if that of Ingulphus with other our Historians and some Lawyers be true which Sir Edward Cook and Mr. Selden deny that King Alfred first divided the Realm into Counties as all grant he did into Hundreds and Tithings and erected Hundred Courts wherein Knights of the Shire were alwaies yet are and ought to be elected there could be no Knights of Shires at least if any Citizens or Burgesses to serve in Parliament before this division though there were Earls Dukes Barons before his reign who were present by the Kings summons not peoples elections at our Great Councils or Parliaments as Mr. Selden and Sir Henry Spelman undeniably manifest and I have elsewhere proved at large Their sitting voting judging therefore in Great Councils Parliaments being so antient clear and unquestionable ever since their first beginning til now and the sitting of Knights Citizens Burgesses by the peoples election in our antientest Great Councils Parliaments not so clearly evident by History or Records as theirs we must needs acknowledge subscribe to this their Right and Title or else deny the Knights Citizens Burgesses rights to sit vote in our Great Councils Parliaments rather than theirs who have not so antient nor clear a Title or right as they by many hundreds of years Fourthly This Right and Privilege of theirs is vested legally in them by the very Common Law and Custom of the Realm which binds all men By the unanimous consent of all our Ancestors and all the Commons of England from age to age assembled in Parliament since they sat in any Parliaments who alwaies consented to desired and never opposed the Lords sitting voting power or Judicature in Parliament and by Magna Charta it self signed and ratified by King John wherein it is expresly granted Ad habendum COMMUNE CONCILIVM REGNI de auxiliis assidendis de Scutagiis assidendis submoneri faciemus Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Comites MAJORES BARONES REGNI singulatim per Literas nostras c. And in the Great Charter of King Henry the 3. they are first mentioned and provided for Hereupon King Henry the third not long after Magna Charta was granted and at the same time it was proclamed confirmed with a most solemn Excommunication in the presence of all the Lords and Commons by all the Bishops of England against the infringers thereof summoning a Parliament at London in the year 1255. to aid him in his warrs in Apulia the Earls and Barons absolutely refused to give him any assistance or answer at all for this reason Quod omnes Barones tunc temporis non fuerunt juxta tenorem Magnae Chartae suae vocati ideo sine Paribus suis tunc absentibus nullum voluerunt tunc responsum dare vel Auxilium concedere vel praestare That ALL THE BARONS were not summoned by him to this Parliament as they ought to be according to the tenor of Magna Charta whereupon they departing in discontent and refusing to sit longer the Parliament was first adjourned and at last dissolved And upon this very ground among others the Parliament of 21 R. 2. with all the Acts and proceeding therein were totally repealed and nulled by the Parliament of 1 H. 4. because the Lords who adhered to the King were summoned by him to the Parliament and some of the opposite party imprisoned impeached unsummoned and many of the Knights of the shire were elected only by the Kings nomination and Letters to the Sherifs And the Parliament it self kept by force viris armatis et sagittariis immensis brought out of Cheshire as an extraordinary guard quartered in the Kings Court at Westminster and about Charing Crosse and the Muse of which Grafton and other Historians write thus That they fell into so great pride of the Kings favour that they accounted the King to be as their fellow and they set the Lords at nought yet few or none of them were Gentlemen but taken from the plough and Cart and other Crafts And after these rustical people had a while courted they entred into so great a boldness that they would not let neither within nor without the Court to beat and slay the Kings good Subjects to take from them their victuals and pay for them little or nothing at their pleasure as our free-quarâ—erers do now falling at last to ravish mens wives and daughters And if any man fortuned to complain of them to the King he was soon rid out of the way no man knew how or or by whom so as they did what they listed the King not caring to doe justice upon them but favouring them in their mis-doings confiding in them and their guards against any others of the kingdom which gave the Lieges of his kingdom great matter of commotion and discontent The bringing up of which guard to Westminster to force and overawe the Parliament to effect his designs is one principle Article exhibited against him by the Parliament of 1 H. 4. wherein he was forced to resign his Crown and then deposed I pray God our new armed Guard and Courtiers at Whitehall and the Muse of as mean condition as those fall not by degrees to the self-same exorbitances contempt of the King Lords Parliament and oppression of the people to their general mutining and discontent In the Parliaments of 6 E. 3. N. 1. Parl. 2 N. 5.6 8 9 8 E. 3. N. 5. 15 E. 3. N. 4. 17 E. 3. N. 2. 20 E. 3. N. 5. 21 E. 3. N. 4. 22 E. 3. N. 1. 25 E. 3. N. 1. 29 E. 3. N. 4. 30 E. 3. N. 1. 37 E. 3. N. 1. 42 E. 3. N. 1. 50 E. 3. N. 1. 51 E. 3. N. 3. 1 R. 2. N. 1. 2 R. 2. N. 1. 3 R. 2. N. 1. 4 R. 2. N. 1. 5 R. 2. N. 65. 6 R. 2. N. 6. 7 R. 2. N. 1. 9 R. 2. N. 1. 8 H. 4. N. 54. We find in these Parliament Rolls that these Parliaments have been usualy prorogued adjourned from the days they were summoned to meet and have not saie nor acted at all because sundry of the Lords some Commons were not come but absent by reason of foul weather shortness of warning or other publique imployments all their personal presence in Parliament being reputed necessary and expedient And 20 R. 2. N. 8. The Commons themselves in Parliament required the King to send for such Bishops and Lords who were absent to come to tho Parliament before they would consult upon what the Chancellor propounded to them in the Kings name and behalf to consider of To recite no more antient presidents In the Parliament of 2 Caroll the Earl of Arundel not sitting in the Parliament being after his summons committed by the King to the Tower of London about his Sons mariage May 25. 1626. without the Lords privity and consent whereby their privileges were infringed and the House deprived of one of their Members presence thereupon the House of
Seignour le Roy que ore est tenue a Westminstre lanquinzisme per examinent dez Praelates Contes Barones et tote la commune de Realm fuist notoriement trove que vostre piere vous Hugh fuâ—stez agardez TRAYTOURS enmys del Realm pur quel par assent commandment nostre Seigniour le Roy vostre Piere vous Hugh fuistez exules del Realm sanz james revenir si ceo ne fuist par lassent commmandment nostre Seignious le Roy ceo en playne Parlement duement al ceo summounz And for his returning into England against this Act and his manifold murders oppressions and misdemeanors since there recited at large he was condemned to be hanged drawn bowelled quartered and beheaded which was executed accordingly December 8. and his head fixed on a Poll and set upon London bridge The Repeal of the Spencers exile was not long after repealed and the Act for their exile re-confirmed in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. ch 1 2. in the Statutes at large which recites That they were exiled disinherited and banished out of the Realm by the Commons assent and award of the Peers and Commons of the Realm and by the assent of King Edward as Traytors and Enemies of the King and of his Realm And that he by the Common Counsel of the Prelates Earls Barons and other Great men and of the Commonalty of the Realm in his Parliament holden at Westminster did ordain and establish That the repeal of the said Exile which was made by Duress and force should be adnulled fâ—r evermore and the same exile made by the award of THE PEERS AND COMMONS BY THE KINGS ASSENT as aforesaid shall stand in its strength in all points after the tenour of every Article therein contained But this Act of repeal by the like power and assent was repealed as erronious and the heir of the Spencers restored to blood and Lands by the Parliament of 21 R. 2. Rot. Parl. u. 35. to 57. And that whole Parliament again repealed and nulled by 1 H. 4. c. 3. Cooks 4 Instit p. 25. This was the issue of this very first Attainder wherein the Commons concurred with the Lords being carried by force and power on all hands in those turbulent times In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. ch 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. in the Statutes at large Alexander Archbishop of York Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland Michael de la Pale Earl of Suffolk Robert Tresylien chief Justice R. Belknap with sundry other Judges Lawyers Knights Gentlemen Clergymen and other Commons and Prelates were impeached by the Duke of Glocester and other Lords Appellants of High Treason in 36 Articles thereupon attainted condemned judgement of death banishment forfeiture of their lands and