performed yf the Admiral for his own particular had not layd a block in his vvays But aboue all others it is memorable and worthie to be remembred vvhat a bloodie quarrel it vvas mayd that king Edvvard the sixt the first protestant king in England might not marrie Quene marie of Scotland vvho was euer honored and esteamed a Catholik and yet the protector vvould haue mayd no scruple of Conscienc in that Caluinisme and Lutheranisme ar as opposite as Antipodes and yet they haue matched oft together and ther Issews ar the records thereof And was it then tollerable in the reformed churches and is it intollerable vvith Spayne what then is the cawse of this great scrupulositie and feare Is it for the state of the kingdome or feare of alterations The husband is head of the vvyfe and tho the Infanta vvear born in familia Imperatrice yet ther is no soverainetie invested in her she can maik no mutation of State without the censent of the state And yovv haue the les cavvse to distrust that hauing a president before of king Philip vvho being king of England yet neither could nor vvould attempt anie alteration And yf the protestants ar sure to hould ther religion it is inhumanitie to repyne that she shall be suffred to enioye hers No man of honor vvil offend a ladie of such honor for a quarrel to her sovvle to her faithe and her vvorship of god What then is the reason vvhy this match is so distaist full Is it for the hate and odiousnes of the name and qualities of a Spanyard surelie ab initio non fuit sic that is neither an anciēt quarrel nor a naturall impression in the English For in the tyme of king Edvvard the 3. Ther vvas a firm and fixed amitie betvvean England and Portingal and of Lancaster ther king ar discended And for Castil they matched Constance the Daughter and heyr of king Peter to Iohn of Gaunt by vvhose right the crovvn appertained to hym And his daughter Catharin married vvith Henry the third king of Castil and therby the vvhich remaineth in the Sauoye records resignation of that crovvn vvas mayd by Iohn of Gannt and so all the controuersie vvas ended betwean them and the kings of Spaȳne as floorishing brainches of the tree and stock of Lancaster haue peacablie possessed that kidgdome So as Prince Charles shal by this match vvarme his bedd with his own blood I may add further that king Henry the seuenth married his sonn̄ to king Ferdinando his daughter to continew the succession of amitie I might remember the treaties of 1505. betvvean k. Henry the 7. and king Philip for the preseruation and noorishment of that league and frend ship And hovv much and hovv tenderly Charles the 5. embraced and esteamed yt vvell appeareth by the Treatie arctioris amicitiae 1543. And by the renoumed treatie of Callice the greatest honor that was evver doon to the crovvn of England and by the treatie 1507. bevvean Maximilian the Emperor Charles king of Spayne and king Henry the 8. by the treaties for entercourse 1515. and 1520. by the treatie of Cambray 1529. and by that famous treatie 1542. Thus the tvvo kings and kingdomes still renewed and noorished mutuallie and vvarmelie a perfect frendship and kind correspondencie till the schisme of Henry the 8. the diuorce disgrace and dishonor of Quene Katharin and the cōfederation therupon with France cooled the zealle of this seruent affection So as ther vvas at that tyme no such cavvse of hatred disfauor or vnkindnes bevvean these tvvo kingdomes nor anie national dislike or contention vvhich first brake out end appeared in England in Quene Maries tyme principallie for the quarrel of a new religion then fiuee yarres old For ther vvas no pretenc but onelie that to maik the breach which Wyat desired Yet this is not the trevv and sole motiue of the grudg ther is and impostume vvhich can not be cured till it be lanched The hatred and remembranc of 1588. Manet alta mente repostum It is trew Hinc illae lachrimae But let vs be indifferent look vpon the wrongs doone to them aswel as ther attemps for reueng And vnpartially consider who gaue the cawse and forced them to taik armes The Moonie intercepted which the king had sent to the Duke of Alua the Assistanc of the princ of Oreng by Gilbert Morgan and others ther seconds the first voiage of Syr Frances Drake the inuasion and sacking of S. Domingo the protection of Holland by the Earl of Leicester the infinite depredations and letters of mart to the wnspeakable dammage of Speyne the Philippicae and inuectiues in euerie pulpit ballets and libels in euerie press against king Philip wear such prouocations as flesh and blood nay crovvnes and scepters could hardlie disgest I speak nothing of the Portingal vorage of the surprize of Cales nor of the Iland viage and can anie vvise man imagin that the king of Spayn vvas not sensible of such indignities vvas it not probable that he vvould send a futie to Kinsale to reuenge that Yet for all this hostilitie vvhen his maiestie cam to the crovvne how frendly and quicklie ded the king of Spayne alter his course and send the high Constable of Castil as the doue owt of the Ark to see yf the flood of mallice vvear fallen and vvith an Oliue brainch in his hand to seak for peace to maik an Amnestia and perpetual obliuion of all vnkyndnes past to couer all offences to burie all quarrels and to reconcile the two crovvnes and the subiects thereofs And surelie Cursed vvil he be vvho shal seak to violate that peace and vnder the coolor of religion to banish peace and Charitie the badges of religiō a malicions Cayn he is that maiks all contentions perpetuall and searsehe can he be holden loyal that remēbreth onelie the sudes and quarrels vvith Scotland and not what and how dear wnto vs it is now and so should be euer embraced and esteamed Furthermore the Crovvn of England shal hearby be thus more beautified and magnified But staye My pen shall intrude no further into the secret Cabbienet of counsel wthowrt warrant Bycause I kow not whether it be agreable to the kings pleasure or whether it be sit to be discoursed and speciallie bycause I hold it impossible forme to satisfie so profovvnd a Iudg vvithovvthis ovvn instructions and directions For I consider vvel hovv vnsearchable the secrets of princes art vvhich lie oft in abisso and ar too deape to be sovvnded by euerie shallow discourser And I remember also both what praying and preaching vvas vsed against the match of Quene Elizabeth vvith Monsieur in the like case and for feare of alteration and afterclaps and yet some vvho ded then most impugn it vnder pretenc of religion ded in dead least of all other counsellors regard religion Syr Philip Sydnie like a noble and vvourthie courtier laboured by a short treatise to present to her Maiesties iudgment the
an extent of Dominion 4. And to maik this bad proposition seame good cap 5. v. 25. Kings saith he forget they ar men that is of the same mould that others arr They ar called kings and Dukes Dei gratia To vvhat end serue these vvords to shovv by ther title that they acknovvledg no superior And yet vvill they tread vpon God vvith ther feate vnder that cloke So it is but an abuse and disguisement vvhen they vaunt that they raign Dei gratia Is not this excellent doctrine to be preached in a Monarchie and a fyne Deskant vpon Deigratia Yet he goeth an further c. 5. v. 21. Kings maik ther boast that they raign Deigratia yet they dispise the Maiestie of God Voila quelle est la rage forcenerie de tous Rois. Hear is no exception but a generall accusation and to maik that good he addeth this strenth to it It is common and ordinaire to all kings to exclude God from the government of the vvorld Consider wel that Caluin writt this not as a Politician but as a Deuine and in his prime and maister peace his institutions he deliuers these daingerous positions in his sermon to the people and in his readings vpon Daniel not in priuat discourses and as matters of discipline and doctâ—ine to be generallie beleaued and so making a course against Nabugad nezzar he run the wild goose chace against all kings and that rather owt of pleaÌ„ then owt of his text For to what end and pupose tend these speaches so scandalous and derogatoire to princes certanlie to disgrace scepters and sooueraines both for follie and impietie And bycause yovv shall see hovv vvell Caluin and Luther doe symbolise in this poynt that they speak one language and both weare like coolors and the same fashion I will deliuer vnto yow how Luthers opinion of thes poynts agreeth with Caluins These knaues of the nobilitie tyrants tom 7. fol. 441. Nebulones isti ex nobilitate tyranni c. qui inducunt animum ideo Deum nobis euangelium dedisse eosque ex carcere pontiâ—icio expediuisse vt possent ipsi auaritiae suae litare And in epistolis fol. 350. Principem esse non ex aliqua parte latronem esse aut non aut vix possibile est a Prince can not be but a robber and oppressor tom 3. fol. 325. Non est Principis esse Christianum paucos esse Christianos oportet And tom 6. fol. 143. in psalm 101. Mirum non est seculares Reges Dei hostes esse eiusque verbum hostiliter persequi Hoc â—psis à natura est insitum haec eorum proprietas whear it is vvorthie to be obserued Nota. vvhat an Antipathia ther is betvvean Royaltie and religion by Luthers rules and so betwean Lutheranisme and loyaltie by as good consequenc vvhich is the mayn quaestion But procead tom 3. latin fol 459 in psal 45. Aulae principum verè possunt dici sedes thronus diaboli vbi tot sunt diaboli quot ferè aulici For such as the king is such is the court like to be and yf the courts be the thrones kings must be the Deuels Tom. 2. fol 81. De seculari magistratu Principes flagitiosissiminebulones The reason he giueth is this Sunt enim Dei lictoreâ— carnifices quibus ira diuina ad puniendos improbos ad conseruandam externam pacem vtisolet fol. 190. Nullum nequè tus nequè fidem nequè veritatem apud principes seculares reperiri licet And then yf kings and princes haue neither honestie truthe nor Iustice Quid ego principes doceam huiusmodi porcis scribam vvhy should I vvrite and instruct such porck tom 3 fol. 149. Who can not discern hovv these tvvo holie men iumped in vnitie as led vvith the same spirit ay ming bot-at one end which is to noorish a deadlie feud in all mens mynds against kings and crownes that will not subscribe to ther superintendencie and Caluins Institutions And that yovv might more euidentlie discern that read c. 6. v. 25. vpon Daniel Saith he Darias by his exampl vvill condemn all those vvho at this day profess them selfs either Catholik kings or Christian kings or defendors of the faith and yet not onely they doe deface and burie altrevv pietie and religion but they corrup and depraue the vvhole vvorship of God Hear is in dead vvork for the Covvper not by a Marprelat but by a Mar prince The most Christian king must be again nevv Catechised and learn a new Christian Credo Hear is a new portraicture of a reformed Catholik dravven for the instruction of the most Catholik king and a nevv priuate spirit to direct the Catholik The defendor of the faith bycaus he erreth in his faith not hauing a sauing and iustifiâ—ng faith must haue a nevv faith created and inspiret into hym by this great Prophet And so by this nevv model all the old religion in the church and all the lavves in the state concerning it must be abolished Thus presumed Caluin to reform kings and government and to build a nevv ark to saue and preserue the vvorld from an inundation of impietie ignoranc and irreligion of vvhome I may trevvlie say plus quam regnare videtur cui ita liceat censuram agere regnantium But of this I shall more pertinentlie speak in the appendix In the interim Can a man sovv more seditious seads yf he vvould seak to Cantonize a kingdome into seuerall circles as they haue doon ther french church Yet shall yovv heare hym preach more like a Svvisser and Lutheranize vvith the proper spirit of Luther cap. 6. v. 3. 4 he toucheth kings to the quick and describes what kynd of beasts they ar at this tyme. Les Rois sont presque tous hebetez brutaux aussi semblablement sont-ils comme les cheuaux les asnes de bestes brutes And he giueth this reason bycause they honor and preferr most ther Bavvdes and ther vices What a seditious declamation is this against the title and maiestie of Gods anointed Mark the age and tyme when Caluin writ this book and note in that age what renoumed kings France had Lewes 12. Frances the 1. and Henry the 2. what maiestie wisedom and magnificenc wear in the emperor Maximilian and Charles vvhat state in Henry 8. of England what hope in Edward what vertue in Marie for Scotland Iames the 5. raigned and two such Maries as at worthie to be Canonized And for Castill and Portugal there kings never floorished more for government greatnes encreas of state discoueries of a new world peac and plentie Then what was his meaning to affirm that almost all kings wear so stupid and brutish Surelie to bread and noorish a contempt of hings and to induce the people that liue in free states to despise and hate them and conninglie to seduce them that liue in kingdomes to be sorie for ther yoke and seruitude to shake of ther fetters and purchase
and testifie From king Edvvard the Confessor Down to king Henry the VIII ther is no man so blind that will affirme ther was anie other religion professed and priuiledged in England but that which was planted heare by Gregorius Magnus who as D. whitacher noteth l. 5. contrae Duraeum pag. 394. ded vs a great benefit and vvhich vve ar euer most grate fullie to remember In all which tyme though the Cleargie mayd Canons by ther own authoritie for ther ovn particuler gouernment yet the kings of this realme ded euer fynt them obedient and readie hymblie and dewtifullie to obey them and to affoord ther best assistance to support the estate Royal euen oft vvhen they weare much troden vpon and heauilie burdened and albeyt sometymes they weare forced to whote contentions for external matters of iurisdiction and ther immunities as the commons and Barons weare yet they neuer passed the rules of order and obedienc nor stirred vp sedition or commotions And who soeuer shall obiect and call in quaestion the opposition of some prelates vnder Henrie the II. King Iohn and Henrie the III. shall neither doe great honor to the kings nor dishonor to the Church-men for ther zealous defenc of ther immunities and perhaps he may reuiue such matters as wear more conuenient to be buried in the records But the first king thar euer gaue effectuallie cawse in this kingdome to trie in the face of the vvorld the admirable patienc Order and loyaltie of the Catholiques was King Henrie the VIII flagelium Dei to the Church of England and yet of ther own religion First by aceusing the Cleargie to be fallen into the danger of a premunire for mantaining Caridnal VVolsies legantine power Secondlie by the statut of Supremacie Thirdlie by the Suppression of Abbeis Which vvear the thre first breaches wherby he threw Dovvn the foundation strenth and glorie of the Church of England The first leuelled the waye for the second and the second enabled hym with power and authoritie to compasse the third The first was a burden the second a bridle and the third a terror By the first he fownd ther weakenes by the second they perceaued his greatnes and by the third he mayd them dispayre of anie recouerie or reparation of ther estate by the first onelie the Cleargie smarted the second laye heauie both vpon the spirituall and temporall by the third the whole realme was again in a sort conquered And all this was doon to be reuenged against the Pope touching his marriage to abandon his iurisdiction and to aduance his ovvn greatenes and royall power that so no man might afterward controll his action or restrain his appetites vvhich lawleslie rainged in hym and prooued verrie inordinate And ther for he bard owt of the realme all forrein power and at home he subdewed them and mayd them of no power Such is the imperious nature of domination in irregular mynds which hauing once broken owt of his circle can not indure limitation and bownds but must and will rainge at libertie in the wide and wild feald of his humors and not being able to geue law to his appetites vvill maik lawes as champions to authorise them and reason as a parasite to glorifie them Now to examin all these thre The first 1. The premunite was a quarrell he ded pick onlie against Cardinal VVoltie and yet afterwards sett vpon the tentors and extended against the vvhole cleargie Which being summoned into the kings bench the kings learned counsell vrged and exaggerated the matter so vehamentlie that in the Conuocation howse they concluded to submit them selfs to his pleasure and to obtain ther pardon and