâ—n that justice hath bin done upon divers of late which contenteth me gâ—eatly for the terrouâ— and râ—straint of others of what sect or religion soâ—ver they be And it is most necâ—ssary doubtles for the compressing of paâ—tiâ—s that greâ—t vigilance be used in thaâ— behalfe But when I consider that only one kind of men are touched heâ—ein and that all speeâ—h regard doubt distrust â—nd watch is of them alone without reflection of eye upon other mens doings or dâ—signements when I see the double diligence and vehemency of câ—rtaine instruments which I like not bent wholly to raise wonder and admiration of the people feare terrour and attention to the dâ—inâ—s sayings and meanings of one part or â—action alone and of that namely and only which these conspirators esteem for most dangerous and opposite to themselves I am beleeve me often tempted to suspect fraud and false measure and that these men deale as wolves by nature in other Countries are wont to do Which going together in great numbers to assaile a flocke of sheep by night doe set some one or two of their company upon the wind side of the fold a far off who parly by their sent and oâ—her bruteling which of purpose they make may draw the dogs and shepheards to pursue them alone whiles the other doe enter and slay the whole flock Or as rebels that meaning to surprize a Town to turne away the Inhabitants from considering of the danger and from defence of that place where they intend to enter doe set on fire some other parts of the Towne further off and doe sound a false alarme at some gate where is meant least danger Which art was used cunningly by Richard D. of Yorke in the time of King Henrie the sixt when he to cover his owne intâ—nt brought all the Realme in doubt of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset his enemy But Iohn of Northamberland father to my Lord of Leycester used the same art much more skilfully when hee put all England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his friends as though nothing could be safe about the yong King untill they were suppressâ—d and consequently all brought into his owne authority without obstacle I speake not this to excuse Papists or to wish them any way spared wherein they offend but onely to signifie that in a Countrey where so potent factions bee it is not safe to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursuit of the other as afterwards the Prince must remaine at the devotion of the stronger but rather as in a body molested and troubled with contrarie humours if all cannot be purged the best Physick is without all doubt to reduce and hold them at such an equality as destruction may not be feared of the predominant To this said the Lawyer laughing yea marry Sir I would to God your opinion might prevaile in this matter for then should wee bee in other tearmes then now we are I was not long since in company of a cetaine honourable Lady of the Court who after some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present of some apprehended and some executed and such like affâ—ires brake into a great complaint of the present time and therewith I assure you moved all the hearers to griefe as women you know are potent in stirring of affections and caused them all to wish that her Majesty had beene nigh to have heard her words I doe well remember quoth she the first dosen yeares of her Highnesse reigne how happy pleasant and quiet they were with all manner of comfort and consolation There was no mention then of fâ—ctions in religion neither was any man much noted or rejected for that cause so otherwise his conversation were civill and couâ—teous No suspition of treason no talke of bloudshed no complaint of troubles miseries or vexations All was peace all was love all was joy all was delight Her Mâ—jestie I am sure took more Recreation at that time in one day than shee doth now in a whole week and wee that served her Highnesse enjoyed more contentation in a weeke than we can now in divers yeares For now there are so many suspitions every where for this thing and for that as we cannot tell whom to trust So mâ—ny melancholick in the Court that seem male-contented so many complayning or suing for their friends that are in trouble others slip over the Sea or retire themselves upon the suddaine so many tales brought us of this or that danger of this man suspected of that man sent for up and such lâ—ke unpleasant â—nd unsavorie stuffe as we can never almost bee merry one whole day together Wherefore quoth this Lady wee that are of her Majesties traine and speciall service and doe not onely feele these things in our selves but much more in the grief of her most excellent Majesty whom we see dayly molested herewith being one of the best natures I am sure that ever noble Princesse was indued withall wee cannot but mone to behold contentions advanced so far forth as they are and we could wish most heartily that for the time to come these matters might passe with such peace friendship and tranquillity as they doe in other Countryes where difference in religion breaketh not the band of good fellowship or fidelity And with this in a smiling manner she brake off asking pardon of the company if she had spoken her opinion over boldly like a woman To whom answered a Courtier that
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end
Majesty bâ—â—his statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you â—atled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose â—he White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâ—aster Guelphians and Gibilâ—neâ— Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâ—â—â—ster on Pâ—lme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâ—lme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ— titâ—e before hâ—r Majesty * The most of Huâ—tingtons Ancestâ—â—s by whoâ— hee makeâ—h â—iâ—le aâ—tainâ—ed of Treason The fâ—mous device â—f king Richard the third â—â—lowed by Huâ—tington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâ—ed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâ—ll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ— fâ—rce â—o juâ—tifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâ—sie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ— thâ— 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ— of the two Houses of Lancasteâ— and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâ—ard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ— title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâ—he â—he 7. Arbâ—â—â—â— The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King â—enry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâ—m of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâ—th Lawyeâ— Bastardie laâ—â—â—l stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâ—raine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ— The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ— The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâ—tance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â— reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â— his testament Forain birth no impediment in the â—udgement of K. Henry the â— The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ— drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ— Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ— The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâ—d Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâ—ke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ— Lord of Lâ—â—â—est againe plâ—yâ—â— double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâ—d impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâ—igion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâ—ceedings of câ—rtâ—iâ—â—inistâ—rs in Sâ—otlâ—nd aâ—ainst tâ—eir â—iâ—g â— subornation of his enemies in Englaâ—â— Schollar Sir Patriâ—k Adâ—m on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâ—e speeches of Leycester â—o the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâ—ge of tâ—e Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâ—s contâ—mpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâ—iour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâ—steâ—s deceiving of Sir Chrâ—stopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâ—r to the Tâ—eâ—suâ—eâ— Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâ—r sonne Lawyer Neaâ—enesse in competitors doth incite thâ—m to adventure Henr. Bullingbâ—ook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâ—edome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâ—struction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâ—racâ—d by the competitors Gentl. Tâ—e vigilant eye that her Maiesties 〈◊〉 hâ—d to the â—olatâ—rall liâ—e Persons executed of the hâ—use of Claâ—eÌ„ce The example of Iulius Caesaâ—s destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâ—eat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâ—te executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausâ—â—ias Kings of England oveâ—tâ—râ—wn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râ—ch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the â—ealme Gentl. Lâ—ycestâ—rs dâ—sire that men should thnike â—er Maiesty to stand in fâ—are of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse 〈◊〉 Leycesâ—â—r if â—er Majâ—sty turne but her counteâ—â—ce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity
afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should have done His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches is notorious â—o all England As also the bloody practises against divers others But as among many none were more odious and misliked of all men then those against Monsieur Simiers a stranger and Embassadour whom first he practised to have poisoned as hath bin touched before and when that device tooke not place then he appointed that Robin Tider his man as after upon his Ale-bench he confessed should have slaine him at the Blackfriars at Greenwich as he went forâ—h at the garden gate but missing also that purpose for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded then he expected he dealt with certaine Flushiâ—ers and other Pirates to sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his favourers that accompanied him at his returne into France And though they missed of this practice also as not daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties ships who to breake off this designment attended by speciall commandement to waft him over in safety yet the foresaid English Gentlemen were holden foure houres in chace at their coming backe as Master Rawley well knoweth being then present and two of the chasers namâ—d Clark and Harris confessed afterward the whole designment The Earl of Ormond in likewise hath often declared and will avouch it to my Lord of Leicesters face whensoever he shall be called to the same that at such time as this man had a quarell with him and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field which he trembled to thinke of he first sought by all meanes to get him made away by secret murder offering five hundred pounds for the doing thereof And secondly when that device tooke no place he appointed with him the field but secretly suborning his servant William Killigre to lye in the way where Ormond should passe and so to massacre him with a caliver before he came to the place appointed Which murder though it tooke no effect for that the matter was taken up before the day of meeting yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Majesties privy Chamber by Leicester for shewing his ready minde to doe for his Master so faithfull a service So faithfull a service quoth I truly in my opinion it was but an unfit preferment for so facinorous a fact And as I would be loth thaâ— many of his Italians or other of that art should come nigh about her Majesties kitchen so much lesse would I that many such his bloody Champions should be placed by him in her Highnesse chamber Albeit for this Gentleman in particular it may be that with change of his place in service he hath changed also his minde and affection and received better instruction in the feare of the Lord. But yet in general I must needs say that it cannot be but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realme that any one man whatsoever especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be should grow to so absolute authority and commandry in the Court as to place about the Princes person the head the heart the life of the land whatsoever people liketh him best and that now upon their deserts towards the Prince but towards himselfe whose fidelity being more obliged to their advancer then to their soveraigne doe serve for watchmen about the same for the profit of him by whose appointment they were placed Who by their meanes casting indeed but nets and chaines and invisible bands about that person whom most of all he pretendeth to serve he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure though sweet and senselesse Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairâ—s of former time for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a troden path of all aspirers In the stories both sacred and prophane foraine and domesticall of all Nations Kingdomes Countries and States you shall read that such as ment to mount above others and to governe all at their owne discretion did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose to possesse themselves of all such as were in place about the principall even as he who intending to hold a great City at his owne disposition dareth not mak open war against the same getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion al the Towns Villages Castles Fortresses bulwarks Rampires Waters Wayes Ports and Passages about the same and so without drawing any sword against the said City he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure This did all these in the Roman Empire who rose from subjects to be great Princes and to put downe Emperours This did all those in France and other Kingdomes who at sundry times have tyrannized their Princes And in our owne Countrey the examples are manifest of Vortiger Harold Henry of Lancaster Richard of Warwicke Richard of Glocester Iohn of Northumberland and divers others who by this meane specially have pulled downe their lawfull Soveraignes And to speake onely a word or two of the last for that he was this mans Father doth not all England know that he first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said Dâ—ke And afteâ—ward did not he possesse himselfe of the Kings owne person and brought him to the end which is knowne and before that to the most shamefull disheriting of his owne royall Sisters and all this by possessing first the principall men that were in authority about him Wherefore sir if my Lord of Leicester have the same plot in his head as most men thinke and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne by the House of Huntington against all the race and line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his Father gave before him by pretence of the House of Suffolke against the Children of King Henry the eight in particular he wanteth not reason to follow the same meanes and platform of planting speciall persons for his purpose about the Prince for surely his fathers plot lacked no witty device or preparation but onely that God overthrew it at the instant as happely he may doe this mans also notwithstanding any diligence that humane wisedome can use to the contrary To this said the Gentleman that my Lord of Leycester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntington is not a thing obscure in it selfe and it shall bee more plainly proved hereafter But now will I shew unto you for your instruction how well this man hath followed his fathers platforme or rather passed the same in possessing himselâ—e of all her Majesties servants friends and forces to serve his turne at that time for execution and in the meane space for
yâ—eld money he thaâ— makâ—th title to what land or other thing he please and driveth the parties to compound for thâ— same same he that â—akeâ—h in whole Forests Commons Woods and Pastures to himsâ—lfe compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent and what he cesseth he that vexeth and oppâ—â—sseth whomsoever hee lâ—st taketh fâ—om any whâ—t hee lâ—â—t and maketh his owne claime suiâ— and end as he list he thâ—t selleth his favour with the Prince both abroad in forraine countries and at home and setteâ—th the price thereof what himselfe will demand he that hath and doth all this and besides this hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great vâ—lue both in Jewels Plâ—te aâ—l kinde of Furniture and reâ—dy Come this man I sâ—y may easily beare his owâ—e expences and yet lay up sâ—fficiently also to weary hâ—â— Prince when need shall require You hâ—ve said much sir qâ—oth â—hâ— Lawyer and such matter as toucheth nearly bâ—th her Majesty and the Commonwealth and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at â—he barre for my Lord I could not tell which of all these members to deny But for that which you mention in the last part of hâ—s gaining by her Mâ—jesties favour both at home and abâ—oad Touching his home-gaine it is evident seeing all that he hath is gotten onely by the opinion of her Majesties favour towards him and many men doe repaire unto him with fat presents rather for that â—hey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt if he feele not their reward then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affaires You remember I doubt not the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent to have but this favour onely that hee might come every day in open audience and say in his eare God save your Majesty assuring himselfe that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him he should easily get up his rent againe double told Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this and himselfe being no evill Merchant to make his owne bargaine for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine exceedingly at home by his favour And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause I leave to other men to conceive what it may bâ— sithence the beginning of her Majesties reigne the times whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene suâ—h as all the Princes and Potentaâ—es round about us have beene constrained at one time or other to sue to hâ—r Highnesse for aid grace or favour in all which sutes men use not to forget as you know the parties most able by their câ—edâ—t to further or let the same In particular onely this I can say that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen that at such time as the treaty wâ—s betweene France and England for the re-delivery of Callis unto us againe in the first yeare of her Majesties reigne that now is when the Frenchmen were in great distresse and misâ—ry and King Phiâ—ip refused absolutely to make peace with them except Callis were restored to England whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages the Frenchmen doe report I say that my Lord of Leycester stood them in gâ—eâ—t stead at â—hat necessity for his reward which you may well imagine was not small for a thing of such importance and became a suiter that peace might be conâ—luded with the release of Callis to the Frenchâ— which was one of the most impiâ—us facts to say the truth that ever could be devised against his Common-wealth A small mâ—tter in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Jâ—wes â—hat they filled up the measure of their Faâ—hers sinnes And so if you reade the story of Kiâ—g Edwards time you shall finde it most evident that this mans fâ—ther before him sold Bulloâ—gâ—e â—o the French by like treachery For it wâ—s dâ—livered up upon compositâ—on wâ—thout necessiâ—y or reason thâ— five and twentieâ—h of April in â—he fourth year of King Edward the sixt when he I meaâ—â— Duke Dudley had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector and thrust out of the Couâ—cell whom he listed as namâ—ly thâ— Earlâ—s of Aâ—undel and Southâ—mpton and so invaded the whole government himseâ—fe to sell spoile or dispose at his pleasure Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord of Leycester by discent to make merchâ—ndise of the Sâ—aâ—e for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kinde of Copesman An evill race of Merchants for the Common-wealth quoth the Lâ—wyer but yâ—t Sir I pray you said he expound unto me somewhâ—t more at large the nature of these licences which you named as also the changing of lands with her Mâ—jesty if you can set it downe any plainer for they seeme to be things of excâ—ssive gaine especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty or by her Highnesse offâ—â—ce towards him for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reasoâ— Not so quoth the Gentleman for yoâ— know that every falling out must have an attonement agâ—ine whereof hee being suâ—e by the many â—nd puissant meanes of his frâ—ends in Court as I have shewed before who shall not gâ—ive her Majesty rest untill it be done then for this aâ—â—onement and in perfâ—ct reconciliation on hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sties part she must gâ—ant my Lord some suâ—â— or other which he will have alwayeâ— ready pâ—ovided for that purpose and this sute shall hee well â—ble to reward his friends that laboured for his â—ecoâ—cilement and leave also a good remainder for himselfe And this is now so ordinary a practice with him as all thâ— Realâ—e obsâ—rvâ—th the same and disdaineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily abâ—sed For if her Hâ—ghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desireâ—h to gaine this way then he picketh some quarrell or other to shew himselfe discontented with her so that one way or other this gainfull reconciliation must be made and that often for his commodâ—ty The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets and to his hoâ—ses where if shee come she must grant him in sutes tenne times so muâ—h as the charges of all amount unto so that Robiâ— playeth the Broker in all hiâ— affâ—ires and maketh the uttermost pâ—nny of her Mâ—jesty every way Now for his change of lands I thinke I have beene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfaction you shall understand his further dealing therein to be in this sort Besides the good lands and of ancient possession to the Crowne procured at her Majesties hand and used as bâ—fore was declared hee useth the same tricke for his worst lands that he possesseth any way whether â—hey come to him by extort meanes and plaiâ—e oppression or