estates given against them in Parliament by the Lords without the Commons After which the Lords exhibited a Petition to the King for the confirmation of the said Attainders and forfeiture Whereupon the King considering the matâ—er of the said Petition to be true at the request of the said Commons of the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and all others of this present Parliament granted the request of the said COMMONS in all points after the form of the said Petition And moreover of the assent aforesaid passed sundry Acts touching their Attainders Judgements Exiles and forfeitures which all may peruse at leisure in the Statutes at large In the Parliament of 21 R. 2. upon the Petition of the Commons by the like assent c. 2. to 12. in the Statutes at large these Attainders Judgemens forfeitures and the whole Parliament of 11 R. 2. were repealed as erronious and nulled Yet after by the Parliam of 1 H. 4. c. 3. the Parl. of 21 R. 2. is nulled and that of 11 R. 2. revived and confirmed with all the attainders and Judgements therein given In the Parliament of 9 H. 6. c. 8. Owen Glendor formerly endited and attainted of high Treason for his grand insurrections and rebellions by the assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal and of the Kingâ— at the special request of the Commons was by special Act declared a Traytor and all manner of Indictments Inquisitions Processes Records Judgements Ordinances Statutes made against him authorized established for Law by assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament In the Parliament of 29 H. 6. c. 1. The King by the advice of the Lords spiritual temporal and at the request of his Commons by a special Act attainted John Cade of several High Treasons for traytorously imanâ—ging the Kings death the destruction and subversion of this Realm in gathering and levying great numbers of the Kings people and them exciting to make insurrection against the King his regalty crown and dignity and to make and levy war falsly and trayterously against the King for which they confiscated all his Lands Tenements rents and possessions to the king corrupt and disable his blood for ever and enact him to be called a false Traytor within the Realm for ever And in 31 H. 6. c. 1. with the advise and assent of the Lords and at the request of the Commons it is ordained established that the said John Cade shall be reputed had named and declared a false Traytor to the king and all indictments and proceedings had and made under the power of his Tyranny were clearly repealed and adnulled for ever and to be of no effect but void in Law and put in oblivion and destroyed for ever as purposed against God and Conscience and the Kings royal estate and preheminence and also dishonourable and unreasonable In the Parliament held Anno 38 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 5. to 26. Richard Duke of York with sundry other Lords and Commons were attainted of High Treason by Bill for conspiring and levying war againâ—t the King And in the Parliament of 1 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 12 17. to 37 King Henry the 4 H. the 6 Queen Margaret Edward Prince of Wales Henry Duke of Somerset the Earl of Devonshire with sundry other Knights Esquires and Gentlemen Priests and Yeomen were attainted of High Treason by Bills for levying war against king Edward the 4. In the Parliament of 4 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 2. to 39. the Duke of Somerset Henry Beauford Sir Ralph Piercie with sundry other Knights Esquires and Gentlemen were attainted of High Treason by Bill for levying war against the king most of which attainders in the Parliaments of 12 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 15. to 36.13 E. 4. n. 45.14 E. 4. n 45.27 28 29 31 32.17 E. 4. n. 19 20 21 22. E. 4. n. 23 were repealed by Bills and the parties or their heirs restored to blood and Lands In the Parliaments of 14 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 34 35 36 37. Sir Richard and Sir Robert Wells John Vere Earl of Oxford Sir Thomas Vere with sundry more Knights and Gentlemen were attainted by Bill of High Treason for Levying war against the king and some of
iâ— regno Quid mihi suaderet vos prodere vel certe necare qui nihil lucri reciperem de vestra morte Nunquid hostes â—estri me ditiorem facerent in terra sua quam effectus sum in terra vestra et in natali solo Aut si regnum affectarem credendu â—ne est post vestram inteâ—fectinnem quod absit Dominos hujus Regni aquâ—nimiter ferre me posse Domini mei et patriae proâ—â—torem Deliâ—ere si placet fidem â—arâ—â—alia â—lerenâ—bus quia paratus sum more militis contra quemcunque mundi mihi in hac causa adversantem pugnare et meam innocentiam defendere et purgare Upon which and other words the King believed the Duke and received his excuses and committed the Frier at his request to the Custodie of the Lord John Holland usque ad diem quo causam diceret horum quae praeposuerat contra eum In ipsa nocte quae processit diem suae responsioniâ— the Frier was strangled and pressed to death by the said John and another Knight and the next day his dead corps was drawn through the street like a Traytor to take away the suspition of his unjust death Ipsi judices ipsi ministri ipsi tortores extiterunt Et hic fructus Parliamenti praesentis praeter hoc quod dominus Willielmus la Zouche quamvis gravissima detineretur aegritudine accersitus erat ad Parliamentum ad standium judicio Regis et Dominorum quia idem â—rater eum velut inventorem inceptorem et incentorem dixerat omnium quae scripserat extitisse Qui cum venisset lectica delatus quia propter guttam equitare non poterat compulsus est discinctus et discooperto capite ad haec omnia sibi objecta more latronum vel proditorum respondere Qui viriliter negavit objecta Sacramento firmans haec nunquam audisse vel hujusmodi cogitasse et ita demum absolutus est et domum redire permissus In this Parliament holden at Salisbury 7 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 11. to 16. John Cavendish a Fishmonger of London made his complaint first to the Commons and after to the Lords against Sir Michael de la Poole Chancellor of England demanding the Peace against him which THE LORDS granted after which he accused him for taking Bribes and delayes and injustice in a sute of his depending before him whereof he cleared himself by his own Oath and the Oaths of other witnesses sworn and examined before THE LORDS Whereupon the Lords being troubled with other weighty matters referred the Chancellors reparation for the Scandal to the ordering of the Judges The same Sir Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk and Chancellor of England in the Parliament of 10 R. 2. rot Parliamenti n. 6. to 18. was accused in full Parliament before THE KING BISHOPS LORDS by the Commons who exhibited sundry Articles against him recorded at large by Henry de Knyghton agreeing with the Parliament Roll. The effect of them was this That whiles he was Chancellor against his Oath to procure the profit of the King he had purchased lands and tenements of the King of great value at under rates and exchanged uncertainâ— customs and rents for good lands in deceipt of the King and for spending the Aids granted to the King the last Parliament to guard the Seas in another manner than they were granted whereby the Seas were not guarded and much mischief hapned to the Realm c. The Lords Commons refused to act any thing till the King came in person to Parliament and the Chancellor removed upon these Articles The Chancellor demanded of the LORDS 1. Whether he should answer these Articles without the Kings presence for things done whiles he was Chancellor for that he being Chancellor of England for the time represented the Kings person in Parliament during his absence thence Secondly Whether his Brother in Law Sir Richard Scroope might not answer for him whom he had by advice of his Counsel appointed to do it To which the LORDS answered and resolved It was honest and fit for him to answer for himself Whereupon he making protestation that he might adde to or diminish from his answer and that which might be honourable to him by advice of his Counsel the Lords granting thereunto He thereupon put in an answer and replication to all the Articles to which his Counsel added some things in making his defence The Commons replyed to his answer to w ch he by way of rejoyndâ—r replied and answered to them his defence sâ—eming very solid Yet the Commons upon his replication before judgement pressed the King then being in Parliament and she Lords that he might be committed for the grievous offences charged against him Whereupon he was arrested by the Kings command and committed to the custody of the Constable of England and after let to mainprise Ar last THE LORDS in full Parliament GAVE JUDGEMENT AGAINST HIM That for breach of his Oath all the Manors and lands which he had of the Kings gift contained in the Articles should be seised into the Kings hands to have them to him and his heirs for ever together with their mean profits and issues saving to him the name and Title of a Knight and Earl together with an annuity of 20 