recouer his fauor they wear content to offer and present vnto hym a hundret thowsand pownds wherevpon ther Pardon was signed by the king and confirmed by parliement and by a deuise there they wear also Drawen to acknowledg hym supreme head This vvas a course at that tyme thought neither agreable to Iustice nor honor for Cardinal Wolsie had the kings licens vnder his hand and the great seale of England sor his warrant to vse the legantine power and aftervvard by reason thereof the king hym self employed hym to exercise the same and sit vvith Campegius and examin the matter And yf the diuorce had bean allowed ther should neuer haue bean quaestion mayd of the legantine povvre Touching the Supremacie All the hings 2. The supremacie subiects euer acknovvledged that the crovvn of England quoad temporalia is independant of anie other povver but that great and Transcendent Maiestie vvho proclamed to the vvorld Per me reges regnant that kings knovving vvho vvill taik ther audit may be more carefull to rule vvith Iustice and keape ther accoumpts streight and subiects knovving there tye and vvho layd vpon ther necks this suaue iugum and withowt encroachment may obeye vvith more loyaltie and affection The Question vvhich king Harrie mayd first of all kings in his parliement concerneth his povver and iurisdiction quoad spiritualia And whether that new and highe praerogatiue vvear euer properlie and essentiallie inuested in the crovvn of his realme heartofore or whether it wear the creation of a nevv right by parliement iure Coronae or the establishment of an old And hearupon grovveth an other quaestion novv both in England and other kingdomes so much debated vvhether the Controuersie for Supremacie in spiritualibus be a quaestion onelie proper to Religion and so subiect to the sentenc and censure of the Church onelie as emong the Romans it vvas to the Collegium Augurum and Pontifex Max. or proper to Pollicie and the state onelie and so subiect to the iudgment of lawe or Mixt and a participle vvhear of either of them may hold plea. Of both these I shall haue fitter both Occasion for the matter and Opportunitie for the tyme to declare my poore opinion in my discourses vpon the Ecclesiastical Historie And for the suppression of the Abbies 3. The Supression of Abbies the Cleargie by that fact and the supremacie stood as in captiuitie and at the kings pleasure and mercie ther possessions wear seazed ther goods forfeited ther Churches prophaned and sacked And the augmentation court was erected vpon the spoyles of the Churche and the sale of ther mooueables vestiments challices bells and all for when the king fownd that the Cleargie thorough the humilitie of ther zeale yealded so much vnto hym he never thought he had power sufficient till he had more then enoughe and vpon that aduantage his conscienc being inlarged broke owt of those ancient bownds which the lawes of the Church had prescribed to hym Therfor anno 27. he appointed Cromwel and Doctor Leigh to visite the Abbies and by vertue of the kings commission which had then a chymical powre to maik sacriledge vertue they took owt of the Monasteries ther cheafest Iewels plate and Reliques to the kings vse and dismissed all such religious persons vnder the age of 24. yeares as
the price of all things raised and the Yeomanrie decayed infinitelie vvhich heartofore vvas the honor and strenth of the kingdome and so consequentlie it vvas the trevv reason vvhy all things haue continued so dear in this land vvhearin maister Stubs ded err nota litl TITVLVS SECVNDVS HItherto Schisme raigned but the second plague was the ruine and wrach K. Evv. 6. of the Church for the authoritie and name of king Edward was vsed to break down and forciblie subuert the vvhole Church of England but see how craftie a statesman the Deuel is though the way to Anarchie and confusion was layd leuel by king Henrie who was onelie fitt for such a work in regard of his greatenes and crewell imperiousnes yet he lett religion stand a while longer knowing well that all could not be effected at once but as he seduceth Sowles so states by degrees and being also confident that the forts of pietie and religion being razed and the Church being brought vnder a laye supreme head he might by a second hand easilie ouerthrow religion it self King Henrie at his Deathe appointed by his will sixtean Executors who during the minoritie of his sonne should be his aydors and counsellors for the better gouerning the realme Emong whome One and who mayd hym self the Principal was the lord Edvvard Seamor Earl of Hartford who took vpon hym being the kings vncle to be protector and that was as good as a dispensation as he took it for his executor ship and lifted hym too manie degrees higher then his fellowes which king Henrie neuer intended that he might ouer-rule the rest by his title and supereminencie One of the first things of importance he contriued and compassed vvas innouation and the establishing of a new religion not so much for deuotion as bycaus he knew that nothing could quench his thirst so vvel as a chainge and bring the game he hunted after into the toyles and hearof Cranmor was a principal worker tho he was but a few moneths before of king Henries religion and a patrone of the six articles The better both to perswade the people and geue harting and strenth to ther sect Peter Martyr and Bucer vvear sent for ovvt of Germanie vpon whose fame and learning as vpon tvvo great Arches they might build and raise ther Churche tho bothe wear Apostates By Cranmor Ridlie Lattimor and these two Rabbins was the new Liturgie framed and the old banished these wear the authors of the first Alteration of religion which so manie hundred yeares had bean heare professed and continued vvith all dew reuerence So povvrefull was the Protector by vsing the king name a child then but of 9. years old but he was well seconded by the Duke of Northumberland the Admirall and the Marques of Nortampton all affected or seaming affected to the chaing of religion who over-ruled all that mayd anie show of opposition or dislike of ther proceadings Which was verrie strainge considering there wear so manie vvise and eminent men who had aequal authoritie with them both as Counsellors and executors and vvear most different in religion from them as the lord Priuie seale the lord Saint Iohn of Basing Bushop Tonstal Syr Antonie Brovvn and thewise sectetarie Syr W. Paget and speciallie that noble Chancelour the lord Writheoslie a man of experienc knowledg and prudenc and a director and pattern to his posteritie to be preferred before anie new guides but to content and please hym he vvas created Earl of Sowth-Hampton yet neither wonn so nor contented nor safe All things afterward grew to confusion ther remained no face and skarse the name of Catholick Church in England and tho ther wear great multitudes of men well affected to the ould religion and discontented that the Church was driuen into the wildernes and forced to lurk in corners yet ded they show loyaltie humilitie and peace and ded not taik armes and disobey that shadow of the king But what mooued the realme how wear men inchanted to embrace this religion and applawd the authors of it Noueltie euer pleaseth daintie stomachs and auarice is no small temptation at Syracusa Dyonisius the tyrant comming into the temple of Apollo full of sumptuous and goodlie ornaments and seing Aesculapius appareled with clothe of hould and full of Iewels hauing a long whyte siluer beard and Apollo the father carued with a floorishing yowthful gould beard and a playne cote of siluer he gaue order to shaue both Apollo and Aesculapius for it was indecorum that the sonn should haue a graye and his father a read beard and also vndecent that a Phisicion should wear so rich a cote so he ded not like that Apollo should be drawen so gawdilie and like a Barbarossa and a grauer gown he sayd would become a God better for gould and Iewels wear fitter for Princes then gods fitter for pomp then perfection The Duke of Sommerset ded rightlie imitate Dionisius for seing the Church rich remembring the exampl of his old maister and hauinng taisted at Aumesburie hovv svveat a Morsell a Priorie is he thought it not decorum to see the Cleargie so rich there wealth was not suitable to ther calling ther lands vvear giuen to noorish deuotion not to choke it to stirr men vp to prayer not to ease and luxurie and therfor he would shaue and share with them Tvvo Bushops hovvses he took in the Strand which serued hym vvel to build Sommerset hovvse for Quene Ann. He procured an act whearby all Colledges Chantries free Chappels Hospitals and fraternities wear suppressed and giuen to the king and how greadilie he intruded into the Bushop of bathe and wells his hovvses and mannors that Churche can never forget and yet Bushop Bourn by his industrie recouered some again but nothing to the Spoyles a poor releaf rather to fead then to fatt a Bushop Yet was he not satisfied for shortlie af ther contrarie to all law against king Henries vvill and against his own couenants when he was mayd protector he committed to the tovvr the Lord Chancelor he deposed Busbop Tonstal both from the Counsel and his bushoprick as too statelie a Seigniorie for a man of religion and too daintie a bitt to be swallowed by the Churche therfor he dissolued yt and brought it within the survey of the excheckor and he never prospered after It was directlie against the law 1. Edvv. 3. cap. 2. that the lands of Bushops should be seazed into the kings hands and that his father by the aduise of euel counsellors commanded them to be seazed withowt cawse but hearafter it should not be so Yet hear he set not downe his staff he committed Gardiner the Bushop of Winchester and after depriued hym He dissolued Stoke Colledg fleaced all Cathedrall Churches and committed infinite sacriledge vvherto the Nonage of the king gaue opportunitie Neither ded he hunt after his praye onelie emong the Churche liuing for yf yovv look in the Parliamant rolls of that tyme yovv shall fynd that with a
then he would read a lecture more Nay to conclude his fidus Achates Philip Melancton in his book called Didimus saith Equidem sapient em virum iudico fuisse vviclesum Anglum qui omnium primus quod ego sciam vidit vnmersitates fuisse Sathanae Synagegas And this I wonder maister Philip Wold so generallie affirme and aprooue vviclefs error that vniuersities arr the Synagogue of satan being so skilfull an artist hym self But at the beginning they wear all vncertan what to mantain for sownd and trew doctrine and aboue all Melancthon was euer an Academick and never long coÌ„stante and that yow may see by this that libro ad waldenses he recanted that opinion and reuoked his error vvhich Carolostade never ded So as yow may perceaue that at therfirst rising and preaching reformation the spirit had not in manie yeares fullie illuminated ther vnder standing nor directed ther iudgment with full perfection as he ded the prophets and the apostles and S. Paul Hearby it appeareth that at threblowes Luther laboured to cut down the thre great Cedars of the empyre The Cleargic The Canon â—avves and the vniuersities For vvith ovvt vniuersities the cleargie covvld not be in structed nor with owt Lawes be gouerned and so being necessarilie chayned together he could not break the link with owt subuerting all for he ded not seak a reformation of them but a totall extirpation and destruction as appeared by the Bushopricks And this I dare affirme that all the Hundred His behaviour to Caesar and the Princes Grauamina Germanie presented to the Emperor Charles at Norembergh ded not containes articles of that dainger greauances of that loss and such an oppression of the state as the se thre had beane And yet a greater mischeafe follovves For novv I vvill lay dovvn his positions of state and declare to the vvorld a prodigious inciuilitie and his arrogancie disobedienc and presumption tovvards the Emperor and the Princes of Germanie Desiryng your patienc that I may but a litl digress to maik his spirit more plainlie appeare in his likenes and hovv immodestlie and vnreuerentlie he ded esteame Regiam Maiestatem by the exampl of his vsage of king Of k. H. 8. Henry the VIII of England libro contâ—a Regem Angliae He calls king Henry in his preface An enuious madd fool ful of Dastardie and with owt one vaine of princelie blood in his bodie After that he saith He is a Basilisk to vvhome I denâ—unc damnation And pag. 335. This glorious king lyeth stowtlie like a king Note his moralitie for which he is famous And again he is a lijng Scurra couered vvith the title of a king and a chosen vessel of the Deuel And pag. 338. Thou art no more a king but a sacrilegious theaf And most sloouenlie and like hymself pag. 333. Ius mihi erit Maiestatem tuam stercore conspergere c. I am ashamed to procead I wil omitt infinite and these ar too manie vvhich it wear incredible to haue bean vttered by the Elias of Almaing but that both his own books ar extant and S. Thomas Moor the most famous Chancelor of England recapitulates them with a nomber more in his lattin vvork against Luther printed at Loouain 1566. And these places I haue selected and cited not onelie bycause they touched Henry the eight as he vvas a king and at that tyme one of the most mightie and Renoumed Princes in Europe but bycause also therby yow might discouer the modestie and Holie disposition of Doctor Martin and how like a man he was to preach and persuade obedieÌ„c to magistrates Novv note how he ded behaue hym self to the princes of the Empyre and whether he ded geue to Caesar his soueraine lord that which is Dew to Caesar It is worthie the obseruation to see his religious and ciuil respect of an emperor Libro contra duo mandata Casaris he vvrites Turpe quidem est Casarem ac Principes manifestis agere mendacijs It is a shame for Caesar and the Princes to lye so palpablie and in the same book and with the same spirit saith he Deus mihi dedu negotium non cum hominibus ratione praeditis sed Germanicae bestiae debent me occidere Meaning that the Princes the Sauages and beasts of Germanie should murder hym But he showes therin yet more gall and bitternes Oro cunctos pios Chrisitanos dignentur simul rogare Deum pro eiusmods exâ—aecatis Principibus quibus nos ma no trae suâ— furore corripuit ne vlâ—o pacto eos sâ—quamur vel in militiam ire vel dare aliquid contra Turcas quodâ—quidâ—n Turca decies prudentior probiorque quam sunt Principes nostri quid â—alibus faâ—â—â—s contra Turcam prospere euenâ—at qui Deum tam alâ—etentant blasphemant Was this but a Peccadilio Caesar and the Princes to be censured with such scandalous comparisons and reproches but this is not all in libro artic 500. in articulo 367. Quid ergo boni in rebus diumis vel decernant vel constituant tyranni tam impij prophant Before they wear fooles novv he maâ—ks them tyrants and then he goeth a degree higher still For libro de seculari potestate he deliuers his opinion of all princes and kings in general and how they ar to be esteamed Scâ—re debes quod ab initio mundi rarisâ—ma auis est prudens princeps ac multo rarior probus sunt communiter maximè faiui nequisâ—imi nebulones in tâ—rra And there also bycause his good meaning might more perspicuouslie appear he interprets hym self planilie Quis nesâ—â—t Principes esse carnem Ferinam in Caelo As yf it wear as great a dayntie as vennieson to Head of y church see that a prince should be saued And in his book de belio contra Turcas Casarem negat esse Caput reipublicae Christiana defensorem fidei ac Euâ—ngelij oportere sanè Ecclesam habere alâ—um defer sorem quam sunt Imperatores Reges And mark his reason Eos namque esse peâ—imes hos es Christianismi fidei the which concludes my assertion for he mantains doctrine opposite to all king and contemneth government And as yf he would Vnking and depose them he dothe encoorage the people to dravv ther swords against all crowns and scepters Therfor lo. 1. contra Rusâ—icos he sendeth this greating to the princes Sciatis boni â—omini Deum sâ—c procurare quod subditi nec poâ—suâ—t nec debent nec volunt tyâ—annidenâ— vestram ferre diutius Mark that debent as a good encooragement to the Bowers Who can mantaine such Paradoxes or that they proceaded from the spirit of a prophet of God can anie Lutheran iustifie these wild propositioÌ„s or coolor them with tolerabl glosses Ded euer anie prophets Apostles or Martyes vse such a barbarous libertie of speach against Nero Dioclesian Iulian tho the greatest persequutors Ded Elias rage so madlie against Achab and Iesabel S. Paul gaue hym a