through maintenance and broken titles or by consenage of simple Gentlemen to make him their heire or by what hâ—rd title or unhonest meanes so ever for hee practizeth store of such and thinketh little of the reckoning after he had tried them likewâ—se to the uttermost touch and letten them out to such as shall gaine but little â—y the bargaine then goeth he and changeth the same with her Mâ—jesty for the best lands he can pick out of the Crowne to the end that hereby he may both eâ—force her Mâ—jesty to the defence of his bâ—d titles and himselfe fill his coffâ—rs with the fines and uttâ—rmost commodity of both the lands His licences do stand thus first he got licence for certaine great numbers of cloaths to be transported out of this land which might have beene an undoing to the Marchant â—ubject if they had not redeemed the same with great summes of mony so that it redounded to great daâ—mage of all occupied about that kind of commodity After that he had the grant for carrying over of barrell staves and of some other such like wares Then procured hee a Monopolie for bringiâ—g in of sweet wines oyles curranâ—s and the like the gaine wherof is inestimable He hâ—d also the forfeit of all wine that was to be drawn above the old ordinary price with licence to give authority to sell above that price wherin Câ—ptaine Horsey was his instrument by which meanes it is incredible what treasure and yearely rent was gathered of the Vintners throughout thâ— land To this adde now his licence of silkes and velvets which only were enough to enrich the Mâ—jor and Aldermen of London if they were all decâ—â—ed as often I have heard divers Marchants affirme And his licence of alienation of lands which as in part I have opened before serveth hâ—m not onely to excessive gaine but also for an extreame scourge wherewith to plague whâ—m he pleaseth in the Râ—ealm For seeing that wâ—thout this licencâ— no mâ—n can bâ—y sell passe or alienate aâ—y land thâ—t any â—aiâ—s may bâ— drawnâ— to that tenure as holden in â—hiefe of the Prince as commonly now most lanâ— mâ—y he calleth into quâ—stion whatsoever likâ—th him best be it never so cleare and under this colour not only enricheth himselfe without all mâ—â—sure buâ— râ—vengeth himselfe also wherâ— he wâ—ll without all order Here thâ— Lâ—wyer stood still a pâ—etty while biting his lip aâ—â—e werâ—â—stonâ—shed and thâ—n saiâ— Veâ—ily I have not heâ—â—â— so maâ—y and so appâ—rant things or so odious of any mâ—n thâ—t â—ver lived in our Common wealth And I marvaâ—le much of my Lord of Leycester â—hat hâ—â— Grandâ—â—thers fortune doth not move him much who lost his head in the beginning of Kâ—ng Henryâ—he â—he eighâ—s dayes for much lesse and fâ—wer offences iâ— the same kind committed in the time of Kâ—â—g Henry the seventh for he was thought to be the inventour of these pooliâ—gs and molestations wherewith the people were burthened in the latter days of â—he said King And yet had he great pretence of reason to alledged for himselfe in that these exactions were made to the Kings use and not to his albeit no doubt but his own gaine was also there Mâ—ster Stow writeth in his Cronicle that in the time of hâ—s imprisonment in the Tower he wrot a notâ—ble book intituled The tree of Common wealth which book the said Stow saith that hee hath delivered to my Lord of Leycester many years agone And if the said book be so notable as Master Stow affirmeth I marvile that his Lord in so many yeares doth not publish the samâ— for the glory of his ancestors It may be said the Gentleman that the secrets there in contained be such as it seemeth good to my Lord to use them onely himselfe and to gather the fruit of the tree into his owne house alone For if the tree of the Common-wealth in Edmund Dudlis book be the Prince and his race and the fruits to be gathered from that tree bee riches honours dignities and preferments then no doubt but as the writer Edmund was cunning therein so have his two followers Iohn and Robert well studied and practized the same or rather have exceeded and farre pâ—ssed the authour himselfe The one of them gathering so eagerly and with such vehemency as he was like to have broken down the maine boughâ—s for greedinesse the other yet plucking and heaping so fast to himsâ—lfe and his friends as it is and may be most jusâ—ly doubted that when they have cropped all they can from the tree left them by their father Edmund I meane the race of King Henry the seventh then will they pluck up the Stemme it self by the rootes as unprofitable and pitch in his pâ—ace another Truâ—ke that is the line of Huntington that may bâ—gin to feed a new with fresh fruits againe and so for a time content their appetites untill of gatherers they may become trees which is their finall purpose to feed themselves at their own discretion And howsoever this be it cannot be denied but that Edm. Dudlis brood have learned by this book and by other meanes to be more câ—nning gatherers then ever their first progenitor was that made the book First for thâ—t he made profession to gather to his Prince though wickedly and these men make demonstration that they have gathered for themselves and that with much more iniquity Secondly for that Eâ—mund Dudley though hee got himselfe neare about the tree yet was he content to stand on the ground and to servâ— himselfe from the tree as commodity was offered but his children not eâ—teeming that â—afe gâ—thâ—ring will needs mount aloft upon the tree to pull croppe and riflâ— at their pleasure And as in the second poiâ—t the Sonne Iohn Dudley was more subtâ—le then Edmund the Father so in a third point the Nephey Robert Dudley is more crafty then â—hey both For that hee seeing the evill successe of those two that went before him hee hath provided together so much in convenient time and to make himselfe therewith so fat and strong wherein thâ— oâ—her two failed as he will never be in danger more to be callâ—d to any accompt for the same In good faith Sir quoth the Lawyer I thanke you heartily for this pleasâ—â—t discourse upoâ— Edmund Dudleis tree of Common-wealth And by your opinion my Lord of Leycester is the most learned of all his kindred and a very cunning Logitioâ—er indeed tâ—at can draw for himselfe so commoâ—iouâ— conclusion out of the perillous premâ—ssâ—s of his progenitors No marvail quoth the Gentleman for that his L. is Master of Art in Oxford and Chancelour besides of the same Vniversity where he hâ—th store as you knâ—w of many fine wits and good Logitioners at his commandement and whâ—re he learneth not only the rules and art of cunning gathering but for the very practize as I hâ—ve touched before seeing there
hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ— be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sâ—y that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloâ—y and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâ—ror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâ—ken by them at length when fortune began to faâ—â—eâ—h hâ—m and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâ—sh and so drâ—wn through the City with infamy whâ—re loâ—en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâ—k put under his chin to the end he should not loâ—ke downe or hide hiâ— fâ—ce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâ—er many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâ—ur of a muâ—titude whâ—n it is once stirred and hath place of reveâ—ge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants â—n this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâ—er in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâ—ceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mâ—rket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâ—th And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâ—inst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâ—ster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâ—jâ—sties service under this mans brother the Earlâ— of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâ—s former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâ—ster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâ—ving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâ—gh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henâ—y the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâ—s brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâ—h yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâ—hbishop of Canterbury fâ—r Dâ—ctor Iulio his sâ—ke and that in so foule a matteâ— Vpon Sir Iohn Thâ—oâ—maâ—ton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewâ—y and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâ—ssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâ—s place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâ—ng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather â—ouble oppression for their complaining Wherâ—fore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mâ—n my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâ—res together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâ—wed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