l. yearly granted him out of the profits of the County of Suffolk The like judgement was given against him for the lands exchanged by the King for the customs of Hull and the Priory of St. Anthony Walsingham addes That he was deprived likewise of his Chancellorship and adjudged worthy of death yet the Lords would not put him to death but sent him prisoner to Windsore Castle Rex autem non multo post annullavit quicquid in Parliamento statutum fuerat contra ipsum In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. rot Parl. â— 6 7. Thomas Duke of Gloucester kneeling before the King said that he understood the King was informed he went about to depose him and to make himself King Wherefore he offered to put himself upon his tryal in that behalf as the Lords of the Parliament would award Whereupon the King said in open Parliament that he thought the said Duke was nothing faulty and therefore held him excused After which all THE LORDS as well spiritual as temporal being in the Parliament claimed their liberties and franchises namely That all weightâ— matters in the same Parliament which should be after moved touching THE PEERS OF THE LAND ought to be discussed JUDGED AND DETERMINED BY THE M by the course of Parliament and not by the Civil Law nor yet by the Common Law of the Land used in other Couâ—ts of the Realm The which claim and liberties the King most willingly allowed and granted thereto in full Parliament After which Thomas Earl of Glocester Henry Earl of Derby Richard Earl of Arundel Thomas Earl of Warwick and Thomas Earl of Marshal Lords Appellants impeached Alexandâ—r Archbishop of York Robert de Vere
Earl of Ireland Mâ—chael de la Poole Earl of Suffolk Robert Tresylam Chief Justice Nicholas Bramber Knight and other of their adherents of High Treason against the King and his Realm The Articles they exhibited against them were 36 in number at large recorded in Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 5. col 2713. to 2727. with the whole proceedings thereupon for which many were attainted condemned executed BY JUDGEMENT OF THE LORDS notwithstanding the Kings intercession for some of them to the LORDS they are likewise mentioned in the printed Statutes at large of 11 R. 2. c. 1 3 4. in Walsingham Hist Angliae p. 359 to 367. and other vulgar Historians I shall therefore for brevity refer you to them Exactum est juramentum a rege ad standum REGULATIONI PROCERUM et non solum a rege sed a cunctis regni incolis idem juramentum est expetitum In the Parliament of 14 R. 2. n. 14. The King and Lords without the Commons declared That in the 7 year of this King the Earldom of Richmond with the appartenances WERE ADJUDGED BY THE KING AND LORDS to be forfeited to the King by reason of the adherence of John Duke of Britain then Earl of Richmond to the French against his allegiance to the King and his father king Edward the 3. which judgement was not then enrolled in the Rolls of Parliament for certain causes known to the King and LORDS but was now inrolled and the lands granted to the Earl of Westmerland which King Henry the 4th would not revoke upon the Commons Petition to restore them to the Duke 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 78. In the Parliament of 17 R. 2. n. 11 Richard Earl of Arundel in the presence of the KING and LORDS accused the Duke of Lancastre of 5 particular misdemeanors In which when the King had justified him it was awarded by the King BY THE ASSENTS OF ALL THE LORDS that the Earl should in full Parliament make a formal submission to the Duke and crave pardon for his false accusation In the Parliament of 21 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 12. to 17. the Commons impeached Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury of high Treason for procuring the Duke of Glocester and others there named to accroach to themselves regal power and execute the Commission of 10 R. 2. when he was Chancellor praying that he might be kept under safe custody with a protestation of making for her accusations during the Parliament against him and others After which they prayed the King to give judgement against the Archbishop according to his desert who submitted himself to the Kings mercy Whereupon the KING LORDS and Sir Thomas Piercy the general Proctor for the Bishops in this case adjudged the fact of the Archbishop to be Treason and himself a Traytor and that thereupon he should be banished his temporalties seised and all his lands in proper possession or use together with his goods forfeited to the King and presenting the day and place of his departure into exile After this in the same Parliament of 21 R. 2. the Lords Appellant therein named accused the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick and others of High Treason for procuring the Commission in 10 R. 2. for raising forces and coming to the Kings person armed For accroching to themselves royal power and adjudging some to death and executing them as Traytors in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. For intending to surrender up their Homage and allegeance to the King and then to depose him and saying they had good cause to depose him c. Hereupon the Earl of Arundel being brought in custody to the Parliament before the Lords by the Kings command and assent of the Lords had his charge read and declared before him by the Duke of Lancaster Steward of England to which he pleaded his pardon which plea being disallowed because his pardon was revoked by this Parliament and he relying on it without any other plea the Lords appellants prayed judgement against him as convict of the Treasons aforesaid Whereupon the Duke of Lancaster by assent of the KING Bishops Earles and LORDS adjudged him convict of the Articles aforesaid and thereby a Traytor to the King and Realm and that he should be therefore hanged drawn and quartered and forfeit all his Lands in fee or fee-tayl which he had in the 10. year of this King with all his goods and chattels But for that he was come of Noble bloud the King pardoned his execution of hanging drawing and quartering and granted that he should be beheaded which was accordingly executed the same day on Tower hill by the Marshal of England The 28. of September the Earl of Warwick was brought ao his Trial in the same manner as the Earl of Arundel who confessed all the Articles submitted to the Kings grace and had the same judgement pronounced against him in the same manner as the Earl of Arundel But the King at the Lords Appellants and others requests pardoned his execution granted him his life and banished him into the Isle of Man The Duke of Norfolk by assent and Act of Parliament was tried in a Court Martial by the King Lords and some Knights for words spoken against the King and judgement was there given that he should be banished into Hungary and his lands forfeited to the King Within one year after such is the vicissitude of all worldly honour and power in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. Plac. Coron n. 1. to 11. at the prayer of the Commons the great Lords Appellants Edward Duke of Albemarl Tho. Duke of Surry John Duke of Exeter John Marquess Dorset John Earl of Salisbury and Thomas Earl of Glocester were all questioned and brought to their several answers before the King and Lords for their Acts and proceedings in the Parliament of 21 R. 2. the records whereof being read before them in Parliament they made their several answers and excuses thereunto whereupon the King and Lords after consultation thereupon ADJUDGED that the said Dukes Marques and Earls should lose their several Titles and Dignities of Dukes Marquess and Earls with all the honor thereunto belonging and that they should forfeit all the Lands and goods which they or any of them had given them at the death of the Duke of Glocester or since and that if they or any of them should adhere to the quarrel or person of King Richard lately deposed that then the same should be Treason The which Judgement was pronounced against them by William Thurning Chief Justice of the Kings Bench in Parliament by the Kings command but in the Parliament of 2 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 33. upon the Petition of the Lords and Commons to the King the Earls of Rutland and Somerset were pardoned and restored by the King in Parliament In the Parliament of 2 H. 4. n. 14. the Bishop of Norwich was accused by Sir Thomas Erpingham the Kings