the church of England and who was chosen to write of this argument by the greatest Statesman of that tyme and he vvrit cum priuilegie and the generall allowanc of the church of England Saith he shall a king be deposed yf he break In his book of ChristiaÌ„ subiection his promise and oath at his coronation in anie of the couenants and poynts he promiseth He answers in the margent the breach of couenants is no depriuation And he geues this reason The people may not break vvith ther Princes tho ther Princes break vvith God And aftervvard Subiects can not depose ther Princes to vvhome they must be subiect for conscienc sake This is a sermon quite contarie to the Aphorisms of Holland and the diuinitie of Rochel and yet it standeth vpon inuincible reason for as yovv may not by Gods lavve depose your prince so yovv ar for bidden to taik armes against hym And vvhy D. Bilson vvil satisfie yovv For saith he he that may fight may bill and vvar against the Prince and murdering the Prince ar of consequenc incuitabl Aftervvard he addeth this to stopp the mouth of such a Polipragmus as called the king raptorem haereticum à suo repellendum The Apostles obeyed the tyrants that commanded all things against religion And in those things vvhich vvear cammanded against God they ded submit them selfs vvith meakenes to endure the Magistrates pleasure but not to Not. obey his vvill Lastlie and most to the purpose he concludeth yf the lavves of the land appoynt the nobles as next to the king to assist hym in doeing right and vvith hold hym from doeing vvrong then ar they licensed by mans lavves to interpose them selfs but in no case to depriue the Prince vvhear the scepter is inherited Novv it is certan that the lavves of the Netherlands geue no such authoritie to the nobles and yf they ded yet in no case to to depriue ther Prince or to abiure ther obedienc and maik that as a bridg to pass ouer to the sooueraintie And bycause some of good accounpt and iudgment haue bean led into that error that the Dukes of Burgondie hold not full power and sooraintie in the Netherlands I will send them to schoole to all lawyers records stories and that which is most infallible to the practise and common lawes of that contrie to Bodin and to that ancient and honorable Counsellor the Lord Chancelor Egerton in his oration for the post nati pag. 71. The Dukes of Burgondie saith he vvear absolute Princes and had soouerain povver in ther contries and king Henry the S. â—ad as absolute sooueraintie vvhen his style vvas Lord of Ireland as vvhen he vas king for the difference of styles marks not the differenc of soouerantie So then to conclude yf this warr begonn for religion vvas against all the rules of religion I may dewlie inferr that as ther vsurpation is withowt warrant either of law or the gospell they continew to hould it withowt conscienc and haue no other title but force and the canon And all forrein soldiers that doe assist them knowing the iniustice of the case and that the warr is so vnlawfull incurr the penaltie of mortal sinn and dainger of damnation and may as iustlie be reprooued as king Iosaphat for helping and assisting Achab. Look to the end for it is certanly fearefull to all those who know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write not thus much as an enemie to the contrie I hould a peareles countie for the goodlie townes welth traffick strenth and fertilitie in so small a circuite nor for anie personall quarrels nor for anie corruption or assentation in regard of the match with Spayne but onelie the truth of the storie the dainger of ther president and the cawse of religion haue induced me for tho I remembred the dislike had of ther manner of gouernment ther dealing with the Quenes officers and of ould how vnkyndlie my lo. Willoughbie had bean hearto fore vsed by them as his Apologie can witnes and of late what complaynts our merchant adventurors in ther books had mayd for ther ill vsage at Mosko and the east Indies by them what contempt they showed when the devvtie of Size Herrings was demanded in his Maiesties right for fishing on the coast of Scotland in presuming to imprison the demander and manie such like matters yet why should these mooue me when the state vvas not mooued And vvhen I saye the state I mean not the people but the king to whome Holland is and was most bovvnd for 2. high and bynding fauores wihch require a reciprocall obligation and thankfullnes on ther part and such as ought to bread in them good blood and ambites and respectfull toungs first in restoring vnto them the keyes that ded open and lock ther provinc not for anie remuneration but restitution of a part of his devv As also for the free permission of ther fishings vpon the Englih coast whearin they haue yearlie employed aboue 30. thowsand persons set to work by it and aboue 4000. Busses Doggerbotes galliots and pinks to ther admirable benefit which is onelie a permission of grace and no priuiledg by law for Grotius may withowt contradiction prooue mare liberum as the kings high waye is for euerie mans walk But he can not prooue that fishings vpon an other Princes coast be permitted to theÌ„ this is a digression to a good end And therfor I will return to the matter THE V. TITLE OF THE TROWBLES IN BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE BOhemia Onelie now resteth as a stage The trovvbles and sedition in to present the last Scene of all forren tragedies and tumults for religion and I Bohemia for religion will taik the Palatinate in my vvaye An vnfortunate prouince of late vvhich in a hundred yeares haith chainged religion fiue tymes and never leatned in all that tyme the rules of obedienc Wheareof I nead not maruel when I think of Parreus Cracerus and the schools of the new discipline Parreus in his Comment vpon the 13. Romans teacheth that subditi possunt suos Reges deponere quando degenerant in tyrannos aut suos subditos cogunt ad Idololatriam Scil. Subiects may depriue ther Princes when they degenerate from a royal gouernemeÌ„t and become tyrants of yf they compel ther subiects to Idolatrize And his meaning is yf they establish the Mass and the sacrifice of the Church or anie other religion then Caluinism then eiect excommunicate and cast them owt of all authoritie so terrible a sentenc he giueth both against the Emperor France Italie and Spayn But stay this is but his first peale vvhich he ded ring as the Toxsan the Alarum bell to Bohemia but he addeth an other article as a iust cawse of depriuation Quando pretextu religionis quaerunt propria commoda when vnder pretenc of religion they seak to maik ther own profit Which had bean a lectur not verrie plausible to king Henrie the 8. nor in Cromwel or the protectors eares and surelie yf a man should ask whether Murrie and Murton in Scotland vvhether Oreng and Horn in the Netherlands vvhether the Admirall and the Princ of Conde in France whether the Protector and the Duke of Northumberland in England had
Streatchlie took Skarborow castle a fort then of some strenth in yorkskyre to hould against the Spanyards and in recompenc of so great a seruice they worthilie lost ther heads Henrie Duke of Suffolk to vvhome Quene Marie had once before giuen his lyfe being father to Ladie Iane a priuie counsellor to the treasons of Northumberland and her prisoner in the towre he flijng into Leicestershyre vvith the Lord Gray in his iournie he likewise mayd proclamations against the Quenes marriage vvith Spayn for that vvas then the greatest obiect of the Protestants mallice and finding his disabilitie to leuie a commanding armie he fled and lurked in corners till the Earl of Huntingron discouered his hole apprehended and brought hym vp to the towre his old lodging whear he mayd an vnfortunate end I might vrge the practises of Syr Nicholas Throgmorton a man of great witt and pollicie who was endited of high treason and arraigned at Westminster vvith Arnold Warner and Others And though the case vvas playne the Iurie acquited hym but to ther constand trowble Albeyt he had cawse to thank God that it vvas not in a tyme vvhen the Aduocates vvear so skilfull to triumph at the barr vpon calamities and vvilling rather that the prisonner should loose his head then they vvould loose ther Oration and the glorie of the daye Thus vvas Quene Marie tossed in a sea of trovvbles tantae molis erat Romanam Condere gentem But some haue obiected that no Ministers had a hand in these tumults nor vvear the trompettors of sedition at that tyme. yes surelie both ther heads and ther hands ded cooperate Doe yovv taik Goodman and Gilbie to haue bean no ministers Ievvel preached at Gloucester against the Quens proceadings D. Sands vvalked vvith the ragged staff and being vicechanlor of Cambredg assisted the proclaymers of ladie Iane. Hooper Rogers and Crowlie vvear enrolled as frends of these actions and diuers others vvho in Quene Maries tyme after vvyats fall ded forsake the realme And what think yow of the tvvo Apostles of that tyme Cranmor and Ridlie wear not they instruments of the Quenes trovvbles A great Doctor vvith great subtilitie laboureth to excuse Cranmor and Ridlie that they committed no trespass against Q. Marie nor in her tyme. Syr though the tyme doth not excuse ther offence yf it had bean fullie committed in kings Edwards dayes being actions of iniustice and against the rules of common reason and conscienc Yet y may say uon bene diuisa sunt haec temporibus D. for it is euident that Ridlies sermon was after king Edwards death and so could haue no shelter vnder his authoritie bycause all men of vnder-standing know that the raign of a Prince commenceth not at the tyme of his coronation but actuallie vpon the death of his predecessor Now it is certan that the Sondaye after king Edward dyed D. Ridlie being Bushop of London sayling vvith the vvynd in his sermon at Powles crosse like an Other infamous Shavve magnifiet and defended the title of the ladie lane to the crowne of this realme perswaded the people to accept and obeye her as Quene and so impugned the inuincible right of both king Henries Daughters against his ovvn conscienc and knovvledg and directlie against king Henties will and ther for he vvas iustlie convicted and attainted of treason As for Cranmor he was a counsellor and oracle in the busienes and therfor was arraigned and condemned with the Ladie Iane and Guildeford Dudlie as a contriuer and principall assistant of that treasonnable practise to disherit bothe the Quenes and to graft the princelie roses vpon a crabtree stock as appeareth by the records in the kings bench and I may trevvlie affirm of that Proteus that in all his actions he showed hym self ever seruilie plyable to anie humor of the kings First a principall instrument of the diuorce whearby the court gates vvear set open to welcome Ann Boodein then afterward to serue the kings appetite he and Cromwel wear the cheafactors employed for her condemnation and deathe as appeareth by the statut 28. H. 8. c. 7. whear Cranmors sentenc is recorded iudiciallie as of his own knowledg convincing her of that fowle fact So as Quene Elizabeths frends had no cawse to fauour hym either for dew respect of her or of her father or for kyndnes to her moother and all vnpartiall men vvill condemn hym of inexcusable iniquitie that being a counsellor of strate primate and Metropolitan and pretending to be a reformer of religion he would betray his maister whose creature he was vvould frustrate and voyd his will wheareof he was cheaf executor would subscribe to extinguish and root owt his issevv his tvvo daughters two Quenes to set vp Ladie Iane in there places And all this baselie and against his ovvn conscienc and all to pleas a subiect all for feare of affliction against which he was never vvell armed as appeared by his so manie chainges relapses and periuries offences which I leaue to God as faults of frayltie and batges of humain vveakenes But to come to the matter All these aforesayd being overt acts and treasons in se and simpliciter and by the common lawes of the realme and by the statut of 25. Edw. 3. I think I may vvell conclude that Caluinism and the nevv religion ar most daingerous to princes and haue bean the greatest cavvse of all the vvarrs seditions and depopulation in Europeever since Luther a man of vnhappie me morie And yet I can not but commend that religion Mâ—tonimia bycause it is semper eadem yovv may allwaies know it by the coonisance by the operation and fruits of it It is the same that induced them of Geneua to expell ther Bushop and Lord the same that mooued them of Sweueland to depriue ther lawfull king the same that procured Holland to depose ther soouerain the same that sollicited subiects to deposeth ' Emperor king of Bohemie the same that emprisoned the vertuous martyr and Quene of Scotland and cast her into that calamitie vvhich haunted her euen tho deathe the same that authorized Rochel and Montauban to stand at defianc against ther king the same that begot so manie monstruous conspiracies against Quene Marie of England as yow haue hard So as in 60. yeares mo Princes haue bean deposed by the Protestants for ther religion then had bean by the Popes excommunication or the attempt and meanes of Catholicks in 600. And yet foall this I perceaue all these action haue some Champions at least some men of note seak to excuse them as vvhen vve obiect Svvedia maister T. M. defends it and geues reason that it vvas the demand of the vvhole state for defenc of ther priuiledges and liberties and fruition of religion A writ is brought de eiectione firmae against Sigismond king of Svvecia by hys ovvn subiects the king is eiected therupon and T. M. allovves it bycause it vvas the demand of the vvhole state c. Consider better
and there he prouided for his rest and securitie and in the interim setled and planted Lutheranism in all his dominions notwithstanding the decree and entered into the league of Smalcald for maintenanc thereof All which actions that yovv mayÌ„ vnder staÌ„d how directlie they ar against lawe and Iustice Let Andrew Gayle deliuer his opinion Libro de Pace publica cap. 10. § 36. Receptores Bannitorum perinde puniantur atque Banniti Domini praediorum tenentur reos exhibere and learned Brunus lib. 1. de haeres c. 4. In excommunicatis qui bannitis comparari solent vnica receptio noxia est Now Luther was both banished and excommunicated And Gayle in an other place Qui bannito Commeatum annonam suppeditat paena receptorum ordinaria tenetur Per aduenture yovv may think that the Duke Luthers Mecenas was not tyed with in this tedder these lavves vvear in force for meaner subiects ther for that learned Gayle shall maik his own comment lib. 1. c. 1. § 9. de Pace publica saith he Conditio pacis publicae omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij maiorum minorum geÌ„tium cuiuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat etsi contra Potentiores sit promulgata So as the greater the person is the more he is bovvnd to obey the lavve But the Duke not obeying the law and kovving that Caesar had oft vvritten ovt of Spayn to haue the edict of vvormes strictlie executed fearing Cesars indignation intred into a league took armes and so ded aggrauate both his ovvn and his fathers offenc and thought them vnpardonable Yet after that league the Emperors Embassador 1529. at Spyres offred vnto the leaguers most aequall and moderate articles viz. vtrinque ab omni iniuria damno conuitijs abstinerent quod transgressores contrahaec sint proscribendi Who vvould not thing this a reasonnable offer from the supreme magistrate to the inferiors that stood in dainger of lawe the Catholiques could never hope for so much in Q. Elizabeths tyme. Yet vvas this refuled and reiected Again at Auspurg 1530. Caesar verrie graciouslie entertained the Duke and receaued his petition exhibited vvith as much fauor and indifferencie as he might with his honor And there againe he reuiued his Embassadors former motion that no more innouations should be mayd nor moe books to be by them published but that all things should stand quietlie and peacable till 17. May next So much ded he yeald to them for desyre of peace and for the publick good of Europe the Turk hauing so latelie before beseaged Vienna and taken Rhodes Not vvith standing the Duke reiected the motion and much displeased the Emperor therby vvho plainlie replied that yf they obeyed not they should repent it And yet againe tho thus prouoked rather to dravv his svvord at Spyres he ded labor by persvvasion to â—reuayle quietlie vvith them but thither the Duke ovvt of I ealousie and feare vvould not come at all tho he was summoned By this course yow may iudg how vnwiling Caesar was to disturb the peace of the â—mpyre or to enter into an offensiue warr â—eaking to winn theÌ„ so oft and so graciouâ—lie So