both by force and fraud by Mines and countermines by trenches bulwarkeâ— flaukers and rampiers by friends enemies alsies servants creatures and dependents or any other that may serve his turne is very rare and singular His disposition to cruelty murder treason and tyranny and by all these to supream Soveraignty over other is most evident and cleare And then judge you whether her Majesty that now raigneth whose life and prosperity the Lord in mercy long preserve have not just cause to feare in respect of these things onely if there were no other particulars to prove his aspiring intent besides No doubt quoth the Lawyer but these are great matters in the question of such a cause as is a Crown And we have seen by example that the least of these four which you have here named or rather some little branch contained in any of them hath bin sufficient to found just suspition distrust or jealousie in the heads of most wise Princes towards the proceedings of more assured subjects then my Lord of Leycester in reason may be presumed to be For that the safety of a state and Prince standeth not onely in the readinesse and hability of resisting open attempts when they shall fall out but also and that much more as Statists write in a certaine provident watchfulnesse of preventing all possibilities and likelihoods of danger of suppression for that no Prince commonly will put himselfe to the curtâ—sie of another man be he never so obliged whether he shâ—ll retaine his Crowne or no seeing the cause of a Kingdome acknowledgeth neither kindred duty faith friendship nor society I know not whether I doe expound or declare my self well or no but my meaning is that wheras every Prince hath two points of â—ssurance from his subject the one in that he is faithfull and lacketh will to annoy his Soveraigne the other for that he is weake and wanteth ability to do the same the first is alwayes of more importance then the second and consequently more to be eyed and observed in policy for that our will may be changed at our pleasure but not our ability Considering then upon that which hath beene said and specified before how that my Lord of Leicester hath possessed himself of all the strength powers and sinewes of the Realme hath drawne all to his own direction and hath made his party so strong as it seemeth not resistable you have great reason to say that her Majesty may justly conceive some doubt for that if his will were according to his power most assured it is that her Majesty were not in safety Say not so good sir quoth I for in such a case truly I would repose little upon his will which is so many wayes apparant to be most insatiable of ambition Rather would I thinke that as yet his ability serveth not eiâ—her for time place force or some other circumstance then that any part of good will should want in him seeing that not onely his desire of soveraignty but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same is sufficiently declared in my conceit by the very particulars of his power and plots already set downe Which if you please to have the patience to heare a Scholars argument I will prove by a principle of our Philosophy For if it be true which Aristotle saith there is no agent so simple in the world which worketh not for some finall end as the bird buildeth not her nest but to dwell and hatch her yong ones therein and not onely this but also that the same agent doth alwayes frame his worke according to the proportion of his intended end as when the Fox or Badger maketh a wide earth or den it is a signe that he meaneth to draw thither great store of prey then must we also in reason thinke that so wise and politick an agent as is my Lord of Leicester for himselfe wanteth not his end in these plottings and preparations of his I meane an end proportionable in greatnesse to his preparations Which end can be no lesse nor meaner then supreame Soveraignty seeing his provision and furniture doe tend that way and are in every point fully correspondent to the same What meaneth his so diligent besieging of the Princes person his taking up the wâ—yes and passages about her his insolency in Court his singularity in the Councell his violent preparation of strength abroad his enriching of his complices the banding of his faction with the abundance of friends every where what doe these things signifie I say and so many other as you have well noted and mentioned before but onely his intent and purpose of Supremacy What did the same things portend in times past in his Father but even that which now they portend in the Sonne Or how should we thinke that the Son hath another meaning in the very same actions then had his Father before him whose steps he followeth I remember I have heard oftentimes of divers aâ—cient and grave men in Cambridge how that in King Edwards dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans Father was generally suspected of all men to mean indeed as afterward he shâ—wed especially when he had once joyned with the house of Suffolk and made himselfe a principall of that faction by marriage But yet for that he was potent and protested every where and by all occasions his great love duty and speciall care above all others that he bare towarâ—s his Prince Country no mâ—n durst accuse him openly untill it was too lâ—te to withstand his power as commonly it falleâ—h out in such affaires and the like is evident in my Lord of Leycesters actions now albeit to her Mâ—jesty I doubt not but that he will pretend and protest as his Father did to her Brother especially now after his open association with the faction of Huâ—tington which no lesse impugneth under this mans protection the whole line of Henry the seventh for right of the Crowne then the house of Suffâ—lke did under his Father the pâ—rticulâ—r progeny of King Henry the eight Nay rather much more quoth the Gentleman for that I doe not read in King Edwards raigne when the matter was in plotting noâ—withstanding that the house of Suffolkâ— durst ever make open claime to the next succâ—ssion But now the house of Hastâ—ngs is bâ—come so confident upon the strength favor of their fautors as they dare both plot practice pretend all at once and fâ—ar not to set out their title in every place where they come And do they not fear the statute said the Lawyer so rigorous in this point as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles No thâ—y need not quoth the Gentlemaâ— seeing their party is so strong and terrible as no man dare accuse them seeing also they well know that the procurement of that Statute was oâ—ely to endanger or stop the mouthes of the true Successors
onely to use for a pretext and helpe whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state the others head could never have come to other end then it enjoyed For if Queene Mary had not cut it off King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time and so all men doe well know that weâ—e privy to any of his cunning dealings And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notwithstanding this outward shew of dependance it was my chance to learne from the mouth of a speciall man of that hasty King who was his Ledger or Agent in London and at a time falling in talke of his Masters title declared that he had heard him divers times in secret complaine to his Lady Leycesters sister as greatly fearing that in the end he would offer him wrong and pretend some title for himselfe Well quoth the Lawyer it sâ—emeth by this last point that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation but for the former whereof you speake in truth I have heard men of good discourse affirme that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head for deceiving of Suffolke who was nothing so fine as himselfe and for bringing the Crowne to his owne Family And among other devises it is thought that hee had most certaine intention to marry the Lady Mary himselfe after once hee had brought her into his owne hands and to have bestowed her Majestie that now is upon some one of his children if it should have beene thought best to give her life and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolke and his pedegree with condigne punishment for his bold behaviour in that behalfe Verily quoth I this had beene an excellent Stratageme if it had taken place But I pray you Sir how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary to wife seeing hee was at that time married to another O quoth the Gentleman you question like a Schollar As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive when hee first began to pretend marriage to the Queenes Majesty Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title to marry his owne Neece that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his owne wife was dead whom all the World knew to bee then alive and in good health but yet soone afterward she was seene dead indeed These great peâ—sonages in matters oâ— such weight as is a Kingdome have privilâ—dges to dispose of Womens bodies marriages lives and deaths as shall be thought for the time most convenient And what doe you thinke I pray you of this new Tâ—iumvirat so lately concluded about Arbellâ— for so I must call the same though one of the three persons bee no Vir but Virago I meane of the maâ—riage betweene young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox wheâ—eby the Father-in-law the Grand-mother and the Uncle of the new designed Queene have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne But what doe you think may ensue hereof is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this Marry Sir quoth the Lawyer if this be so I dare assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but there goeth a deep drift by the wife and sonne against old Abraham the Husband and Father with the well-lined large pouch And secondly a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistresse but deepest of all by the whole Crew against the designements of the hasty Earle who thirsteth a Kingdome with great intemperance and seemeth if there were plaine dealing to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought But either part in truth seeketh to deceive other and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest Well howsoever that be quoth the Gentleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practise and many more for bringing the Scepter finally to his owne head and that he will not onely imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland and Arbella to defeate Huntington but also would use the marriage of the Queene imprisoned to defeat them both if she were in his hand and any one of all three to