spiritual Cour◠for a temporal cause belonging to the Crown and Common Law which was adjudged by the Lords upon examination to be untrue To passe by the accusation of Sir Philip Courtney of divers hainous matters oppressions dissensions before the King and Lords in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. n. 6.13 14. of which more anon In the Parliament of 17 R. 2. n. 20 21. John Duke of Lancastre Steward and Thomas Duke of Gloucester Constable of England complained to the King that Sir Thomas Talbot Knight with other his adherents conspired the deaths of the said Dukes in divers parts of Cheshire as the same was confessed and well known and prayed That the Parliament might judge of the fault Whereupon the King and the Lords in Parliament without the Commons adjudged the said fact to be open and High Treason And thereupon they awarded two Writs to the Sherifs of Yorks and of Derby to take the body of the said Sir Thomas retornable in the Kings Bench in the month of Easter next ensuing And open Proclamation was made in Westminster Hall That upon the Sherifs retorn and at the next coming in of the said Sir Thomas he should be convicted of Treason and incurr the loss and pain of the same and that all such who should receive him after the Proclamation should receive the like losse and pain In the Parliament of 20 R. 2. n. 15 16 23. Sir Thomas Haxey Clark was by the King Lords in Parl. adjudged to die as a Traytor and to forfeit all his Lands Goods Chattels Offices and Livings for exhibiting to the House of Commons a scandalous Bill against the King and his Court for moderating the outragious expences of his Court by Bishops and Ladies c. Upon the Bishops intercession the King spared his life and delivered him into the custody of the Archbishop to remain as his Prisoner In the Parliament of 21 R. 2. n. 19 20. Pl. Parl. n. 2. to 15. The Lords Appellants appealed Sir Tho Mortimer Knight of High Treason for raising war against the King accroaching royal power and purposing to surrender his homage and allegiance and depose the King Who flying into the parts of Ireland thereupon the Lords in Parliament assigned him a certain day to come and render himself to the Law or else to be adjudged and proceeded against as a Traytor and Proclamation thereof was made accordingly in England and Ireland to render himself within 3 months And that after that time all his Abettors and Aiders should be reputed for and forfeit as Traytors He not coming at the day The Duke of Lancaster Steward of England by assent of the Lords in Parliament adjudged him a Traytor and that he should forfeit all his Lands in fee and see tayl together with all his Goods and Chattels The like Judgement in like manner was in the same Parliament given against Sir John Cobham Knight for the like Treason Placit Coronaen 16. On the 22 day of March 22 R. 2. n. 27. The King by assent of the Lords adjudged Sir Robert Plesington Knight then dead a Traytor for levying war against him with the Duke of Glocester at Harrengary for which he should lose all his Lands in fee or fee tayl and all his goods And n. 28. Henry Bowht Clerk for being of Counsel with the Duke of Hereford in his device was adjudged by the King and Lords to die and forfeit as a Traytor after which his life was pardoned and he banished In the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. As the Commons acknowledged that the Iudgements in Parliament had always of right belonged to the King and Lords and not unto the Commons So therein the King and Lords alone without the Commons gave Judgement in sundry cases as Judges in Parliament 1. In Sir Thomas Haxey his case who in his own name presented a Petition in this Parliament a nostre tresedoute seigniour le ROY a LES SEIGNIORS DU PARLIAMENT shewing that in the last Parliament of 21 R. 2. that he delivered a Bill to the Commons of the said Parliament for the honour and profit of the said King and of all the Realm for which Bill at the will of the King he was by the King and Lords adjudged a Traytor and to forfeit all that he had praying that the record of the said Judgement with the dependants thereupon might be vacated and nulled by them in this present Parliament as erronious and that he might be restored to all his degrees farms estate goods chattels ferms pensions lands tenements rents offices advow sons and possessions whatsoever and their appurt and enjoy them to him and his heirs notwithstanding the said Iudgement or any grant made of them by the King The Commons House exhibited a Petition likewise on his behalf to the like effect adding that this judgement given against him for delivering this Bill to the Commons in Parliament was eneontre droit et la course quel avoit estre use devant in Parlement en anientesment des Customs de◠le◠Communes Upon which Petitions Nostre Seignior le ROY de Induis assent des touz les Seigniors esperituelz et temporelz ad ordinez et adjudges que le dit juggement renus vers le dit Thomas in Parlement soit de tout casses revorses repellez et adnullez et tenus pur nul force n'effect et que le dit Thomas soit restitut a ses nom et fame c. nient obstant mesme le juggement 2ly In the case of Judge Rickhill 1 H· 4. n. 92. On the 18 of November the Commons prayed the King that Sir William Rickhill late Just of the Common Bench arrested for a Confession he had taken of the Duke of Gloucester at Calice might be brought to answer for it devant les Seigniors du Parlement whereupon he was brought into Parliament before the Kings presence and all the Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons assembled in Parliament where Sir Walter Clapton Chief Justice of the Kings Bench by the kings command examined the said Sir William how and by what warrant he went to Calice to the said Duke of Glocester and upon what message Who answered that king Richard sent him a special Writ into Kent there recited verbatim commanding him by the faith and allegiance whereby he was obliged to him and under pain of forfeiting all he had to goe unto Caleys And that at Dover he received a Commission from the said king by the hand of the Earl Marshal to confer with the Duke of Glocester and to hear whatsoever he would say or declare unto him and to certifie the king thereof in proper person wherever he should be fully and distinctly under his Seal Whereupon he went thither and took the said Dukes Examination in writing according to the purport of the said Commission a Copy whereof the Duke himself received c Upon the hearing of his answer and defence
Sautre being condemned of Heresie in the Convocation by Archbishop Arundel and the Clergy thereupon by order and advice of the Temporal Lords without the Prelates who must not have their hands in blood though they gave the Sentence that he should be burned or the Commons there issued out a Writ to the Sherifs of London for the burning of Sautre as an Heretick accordingly burnt thereon being the first writ of this Nature issued by the Lords alone in the Kings name before the Statute of Heresie was made and passed in this Parliament In the same Parliament of 2 H. 4. n. 30. The Temporal Lords by assent of the King adjudged and declared Sir Ralph Lumly Knight and others Traytors for levying war in sundry parts to destroy the K. his people and that they should forfeit all their lands in fee goods and chattels though they were slain in the field not arraigned nor indicted by reason thereof In the Parliament of 4 H. 4. n. 19 20 21. Sir Philip Courtney being complained against and convicted of a forcible entry into Lands and for a forcible imprisonment of the Abbot of Mâ—nthaem in Devonshire and two of his Monks was upon hearing and examination adjudged by the King and Lords to be bound to his good behaviour and for his contempt committed to the Tower of London prisoner Anno 1403. Henry Percy the younger confederating with Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester to raise forces â—nd rebel against the King sent Letters to the people of every County propositum quod assumpserant non esse contra suam ligeantiam et fidelit tem quam regi fecerant nec ab aliunde exercitum congregasse nisi pro salvatione personarum suarum reipublicae meliori guvernatione Quia census et Tallagia Regi concessa pro salva regni custodia covertebantur ut dixerunt in usus indebitos et inutiliter consumebantur praeterea querebantur quod propter aemulorum dilationes pessimas rex eis insensus fuerat ut non auderent personaliter venire ad ejus praesentiaem donec Praelati regnique Barones regi supplicassent pro eisdem ut coram Rege permitterentur declarare suam innocentiam per Pares suos legaliter justificari Plures igitur visis his literis collaudabant tantum virorum solertiam extollebant fidem quam erga Rempublicam praetendebant Having raised great forces against the King by this means which the kings forces encountred at Shrewsbury in a pitched battel Henry Percy and sundry of his adherents were there slain in the field and the rest routed For which levying of war in the Parliament of of 5 H. 4. n. 15. the said Henry Percy and his Coâ—federaâ—es were declared and adjudged Traytors by the King and Lords in full Parliament and their Lands goods and chaâ—tels confiscated In the same Parliament n. 18. At the Petition of the Commons The Lords â—enâ—ed and ordered that the Kings Confessor the Abbot of Dore Mr Richard Durham and Crosby of the Chamber should be removed out of the Kings house and Court whereupon 3. of them appearing before the King and Lords in Parliament the King though he excused them yet charged them to depart from his house for that they were hated of the people In the Parliament of 13 H. 4. n. 12 13. The Lord Roos complained against Robert Thirwit one of the Justices of the Kings Bench for withholding from him and his Tenants Common of Pasture and Turbâ—ry in Warbie in Lincolnshire and lying in wait with 500 men for the Lord Roos Thirwit before the King and Lords confessed