as it was the more inexcusable for men that pretended onelie to defend â—hem selfs to reiect peace vvhen it vvas offred and then to offend by taking armes before they weare offended If I should relate the mallice and contempt they showed of hym yow might conceaue that they could never haue hoped to haue fownd a spark of mercie in his hart towards them For in all ther publick acts and letters â—hey vouchsafed to geue hym no other tiâ—le then Charles of Gandt vsurping the name of the Emperor wherby they renounced all obedienc to hym and deposed hym as farr as laye in ther power which was an indignitie which a wise prince could â—ardlie swallow with patienc I may not forget how the Landsgraue ingreat brauerie both by letters and messagers assured the citties and Princes of ther confederation perhaps therby to procure a larger contribution and engaged his promise that with in thre months they would force Charles to flie owt of Germanie and abandon the empyre How then ded these things coheare That this holie league was mayd onelie se defendendo and to resist for ther law full protection and yet to strike the first blow inuade the Emperor offend first and promise to expell hym owt of Germanie before he offered anie tokeÌ„ of hostilie against them or they had iust and euident cawse to march into the feald And long before that they sollicited the kings of France England and Denmark the Hans townes and Swisses to ioyn with them in league against hym whome they dishonored and prouoked vvith most infamous libells and vnvvorthie aspersions France tho an enemie noblie denied them Denmark lingred expecting the succes king Harrie was not forwars tho Cromwel diligentlie sollicited ther cawse and promised them 100. thowsand crownes for ther ayd And at that tyme D. Thirlebie Bushop of westminster and Syr Philip Hobbie wear the kings Embassadors with the Emperor and wear wituesses and spectators of the whole Tragedie Lastlie to disprooue these there proceadings by lawe Remember first the decree at Wormes read the edict of Maximilian the 1. anno 1495. and 1500. the words ar these Consentientibus stautum ordinum imperij votis necessarium de pace publica constitutionem landifrieden promuâ—garunt quapacem publicam armata manu violantibus pâ—na proscriptionis quam bannum imperiale appellamus irrogatur Scil vitae necisque And to explain that A. Gayl l. 1. c. 14. de Pace publica Omnia bella in quit quae inâ—â—â—su summi principis Imperatoris puta vel sine eius licentia geritur priuata quadam vindicia in iusta sunt And afterward cap. 5. he puts bothe Sleydan Bilson and the and by law ouerthrowers all ther foundations In crimen lesae maiestat is incidit qui bellum in imperio sine Caesaris licentia mouet quia vsurpat sibi ea quae sunt solins principis mouere bellum ad solum imperatorem pertinet So also Goldastusl 1. tit 190. cites this ancient law Nemo intra imperis fines suis alienisueditionibus militem sollicito nise de voluntate ducis isius circuli caeueatque fide iussione statuum nihil se in Caesarem principes subditos clientes Impers moliturum And in tomo 2. he produceth a decree of Ludouicus Pius against the king of the Romans and his confaederates guiltie of high treason for attempting against the Emperor wherby the king was iudged to loose his head The like ded Henrie the first against Arnulphus Duke of Bauier who had rebelled against hym And Otho the 1. ded asmuch against Ludolphus king of the Romans I will conclude all with one exemble late memorable and to our purpose Maximilian the 1. ded forbed all subiects of the empyre to gene ayd to the french king in his warrs Emicho Earl of Lingen in contempt of
Christianae religionis fundamenta sanguine suo faeliciter consecrarunt So then hear is bothe resisting with armes and defijng ther king in the face of his armie and this I hope maister Bilson vvill confess to be rebellion And this act vvhich others vvould shadow Beza iustifieth so boldlie that in the same place commending the good seruices at Meaux and Orleans and that famous battel of Dreux vvhearin he vvas a principal not an accessorie he addeth Id quod eo liberius testor quod istis tum Concilijs tum etiam plerisque rebus quando it a Deo visum est interfui To that place obiected to the Caluinists as an argument to convinc them of seditious both doctrine and practises maister Bilson shovveth much care and studie to ansvver 1. That batle saith he vvhich Beza speaketh of ar Dreux vvas neither against the lavves nor the king 2. They took not armes to depriue the king or annoye the realme but to saue them selfe from the oppression of one that abused the kings yowth 3. The Duke of Guise hating the nobles of France hymself being a strainger and to tread down the professors of religion that he might strenthen hym self to taik the crovvn yf ought should fall to the king being vnder yeares or to his lyne armed hym self to the feald c. 4. The nobles of France perceauing his mallice and his iniustice with priuate violenc to murder so manie innocents gathered forces together to keape ther own liues from the furie of the blood sucker And in that case yf they repell force what haue yow to saye against that 6. For the kings consent he was yong and in the Guises hands therfor his consent vvas nothing vvorth that a subiect should doe execution by the sword vpon his peopl withowt order of Iustice The king had neither age to discern it nor fredome to denie it nor lavve to decree it 5. We know not the lawes of that land nor the circumstanc of these warts 7. Lastlie Beza saith he alloweth and exhorteth obedienc to magistrates Libro confess fidei cap. 5. § 45. in these vvords Quod autem attinet ad priuatos homines tenere illos oportet plurimum mter se differre iniuriam inferre pati iniuriam Iniuriam pati nostrum est sic precipiente Deo cum nobis illam viarcere non licet ex nostrae vocationis prascripto c. neque aliud vllum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subicclis prater vitae emendationem preces lachrimas At larg I seth down his Apologie for Beza and the reasons bothe by canse D. Bilson was at that tyme a man selected and chosen to be the champion of that great cawse and his book was published with so great applause as yf he had batred down the seminaries of Room and Douay Touching the first poynt he is confident that the battell of Dreux was neither against the law nor the king and yet in the 5. he corrects and contradicts hym self confessing that he knowes not the lawes of the land nor the circumstanc of the warr So yovv see this great Doctor had a conscienc to affirm the certantie of a matter whareof he had not scienc And so I might leaue hym bett with his own weapon But was that battel neither against law nor prince assuredlie against bothe as yow shall fynd by the lawes of Charles the VIII 1487. and of Frances the first 1532. and of Frances the 2. at Fountainbleau 1560. the wich lawes I shall haue occasion more fitlie to pleade in the case of Rochel and Montauban in this discours But how doth D. Bilson prooue that the battel of Dreux vvas not against the king Bycause the 1. Duke of Guise ded cawse that battel and 2. armed hym self into the feald in hate of the nobles 3. hym self being a strainger and 4. the king being in his hands It seames this man was not well instructed or that his wise patron had not leasure to peruse and examin it he tells so manie vntruthes together First it is certan that battel was not in king Frances his tyme but in the raign of Charles the ninthe and after the death of king Frances all men knovv that vvear acquainted vvith the proceadings of that tyme that the howse of Guise ded beare no swaye in the court the Duke vvas mayd a strainger to the state his vvings vvear clipt the Quene moother the king of Nauar and the constable sat at the stearne and guided all And so the king vvas not in Guines hands as he surmised And in that batle the constable vvas the cheafe commander he and the Marshall of S. Andrevvs vvear the king liuetennants and had the kings authoritie and sufficient commission to warrant ther actions The Duke of Guise led the Areargard and tho it was his fortune to stand maister of the feald and winn the glorie of the daye yet had he not anie charge at that batl but of his own companies And so he fayleth in Not. See M. Maâ—uisser in his commentaries and M. Lanovv in his discourses the verrie growndwork of his ansvver And whear he saith that the protestant Princes took armes onelie to saue them selfs from ther oppression by Mr. de Guise it is a blind reason for a cleare cavvse For yf that onelie had bean ther reason vvhen they see the CoÌ„stable marching in the vauntgard vvhome none of them could accuse to haue abused the kings yovvth or sought ther oppression vvhy ded they not then laye dovvn ther armes and depart the feald and yf it had bean onelie to defend them selfs vvhy ded they not staye at Orleans or somme other nests of rebellion till they had bean assulted rather then to affront and assayle the kings armie Why ded they sett vpon the Constable the kings Vicegerent and the the honor of the Admirals howse and the Admirals kinsman and great frend when he was prisoner at Melun for his religion by commandement of Henry II. Yf ther end had bean only to saue them selfs from the Duke of Guise vvhy ded they fight vvith the Constable No this is bus a mask for Beza hym selfs playnlie confesseth that the feald vvas fought for this end vvith ther blood to restore religion And wher as he inveigheth so hotelie against the Duke of Guise that he was a strainger in France it seames he knew not that the Duke was discended of the line and brainch of Charlemaigne who vvas no strainger in France or that he hym self was a peare of France that he was coosen German to the Prince of CoÌ„die or that his moother was Anthonette de Bourbon and that his predecessors had long enioyed office and honor in the court of France Neither peraduenture had he hard of the great seruices doone by hym at Rome at Mets at Verdun at Theonuille and Callice when all France vvas in Mourning and distress after the Admiral had lost S. Quintins But that dreame that the Duke of Guise
there in person and though Monsieur de Soubize vvas sommoned to render the tovvne or stand to the perill and attaint of treason yet they ded hold owt and defend it so long as there remained anie hope How was his Maiestie defyed and despised at Montauban wheare he continued at the seage a long tyme vvith noble and most expert soldiers not with owt the deathe and losse of manie gallants and men of good desert and seruice specially the tvvo brothers the Duke de Mayn and Marquis Villars who wear generallie lamented Yet the Consuls wold not yeald the commons vvear obstinate and so the king by good aduise raised the seage And after his departure the Insolent Burgers led as in a triumphe all the Cleargie of the towne with skorn full indignities And the Huguenots in Montpellier and Languedock depriued Monsieur Chastillon from all gouernemens by sentenc of the consistorie and razed 36 churches Now as these reformers vsurp vpon the Royalties of the king so ar they as bold with the inheritanc of priuate Lords vvhen it may serue ther turns They vvold not suffer the Vicount Lestrainge to enioye his lordship of Priuas bycause he was a Catholik and they put hym owt of his ovvn castel of Lake vvhereof the Marshall Memorancie put hym in possession and gaue it to Buson one of ther fraternitie as belonging to hym tho it vvas none of the townes of Assuranc comprised in the list at Brewet 1598. Neither would these good men permitt the kings Iustices being delegated thether to compound the controuersies either to heare masse or haue anie vse of ther religion What societie what common welth can stand and continew yf this Anarchie stand and beare such swaye Yf by pretenc of religion they may disseise the right owner and hold what they can compass for the vse and assuranc of ther confaederates But why doe they ryot and rage thus what cawse haue they to run such desperate and disobedient courses the king is graciouslie content they should quietlie and safelie vse and exercise ther own religion yet this contents them not they will not demean them selfs quietlie nor conuerse peaceable with the Catholiks nor obey the kings lawes in temporall affayres yovv can neither dowbt nor be ignorant of this For ded not the king assure them at S. Iohn d'Angely that he would protect all of the reformed religion that wold obey hym and obserue his edicts ded he not both promise and perform the like to St Malloret deputie of the assemblie of base Guien ded he not the like to the Duke of Tremouille sonn in law to Monsieur de Bouillon who cam to that seage tendred his seruice and protested his obedienc to his maiestie ded not the king committ the government of that famous Saumur to the Count de Sault granchild of the Duc Desdiguieres tho he knevv hym to be of the reformed religion Ded he not long before 1615. ansvver the petitions of the Huguenots that he meant not by his oath at consecration vvhich vvas for repressing haeresies to coÌ„prehend therin his subiects of the reformed religion who would liue vnder his lawes obedienc and order And how graciouslie the king haith delt vvith Rochel and hovv vvilling rather to regaine and reduce then to destroye it appeared vvel by his employing of Monsieur Desdiguieres to persvvade them to obedienc and conformitie who accordinglie ded sollicit them by letters and proposed diuers artiâ—les vvhich he thought reasonable but the deputies Châ—las and Fauas refused them What could a king doe more then seak to vvinn his subiects vvho not vvith standing published a long and friuolous declaration taxim hym for vniust persecution by the counsel and enducement of the enemies of the state and ther religion To disprooue and discouer the vanitie thereof I vvill deliuer the cawses of the kings proceadings against these mal contents and vvhat reason he had by armes to mantain his royal authoritie which they vniustlie by armes sought to vsurpe Ther for he was constrayned at Nyort to proclayme Rochel and ther adhaerents rebels against hym and guiltie of treason 1. For first it appeared by the Edict of Nants art 77. that king Henry the fouâ—ht discharged the protestants from holding anie assemblies generall or prouincial and likewise from all vnions and leagues and from houlding anie councells or by them decreing and establishing anie acts Also art 82. he ordered that they should forbeare from all practises and intelligenc with in or withowt the realme And art 32. that they should not hold anie Synods prouinciall withowt a licenc obtayned by the king All vvhich they promised the king to obserue and let France iudg whether they hane broken ther promise or no. 2. Besides they intrude vpon the state and both taik and fortifie places of assurance vvithovvt the kings warrant and against the order set down August 1612. whearas it is euident it depends vpon the kings fauor and goodnes to grant and assign the places of suretie and not for them selfs to choose and vsurp them 3. Add to that ther presumption and disobedienc to introduce the reformed churches of Bearn and adioyn them to France by an act of vnion both spiritual and temporall in the assemblie at Rochel 1617. and they mayd an apologie therof promising to assist Bearn in case of oppression and bownd them selfs by oath 1. to obserue and execut all that should be determined in that assemblie 2. and to employe there liues and goods in maintenanc thereof 3. and not to reueal the propositions aduises and resolution of the assiftants to anie person what soever not excepting the king And all this was doon contemptuouslie knowing that the king had sent to all the prouinces and ded expresslie for bed that vnion and knovving that the king had set dovvn order in his councel to the contrarie Besides how ded they vse â—egnard whon the king sent commissioner for the church goods in Bearn vvhat disorder they committed at Pau against hym it is skarse credible 4. I vvil passe over the assemblie they mayd at Loudun vvith obstinate disobedienc I will only note and show yow how they presume to encroach vpon the kings graces and fauors to them withowt order or dispensation The king permitted them to assemble at Grenoble and by ther own authoritie they assembled at Nismes The king suffered theÌ„ to assemble at Chastelleraut or Saumur onelie to choose ther two deputies who wear to remain at court and there to receaue and exhibit all ther complaints and greuances But they coÌ„trarilie mayd an act of â—nion and for ther assemblies and took the same oath which the leaguers before had mayd but vvith this differenc that they protested ther seruice to the king so long as he remained Catholik but the Huguenots contrarily le souuerain empire de Dieu demeurant tousiours â—n son entier So ther seruice vvas reserued to God but none to the king was expressed And they shovved ther mynds most