dispossesse her Majesty that now is as also the authority of all foure to bring it to himselfe with many other fetches flings and friscoes besides which simple men as yet doe not conceive And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles doe seeme for the time to draw together and to play booty yet am I of opinion that the one will beguile the other at the upshot And Hastings for ought I see when hee commeth to the scambling is like to have no better luck by the Beare then his Ancestour had once by the Boare Who using his helpe first in murdering the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt and after in destroying the faithfull Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fift for his easier way to usurpation made an end of him also in the Tower at the the very same day and houre that the other were by his counsell destroyed in Pontfret Castle So that where the Goale and price of the game is a Kingdome there is neither faith neither good fellowship nor faire play among the Gamesters And this shall be enough for the first point viz. what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himselfe in respect of Huntington Touching the second whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesties dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtfull to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof and feareth that every houre may breed some alteration to the prejudice of his conceived hope Wee see oftentimes that the childe is impatient in this matter to expect the naturall end of his parents life Whom notwithstanding by nature he is enforced to love and who also by nature is like long to leave this World before him and after whose decease hee is assured to obtaine his desire but most certaine of dangerous event if he attempt to get it while yet his parent liveth Which foure considerations are no doubt of great force to containe a child in duty and bridle his desire albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of raigning But what shall wee thinke where none of these foure considerations do restraine where the present Possessor is no parent where she is like by nature to out-live the expector whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise and in whose life-time the matter is most easie to be atchieved under colour and authority of the present Possessor shall we thinke that in such a case the ambitious man will over-rule his
and goods which now are not thought upon by them who are most in danger of the same And this is for the Common-wealth and Countrey But unto her Majesty for whose good and safety the statute is onely pretended to be made no doubt but that it bringeth farre greater dangers then any devise that they have used besides For hereby under colour of restraining the claimes and titâ—es of true successours whose endeavours notwithstanding are commonly more calme and moderate then of usurpers they make unto themselves a meane to forster and set forward their owne conspiracy without controlement seeing no man of might may oppose himselfe against them but with suspition that he meaneth to claime for himselfe And so they being armed on the one side with their authority and force of present fortune and defended on the other side by the pretence of the statute they may securely worke and plot at their pleasure as you have well proved before that they doe And whensoever their grounds and fouxndations shall be ready it cannot be denied but that her Majesties life lyeth much at their discretion to take it or use it to their best commodity and there is no doubt but they wâ—ll as such men are wont to doe in such affaires Marry one thing standeth not in their powers so absolutely and that is to prolong her Majesties dayes or favour towards themselves at their pleasures whereof it is not unlike but they will have due consideration least perhaps upon any sudden accident they might be found unready They have good care thereof I can assure you quoth the Gentleman and meane noc to bee prevented by any accident or other mishap whatsoever they will bee ready for all events and for that cause they hasten so much their preparations at this day more then ever before by sending out their spies and sollicitours every-where to prove and confirme their friends by delivering their common watch-word by complaining on all hands of our Protestants Bishops and Clergy and of all the present state of our irreformed Religion as they call it by amplifying onely the danger of Papists and Scottish faction by giving out openly that now her Majesty is past hope of Child-birth and consequently seeing God hath given no better successe that way in two Women one after the other it were not convenient say they that another of that sexe should ensue with high commendation of the Law Salick in France whereby women are forbidden to succeed Which speech though in shew it be delivered against the Queen oâ— Scots and other of King Henrâ— the seventh his lâ—ne that discend of Sister yet all men see that it toucheth as well the disabling of her Mâ—jesty that is present as othâ—rs to come and so tendeth directly â—o Mâ—turation of the principall purpose which I have declaâ—e◠〈◊〉 Here said I foâ—â—he rest which you speake of besides the Watch word it is common and every where â—reated in tâ—lke among them but yet for the Wâ—â—ch word it selfe for that you name it I thinke Sir many knâ—w iâ— not it I were the first that told yoâ—â—he stoâ—y as perchâ—nce I was For in truth I came to it by a rare hâ—p as then I told you the thing being utâ—ered and expounded by a Baron of their owne faction to another Noble man of the same degree and religion though not of the same opinion in these affaires And for that I am requested not to utter the second who told it me in secret I must also spare the name of the first which otherwise I would not nor the time and place where he uttered the same To this said the Lawyer you doe well in that but yet I beseech you let me know this Watch word if there bee any such for mine instruction and helpe when need shall require For I assure you that this Gentlemans former speech of halters hath so terrified mee as if any should come and aske or feele my inclination in these matters I would answer them fully to their good contentment if I knew the Watch-word whereby to know them For of all things I love not to bee hanged for quarrels of Kingdomes This Watch-word is said I Whether you be setled or no and if you answer yea and seeme to understand the meaning thereof then are you knowne to be of their faction and so to bee accompted and dealt withall for things to come But if you stagger or doubt in answering as if you knew not perfectly the mistery as the Nobleman my good Lord did imagining that it had beene meant of his religion which was very well knowne to be good and setled in the Gospell then are you discried thereby either not to be of their side or else to be but a Punie not well instructed and consequently he that moveth you the question will presently break off that speech and turne to some other talke untill afterward occasion be given to perswade you or else instruct you better in that affaire Maâ—ry the Noble man whereof I spake before perceiving by the demanding that there was some mistery in covert under the question tooke hold of the words and would not suffer the propounder to slip away as he endeavoured but with much intreaty brought him at length to expound the full meaning and purpose of the riddle And this was the first occasion as I thinke whereby this secret came abroad Albeit afterwards at the publique Communions which were made throughout so ma-many Shires the matter became more common especially among the stranxgers that inhabite as you know in great numbers with us at this day All which as they say are made most assured to this faction and ready to assist the same with great forces at all occasions Good Lord quoth the Lawyer how many misteries and secrets be there abroad in the world whereof we simple men know nothing and suspect lesse This Watch-word should I never have imagined and for the great often assemblies under pretence of Communions though of themselves and of their owne nature they were unaccustomed and consequently subject to suspition yet I did never conceive so farre forth as now I doe as neither of the lodging and entertaining of so many strangers in the Realme whereof our Artizans doe complaine every-where But now I see the reason thereof which no doubt is founded upon great policy for the purpose And by this also I see that the house of Huntington presseth farre forward for the game and shouldâ—eth neare the goale to lay hands upon the same Which to tell you plainly liketh me but a little both in respect of the good will I beare to the whole Line of King Henry which hereby is like to be dispossessed as also for the misery which I doe fore-see must necessarily ensue upon our Countrey if once the challenge of Huntington take place in our Realme Which challenge being derived from the title of â—laâ—ence onely in