his fault and submitted himself to their Order who appointed 3. Lords to end the difference who made an award between them that Thirwit shouâ—d confess his fault to the Lord Roos crave his pardon and tender him amends In the Parliament of 5 H. 5. n. 11. Sir John Oldcastle knight being outlawed of Treason in the Kings bench and excommunicated before the Archbishop of Canterbury for Heresie was brought before THE LORDS and having heard his conviction made no answer nor excuse thereto Upon which Record and Process THE LORDS ADJUDGED that he should be taken as a Traytor to the King and Realm carried to the Tower of London from thence drawn through the City to the new Gallows in St. Gyles without Temple-barr and there hanged and burned hanging which was accordingly executed Sir Iohn Mortymer knight being committed to the Tower upon supposition of Treason done against King Henry the 5. in the 1. year of H. 6. brake out of the Tower for which breach he was indicted of Treason being afterwards apprehended he was brought into the Parliament of 2 H. 6. n. 18. and upon the same Indictment then confirmed by assent of Parliament JUDGEMENT was given against him BY THE LORDS that he should be carried to the Tower drawn through London to Tiburn there to be hanged drawn and quartered his head to be set on London-bridge and his four quarters on the four Gates of London In the Parliament of 38 H. 6. n. 20 2â— 22. Sir William Oldham knight and Thomas Vaughan Esquire were attainted of Treason by the LORDS and in the Parliaments of 1 E. 4. n. 19. to 31. 4 E. 4. n. 28. to 38. â—4 E. 4. n. 34. to 40. sundry Knights Esquires Citizens and Commoners are attainted of Treason by the Lords for levying warr and holding forts against the King then after by Bill whose names are overtedious to reherse which you may peruse at leisure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower To omit all other presidents of this Nature in the reigns of King H. 7.8 Ed. 6. Qu. Mary and Qu. Elizabeth of Commoners censured in and by the Lords house in Criminal causes upon impeachments complaints petitions which those who please may find recorded in the Journals of the Lords house I shall recite only some few Presidents more of late and present times In the Parliaments of 18. 21 Iacobi Sir Giles Mompesson and Sir Iohn Michel upon complaints and impeachments by the Commons for promoting Monopoliâ—s Corruption and other Misdemeanors were fined imprisoned by Judgement of the Lords House and Sir Giles degraded of his knighthood In the Parliament of 3. Carolâ— the Commons impeached Roger Manwaring Dr. of Divinity for preaching and printing Seditious and dangerous Sermons and sent up this Declaration against him to the Lords June 14. 1628. For the more effectual prevention of the apparent ruine and destruction of this kingdom which must necessarily ensue if the good and fundamental Laws and customs therein established should be brought into contempt and violated and that form of government thereby altered by which it hath been so long maintained in peace and happiness And to the honour of our Soveraign Lord the King and for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity the Commons in this present Parliament assembled do by this their Bill shew and
Crown nor unkinged himself as unworthy to reign any longer 12ly King Edward the 2. after this his deposition was reputed a King de jure still and therefore stiled by the whole Parliament all the Lords and King Edward the 3d. himself in 4 E. 3. n. 1 2 3 4 5 6 10. their King and Leige-Lord and Mortimer with his complices were condemned and executed as TRAYTORS for murdering him after his Deposing contrary to Sir Edward Cooks false Doctrine 3 Institutes f. 7. And in the Parliament of 21 R. 2. n. 64 65. the revocation of the Act for the 2. Spencers restitution in the Parl. of 1 E. 3. was repealed because made at such time by King Edward the 3. as Edw. 2. his Father BEING VERY KING was living and imprisoned so that he could not resist the same An express resolution by these two Parliaments that his deposition was both void in Law and illegal 13ly Neither of these 2. Kings though their articles were more heinous and Government more unkingly arbitrary than the late Kings were condemned or adjudged to loâ—e their heads or lives for their misdemeanors but meerly deprived of their royal Authority with a promise to preserve their lives and treat them nobly and that upon this account that they were Kings yea anointed Kings when they transgressed therefore exempted from all capital censures penalties of Laws by any humane Tribunals as David resolves Psal 51.4 Against thee thee only have I sinned whence S. Chrysostom S. Ambrose Arnobius with others in their Expositions on that Psalm S. Hierom Epist 22 47. Peter Martyr on the 2 Sam. 2.13 learned Grotius and others conclude in these words Liberi sunt Reges à vinculis delictorum neque enim ad paenam ullis vocantur legibus tuti Imperii potestate Hence Otto Frisingensis Episcopus writes thus to the Emperor Fredericke Praeterea cum nulla inveniatur persona mundialis qui mundi legibus non subjaceat subjaciendo coerceatur SOLI REGES utpote constituti super leges in respect of corporal penalties DIVINO EXAMINI RESERVATI seculi lègibus non cohibentur unde est illud tam Regis quam Prophetae testimonium Tibi soli peccavi These 2. presidents therefore no wayes justifie the proceedings against the late beheaded King as I before hand manifested in my Speech in Parliament Decem. 4. and in my Memento in Jan. 1648. which gave ample satisfaction herein not only to out 3. kingdoms at home but to the learnedst Protestant Divines Churches abroad both in France Germany as Samuel Bochartus an eminent French Divine in his Latine Epistle to Dr. Morley printed Parisiis 1650. attests Sect 3. De Jure potestate Regum p. 145. Where after a large and solid proof out of Scripture Fathers and other Authors of the unlawfullnesse of our late Kings trial judgement and Execution and that the Presbyterian English Ministers and Membees did then professedly oppugn and write against it he thus proceeds Ex hoc numero PRYNNIUS vir multis nominibus insignis Parlamenti Delegatorum unus è carcere in quo cum pluribus aliis detenebatur Libellum composuit Parliamento oblatum in quo decem rationibus iisque validissimis contendit eos rem illicitam attentare in proceeding Criminally and Capitally against the King Then reciting the Heads of my reasons against it he concludes thus Haec ille multo plura SCRIPTOR MIRE NERVOSUS cujus verba sunt stimuli et elavi in altum defixi After which he there prooves by several instances how much the Protestant Ministers Churches of France and Geneva condemned these proceedings as repugnant to Scripture and the Principles of the Protestant Religion And Dr. Wolfgangus Mayerus a famous Writer and Professor of Divinity at Basil in Germany in his Epistle Dedicatory before his printed Latine Translation of my Sword of Christian Magistracy supported Basil 1649. Viro Nobilissimo ac consulâ—issimo omnium Doctrinarum Virtutumque Ornamentis excultissimo verae pietatis zelo flagrantissimo Orthodoxae Religionis libertatisque Patriae defensori Acerrimo GVLIELMO PRYNNE J. V. Doctori celeberrimo Domino atque Amico suo plurimum honorando Authori Interpres S. P. D. hath published to my self in particular and the world in general That the beheading of the K. as it was contrary to the Parls primitive intention so it was cum magna gentis Anglicanae ignominia qui jam discincti laudatissimique corporis compage miserrime rupta atque dissipata ferre coguntur quod evitari amplius non potest At sane non exiguam laudem APUD OMNES REFORMAT AS ECCLESIAS consecuti sunt illi Angliae Pastores qui naevos et Errores Regiae administrationis quos magnos fuisse agnoverunt precibus potius a Deo deprecandos quam capitali poena vindicandos esse censuerunt suasque Ecclesias ab omnibus sanguinariis consiliis magno zelo animo plane intrepido dehortati omnemque criminis istius suspicionem ab ipsis hoc pacto prudentissime amoliti sunt Sed hanc causam aliis disceptandam relinquo Which learned Salmasius soon after professedly undertook in the Netherlands Vincentius Heraldus and Bochartus 3 most eminent Protestant Ministers in France in printed Treatises published against the Kings Trial c. as repugnant to the Principles of the Christian Protestant Religion Which another famous Frenchman in his French Translation of 47 London Ministers Petition against it thus brands Post Christum crucifixum nullum atrocius crimen uspiam esse admissum universam terram eo concuti bonos omnes ad luctum provocari USQUE AD FINEM SECULI Which Mr. Bradshaw may do well to ruminate upon now in cold blood and all others ingaged with him in this unparalled Judgment execution being no way warranted by the depositions of King Edward or Richard the 2. 14ly When the News of K. Richards deposing was reported into France King Charls and all his Court wondered detested and abhorred such an injury to be done to an anointed King to a crowned Prince and the head of the Realm But in especial Waleram Earl of St. Paul which had maried King Richards half Sister moved with high disdain against King Henry ceased not to stir and provoke the French King and his Counsel to make sharp war in England to revenge the injury and dishonour committed and done to his Son-in-law King Richard and he himself sent Letters of defiance to England Which thing was soon agreed to and an Army royal appointed with all speed to invade England But the French King so stomached this high displeasure and so inwardly conceived this unfortunate chance in his mind that he fell into his old disease of the Frensy that he had need according to the old proverb to sail to the Isle of Anticyra to purge his melancholy humour but by the means of his Physicians he was somewhat relieved and brought to knowledge of himself This Army was come down into