playnlie vvhen they sent to the camp at Sansay to ioyn with them that ded oppose the kings marriage But this vvas not all 5. They established in each prouinc of France a Councel to heare of the affayres orders and government of the contrie and importunatelie vrged to haue counsellors in the parliement at Paris 6. I will add yet one act more odious and of more presumption and treason then all the rest which was mayd at the assemblie of Rochel 1621. whear ovvt of ther own authoritie they deuided the prouinces of France into vij Synodes which they called circles and added Bearn for the viij And therin wear orders sett down for governing the armie and a general and officiers for each circle as yf they meant to cantonize France And they decreed art 11. that no treatie nor truce should be mayd withowt ther assemblie art 35. that the general assemblie in respect of ther great charge should arrest the kings rents and moonie devv for tayles aydes gabells c. and appoint officers for collecting the same art 36. that they should seaze and let to farme all goods Ecclesiastical and profits of churches and reuennues of personages And art 41. they took the like order for all the profits of the Admiraltie vvhich articles vvear signed by the President Combart And all this is pretended to be iustice and not disobedienc and as fowle as the fault is it is couered vvith the fayre shadovv of Gloria Patri and vvith the name of religion And surelie it vvas vviselie sa yt of Tullie Totius in iustitia nulla Capitalior quam corum qui cum maximè fallunt id tamen agunt vt viri boni videantur I vvill not declare the opinion of the Ciuilians what a sect is and which ar iustlie called conuenticles and congregations against the prince and the ancient lawes in force and hovv saction and Conspiracie ar defined vvhich ar practised and vsed for the propagation thereof and vvhether they be within the compass of treason or no I refer yow to Farmacius parte 4. to Decius l. 7 c. 7. and c. 20. to Bossius and to Gigas who can with better authoritie resolue yow I vvill onely alledg the municipal lawes of France which heartofore haue bean the bridle of Iustice to curbe and break such vnrulie colts And first this decree was mayd by king lewes 11. 1477. All treaties against the kings person or his estate and the realme wear decreed to be treason To the same effect a law was enacted by Charles the VIII 1487. By Frances the I. 1532. By Frances the II. at Fountainbleau 1560. And by Henry the II. 1556. all men wear prohibited to bear armes or to entertain anie particuler intelligences or to hold anie counsells or assemblies for conferenc but in town hovvses or publik places By Henry III. at Bloys 1579. an inhibition vvas mayd to assemble anie trovvpes vnder pretenc of particuler quarrels or to enter into anie association and it vvas enacted that to hold intelligenc or maik leagues offensiue or to haue participation within or vvithovvt France or to leure men of vvarr withovvt the kings licenc should be iudged and deamed as High treason and the offendores to be holden as disturbers of the state All vvhich lavves ar set down in the Code of Henry the III. printed at Paris 1597. And all lawyers assirme the same by the common lawes of the land Frances Rogueau des droicts royaux Bodin de repuclica legrand Coustumier and other And good reason For as withowt order ther can be no peace so withovvt Iustice no societie and Caluinists differ in that poynt nothing from Anabaptists yf they vvill not subiect them selfs to the obedienc of lawes and magistrates who as king Iosaphat sayd 2. Paralipum 19. non hominis sed Dei exercent iudicium And surelie I may bodlie affirme that Caluimsm haith cast the state of France into a desperate disease and such as requireth an Aesculapius yf neither the maiestie nor the forces of a king the eldest sonn of the church nor the vvisedom of his Counsell and Parliements nor the authoritie of the estates so oft assembled nor the obedienc dew to Iustice nor the peace and safetie of the kingdome can mooue these owt lavves of Rochel and Montauban and the rest to yeald vp to the king them selfs and ther armes and seak for that royall grace and pacification vvhich all his other devvtiefull subiects of ther ovvn tribe doe merciefullie enioye THE 3. TIT. OF THE REFORMED CHVRCHES IN SCOTLAND BVT perauentur yf this fierie zeale of The cavvs of the trovvbles in Scotland these Rabbines of Geneua wear transferred into Scotland a coulder Climate it would be quiklie cooled and qualified and procead vvith a better temper No surelie for it haith bean tryed by exampl of an infamous Emperick vvho both inflamed and corrupted the vvhole bodie of that kingdome with his irregular zeal and such aboundanc of ill humors as therby grew a pleurisie of trowbles in that state which could not be cured withowt effusion of much blood The authors and actors of the alterations and tumults in Scotland vvear as violent as whirlewynds which blow down all that stood in ther vvaye euen the crown it self and royaltie Iohn knox Goodman Gilby and Primo ther doctrine Buchanan wear the principal instruments and the legati à Latere from maister Caluin who vvhear brauelie seconded by mais Dauid Fergusson a learned shoemaker and minister of Dundee by M. Couerdale Willox Rous Harriot and Mongommerie Victrix legio and Nouatores strenui All of them Ministers and such salt-peter men as vvear fitt for fyre vvorkes and to prepare matter for povvder to blow vp the state of the cleargie of anie nation And by these rare men vvas the Church of Scotland repayred and reformed according to the scantling of Geneua and the Platforme of the Elders Knox farr vnlike to Nehemias both for course and qualitie yet he acted his part how properlie and piouslie Langey his contrieman can tell yovv vvho ded vvrite of his vertues For Buchanan he vvas euer a rude and slouenlie Swiz of a presumptious audacitie and factious nature he vvas one of them that in Edinborough in the tyme of king Iames the fifth ded solemnlie in Lent ear the Paschal lamb and being conuicted for that Iudaisme which the king hym self examined his partners vvear condemned and burnt for that haeresie and he escaped and fled over into other contries as a man reserued to be a plague to his ovvne But yf yow vvould discerne and trie ther spirits ther peceablenes ther patienc and ther sanctitie read there Theoremes and by the maximes of ther doctrine yovv vvil fynd them extraordinarie Doctors and skarselie matchable Knox libro ad nobilitat populum Scot. beginus thus to instruct them Neque promissum neque iuramentum obligare potest populum vt obediat auxilietur tyrannis contra Deum And in his Historie of Scotland pag. 372.
king with the assent of the most honorabls Duke of Arschot who neuer much affected the Prince articulo 5. they ded bynd them selfs to prosequute warr against Oreng as a general enemie of peace and to fynd at ther own charge eightene thowsand men for that purpose and will anie man imagin that so noble so religious so valiant men peares to the Prince for nobilitie and wisedome either could err in ther iudgments of hym they knew so well and who had acted his part so long vpon the stage in the face of them all or would haue mayd such an offer yf they had esteamed hym a Good patriot or his cause and proceading iust and warrantable Now touching the people of Holland I acknowledg they ar a people verrie industrious and skilfuâ—l to maik vse of ther labors and as a learned censor of them well noted nec totam libertatem nec totam seruitutem patiuntur Frends to chainge seldome content with the present state in prosperitie a litl insolent most addicted to traffick and ther profite and iealious of anie that would empeach ther gayn or libertie And the Prince being well acquainted with ther nature to bread and fead ther iealousie more discouered to them the secret counsell and combination of king Henry the 2. of France and the Duke of Alba to suppresse the protestants and to erect the 17. Prouinces into a kingdome the vvhich he sayd that king discouered vnto hym But surelie non placet commentum it is not like the Duke of Alua vvould discouer his maisters greatest secrets to an enemie so latelie reconciled and his fiction of other fables maiks it more probable that to haue bean a fable also For he gaue owt that the Emperor and the king affected a monarchie ouer all Europe which yf it wear but a coniecture was deuised by hym self and not vpon certan intelligenc vnderstood and vpon knouledg from them selfs it could not be for the Emperors overtoyled age his end his cours and the harbor of a religious how 's he be took hym self into convinc the contrarie Yet these inventions and forgeries serued hym to good purpose bothe to terrifie the Hollanders that they might still relie vpon hym and to procure the distrust and mallice of forrein nations to the hovvse of Austria And vvith such baites ded he long both entrap and feald that contrie people Now yow haue hard the whole charge and all the trespasses obiected to the king both generall and particuler now and ab Origine and the actors that followed the busienes and what exceptions may be taken iustlie against ther estimation integritie and testimonie speciallie in ther own cawse It remaineth therfor now to examin first whether the king stood guiltie of these crimes of Iniustice and Tirannie For yf he be innocent then is ther vsurpation The king of Spayn his desyre of peace His court not tirannous vnlawful and yf he weare guiltie an other quaestion is whether his error geues them title and his offences free them from subiection I will maik it manifest to the world that the king euer desired peace and with great care sought to avoyd the desolation of his people and contries 1. And to maik this euident It may please yow to call to mynd the course taken by that excellent and most loyall Prince the Duke of Arschot and by the states generall at the Pacification of Gand 1574. whearin it was thought requisite to decree an Amnestia and obliuion of all things past on both sydes and to taik order for discharging the Spanyards and sending them home And notwithstanding that in this pacification all things wear referred ad arbitrium ordinum vsing nor mentioning anie reseruation to the king yet Don Iohn ded ratifie it and procured the kings consent and confirmation of all as appeareth by the perpetual edict And altough this pacification was agreed vpon by all the rest of the states general owt of a zealous affection to general vnitie yet would not the Prince of Oreng nor Holland and Zelland subscribe and accept it And they disswaded the states general to accept Don Iohn for gouernor till the Spanyards should be dismissed at a tyme limited and yet would not they dismisse the forren forces they had in Holland but being at libertie them selfs would tye Don Iohn to perform his promises but vvhy ded the Prince and Holland refuse to subscribe was it for religion no for in these articles Holland and Zelland wear as well prouided for as they could desyre for therin vvas this article vt sola in ijs prouincijs Romana religio toleretur exerceatur excepta Hollandia Zellandia tho these prouinces never esteamed nor respected that peace nor that prouision for ther indemnitie and for the Princes person and safetie his ovvn guiltienes and his precedent offences wear buried in this Amnestia the states preuayled more for hym then the Emperor could What then caused the differenc mallice and Ambition blinded and transported hym for all men may see the king desyred peace and the Prince altogether was inclined to warr tho thearin he vvas no excellent Hannibal 2. And that appeared more playnlie 1575. by the colloquie of Breda whear the king offred reasonnable conditions and the Emperor sent the Count Swartzenburgh to induce them to concord and vnitie And yet would the Prince listen to nothing and the treatie was fruitles the cawse is worthie to be knowen At that tyme they of 10. Pettit Holland deliberatelie determined to submit them selfs to some other Prince and offred them selfs secretlie to obey the Quene of England hy Aldegond and Douza The proiect vvhearof and the reasons I haue sean 3. Yet ded the king show still how great his patienc and mercie was and how farr from the basenes of tyraÌ„nie that knowing all this and much more yet would he not proclayme Oreng a traytor till 1580. when his mallice appeared to be irreconciliable and his courses desperate and after they had finished the fabrick of that vnion of Vtreght abowt fiftean yeares after the beginning of these trovvbles 4. The fouth argument to prooue the kings inclination to peace and his detestation of tyrannie taiks away all quaestion from men indifferent When the Emperor sollicited the treatie 1. The persons of Coolen 1579. and mayd choyce of most honorable persons for that purpose the tvvo Princes electors the Bushop of Wirtzburgh the Count Svvartzenburgh and Doctor Lawenman the king of Spayne was as forvvard and sent thither the Duke de Terra noua and the Duke of Arschot euer readie to aduanc peace and the commun welth with diuers others wear commissioners from the states with commission signed by the Archduke Matthias So as the persons on all sydes vvear like to deale with integritie and iugment Note also vpon what motiues was the The moiues Emperor content to employe these coÌ„missioners The states by ther letters to the emperor dated S. Iun. 1578. ded promise
Hear in dead is the voyce of Iacob but the roughnes of Esau vvords of pietie but action of Babel can yovv shovv as good a vvarrant as Elias ded ded God call yovv ded God authoritie yovv to depriue your Princes per me Reges regnant vvas Gods proposition and S. Peter 1. Epist c. 2. v. 13. be subiect to euerie humane creature for God vvhether to a king as excelling or to rulers His counsell and yours varie much for he willed them to fear God and honor the king but yow direct your auditors to degrade and depose the king S. Paul Rom. 13. v. 1. Let euerie sowl be subiect to higher powers for ther is no power but of God and he who resisteth that povver resisteth Gods ordinanc and purchaseth damnation and v. 5 not of necessitie but for conscienc sake But this matter neads no disputation grace and pietie can best decyde it TITVLVS SEXTVS AT last by a long trauel we ar retourned Touching Q. Marie and the practises against her home to England vvheare no such paradoxes ar novv holden by the Cleargie and prelates and it is no maruel for now they haue the wynd with them and liue in a calme so as ther patienc and obedienc of late dayes neuer cam to probation and no tryal could be mayd of ther spirits having no crosses nor other combate then with sinn and Martin Marprelate and in so great peace and prosperitie he wear not compos mentis that vvould not preache against disloyaltie and tumults But yf yow look back to the tymes past and call to mynd what spirit raigned in them during anie storme or tempests yow will fynd them much differing from them selfs and that they wear not allwaies so peacable and regular as now they ar since they appeared first in the world as Antagonists to the church of Roome and with that singularitie and title of Reformers For yf maister Fox ded trewlie register his martyrs and yf the Wiclefists and Waldenses wear rightlie inserted in Catalogo testium veritatis then may yow fynd cawse enough to dovvbt of ther humors and quiet disposition and yf yow ask my reason Bycaus they ded hold as the knoxians yet doe in Scotland That the people might correct Princes yf they offend contrarie to all the Theoremes of Catholicks schooles And therfor Philip Melancton in his comment vpon Aristotels politicks saith Miras tragedias excitauit Wiclefus qui contendit eos qui non habent Spiritum sanctum amittere dominium And in his book de iure magistratus Insanijt VViclefus qui sensit impios nullum dominium habere As yf Princes should forfeit ther crownes yf they lost grace and Gods fauor And Osiander witnesseth the same Centuria 9. And yet maister Fox calleth hym stellam matutinam in me lio nebulae lunam plenam in die us illis A morning starr in the midst of a fogg and yet the full moone of that tyme. How plausible he was in those dayes no man will maik a Quere that can Remember how Syr Iohn Oldcastel Lord Cobham and Syr Roger Acton wiclefs disciples leuied 25. thowsand men intending to destroye the monasteries of westminster Powles and sainct Albons and all the howses of friars in London whearof