the House of Yorke before the union of the two great Houses raiseth up againe the old contention betweene the Families of Yoâ—ke and Lancaster wherein so much English bloud was spilt in times past and much more like to bee powred out now if the same contention should bee set on foot againe Seeing that to the controversie of Titles would bee added also the controversie of Religion which of all other differences is most dangerous Sir quoth the Gentleman now you touch a matter of consequence indeed and such as the very naming thereof maketh my heart to shake and tremble I remember well what Philip Cominus setteth downe in his History of our Countries calamity by that contention of those two Houses distinguished by the Red Rose and the White but yet both in their Armes might justly have borne the colour of Red with a fierie sword in a black field to signifie the abundance of bloud and mortality which ensued in our Countrey by that most wofull and cruell contention I will not stand here to set downe the particulars observed gathered by the foresaid author though a stranger which for the most part he saw himselfe while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King Lewes of France of that time namely the pittifull description of divers right Noble men of our Realme who besides all other miseries were driven to begge openly in forraine Countries and the like Mine owne observation in reading over our Country affaires is sufficient to make me abhorre the memory of that time and to dread all occasion that may â—ead us to the like in time to come seeing that in my judgement neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romanes nor yet the Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians did ever worke so much woe as this did to our poore Countrey Wherein by reason of the contention of Yorke and Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeen pitched fields in lesse then an hundred yeares That is from the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the second his raigne when this controversie first began to bud up unto the thirteenth yeare of K. Henry the seventh At what time by cutting off the chiefe titler of Huntingtons house to wit yong Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick Son and Heire to George Duke of Clarence the contention most happily was quenched and ended wherein so many fields as I have said were foughten between Brethren and Inhabitants of our owne Nation And therein and otherwise onely about the same quarrel were slaâ—â— murdered and made away about nine or ten Kings and Kings Sonnes besides above forty Earles Marquesses and Dukes of name but many more Lords Knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines and of the Common people without number and by particular conjecture very neare two hundred thousand For that in one Battell fought by King Edward the fourth there are recorded to be slaine on both parts five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons besides others wounded and taken prisoners to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conquerour at divers Battels after ten thousand slaine at a Battell And in those of Barnet and Tukesbury fought both in one yeare This suffered our afflicted Country in those dayes by this unfortunate and deadly contention which could never be ended but by the happy conjunction of those two Houses tâ—gether in Henry the seventh neither yet so as appeareth by Chronicle untill as I have said the state had cut off the issue male oâ— the Duke of Clarence who was cause of divers perilâ— to King Henry the sevenâ—h though he were in prison By whose Sister the faction of Huntinâ—ton at thiâ— day doth seeke to raise up the same contention againe with farre greater danger both to the Reaâ—mâ— and to her Majesty that now raigneth then ever before And for the Realme it is evident by that it givetâ— roome to strangers Competitours of the House oâ— Lancaster better able to maintaine their owne titlâ— by sword then ever was any of that linage before tâ—em And for her Majesties perill present it is nothing hard to conjecturâ— seeing the same title in thâ— fore-said Earle of Warwick was so dangerous anâ— troublesome to her Grandfather by whom she holdeth as hee was faine twiâ—â— to take armâ—s in defence of his right against the said title which was in those dayes preferred and advanced by the friendâ— of Clarence before that of Henry as also this of Huntington is at this day by his faction before that of her Majesty though never so unjustly Touching Huntingtons title before her Majesty quoth the Lawyer I will say nothing because in reason I see not by what pretence in the World he may thrust himselfe so farre forth seeing her Majesty is descendâ—d not onely of the House of Lancaste but also before him most apparentâ—y from the House of Yorke it selfe as from the eldest Daughter of Kâ—ng Edwâ—rd the fourth being the eldest Brother of that House Whereas Huntington claimeth onely by the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence the younger Broâ—her Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle of Warwicks title were better then that of King Henry the seventh which is most false though many attempted to defend the same by sword then hath Huntâ—ngton some wrong at this day by her Majesty Albeit in very truth the atâ—aints of so many of his Ancestours by whom he claâ—mâ—th would answer him also sufficiently in that behalfe if his title were otherwise allowable But I know besides this they have another fetch of King Richard the third whereby he would needs prove hâ—s elder Brother King Edwaâ—d to bee a Bastard and consequently his whole line aswell male as female to be void Which devise though it be ridiculous and was at that time when it was first invented yet as Richard found at that time a Doctor Shaw that shamed not to publish and defend the same at Pauls Crosse in a Sermon and John of Northumberland my Lord of Lâ—yceâ—â—ers Father found out divers Preachers in his time to set up the title of Suffolke to debase the right of K. Henries daughter both in London Cambridge Oxford and other places most apparently against all Law and reason so I doubt not but these men would finde out also both Shawes Sands and others to set out the title of Clareâ—ce before the whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his posterity if occasion served Which is a point of importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit for my part I meane not not now to stand thereupon but onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster as I have said For as that most honourable lawfull and happy conjunction of the two adversary Houses in King Henry the seventh and his Wife made an end of the shedding of English bloud within it selfe and brought us that most
against all the house and Line of Suffolke for first they say that Charlâ—s Bâ—andon Duke of Suffolke had a knowen wife alive wâ—en he married Mary Queen of France and consequently that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor borne of that marriage can be lawfully borne And this is all I can heaâ—e them say against the succession of the Counâ—esse of Darby descended of Elenor. But against my Lord of Hartfords châ—ldren â—hat came from Franâ—es the eldest daughter I heare them alledge two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage For first they affirme that Henry Marquesse Dorset when hee married the Lady Frances had to wife the old Earl of Arundels sister who lived both then and many yeares after and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· wherby that marriage could no way be good Secondly that the lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances by the Marques by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children was lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now liveth and consequently could have no lawfull issue by any other during his life 3ly that the said Katherine waâ— never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford but bare him those children as his Concubine which â—s they say is defined and registred in the Archb. of Canterburies court upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth and this is in effect so muâ—h as I have heard them all aledge about their affars It is much quoth I that you have said if it may be all proved Marry yet by the way I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leyâ—ester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances whom in time past when Iane her eldest daughter was married to his brother he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight But to the purpose I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have and how far in truth they may stoppe from inheritance for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alledged before Whereto answeâ—ed the Gentleman that our friend thâ— Lâ—wyâ—r could best resoâ—ve that if it pleased hâ—m to spâ—ake without his fee though in some points alledged every other man quoth he that knoweth the state and common government of England may easily give his judgement also And iâ— the case of bastardy if the matter may be proved there is no dâ—fficulty but that no right to inheritance can justly bee pretended as also perhaps in the case of forraine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forrainers borne in other lands can hardly come and claime inheritance in England albeit to the contrary I have heard great and long dispâ—tes but such as indeed passed â—y capacity And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing and that with attention To this answered the Lawyer I will glâ—dly siâ— tell you my minde in any thing that it shall please you demand and much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect The impedâ—ments which these men alledge against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters are of two kinds as you see The one knowne and allowed in our law as you have well said if it may be proved and that is bastardy whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolke as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland Whereof it is to small purpâ—se to speak any thing here seeing the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fact onely to be proved or improved by records and witnesses Onely this I will say that some of these bastardies before named are rife in many mens mouthes and avowed by divers that yet live but let other men looke to this who have most interest therein and may be most damnified by them if they fall out true The other impediments which are alledged onely against the Qâ—eene of Scots and her 〈◊〉 are in number three â—s you recite them thâ—â— is forraine birth king Henries testament and Religion whereof â— am content to say somewhat seeing you desire it albeit there be so much published already in bookes of divers languages beyond the sea as I am informed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yâ—t so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers my betters in conference of these affaires I will not let to recite unto you with this proviso and protestation alwayes that what I speake I speak by way of recitall of other mens opinions not meaning my selfe to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any persons title to the crown whatsoever First then touching forraine birth there bee some men in the world that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our law that no stranger at al may inherit any thing by any means within the Land which in truth I take to be spoken without ground in that generall sense For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universall rule and I know that divers examples may be alledged in sundry cases to the contrary and by that which is expresly set downe in the seventh 〈◊〉 ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the â—lâ—venth â—nd fourteenth of Hen. thâ— 4. it appearâ—â—h plainâ—y that â— stranger mâ—y â—urchase lands in England as also â—â—herit by hâ—s wife if he marry an inheritrix Wherefore this common rule 〈◊〉 to bee restraâ—neâ— from that generality unto proper inheritance only â—n which sense I do easily grant that our common Law hath been of ancient and is at this day that no person born out of the â—llegâ—ance of the king of England whose father mâ—thâ—r were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth shall be able to have or dâ—maâ—d any heritage within the same allegiance as heire to any person And this rule of our common Lâ—w is gathered in these sâ—lf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we â—re now to treat of And albeit now the commoâ— Law of our Country do runne thus in generall yet will theâ— friends of the Scottish claime affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindred at all towâ—rds the Crowne and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons whereof the principâ—ll are these which ensue First it is common and a generall rule of our English lawes that no rule Axâ—ome or Mâ—xima of law be it â—ever so generall can touch or bind the Crown except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same for that the