his life land or livelihood and many inward discords battels effusion of much Christian bloud and destruction of the Nobles bloud of this land ensued and were committed through all the Realm unto the great sorrow and heaviness of all true Englishmen And then he declared himself undoubted heir and inheritor of the Crown by descent grounded on the Laws of God and Nature and the antient Laws and laudable Customes of this Realm yet for further security superadded another Title of lawfull Election by the three Estates in Parliamen◠then he intayled the Crown upon the issue of his body begotten and declared his son Prince Edward to be his heir apparent to succeed him in the Crown and royal Dignity by Act of Parliament which he ratified with his own royal assent This done he reputed the Crown cock-sure to him and his heirs for all generations Yet notwithstanding all his Machiavilian Policies Power Vigilancy care industry to secure his usurped Royalty by the murther of two Kings and many others some of them most instrumental to advance him to the royal Throne before he had worn the Crown full 3. years Henry Earl of Derby laying Title it and landing in Wales only with 2000 soldiers King Richards own Souldiers Friends and others revolting from him and joyning with the Duke he was slain in Posworth field and lost both his life and Crown together if not his soul for all eternity and by the Statute of 1 H. 7. c. 6. he was declared an Usurper of the Realm So unable are Parliaments themselves to secure Crowns on Usurpers heads or to entayl them for any long continuance on their Posterities as these sad tragical domestick presidents of later times with sundry antienter demonstrate King Henry the seventh having gained actual possession of the Crown as right heir thereunto by the Lancastrian line and espoused the better title of York by marrying the heir female to secure himself and his adherents for the future if any wars should arise about these dubious litigious Titles by Perkin Warbecks or others claims confirmed by several Acts of Parliament and Successions of Kings of both Houses claiming both as next heirs of the antient royal Line not to secure any future Usurpers without just right or title though not of the old bloud Royal if once Kings de facto as Sir Edward Cooke seems to intimate and some ignorant Lawyers assert against the intent and Prologue of the Act it self caused it to be enacted 11 H. 7. c. 1. That from henceforth no person or persons whatsoever that attend upon THE KING and Soveraign Lord of this Land for the time being in his person and do him true and faithfull Service of allegeance in the same or be in other places by his commandment in the warrs within the Land or without shall for the said deed and true duty of allegiance be in no wise convict or attaint of High Treason or other offences for that cause by Act of Parliament or otherwise by any process of Law whereby he or any of them shall lose or forfeit life lands goods chattels or any other things but to be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation trouble or loss And if any Act or Acts or any other process of the Law hereafter thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this Ordinance that then that Act or Acts or other process of the Law whatsoever they shall be shall stand be utterly void The reason is rendred in the Prologue That it is not reasonable but against all Laws reason and good conscience that the said Subjects going with their Soveraign Lord in wars attending upon his person or being in other places by his commandment within this Land or without any thing should lose or forfeit for doing their true duty and service of Allegiance This Act which some conceive to be only personal and temporary for Henry the 7. alone could not secure the Heads Lives Liberties Lands Offices Goods or Chattels of those Lords Gentlemen and other English Subjects from Executions Imprisonments Banishments Forfeitures Sequestrations who accompanied assisted our late King in his warrs against the Parliament though King de facto and de jure too without any competitor Both Houses declaring them to BE TRAYTORS and sequestring proceeding against them as Traytor yea our Grandees since have executed them as such in their new erected High Courts How then it can totally indemnify any Perkin Warbecke Jack Cade or apparent Usurpers of the Crown without right or Title who shall per fas aut nefas get actual possession of the Royal throne and be Kings de facto or secure all those who faithfully adhere unto them though to dispossess the King de jure or his right heir of their just royalty and right against all Laws of God man all rules of justice and their very Oathes of Allegiance Supremacy Homage Fealty Protestations Leagues Covenants formerly made unto them from all sutes vexations losses forfeitures whatsoever and null all Act or Acts and legal Process made against them as many Grand Lawyers now conceive it doth transcends both my Law and reason too That opinion of Sir Edward Cooke 3. Instit f. 7. 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. whereon this erronious Gloss is grounded That a King regnant in possession of the Crown and kingdom though he be Rex de facto non de jure yet he is Seignior le Roy within the purview of the Statute of 25 E. 3. ch 2. of Treason and the other King that hath right and is out of possession IS NOT WITHIN THIS ACT. Nay if Treason be committed against a King de facto et non de jure and after the King de jure cometh to the Crown he shall punish the Treason done to the King de facto And a pardon granted by a King de jure that is not also de facto is voyd being no doubt a very dangerous and pernicious Error both in Law and policy perverting those Laws which were purposely made for the preservation of the Lives Crowns Rights Titles Persons of lawfull Kings against all attempts Treasons Rebellions against them and for the exemplary punishment of all Traytors Rebels Usurpers who should rebel wage warr or attempt any Treason Conspiracy against their royal Persons Crowns Dignities Titles into a meer Patronage of Traytors Rebels Usurpers and a Seminary of endless Treasons Assassinations Conspiracies against them by indemnifying exempting both them and their Confederates from all legal prosecutions penalties forfeitures whatsoever if they can but once gain actual possessiō of the Crown by any means upon the forcible expulsion deposition assassination or murder of the King de jure Which if once declared for Law I appeal to all Lawyers Polititians Statesmen whatsoever whether it would not presently involve our kingdoms in endless perpetual Rebellions Usurpations War Regicides as it did the Norwegians heretofore where by a kind of Law and Custom as our
of England without any election by or Commission from the people with the true grounds thereof 2ly That the judicial power Judicature and Jugdements in Parliament belong wholly and soly to the King and House of Lords not to the Commons House and that in all criminal civil or ecclesiastical causes whatsoever proper for Parliaments to decide both in the Cases of Commoners and Clergy men as well as Peers who are onely triable both in and out of Parliaments by their Peers here plentifully evinced In debating these two points I have briefly proved the Antiquity of our Lords and Nobles sitting â—oting in all Parliamentary Great Councils both under our British Saxon Danish Norman and English Kings before any Knights Citizens or Burgesses were admitted into our Councils or Parliaments which having more particularly demonstrated by undeniable presidents in my Historical Collection of all the antient Great Councils and Parliaments of England in my Antiquity triumphing over Novelty p. 9 10.55 to 85. and in my 1 2 3. parts of an Historical Seasonable Vindication and Collection of the fundamental Rights Privileges Laws c. of all English Freemen printed 1655. 1656. 1657. wherein all the Great Councils and Parliamentary assemblies from Brute to William the Conquerer are Chronologically collected and epitomized I shall referr the Reader thereunto for full satisfaction of the Antiquity of our Parliamentary Councils and the Lords constant sitting voting judging in them 2ly Because many of our late Historians Antiquaries Lawyers and others derive our Parliament as now constituted and the calling of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to them from the Parliamentary Council held at Salisbury in the 16. year of King Henry the 1. or at least from King Henry the 2. his reign which the forged Imposture stiled Modus tenendi Parliamentum and Sir Edward Cook seduced by it would advance as high as Edward the Confessor as if there had been Knights Citizens and Burgesses usually summoned to all Parliaments in his reign and ever since I have herein given you an account out of our antientest and best Historians of all the Parliaments and Proceedings in them both under King Henry the 1. 