that actiue king Henrie the fifth being aduertised in good tyme by the confession of some of ther partakers with great diligence he preuented them at S. Gyles fealds appointed to be ther Rendeuous and incountring those straglers who weare there attending the generals comming apprehended condemned and executed 37. of the principalls for exampl and terror to the rest And he aftherward hunted ovvt and fownd Oldcastel and Acton and put them to death being attainted of Treason and Haeresie as by the records appeareth All vvhich maister Fox laboureth to extenuate and falsifie and disprooueth them as calumniations and slaunders but with no success as yow may learn by Iohn Stow pag. 550. and by Doctor Hapsfealds Ecclesiasticall storie latelie published by a worthie man of our nation For it is euident that 1. Henry 5. the Wiclefists sett schedulles on powles Church door publishing that ther vvas a hundred thowsand men readie to ryse against such as wear ennemies to ther sect And in a synod holden at London for diuers poynts of doctrine touching the Sacraments Oldcastle was committed to the towre from whence he broke owt and afterward one Bennet was executed partlie for harbouring Oldcastle partlie for seditious libells against the king whearupon as also for some practises at kenelworth against the king Oldcastl was endited in the Parliement before the Duke of Bedford as an enemie to the stathe he answered them with contempt accompting it as a trifle to be iudged by them belike bycause they wear sinners and bycause he sayd he had no iudg emong them so long as king Richard liued And at his deathe he spake like a man frantick to Syr Thomas Erpingham that yf he sawe hym rise the third daye he wold procure quietnes and fauor to those of his sect And surelie yf yovv look into VViclefs ovvn lyfe tyme yovv shall fynd it no maruel yf his doctrine ded so far seduce Old-cast hauing procured therby so great patrons and frends in the court at his first rising and such applause in the vniuersitie of Oxford the place best able to iudg of his learning and illumination Iohn of Gand Duke of Lancaster ded much fauor and patronize this martyr Wiclef in so much that he being summoned to appeare before the Bushop of London the Duke ded hym so much greace to go with hym thither for his better protection assisted with Syr Henrie Petcie the Marshall of England to discountenanc the Bushop to encoorage Wiclef and to animate and encrease his fectaries and folloaeers in ther course And it was worthie the noting that Religion was euen then vsed as a fayre vestement to couer manie fowle practises for the Duke and Wiclef had seueral ends the Duke graced hym bycause he was so generallie plausible the better to ouerthrovv both the liberties of the Church and the Charters of London bot which laye as blocks in his waye to hinder the course of his aspiring desseins And this appeared playnelie by Ihon Lattimor an Irish friar who accused the Duke of manie practises speciallie of his intention to vsurp the crown which mayd hym so popular But Latimor being committed by the Dukes meanes to the custodie of Syr Iohn Holland in the night before he should come to his ansvver the poor man vvas strangled by Holland and Grean But to come nearer to the present age In Quene Maries tyme examin how obedient these Reformers wear to that magnanimous Quene and the Crown and it is worthie to be noted that in fiue yeares the too short tyme of her raigne she had defacto more open and violent opposition and rebellion by her own sudiects then Quene Elizabeth had in 45. yeares for the treasons of Preasts and religious men weare but skar crowes in dead
reuennues of the crown So to conclude the king giuing and appointing all iudges who in his realme is to iudg hym or to censure his counsells of state and politike temporall actions and yf be he iudg they ar vvithowt iudgment that attribute it to the states but they err most that arme the people vvithe that authoritie For tho I know what a parliement means and what power it vvoorthilie carrieth yet as it is euer summoned by the king so ther acts must be iudged allowed and confirmed by the king before they be lawes In the senate rests consilium but in the king is the powre and Maiestie of the realme and he is iudg to allow or disallow what he liketh and by the coniunction of these Foskevv sayd trewlie no state is berter tempered nor more temperatelie gouerned nor by more excellent municipall lawes then England is So to conclude what reason can be pretended for wyats insurrection against his soouerain the bodie politick was it for matching with Spayne that was no straâ—g motion for her father had once before deâ—seigned to match her in that familie besides the conditions vvear honorable and profitable to the crovvne yf God should bless them vvith issevv the person most noble and the reasons allowed by all the counsel But the Quene ded not obserue the lawes of the realme she abrogated the statuts of 1. E. 6. which all the kingdome approoued and the vvord of God by Moyses commandeth that Princes should obserue the lavves and those Princes dishonor them selfs vvho doe not acknowledg that of Theodosius tantùm tibi licet quantum per leges licet Well aliud ex alio malum As Moyses prescribed vvhat a Prince should doe so Samuel what he may doe Moyses tould hym his dewtie Samuel his power and it is trew and a Christian profession of kings legibus se subiectos esse profiteri But yow must consider the lavv haith two properties the one to show what a man should doe the other to punish them that doe it not To the first the king is subiect but tovching the second for criminal cavvses I know no court aboue the kings bench nor no iudg aboue the king Moreouer yf Quene Marie shold be tyed to her brothers lavves vvhy vvas not Quene Elizabeth to hers vvhy vvas not king Edvvard to his fathers lavves but that religion of Quene Marie was corrupt vnpure and superstitious So still hear is philautia and presumption yow will censure your iudg and yow a lay man wil iudg of his religion that is the Quaestion yet and not decided by anie orderlie Councels or Synodes on yovvr part and S. Austen libro vbi supra Si vir nistus sub rege sacrilego militet iuste posset illo iubente bellare 1. ciuicae pacis ordinem seruans 2. cui quod iubetur vel non esse contra Dei praeceptum certum est vel vtrum sit certum non est Tho the king be sacrilegious yet he is to be obeyed and hovv 1. ciuicae pacis ordmem seruans that is the course and that is the end for indiuidua bona sunt pax libertas vvhich is to be noted for them that plead so stronglie for ther liberties secundo yf the kings commandements be not directlie against Gods vvords yf vel non esse certum est vel vtrum sit certum non est Novv tho all Catholicks knevv the certum est in ther conscienc yet the protestants for the vtrum sit vvear vncertan bycause both the lavv of the realme the general counsels the vvhole state of the Churche Militant was against them and they had onelie the testimonie of priuate spirits to oppose against publick authoritie But vvhat yf Quene Marie had erred in some superstitions what yf the present king ded err in his gouernement in his courses in his iudgment or in matching his sonn withowt the consent of the realme should either of them be censured or excommunicated by the ministers or depriued or committed and emprisoned by a vvyat Salomon ded fall into greauous sinnes ad profundum Idololatriae lapsus atque demersus saith S. Austen and ded directlie against Goods commandement to keap and marrie straing voemen of the gentiles non ingrediemini ad illas besides he worshipped Moloch and Astarthes the goddes of the Sydomans yet neither Preasts nor people ded rise against hym or depose hym they left it to the proper iudg of hings who in his wrathe ded appoynt and raise vp Hieroboam to ruine his sonn and yf wyat could haue showd such an immediat warrant he had bean excusable Iulian prooued in Apostata yet tho the Doctors of the primatiue Church as G. Nazianzen and others sharply reprooued and detested his impietie yet they never perswaded nor taught the people to depriue hym He that proclaymed the prerogatiue of kings vos estis dâ— he taught the world that as Gods haue summum imperium so the people ar to obey and therfor called subditi for ther subiection and yow neuer hard of anie but Gyants that wear fayned to fight with the Gods and they perished for all ther greatnes for that hand must neads vvither vvhich toucheth Gods anoynted for he that taiks armes against hym doth prouoke the king to the feald and when the flame rageth who can tell whear the sparks will light Some limitations ther ar and those neadfull For I ascribe not an infinite vnlimited diuinitie to kings nor a powr to tyrannize and liue as atheists he that gaue the that glorie vos estis dij ded likewise geue them this caueat that for iniquitie and impietie transferam regna de gente in gentem He is the Iudg of Princes and his audit is dreadfull and to that we must leaue them FINIS THE SECOND PART HIERVSALEM THAT OBEDIENCE AND ORDER BE THE EIRENARCHAE OF CATHOLIQVES HAVING allreadie trewlie King Henrie tho eight and liuelie Drawen and presented vnto yow the Image of the Churches called Reformed vvith a face so full of frownes and stearnnes that by the Phisiognomie yow may iudg it vnquiet and turbulent It remaineth in like sort to paynt owt vnto yow the portraicture of a Roman Catholick by the infallible characters of deuotion order obedienc and the humilitie of the professors thereof What they weare in this land in the tyme of king Lucius and the Britons I shall not nead to expresle but refer yow to the ecclesiasticall stories of that tyme which euen Fox and the Centuries doe honor labouring rather to commend them as members of ther ovvn Churche then to acknowledg them ours For the tyme of the Saxons I vvill maik no relation of ther vertues and how amiablie the Church and common welthe ded sping vp together And though the prelates wear highlie reuereÌ„ced and ded beare great swaye in the state yet how dewtiefullie they obeyed ther princes Venerable Beda and the stories of that tyme. M. Lamberts Archaionomia the old Saxon Lawes and the monuments yet vpon record can witnes
desyred to walk at libertie in the wyde world and were wearie of Cloysters and spiritual exercises Anno 28. to loose no tyme all small religious howses of or vnder 200. pownds per annum with all ther lands and haeteditaments of vvhich there vveare 376. wear giuen to the king by parliement and these vvear able to dispend aboue 3200. povvnds per annum of old rents of Assise and the mooueables of these howses being sovvld at vndervalevv amounted to aboue 100. thowsand pownds The religious and ther dependants vvear all voyded and left vnprouided of habitation so as moe then ten thowsand persons weare turned owt of ther own doores to seak ther fortunes Which mooued the common people to much compassion to see them forced to liue by almes vvho by ther bountiefull hospitalitie had releaued so manie Anno 30. Battel Abbie in Sussex Martin in Surrie Stratford in Essex Lewes in Sussex wear suppressed and converted to the kings benefitt and vse for all things wear doon politiquelie and by degrees At last anno 32. and 33. generallie all other monasteries of what valew soever and all the lands of S. Iohns of Hierusalem wear giuen to the king and the corporation of the knights was dissolued and to satisfie them with some contentment they had pensions distributed emong them of 2870. pownds during ther liues So hear was left in England and Ireland no care of the general good of the Church to mantain anie succors assistanc or fortification of Europe against the Turk nor no nurceries of deuotion and prayer again sinn and the deuel And to conclude all Chantries Colledges and Hospitalls for the releafe of the poore vvear offred and bestowed vpon the king and left to his order and disposing anno 37. The valew of all the Church lands in England at that tyme amounted to aboue 320180. pownds 10. per annum wheareof the king took into his own possession and appropriated to the crovvn 161100. per annuÌ„ The which was so great a bootie that an offer was mayd once in the parliement as Howse reporteth in preface to H. 8. to create and mantain with those reuennues fortie Earles 60. Barons 3000. knights and 40. thowsand soldiers and also that so the Commons should never after be charged with anie more subsidies or impositions The like motion and proiect was commended The Cavvses of the Supression and offred at the lay mans parliement in the tyme of king Henrie the fourth by some that loued Wiclef better then the Church and wear better frends to ther lands then to ther Religion but Thomas Arondel Archbushops of Cantorburie ded stowtlie and vertuouslie resist ther motion and preuayled with the king to preuent there platts and the mallice of auarice The Lutherans in England ded reuiue and set on foot again the same motion by ther book called the supplication of Beggars which was opposed by the supplication of Sovvles endited by the vertuous and learned penn of Syr Thomas Moor. yet at last they fownd a patrone an vnworthie Thomas of Cantorburie to geue waye to ther deÌ„uises and to fead the kings humor and so he vvho should haue bean the cheafe protector and intercessor for the Cleargie prooued the Cheafe Cateline that betrayed the Church and conspired ther oppression Add to this the kings own inclination to vayn-glorie which begot his auarice whose prodigal expences could not be mantained vvithovvt such extraordinarie support And think yow that the Lords and courtiers disliked the proposition no they knew what a rich praye it would prooue whearof each man hoped and thirsted to haue a share and speciallie maister Cromwel who knew no better ladder to climbe to greatnes and welth then by an innouation so full of spoyle whearby one might easilie rise by the fall of so manie who being a man of experienc and bred vp in a forge knew the better which way to hammer and frame his busienes in some good forme that the king might vndertaike the action and stand stowtlie to a matter of his domination and profitt knovving well that his conscience was all readie buried in Ann Boolens tomb And tho maik he waye playner and remooue all blocks the thre principall Abbots Glastenburie Reading and Burie thre Barons of the parliement stowt and religious men and likest to crosse and empeach these practises wear executed for denijng the supremacie bothe to discoorage the Bushops from mediating for them and to terrifie the rest of the religious that they might not withstand the king who was now armed with suffieient powre to bring them vpon ther knees all forren intercession being cut of But quo iure quo titulo vvas this suppression The titl of the religious hovvses compassed The Abbies hold these lands in frank Almoine and in see they vvear possessed of them by the donations of Saxon English and Norman kings and subiects continued legallie by prescription established by law and confirmed by the Charters of kings and so they held ther inheritanc and immunities by the same lawes the temporall Lords hold ther Baronnies and the king his reuennues What nead I remember the Charters of the realme the magna charta 9. H. 3. or the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. vvhear it is granted that the Church of England shall be free and haue her liberties inuiolable and cap. 2. iudgment against them shall be held for naught and 4. Bushops wear authorised to excommunicate those that shall seak to vndoe ther charters And 3. E. 1. the Bushops ded accurse those that attempted to spoyle the Church or by force and craft to diminish ther liberties or the charter of the realme and all those that either should maik statutes or obserue them being mayd against the sayd liberties for which is to be noted by one and the same Charter both the Church and all the subiects hold ther liberties so as king H. 8. might as well break the one as vndoe the other and yf the parliement could geue powre to abrogate the one that is a president to dispence with the other But in Peterboâ—ow Ledgerbook yow shall fynd king Iohns grants more at large and fullier then anie printed book setteth down What nead I remember sententia lata super confirmatione cartarum by E. 1. or 42. Ed. 3. cap. 8. yf anie statut be mayd contrarie to magna charta it shall be voyd Or the confirmation of all these 1. 6. 7. 8. of R. 2. and 4. H. 4. Which all wear intended to preuent tyrannie to secure the Church then being visiblie knowen and generallie reuerenced for to no other Church they wear granted nor no other can enioye theÌ„ yf the king so please But to return to the suppression The The surrendors king to maik his title either to be or to appear stronger to which he had no title of hym self but by parliement and hovv farr that powre is extended to geue awaye the lands of a third parson not being hard nor convicted