of doubt that Leicester the caster of these shadowes doth look to play his part first in these troublesome affaires so doe I heartily feare that unlesse the tyranny of this Leicestrian fury bee speedily stopped that such miserie to Prince and people which the Lord for his mercies sake turne from us as never greater fell before to our miserable Countrey is far nearer hand than is expected or suspectâ—d And therefore for the prevention of these calamities to tell you plainly mine opinion good Sirs and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference for it waxeth late I would thinke it the most necessarie poynt of all for her Majesty to call his Lordship to account among other and to see what other men could say against him at length after so mâ—ny yeares of his sole accusing and pursuing of others I know and am very well assured that no one act which her Majestie hath done since her comming to the Crowne as shee hath done right many most highly to be commended nor any that lightly her Majesty may doe hereafter can be of more utility to Her selfe and to the Realme or more gratefull to her faithfull and zealous subjects than this noble act of Iustice would be for tryall of this mans deserts towards his Countrey I say it would be profitable to her Majesty and to the Realme noâ— onely in respect of the many dangers befoâ—e mentioned hereby to be avoyded which are like to ensue most certainly if his courses bee still permitted but also for that her Majesty shall by this dâ—liver Her selfe from that generall grudge and griefe of mind with great dislike which many subiects otherwise most faithfull have conceived against the excessive favour shewed to this man so many yeares without desert or reason Which favour he having used to the hurt annoyance and oppression both of infinite severall persons and the whole common-wealâ—h as hath bin said the griefe and resentment thereof doth redound commonly in such cases not only upon the person delinquent alone but also upon the Soveraigne by whose favour authority he offers such iniuries though never so much against the others inteÌ„t dâ—sire or meaning And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes in all ages and Countries whose exorbitant favour to some wicked subiect that abused the same hath bin the cause of great dâ—nger and ruine the sins of the favourite being returned and revenged upon the favourer As in the Historie of the Grecians is declared by occasion of the pittifull murther of that wise and victorious P. Philip of Macedony who albeit that he were well assured to have given no offence of himself to any of his subiects consequently feared nothing but conversed openly and confidently among them yet for that hee had favoured too much one â—uke Attalus a proud â—nd insolent Courtier and had born him out in certain of his wickednes or at least not punished the same after it was detected and coâ—plained upon the parties grieved accounting the crime more proper and heinous on the part of him who by office should do iustice protect other than of â—he perpetrator who followeth his own passion and sensuality let pass Attalus made their â—evenge upon the bloud life of the K himself by one Pausanias suborned for that purpose in â—he marriage day of the Kings owne daughter Great store of like examples may be repeated â—ut of the stories of other countries nothing beâ—ng more usuall or frequent among all nations â—han the afâ—lictions of realms and kingdoms and the overthrow of Princes and great Potentates themselves by their too much affection towards some unworthy particular persons a thing in deed so common and ordinary as it may welâ— seem to be the speciall Rock of all other whereat Kings Princes doe make their shipwracks For if we look into the states and Monarchie all Christendoâ—e and consider the ruines thaâ— have bin of any Princes or Ruler within the same we shall find this poynt to have bin a great and principall part of the cause thereof and in our owne state and countrey the matteâ— is too evident For whereas since the Conqueâ—â— we number principally three just and lawfuâ—â— Kings to have come to confusion by alienatioâ— of their subjects that is Edward the seconâ— Râ—ch the second and Henrie the sixt this onlâ— point of too much favour towards wicked persons was the chiefest cause of destruction in a threâ— As in the first the excessive favour tâ—wards Peter Gaveston and two of the Spencer In the second the like extraordinarie and indicreet affecâ—ion towards Robert Vere Eurle oâ— Oxford and Marquesse of Dublin and Thomâ—â— Mowbray two most turbulent and wicked meâ— tâ—at set the K. against his own Vncles the nobility In the third being a simple and hoâ—â— man albeit no great exorbitant affection wâ—â— seene towards any yet his wife Queen Margâ—rets too much favour and credit by him nâ— controled towards the Marquesse of Suffolkâ— that after was made Duke by whose instinâ—â— and wicked Counsell she made away first tâ—â— noble Duke of Gloucester and afterward coâ—mitted other things in great prejudice of tâ—â— Realme and suffered the said most impious aâ—â— sinfull Duke to range and make havock of all sort of subjects at his pleasure much after the fashion of the Earle of Leicester now though yet not in so high anâ— extreame a degree this I say was the principall and originall cause both before Goâ— and man as Polidore well noteth of all the calamity and extreme desolation which after ensued both to the King Queene and their onely child with the utter extirpation of their family And so likewise now to speak in our particular case if there be any grudge or griefe at this day any mislike repining complaint or murmure against her Majesties government in the hearts of her true and faithfull subjects who wish amendment of that which is amisse and not the overthrow of that which is well as I trow it were no wisedome to imagine there were none at all I dare avouch upon Conscience that either all or the greatest part thereof proceedeth from this man who by the favor of her Majesty so afflicteth her peoâ—le as never did before him either Gaveston Spencer Fere or Mowbray or any other mischievous â—irant that abused most his Princes â—avour within our Realme of England Whereby it is evident how profitable a thing it should bee to the whole Realme how honourable to her Majeâ—â—y and how gratefull to all her subjects if this man at length might be called to his account Siâ— quoth the Lawyer you alleage great reason and verily I am of opinion that if her Majesty knew but the tenth part of this which you have here spoâ—en as also her good subjects desires and complaint in this behalfe she would well shew that her Highnesse feareth not to permit iustice to passe upon Leicester or any other within her Realme
for satisfaction of her people whatsoever some men may think and report to the contrary or howsoever otherwise of her owne milde disposition towards the person she have borne with him hitherto For so we see that wise Princes can doe at times convenient for peace and tranquillity and publike weale though contrary to their owne particular and peculiar inclination As to goe no further then to the last example namâ—d and alleaged by your selfe before though Queen Margaret the wife of K Henrie the sixt had favoured most unfortunately many yeares together Wâ—llâ—am Duke of Suffolk as hath bin said whereby he committed manifold outrages and afflicted the Realme by sundry meanes yet she being a woman of great prudence when she saw the whole Communalty demand justice upon him for his demerits albeit she liked and loved the man still yet for satisfaction of the people upon so generall a complaint shee was content first to commit him to prison and afterward to banish him the Realme but the providence of God would not permit him so to escape for that he being incountred and taken upon the sea in his passage he was beheaded in the ship and so received some part of condigne punishment for his most wicked loose and licentious life And to seeke no more examples in this case we know into what favour and speciall grace Sir Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Grandfather was crept with King Henry the seventh in the latter end of his reigne and what intollerable wickednesse and mischiefe he wrought against the whole Realme and against infinite particular persons of the same by the polings and oppressions which hee practised wherby though the King received great temporall commodity at that rime as her Majesty doth nothing at all by the present extortions of his Nephew yet for justice sake and for meere câ—mpassion towards his afflicted subiects that complained grievously of this iniquity that most vertuous and wise Prince King Henrie was content to put from him this lewd instrument and devillish suggestor of new exactions whom his sonne Henrie that ensued in the Crown caused presently before all other busines to be called publickly to account and for his deserts to leese his head So as where the interest of a whole Realme or common cause of many taketh place the private favour of any one cannot stay a wise godly Prince such as al the world knoweth her Maiesty to be from permitting iustice to have her free passage Truely it should not quoth the Gentleman for to that end were Princes first elected and upon that consideration doe subiects both pay them tribute and obedience to bee defended by them from iniuries and oppressions and to see lawes executed and iustice exercised upon and towards all men with indifferency And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester I doe not see in right and equity how her Maiesty may deny this lawfull desire and petition of her