2. and most others under their immediate Successors infallibly proving there were no Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliaments held under either of them and that their first summons to Parliaments for ought appears was but in 49 H. 3. not before since which they have been usually summoned but yet in a various manner 3ly I have evidenced by many memorable Histories Presidents Records in all ages the most whereof were never mentioned by any who have formerly written of Parliaments that the Judicature in our Parliaments resides solely in the King and House Lords not only in all Criminal cases of Lords Peers Commons and in all Civil and ecclesiastical businesses Appeals and Writs of Error there descided but likewise in all cases of Elections breach or allowance of privilege of Parliament and misdemeanours relating to the House of Commons themselves their Speakers Members and menial Servants To which I shall only add That the late King in his printed Answer to the 19. Propositions of both Houses June 1642. thus declares That the LORDS being trusted with a Iudicatory power are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and People to assist each against any incroachments of the other and by just judgements to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule betwéen every one of the thrée 4ly I have herein for the benefit of all Students Professors of the Law and others who take all Sir Edward Cooks Opinions Records for undoubted Oracles without examination and swallow down all his mistakes discovered many of his gross Errors oversights misrecitals and pervertings of Records in matters relating to our Parliaments evidenced his much magnified Modus tenendi Parliamentum to be a meer late Imposture full of mistakes concerning the Antiquity and Judicature of the Commons House and refuted Sir Edward Cooks mistaken Law as in other points so in this That the Kings general writ of summons to any Knight or Esquire to the House of Lords by the name of Knight or Esquire without any special clause of creating him a Baron or Lord in the Writ doth neither ennoble himself nor his heirs nor make them Lords and Barons though they sit in the Lords House as he asserts it doth unless they held by Barony of the King before and were Barons by their Tenure the general writs of summons stiling them only Knights and Esquires as before not Lords or Barons and having no clause in them that will amount to the creation of a Lord much less of a Baron which Title or word Baron is not mentioned in the Writ nor doth it affix their Lordship or Barony to any particular place as all Writs and Patents that create men Lords or Barons use to do For the further clearing of this point you may observe that the writs of summons in the Clause Rolls do sometimes stile the persons summoned Barons thus all or most of the writs of summons from 25. E. 3. to 1 E. 4. are directed Willielmo Baroni de Graystocke Chivaler Radulpho Johanni Radulpho Baroni de Graystocke Sometimes the writs stile them Lords as Johanni Talbot Domino de Furnival in 4 H. 5 c. In Ann 25 27 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. and 2 E. 4. the writs are Henrico Peircy DOMINO de Poymiger DOMINO de Poynings DOMINO de FERRARIIS de Groby Thomae DOMINO de Roos Richardo Woodvil Militi DOMINO de Rivers Roberto Hungerford Mil DOMINO de Mollings Willielmo Beuchamp DOMINO de Sto Amando Jacobo de Fynes DOMINO de Say et Seal Edwardo Gray Mil. DOMINO de Groby H. DOMINO de Poynings Johanni Sturton Mil. DOMINO de Sturton Johanni DOMINO de Clinton Edoardo Nevil DOMINO de Burgaveny Willielmo Bourchier Mil. DOMINO de Fitzwarren Henrico Bromflet DOMINO de VESSEY Thomae Grey DOMINO de Richmond Tho. Percie Mil. DOMINO de Egremont Ricardo Wells DOMINO de Willoughby Mil Richardo Fynes DOMINO de Dacre Though in most antient and later writs the word Dominus is omitted and the name of the Barony only used Somtimes there is a special clause of Creation in the writ it self as in Clause 27 H. 6. m. 26. dorso Henrico Bromfleet Mil creaâ—ing him the heirs males of his body lawfully begotten Barons of Vessey These writs which thus stile thâ— Barons Lords create them such by special clauses as patents doe will make those Knights and Esquires Lords or Barons who were none before but a General writ which terms them only Knights or Esquires and gives them neither the Title of Lords or Barons nor creates them such cannot make themselves or their posterity Lords or Barons unless they held by Barony and then they are Barons only by Tenure not Writ This is clear as I conceive by the
Peers made this memorable Petition and Remonstrance of their Privileges to the King The humble Remonstrance and Petition of the Peers MAy it please your Majestie we the Peers of this Realm now assembled in Parliament finding the Earl of Arundel absent from his place amongst us his presence was therefore called for But thereupon a message was delivered us from your Majestie by the Lord Keeper That the Earl of Arundel was restrained for a misdemeanor which was personal to your Majesty and lay in the proper knowledge of your Majesty and had no relation to matter of Parliament This Message occasioned us to inquire into the Acts of our Ancestors and what in like cases they had done that so we might not erre in a dutifull respect to your Majesty and yet preserve our right and privileges of Parliament And after diligent search made both of all Stories Statutes and Records that might inform us in this case we find iâ— to be an undoubted Right and constant Privilege of Parliament That no Lord of Parliament sitting in Parliament or within the usual time of Privilege of Parliament is to be imprisoned or restrained without sentence or order of the House unlesse it be â—or Treason or Felony or for refusing to give surety for the Peace And to satisfie our selves the better we have heard all that could be aleged by your Majesties learned Counsel at Law that might any way infringe or weaken this claim of the Peers and to all that can be shewed or alleged so full satisfaction hath been given as that all the Peers in Parliament upon the question made of this Privilege have una voce consented that this is the undoubted right of the Peers and hath been inviolably enjoyed by them Wherefore we your Majesties loyal Subjects and humble Servants the whole body of the Peers in Parliament assembled most humbly beseech your Majesty that the Earl of Arundel a Member of this Body may presently be admitted by your gracious favour to come sit and serve your Majesty and the Commonwealth in the great affairs of this Parliament And we shall pray c. Upon which Remonstrance and Petition the King refusing to inlarge him thereupon the Lords to maintain their Privilege adjourned themselves on the 25 and 26 of May without doing any thing and upon the Kings refusal to release him they adjourned from May 26 till June 2. refusing to sit and so the Parliament dissolved in discontent his imprisonment in this case being a breach of privilege contrary to Magna Charta In this very Parliament the Lord Digby Earl of Bristol being omitted out of the summons of Parliament upon complaint to the Lords House was by order admitted to set therein as his Birthright from which he might not be debarred for want of Summons which ought to have been sent unto him ex debito Iustitiae as Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes p. 1. The Act for ttriennial Parliaments and King John great Charter resolve And not long after the beginning of this Parliament upon the Kings accusation and impeachment of the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members of the Commons House both Houses adjourned and sate not as Houses till they had received satisfaction and restitution of those Members as the Journals of both Houses manifest it being an high breach of their Privileges contrary to the Great Charter If then the Kings bare not summoning of some Pears to Parliament who ought to sit there by their right of Perage or impeaching or imprisoning any Peer unjustly to disable them to sit personally in Parl. be a breach of Privilege of the fundamental Laws of the Realm and Magna Charta it self confirmed in above 40 successive Parliaments then the Lords right to sit vote and judge in Parliament is as firm and indisputable as Magna Charta can make it and consented to confirmed by all the Commons people and Parliaments of England that ever consented to Magna Charta though they be not eligible every Parliament by the Freeholders people as Knights and Burgesses ought to be and to deny this birthright and privilege of theits is to deny Magna Charta it self and this present Parliaments Declarations proceedings in