persons it a bated much the glorie of her wisedome and heroicall spirit and gaue the world occasion to suspect that all her former actions wear counterfeit and camposed for her securitie to temporize and to misdowbt that she was not innocent and cleare of these great not capitall crymes layd to her charge for vvhich she had stood in no smal dainger Ant to speak frelie and trewlie my opinion she was a Prince of great Maiestie and magnificens but fitter for governement then deuotion and of more pollicie then religion and not as her sister vvas the same in a storme and a calme a Quene and a subiect nor semper eadem But how and by what means ded she Hovv religion vvas chainged contriue and work this admirable mutation of state I vvill breaflie declare for tho it be not proper to my quaestion it is not impertinent and may be of some vse 1. First the long sicknes of Q. Marie gaue her great aduantage and tyme both to deliberate and draw her plattformes prepare her instruments in readienes maik choyce of her means and resolue of the fittest counsellors to aduance her ends 2. Secondlie she layd her honor to pawne and mayd protestation in open parliament that she would never trovvble the Roman Catholiques for anie differenc in religion vvhich ded geue the Cleargie great hope of some more indifferencie and tolerable fauors the which is related by How 's in prefat of Q. Elizabeth for knowing well that a king can not create a new religion as D. Bilson sayd trewlie meaning that it must be the act and work of a parliement therfor to winn the Bushops either to silenc or patienc she wiselie vsed that peace of art The which thing vvas vvell noted by Monsieur de Mauuissier vvho was long french Embassador in England and a curious searcher and obseruer of matters of that nature saith he lib. 2. pag. 61. in Les memoires de Monsieur Mich Castelnau Quene Elizabeth purposing to chainge religion that she might the better vvinn the Bushops she promised to follow ther aduises in all things and therby preuayled not a litle And though manie fyne sleights wear vsed frownes and fauors promises and threats yet notwithstanding by that parliement both the statuts for the supremacie and the abrogation of the old religion wear enacted 3. Add also that when the act vvas mayd for supremacie vvhich must ever be as the first great vvheale of motion bycause by king Henries lavv Bushops and Barons stood in dainger for Syr Thomas Moor and Bushop Fisher had giuen them vvarning to look to ther heads therfor novv in this nevv edition of the supremacie first the vvords of supreme head vvear chainged into supreme gouernor vvhich qualification of the vvords being aequiualent vvas vsed but as a mask and shadovve to bleare the eyes of the people and secondlie the Barons and Lords vvear exempted from the rigour of the Oath to vvinn them the rather to consent to the act and so to leaue the Bushops in the briars to beare the brunt of the storme ensewing 4. I knovv yow will admire and yow maye how this chainge could be vvrought in the vpper howse by most voyces considering so manie Bushops and so manie Lords vvell affected to religion had ther suffrages there Remember first that king Henrie pulling dovvne the Abbies vveakened the strenth of the Cleargie taking avvay by that meanes twentie fiue voyces of Abbots who satt there as Barons of Parliement and besides Sinon who managed that busienes showed all his conning therin and as a maister of his art For the noble Earl of Arōdel abused and fed with a vayne hope by the ayd of the Duke Northfolk engrossed into his hands the proxies and voyces of so manie Lords to be disposed at his pleasure and to serue and further the Quenes desyre and ends that the Catholicks wear overswayed and born downe by the pluralitie of six voyces onelie And how God rewarded these tvvo great Princes the instruments of that seruice the world may iudg by ther afflictions as spirits that haunted them tho to expiat that fault the religious and noble Earl Philip suffred the martyrdome of a languishing sowl A strainge and memorable mattet it was to haue a new religion introduced and no Bushop nor religion man to consecrate and aduance it with one voyce for the vehement oration of Abbot Fecknam aginst it is fresh yet in memorie and how all the Bushops obstinate refragati sunt Camden doth witnes and that noble Lord Montagew sensible of the scandall thereof opposed it vvithall his force vvho together vvith D. Thurlebie Bushop of Elie had so latelie bean employed at Roome abowt it and vrged that the vvorld would disgrace fullie censure such a soodain chainge and innouation proposing also the daingers which weare like to ensew and so ded by excommunication But for ther better assurance to preuayle in the vpperhowse and more stronglie to ouer-rule the Bushops and the Abbots the Quene created diuers nevv lords VVilliam lord Parr Marquis of Northampton a good speaker and a wise man the Earle of Hartford the Vicount Bindon the lord Saint Iohn of Bletso and the lord Hunsdon all Protestants and men fitt to build a new Churche And to be better armed the Catholick partie was weakened by discharging from the counsell table manie of the old counsellors the lord Chancelor the lord Priuie seale Secretarie Boxall and Syr Frances Englefeald and in ther roomes wear placed Syr Nicholas Bacon the Marques of Northampton the Earl of Bedford Sr A. Caue Syr Frances Knolls Rogers Parrie and secretarie Cicil all fitt men to beare parts in that Pageant And further she deposed manie of the old Iudges and mayd also new Iustices of peace and gaue order to vse all vvarienes in the election of knights and burgesses that they might likewise maik ther partie good in the lovver hovvse which yow would wnder to heare how politicklie it was performed Furthermore to taik all scrupule owt of the heads and harts of the people and that they might conceaue that the seruice and religion still continued the same the ould was but transtated into Englishe onelie for ther better edification and vnder standing they directed that the alteration should be framed as near to the old as they might well doe And so it was in dead verrie politiclie handled For they bothe admitted and continued the title and iurisdiction of Bushops vvith some litl grace and authoritie and they permitted the vse of surplises caeremonies anthems Organs and manie prayers in the forme of the old Whearby the Quene vvas the better able to excuse her fact to forrein princes for this great chainge as she ded vse the same for her reason to Secretarie d' Assonuile who was sent by king Philip to congratulate her aduancement 7. And touching the communion book it vvas composed by certan commissioners appointed for that purpose Parker Grindal Horn VVhytehead May Bill and Syr Thomas
left open the port of aduantage hauing not repealed in England the act of her illigitimation as Quene Maries counsell wiselie had doone before But now at lenth to returne to the matters proper and pertinent to the quaestion Iam to handle The Quene before her coronation put all the bushops to silence and commanded they should not preache and after the parliement all those that refused the oath being called before the Quenes commissioners wear depriued from all honors liuings or employmeÌ„t either in the church or common welth and wear also committed to prison and so both lost ther liberties and liuing together Dignities they could not loose as appeared by B. Bonners case whome they could not degrade from the Dignitie of a Bushop though he ded loose London There vvear in all 14. Bushops most vertuous and learned prelates of England and 10. of Ireland deposed 12. Deanes 15. maisters of Colledges 6. Abbots 12. Archdeacons 160. preasts together with maister Shellie Prior of S. Iohns of Hierusalem Now touching ther Demeanor and the course of ther proceading before ther Depriuation These Bâ—shops sitting in Parliement at Quene Maries Deathe acknowledged by diuers proclamations Quene Elizabeths title and right to the Crowne And the Archbushop of york D. Heath then Chancellor of England calling together the nobilitie and commons assembled in both howses by a graue oration exhorted them to accept and obey Quene Elizabeth and by the best course he could endeauoured to dispose and setl the harts of subiects to loue and serue her And all the Bushops ioyntlie ded ther homage and fealtie to her Maiestie in dewtifull manner And although they vvear not ignoranc of her determination to alter the course of religion yet ded they neuer practise neither Scotising nor Geneuating nor neuer incensed the people and Catholiks against her nor attempted anie violent resistance nor sought the support of forrein Princes whome they knew at that tyme readie vpon so fayre pretence to haue ayded them but they ded so respect fullie tender both the Quenes safetie and the peace of the realme more then ther own liues liberties or liuings that though diuers emong them mayd a quaestion yf it wear not most conuenient for the good of the Churche to procead to excommunication against her to vvhich her case laye verrie open and subiect yet the most voyces disswaded that course least yf they should vse the sentenc and censures of the church against her the people might be induced to taik armes for the protection of religion and therfor they ded aduise rather to referr it to the popes determination and pleasure then to talk vpon them to doe yt them selfs though they thought they might lavvfullie doe yt as the case then ded stand Ther was also an other secret frend that ded much fortifie the state of the Quene King Philip knowing all the platts of France and ther secret intentions and vvat motions they mayd at Roome and vpon what tearmes they ded stand to offend England albeyt he had buried all offences at the treatie of Cambray yet loath to see France growe so great as to haue footing in England and as loath that Religion should loose her howld and honor there though he ded wish the end he ded not like the meanes and therfor he employed his ministers in England to doe good offices betwean the Quene and the Cleargie But Alas what became of all these graue prelates Trewlie nothwithstanding all ther publick disgraces and priuate sufferings they ded rather choose a Durate then an Armate and euer professed and well performed Preces Lachrimae arm a nostra Obserue how long and how heauilie ther burden lay vpon them D. Scott Bushop of Chester dyed at Loouain in exile Goldvvel of Asaph at Roome Pate of vvorcester subscribed at the counsell of Trent for the Cleargie of England and never returned D. Oglethorp of Carlile dyed soodainlie and shortlie after his depriuation and so ded learned and famous Tonstal die a personner at Lambeth Bourn of wells was prisonner to Carie deane of the Chappel Thirlebie of Elie first vvas committed to the towre and afterward he and secretarie Boxal vvear sent to Lambeth vvhear they ended there dayes Abbot Fecnam Bushop Watson Bushop Bonner dyed prisoners and Prior she l lie in exile This was the Catastrophe of the worthie Prelates of England a tragedie of the Downefall of the whole Cleargie a thing incredible to posteritie and never hard of in former ages that the third and most reuerend state of the realm the Cedars of Libanus who ever sinc king Etheldred floorished as the Oaches of a realme should be all at once cut downe cast into disgrace and prisons or exile and liue withowt releaf or comfort as men forlorne and abiects yet neither taynted for vice nor convinced for trespas nor accused for anie treason but that which they would never subscribe to aknowledg treason the refusing the oath of supremacie a poynd of religion to them and vvhich touched ther sovvles to the quick And wear they depriued for that then surelie had the ministers of Geneua great luck to escape the high Commission for yow shall hear ther opinions and see the differenc of ther spirits 1. Gilbee in admonitione ad Anglos calls king Henry the 8. libidinosum monstrum monstrosum aprum qui Christi locum inuasit Ecclesiae Anglicanae caput dicivoluit cum tamen omnis religionis expers esset This monstruons bore must neads be called Head of the Church vnder payn of Treason displacing Christ our onelie head who alone onght to haue the title why ded he call hym bore Partlie for his qualities partlie for Ann Boolens sake who was that Helena cuius causa peribat Ilium as both Melancthon in his Chron. and G. Bellay in his Comment declare 2. And that yovv may knovv vvhat an haeresie and flatterie of kings the school of Geneua censureth the Oath of supremacie to be I pray yovv heare the Oracle in cap. 1. Osee in cap. 9. Amos Et hodie in quit quam multi sunt in papatu qui regibus accumulant quicquid possunt iuris potestatis of this poynt I dare avowe Geneua is not guiltie ita vt ne qua fiat disputatio sed potestas haec sit penes regem vnum vt statuat pro suo arbitrio quicquid voluerit sine controuersia hoc firmum maneat Qui initio tantopere extulerunt Henricum regem Angliae certe fuerunt inconsiderati homines dederunt illi summam rerum omnium potestatem hoc me semper grauiter vulner auit erant enim blasphemi cum vocaruÌ„t illum summum caput Ecclesiae sub Christo Ded Syr Thomas Moor or Bushop Fisher say more nay not so much against the matter nor in so rude and violent manner such vvas the violenc of king HeÌ„rie that he pressed them to speact and yf they ded speak they wear in dainger of law yf they ded not speak
in danger of his wrathe o miserable tyme vbi tacere non licet quid cuiquam licet 3. To this opinion Luther subscribeth and which is rare they both C. and L. accord against the supremacie of Princes in cawses Ecclesiastical for tom 2. fol. 259. saith Luther quid ad not mandatum Principis Electoris Saxoniae Princeps secularis est mogistratus quem gladium non munus predicandi curae habere debet as yf a secular magistrate had nothing to doe vvith Cleargie busienes And tom 1. Latin he expownds hym self fol. 540. Non est regnum aut principum etiam veram doctrinam confirmare sed ei subijci seruire Which is quite contrarie to the acts of parliement either of H. 8. of E. 6. or Quene Elizabeth 4. It may be yow will Imagin that though Luther was so singuler yet the Lutherans arr not but yow ar deceaued and that yow shall fynd by ther greatest and most learned Champion M. Chemnicius epist ad elector Brandenburg first he shouweth that it is not conuenient vt punitionis officium contra Caluinistas interea temporis penitus quiescat which is to be noted as a thing he much regarded and shortlie after of the religion and the Quene of England he giueth this sentence that 1. no good thing is further to be expected of her 2. that she vsed the Protestants of Germanie hardly 3. that she noorisheth a new sect risen in her realm of Puritans 4. and lastlie he maiks it a â—east that she being a woeman haith taken vpon her to be maker of Ecclesiasticall Lavves quod femineo à seculis inaudito fastu se Papissam caput Ecclesiae fecit these ar his words and surelie none of our Bushops depriued could saye more tho more manerlie for the statut consisting of two brainches the one they defend stowtlie that the king ought not to haue the supremacie in the other they disagree emong them selfs 5. Cartvvright haith vvritten manie chapters in his last book against this supremacie who yet was neuer conuented in the starchamber nor arraigned for yt neither was forced to recant his writings The Puritans ar as earnest as the Catholicks that it ought not to rest in the king but differenc is in whome the power should rest whether by a monarchie in the Pope or in an oligarchie of the elders The English Puritans of Amsterdam in ther Confessio fidei 1607. pag. 50. art 2. ded resolue that vnicuique Ecclesiae particulari est par as plenum ius ac potestas exercendi fruendi exequendi institutaomnia quaecunque Christus Ecclesiae suae dedit obseruandae in perpetuum So then euerie parish-preast is a Pope in his parish and haith par plenum ius and whether this aduancement of the Consistories be not more preiudicial to princes then the Conclaue more subiect to mutinies more open to confusion and anarchie I referr my self to learned Hooker 6. I will conclude with D. whiracre and that vvith some admiration he Doth so boldlie affirm a matter so notoriousle vntrew pag. 4. against M. W. Raignolds in his preface The title saith he of supreme head of the Church haith bean misliked by diuers godlie learned men and of right it belongeth to the sonne