people For if her highnesse doe permit and command the Lawes dayly to passe upon thieves and murderers without exception and that for one fact onely as by experience we see how then can it be denâ—ed in this mâ—n who in both kinds hath committed more enormous acts then may be well recounted As in the first of theft not onely by spoyling and oppressing almost infinite private men but also whole Towns Villages Corporations and Countries by robbing the Realme with inordinate licences by deceiving the Crown with racking changing and imbezeling thn Lands by abusing his Prince atd Soveraigne in selling his favour both at home and aâ—road with taking bribes for matter of justice grace request supplication or whatsoever sure else may depend upon the Court or of the Princes authority with seâ—ting at sale and making open market of whatsoever her Mâ—jesty can give doe or procure be it spirituall or tempâ—rall In which sort of traffick he committâ—th more theft oftentimes in one day than all the way-keepers cut-purses conseners pirates burglares or other of that art in a whole yeare within the Realme And as for the second which is murther you have heard before somewhat said and proved but yet nothing to that which is thought to have bin in secret committed upon divers occasionâ— at divers times in sundry persons of different calling in both sexes by most variable means of killing poysoning charming inchanting conjuring and the like according to the diversity of men places opportunities and instruments for the same By all which meanes I think he hath more bloud lying upon his head at this day crying vengeance against him at Gods hands her Majesty than ever had private man in our Country â—efore were he never so wicked Wherein now if we adde his other good behaviour as his intollerable licentiousnesse in all filthy kind and manner of carnality with all sort of Wives Friends and Kinsewomen if wee add his iniuries aod dishonours done hereby to infinite if we adde his treasons treacheries and conspiracies about the Crowne his disloyall behaviour and hatred against her Majesty his ordinarie lying and common perjuring himselfe in all matters for his gain both great and smal his rapes and most violent extortions upon the poore his abusing of the Parliament and other places of justice with the Nobility and whole Communalty besides if we add also his open injuries which hee offereth dâ—yly to Religion and the Ministers thereof by tithing them and turning all to his owne gaine together with his manifest and known tyranny practised towards all estates abroad throu bout all Shires of the kingdome his dispoyling of both the Vniversities and dâ—scouraging of infinite notable wits there from seeking perfection of knowledge and learning which oâ—herwise were like to become notable especially in Gods word which giveth life unto the soule by defrauding them of the price and reward proposed for their travail in that kind through his insatiable Simoniacall contracts if I say we should lay together all these enormities before her Majesty and thousands more in particular which might and would be gathered if his day of his triall were but in hope to be granted I do not see in equity and reason how her Highnesse sittâ—â—g in throne and at the royall sterne as shee doth could denie her Subiects this most lawfull request considering that every one of thâ—se crimes apart requireth justâ—ce of his owne nature and much more all together ought to obtaine the same at the hands of any good and godly Magistrate in the World No doubt quoth I but that these considerations must needs weigh much with any zealous Prince and much more with her most excellent Majesty whose tender heart towards her Realm and Subjects is very well known of all men It is not to be thought also but that her Highnesse hath intelligence of divers of â—hese matters alleaged though not perhaps of all But what would you have her Majesty to doe perhaps the consultation of this
and such a port As did the pompe of Martimer exceed Who as in th' English Chronicles we read When second Edward lost his Kingly rights Was waited on at once with nine-score Knights That Earle of March and Roger Mortimer Rul'd the young King queene mother and the Peeres I Robert Dulley Earle of Leicester Did sway in court and all the English steeres His rule was short mine flourisht many yeares He did his life with ignominy loose I lived and triumpht o're my proudest foes As the Image of great Alexander dead Made king Cassander tremble at the sight Spying the figure of his Royall head Whose presence sometime did the world affright Or like as Caesâ—rs Monarchising spright Pursued false Brutus at Philippâ—s field Till he that slew his Liege himselfe wâ—s kild So view yee petty Lords my Princely ghost I speake to you whose hearts be full of gall I whilst I liued was honour'd of the most And either fear'd for love of great and small Or lov'd for feare of such as wisht my fall Behold my shadow representing state Whose person sometime did your pride abate Weigh what I was knights gentlemen and Peeres WheÌ„ my death threatning frowns did make you quake As yet they have not passed many yeares Since I your plumes pluckt iofty crest's did shake Then tell me Sirs for old acquaintance sake Wax yee not pale to heare of Leisters name Or to backebite me blush ye not for shame You say in dealings that I was unjust As if true Iustice ballance yee could guide Had I dealt justly I had turnd to dust Long before this your corps swolne vp with pride Which now surviving doe my acts deride My fame yet liues though death abridgd my daies Some of you di'd that over-liu'd your prayse Are there not some among you Parasites Time-servers and observers of no measure Prince-pleasers people-pleasers hypocrites Dambd Machiavilians giuen to lust and pleasure Church-robbers beggers of the Princes treasure Truce-breakers Pirats Athiests Sicophants Can equity dwell heere where conscience wants And yet you thinke none justly deales but you Divine Astrea vp to heauen is fled And turnd to Libra there looke up and view Her ballance in the zodiacke figured Iust Aristides once was banished Where liues his match whom enuy did pursue Because men thought he was to just and true Yee say ambition harbourd in my braine I say ambition is no heynous sinne To men of state do stately thoughts pertaine By baser thoughts what honour can he win Who ever did a great exploit begin Before ambition moved him to the deed And hope of honour urg'd him to proceed Themistocles had never put to flight Zerxzes huge host nor tam'd the Persians pride Nor sad King Tarsus got by martiall fight The Romane spoyles with conquest on his side If first ambition had not beene their guide Had not this humor their stout hearts allure To high attempts their fame had beene obscure The Eagle doth disdaine to catch poore flyes The Lyon with the Ape doth scorne to play The Dolphin doth the whirlpoole low dispise Thus if Birds Beasts and Fishes beare such sway If they would teach vnderlings to obey Much more should men whom reason doth adorne Be noble minded and base fortunes scorne Admit I could dissemble wittily This is no grievous sinne in men of state Dâ—ssembling is a point of policie Plaine dealing now growes stale and out of date Wherefore I oft conceal'd my private hate Till I might find fit time though long I stay'd To wreake the wrath that in my heart I layd Th' old Proverbe is plaine dealing is a jewell And he that useth it a Begger dyes The world is now adayes become so cruell That Courtiers doe plaine Câ—untry-men despise Quicke wits and cunning heads doe quickly rise And to be plaine yee must not plainly deale That office seeke in Court or Common-weale Now Aristippus is in more request That knew the way to please a Monarchs mind Then that poore cynicke swad that us'd to jest At every idle knave that he could find To unkind friends yee must not be too kind This is a maxime which to you I give Men must dissemble or they cannot live Yee say I was a coward in the field I say it fits not such a noble wight To whom his Countrey doth the title yeeld Of Lord-Lieutenant with full power and might To venture his owne person in the fight Let others dye which as our vassailes serve While heaven for better haps our hopes preserve How soone did Englands joy in France diminish When th' Earle of Salisbury at Orleance By Gun-shot stroke his honour'd life did finish When Talbâ—t that did oftentimes advance The English ensignes in disgrace of France Was at the last invironed and slaine Whose name the French-mens terror doth remaine And what a fatall wound did Rome receive By Crassus death whom faithlesse Parthians slew How did the Senate for Flamâ—nius grieve And for Aemilius death and his stout crew Whom Haniball at Cannes dâ—d subdue Cut oft an arme yet life the heart may cherish Cut of the head and every part will perish Ipâ—crates th' Athenian us'd to say Vaunt-currers are like hands to bauell prest The men of armes are feet whereon to stay The footmen as the stomach and the bâ—est The captaine as the head above the rest The head once crasâ—d troubleth all the parts The Generall slaine doâ—h kill ten thousand hearts Therefore a Lâ—rd Lieutenant should take care That he in safety doe himselfe repose And should not hazard life at every dare But watch and waâ—d so Fâ—bius tir'd his foes When rash Minâ—tâ—us did the conquest loâ—â— If such in open danger will intrude It is fond rashnesse and not fortitude Yee say I was lascivious in my love And that I tempted many a gallant Dame Not so content but I did also prove To winne their handmaids if I lik'd the game Whâ— siâ—â— yee know love kindlâ—s such a flame As if we may believe what Poets pen It doth inchant the hearts of Gods and men Iove lov'd the daughter of a jealous siâ—e Danae a maid immured within a tower Yet to accomplish th' end of his desire He metamorphiz'd to a golden shower Fell in the lap of his faire Paramour And being tearm'd a god did not disdaine To turne to man to beast aâ—d showre of raine Deere Lords when Cupid throwes his fiery darâ—s Doth none of them your tender bodies hit Doth Citherea never charme your hearts Nor beauty try your quintessentiall wit Perhaps you will say no fie 't is unfit Now by my Garter and my Geoâ—ge to â—oot The blind God surely hits if he doth shoote Whereas ye doe object my Magick charmes I sought to winne faire dames to my desire 'T is better so then strive by force of Armes For forced love will quickly backe retire If faire meanes cannot winne what we requiâ—e Some secret tricks and sleights must be devised That love may even from Hell be exercised To you dull