of god and therfor neuer ded our Church geue that title in such vvords vnto the Prince neither ded the prince euer challeng it I vnderstand not vvhat this meaneth for yf he meane plainlie and withowt aequiuocating then certanlie he abuseth his reader with a fable yf I obiect the statut of 26. H. 8. c. 1. or 35. H. 8. c. 3. I knovv he vvill say it vvas not our Church that gaue that title But Syr that will not serue yow for 1. E. 6. cap. 12. yf anie person after the 5. of March next shall affirm that the king his heyrs or successors kings of this realme is not or ought not to be supream head in earth of the Church of England and Ireland immediatlie vnder God it shall be treason for the third affirmation so hear is the act of your own Church for vvhich Gardiner was sent to the towr and these godlie men sc Gilbie Caluin Knox Luther who so much misliked it in king Henrie had not cawse to like it better 1. Eliz. when it was chainged into supream gouernor for the one had as much powre as the other And surelie D. Whit. rather shifteth of the obiection then answereth it for these godlie he meaneth wear Caluin Gilbie the Lutherans and his ancient frend maister Cartwight who all condemned the vse of that title of supreme head and think yow that he ded hym self like it I imagin that he vvould not othervvis haue mayd so she an euasion for his coÌ„mendation of the men that denied it his own reason deriued from ther vvords that it belonged onelie ond properlie to the sonne of God his fable that neuer ded the Prince Challeng that title show fullie the Doctors mynd that he would not subscribe voluntarilie to that opinion and taik the oath and desyred to euade But vvhat euer his opinion vvas of the matter he commended those that most impugned it Novv to return to the Bushops seing the supremacie and the oath vvas the main and the mean obiected to depriue them vvhich vvas as much impugned by ther ovvn half brethren Lutherans and Caluinists as by the Bushops seing Cartvvright pvas tolerated licensed to preache not restrained nor punished for his opinions and seing so manie and so eminent men concurred vvith the Bushops in that opinion as I haue shovved ther vvas and is some reason to haue expected yf not a more merciefull sentenc yet a more fauourable execution of the sentenc and seing they fovvnd so litl fauor and releaf it doth vvitnes to all posteritie ther exceading patienc to taik vp ther cross and follovv ther maister For not vvithstanding all this aduersitie disgrace vvants and loss of libertie the magistrates never had cavvse to complayne of anie inuectiues or libells No Reueilematin no homelies of sedition wear dispersed no VVyat no Oldcastel appeared in the feald the soldiers and knights of the Rhodes vvear not detected of anie conspiracie the Realme was not disquieted nor embroyled A miraculous patienc by a supernatural grace they ded rather choose to suffer them selfs then the realm should which was a great happienes to England and the like not hard of vpon so great a mutation of state and which was neither to be ascribed to the pollicie and prouidenc of the Chancelor or Secretarie nor anie feare of punishment vvhich might be inflicted vpon the Bushops for they could fall no lower being all readie cast down to the grownd and they that could hope for nothing nead not feare anie thing but reallie and trewlie it was to be imputed to the nature patienc humilitie and obedienc innated in religious and vertuous men who ar trewlie Catholique These vertues and this there patience showeth well the nature of the English
decrees the people was directed bothe in Chancerie Rolls and all Ecclesiasticall courts I haue before reuealed ther reasons and puld of all visards which hyde the face of truth After the supremacie was enacted and the Oath commanded the next care was to compell men to the exercise of the religion then established but the seminaries being erected the societie of Iesus encreasing and preasts being often sent ouer into England then begonn fyre and sword to rage the acts of 13. of 25. of 27. the proclamations of 1580. and 1591. wear published against the preasts and fathers and no man is so blynd but may discern the occasion of this rigour was for religion being for hearing mass and confessions which ar the foundation and pillers of religion and yet I confess the iealousies fears and suspicious of the tyme set for ward these seuear courses for thes prouident Counsellors ded think it necessarie by the horror of lawes to maik the seminaries of no vse by barring owt of the realme the Seadsmen for tho they ded obserue hovv far the zeal of the Church had transported the preasts that they preferred the Triumph of Truth before ther liues yet by all wordlie coniectures they probablie conceaued that the name of Treason as a Medusaes head would haue amazed and terrified them 1. bycause it stayned them all with a most reproachfull blott 2. and speciallie bycause they tought it depriued and robbed them of the crown and glorie of martyrdome the trophees of religion 3. besides they supposed that the loss of ther liues in so infamous manner the bleamish and hazard of ther frends and the punishment of ther partakers and abettors would haue vtterlie discooraged them from resorting anie more to England But this deuise ded not prosper it prooued quite contrarie ex cineribus Phoenix religion encreased by persecution owt of the ashes of martyrs so these politick lawes wrought not the effect they wear enacted for and yet wear verrie offensiue to all forrein princes as leges Draconis and phalarismus for these ar euer held to be most godlie lawes that ar least sanguinarie and yet mantain Now forasmuch as vpon worldlie respects A petition and reasons for mitigation manie acts haue of passedin parliement to trie what operation and cure they would works in the state and yf they prooued fruitles medecins or as empirical purgations too violent fitter to kill then to cure then to be repealed and bycause these prouisions and lawes against religious persons ar prooued to be such so they likewise ex gratia speciali and ovvt of his maiesties gracious compassion may be wel abrogated for as they wear mayd for the fears and suspicions of that tyme so by the grace and mercie of this tyme when they ar both neadles and causeles they may with honor be cancelled yf his maiestie shall please and the execution therof suspended to vvhose royall consideration I most humblie offer these few lines as petitions rather then reasons not for iustice but mercie 1. It was euer held against the wisedome and pollicie of this realme to fetter them selfs with too manie shacles of treason and dainger and therfor as 25. Edw. 3. at the petitions of the subiects the king ded declare and determin what should be taken and iudged for a case of treason by the common lawes of the realme so 1. Henry the 4. c. 10. it was confirmed and established that nothing hearafter should be deamed treason otherwise then was expressed by E. 3. And albeyt diuers actions wear strayned vp to be treason for a tyme vvhich vvear not within the list of 25. E. 3. as H. 6. the taking and surprising of persons and goods in Wales so to stand for the space of 7. yeares onelie and 8. H. 6. burning of howses and 22. H. 8. poysoning c. which of ther own nature and simplie wear not treason and therfor had a limitation of tyme annexed to them yet prudently all such former acts vvear repealed and mayd voyd 1. E. 6. for a more indifferent and merciefull proceading vvith subiects that the remedie might not be more daingerous then the disease and that the Lillies and roses of the crown might not be dyed with innocent blood For both in the tyme of Ciuil vvarrs and now while this great controuersie of religion dependeth in England vndecided such statutes open the gate to let in ruine desolation and confiscation bothe into the prisons of preasts and into the castles of the nobilitie and gentrie as appeared by the exampls and daingers of Arondel Northumberland Arden Sommerfeld and diuers others ane what ded happen to them maye endainger all 2. It vvill be a thing incredible to posteritie that so vvise a nation vvould maik that to be treason by parliement vvhich so generallie so perpetuallie ane so ancientlie haith bean honoured end approoued by all lavves vvas not preasthood vsed and exercised by the patriachs vnder the lavv of nature established by Moyses and the lavv of God continued yet in Christ and his Churches and never repealed by anie nevv decree vnder grace and the gospel and yf vvhich is impossible the Church erreth in that poynt of preasthood all ages all fathers all counsels all nations haue liued as blindmen in darknes and a chaos till Luther dispersed the mist is it not likelie Religion and preasthood wear like Hippocrates twins born and bred laughing and weaping beginning and ending together for in Moyses law the preast wear the inquisitors inspectores omnium iudices controuersiarum punitores damnatorum as Iosephus l. 2. contra Appion sets Down yf anie difficultie arise venies ad Socerdotes 17. Deuter and in c. 44. Ezech. Sacerdotes populum meum docebunt quid intersit inter Sanctum prophanum and so Philo. l. 3. de vita Moysis Iosaphat 2. paral and the Sanhedrim it self doth witnes it the reason of these remaineth yet in the tyme of the gospel and ther for by the lawes of England such reuerenc vvas euer showed to religious men that yf a bond man ded enter into a cloyster the law held it more reasonable that the king should loose his interest in the bodie then to be taken ovvt of his order the like vvas iudged yf the kings wards should enter into religion besides an alien can hold no lands in E. yet yf he be a preast he may be a bushop hear and enioy his temporalties as Lanfranc and Anselm wear vvho wear never dennisons Besides the state reposed so great trust in them that they wear maisters of the Rolls Six Clarks nay oft Chancellors and Threasorers of the realm And therfor it was a course of Summum ius by new lawes to punish men for an ancient vocation and so generallie receaued speciallie vvhen the storme is overblowen 3. Besides in Germanie Charles V. punished Luther by Exile and in Scotland by Baratre banishment they punish haeresie so they ded vviselie distinguish Haeresie and Treason as seuerall offences by seuerall
persecution and deputed to death c. 4. v. 9. 11. 12. not contentious and authors of diuision 1. Cor. 1. v. 11. 13. for Christ is not deuided louing the charitie of brotherhood Rom. 12. v. 10. patienc c. whear all the vertues of a trevv religious man ar set dovvne vpon so good grovvnds I vvill first examin Luthers vocation his lyfe and pietie his doctrine and his charitie the badg of Christianitie and vvhat fruit the vvorld haith reaped for the sanctification of sovvles by hym and as yovv and I fynd cavvse so let vs follow and fauor hym First therfor touching his Vocation Beza 1. His vocation at Poissy affirmed that he and his fellowes wear called by extraordinarie vocation then must neads Luther haue the like honor vvhome they all ack novvledged ther lantern and ther guide but ask hym self his title and he will tell yovv Ego Domini nostri Iesu Christi indignus euangelista In his book to king Henry Certus sum dogmata mea habere me de caelo I am an euangelist vnwortilie in dead and I haue my doctrine from heauen I vvas the first that brought light to the world Com. in 1. Cor. 1. Euangelium tam copiose nunc predicatum vt tam clarum non fuit temporibus Apostolorum Ser. de destruc Hierusal the gospel vvas not preached so clearlie and plentifullie in the Apostles tyme as it is now In l. de falso statu Ego Lutherus sum alter Elias currus Israel Now to show yow the greatnes of this prophet in l. contra Regem Angliae Christum spiritum mihi suppeditabat insignem Christ bestowed vpon me a great spirit In vvhat kynd and hovv excellent Tanta est dignit as mea quod ad doctrinam ministerium mihi diuinitus datum attinet quatenus vita ac mores cum illo congruunt vt nemo vnquam precipuè tiranns nec patientiam nec submissionem c expectaturus est Debent me sanctum Deiorganum agnoscere Trewlie that tanta est dignitas would maik a man think it had bean the prologue of Miles gloriosus I vvill novv therfor examin what opinion the world haith of so famous an Organ 1. Caluin in vlt. admonit saith thus Volunt de Luthere intelligi hoc vaticmium de â—lia venturo qua falsitate non minus faedarunt â—utheri nomen quam Egipty Hieremiae corpus sepulchrum adorando and in an other place Atque vt Eliae nomen I uthero concedatur Sacrilegae tamen temeritatis est asserere vltimum Eliam ac si precisaesset Deo manus ne quem vel praestantiorem vel parem postea emittat yovv see Caluin dislikes that title as yf he would leaue his successors no credit nor place to erect the pillars of ther glorie but vvould vsurp all hym self 2. Conradus Regius deales more plainlie in admonitione C. 6. scimus istoâ— magnos Theologos magnis clamoribus regerere I utherum eâ—â— Prophetam quia ipse immediate extra ordinem à Deo excitatus ad officium propheticum sc repurgationem Ecclesiae c. Ideoque sine exceptione tanquam Prophetam audienuÌ„ qui errare non potuerit c. Manifestum est illos pessime de tota Christi Ecclesia mereri qui Lutherum in catalogum ProphetaruÌ„ referunt tertium Eliam faciunt examini censurae Ecclesiarum eximunt libros ipsius regulam iudicandi â—â—uunt c. So hear ar two great Doctors of the pretended reformation who geue ther opinions of his vocation and how farr ar they from gening hym the honor of Elias and exempting hym from the censure and examination of other Churches and from esteaming his writings as the rule of faith as at Altenburgh they ded Now touching his vacation his ordinarie calling could not authorise hym with so extraordinarie a powre as to reforme the church and preach new doctrine never hard of before and whether there Apostasie haeresie excummunication haue not depriued them of all vocation learned D. Champnie in his book of that argument can best satisfie yow And concerning his extraordinarie calling to be an Apostle an Euangelist Elias how can he maiks it appear to the world and satisfie ther coÌ„scienc that dowbthe of it whether God haith geuen hym such commission and created hym so in dead For his own vvords want weight and this must sowndlie be prooued and the rather bycause Beza affirmed the like extraordinarie vocation at Poissy and his opinion vvas impugned ther by Cl. de Saincts and others and in England by D. Sarauia c. They that ar so called must prooue it by externall signes and miracles as Moyses and Elias ded and yf he be an apostl I may vrg hym with that of Tertullian de prescript c. 30. probent se esse Apostolos He who called them to so high an office could also geue them powre to approoue ther vocation and induce the vvorld to accept honor and reuerenc them by ther extraordinarie vvorks and the testimonies of ther supernaturall vertues But Luther had no such calling for that vvas euer inseparablie accompanied with miracles as was manifested by Moyses and Elias besides it vvas not in vse since the apostles tyme. yf I can prooue that I shall hitt the byrd in the eye and to prooue that I pray yow let Luther Iudg hym self for he affirmeth the same proposition tom 5. VVitteb in c. 1. ad Galat. p. 376. and in loc com class 4. ca. 20. and so doth Musculus locis com p. 304. so doth Sarauia against Beza so doth Piscator vol. Theo. Thes. 1. loc 23. But to come home nearer to the purpose yf Luther be Elias it must onelie be spiritu virtute then let vs parallel these two and see hov well they ar matched for pietie and vertue Elias 3. Reg. c. 17. at mount Oreb would sequester hym self in his caue from the noyce of the vvorld from the sight of vanitie that he might eleuate his sowle from mudd and earth and maik yt more capable of deuine inspirations and pray with more feruor of spirite and break that wild coult the lusts of the flesh with fasting and prayer and so ded S. lo. Baptist Esdras so ded compare them and ther actions with Luthers and see yf they be suitable I must now therfor of force paynt hym owt in his coolors and dravv his picture vvith his ovvn pensile his ovvn mouth shall iudg hym For Elias his retyrednes Luther and he wear not matches for Luthers mott was solitatienes is an enemie of pleasure he vvas as daintie as Caluin he thought it an error to contristate the spirit he reprooued and reiected S. Hierome for such inhumanitie lib. de seruo arbitrio Hierom inepte scribit quid magis sacrilegum quam id quod scribit virginit as câ—lum coniugium terra replet Virginitie fills heauen marriage peopleth the earth and therfor in colloq conuiual Nullum scio cui aque infesâ—us sum ac ei tantum scribit de