the case of the Lord Kimbolton a Member of the House of Peers Fifthly The Treatise intituled The manner of holding Parliaments in England in Edward the Confessors time befose the Conquest rehearsed afterwards before William the Conquerour by the discreet men of the Kingdom and by himself approved and used in his time and in the times of his successors Kings of England if the Title be true and the Treatise so antient as Sir Edward Cook others now take it to be When as its mention of the Bishop of Carlisles usual place in Parliaments which Bishoprick was not founded till the year of our Lord 1132. or 1134. as Matthew Paris Matthew Westminster Roger Hoveden Godwin and others attest in the later end of Henry the first his reign Its menâ—ion of the Mayors of London other Cities and writs usually directed to them to elect two Citizens to serve in Parliament whereas London it self had no Mayor before the year 1208. being the 9. year of King John nor other Cities Mayors til divers years after nor can any Writs for electing Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses to serve in Parliament which it oft times writes of be produced before 49 H. 3. nor any Writs to levy their expences or wages for their Service in Parliaments which it recites be produced before the reign of King Edward the 1. Nor was the name of Parliament which it mentions and writes of so much as used by any Author before the later end of King Henry the 3. his reign after whose reign this Modus was certainly compiled towards the end of K. Richard the 2. or after as other passages in it evidence beyond all contradiction This magnified Treatise be it genuine or spurious determines thus of the Kings and Lords rights to be personally present in all Parliaments The King is bound by all means possible to be present at the Parliament unless he be detained or let there from by bodily sickness and then he may keep his Chamber yet so that he lye not without the Manour or Town where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two EARLS two BARONS two Knights of the Shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to look upon his person to testifie and witness his estate and in their presence he ought to make a Commission and give Authority to the Archbishop of the Place the Steward of England and Chief Justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name express mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence thence which ought to suffice and admonish the OTHER NOBLES
and chief men in the Parliament together with the evident testimonie of the twelve Peers c. The reason is Because there was wont to be a cry or murmur in the Parliament for the Kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole Commonalty of the Parliament and Kingdom Neither indeed ought or may he be absent but only in the case aforesaid After which it follows The Archbishops Bishops and other chief of the Clergy ought to be summoned to come to the Parliament and also EVERY EARL and BARON and their PEERS OUGHT TO BE SUMMONED and COME TO THE PARLIAMENT c. Touching the beginning of the Parliament The Lord the King shall sit in the midst of the great bench and is bound to be present in the first and last day of Parliament And the Chancellort Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer and Justices were wont to record the defaults made in Parliament according to the order following In the third day of the Parliament the Barons of the Cinqueports shall be called and afterwards the BARONS of England after them the EARLS Whereupon if the Barons of the Cinqueports be not come the Baronie from whence they are shall be amerced at an hundred marks and an Earl at one hundred pounds After the same manner it must be done to those who are Peers to Earls and Barons After which it relates the manner of placing the Earls Baron and Peers in Parliament Then adds The Parliament may be held and OUGHT every day to begin at one of the clock in the afternoon at which time the King is to be present at the Parliament and all the Péers of the Kingdome None of all the Peers of the Parliament may or ought to depart alone from the Parliament unless he have obtained and that in full Parliament leave from the King and all his Péers so to doe and that withall there be a remembrance kept in the Parliament roll of such Leave and Libertie granted And if any of the Peers during the term of the Parliament shall be sick or weak so as he is not able to come to the Parliament then he ought three dayes together send such as may excuse him to the Parliament or else two Peers must go and view him and if they find him sick then he may make a Proxie Of the Parliament the King is the Head the beginning and ending So this Treatise The Statute of 5 R. 2. Parl. 2. ch 4. enacts by Command of the King and Assent of the Prelates Lords and Eommons in Parliament That all and singular persons and Commonalties which from henceforth shall have the Summons of the Parliament shall come from henceforth to the Parliament in the manner as they be bound to doe and hath been accustomed within the Realm of England of old time And every person of the said Realm which from henceforth shall have the said Summons be he Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior Duke Lord Baron Baronet Knight of the Shire Citizen of City Burgess of Burgh or other singular person or Commonalty do absent himself or come not at the said Summons except he may reasonably or honestly excuse himself to our Soveraign Lord the King he shall be amerced and otherwayes punished according as of old time hath béen used to be done within the said Realm in the said case Which relates unto and agrees expresly with that forecited out of Modus tenendi Parliamentum which took it out of this Act. If then all the Lords Peers in Parliament are bound to attend in Parliament being oft times there all called for by name and ought not to depart from it without the Kings and Houses leave under pain of Amercement and other punishment as this Statute resolves and 3 Ed. 3.19 Fitzh Coron 161. Stamford l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. Cook 4 Instit p. 15 16 17.43 28 E. 3. Nu. 1 2. 5 R. 2. n. 2. 8 H. 4. n. 55. and 31 H. 6. n. 45. Where fines were imposed on absent Lords most fully mamanifest then questionless they ought of right to sit in Parliament else it were the height of Injustice thus to fine them In the tenth year of King R. 2. this King absented himself from his Parliament then sitting at Westminster residing at Eltham about forty daies and refusing to come to the Parliament and yet demanding from them four Fifteens for maintenance of his Estate and outward Warres Whereupon the whole body of the Parliament made this answer That unless the King were present they would make therein no allowance Soon after they sent the Duke of Glocester and Bishop of Ely Commissioners to the King to Eltham who declared to him among other things in the Lords and Commons behalf how that by an old Ordinance they have an Act if the King absent himself 40 dayes not being sick but of his own mind not heeding the charge of his people nor their great pains and will not resort to the Parliament they may then lawfully return to their Houses And now sir said they you have been absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which is greatly to our discontent To which the King answered Well we do consider that our own people and Commons go about to rise against us wherefore we think we can do no better than to ask aid of our Cosen the French King and rather to submit us to him than unto our own subjects The Lords answered Sir that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger c. By whose good perswasions the King was appeased and promised to come to the Parliament and condiscend to their Petitions and according to his appointment he came and so the Parliament proceeded which else had dissolved by the Lords departure thence in discontent aâ—d the Kings wilfull absence Ranulf de Glanvil the first writer of our Common Laws in his Prologue to his book De legibus consuetuainibus Regni Angliae used in the reign of King H. the 2. under whom he flourished and his Predecessors writes thus of the Parliamentary Councils in that age and their Members power to enact Laws Leges Anglicanas licet non scriptas leges appellari non videtur absurdum cum hoc ipsum Lex sit quod Principi placet et legis habet vigorem eas scilicet quas super dubiis in Consilio desiniendis Procerum quidem Concilio et principis accidente authoritate constat esse promulgatas And lib. 13. cap. 32. f. 110. Cum quis itaque infra assisam Dom. Reg. id est infra tempus A Dom. Rege de consilio Procerum adhoc constitutum quod quandoque majus quandoque minus censetur So as the Parliaments under this King and his Ancestors consisted only of the King and Nobles who then made and enacted Laws by the Kings royal assent without any Knights Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which I find no mention in the Parliamentary Councils under
this King who as some erroniously assert first summoned Knights Citizens and Burgesses to our Parliaments In the Parliamentary Councel at Clarindon under King H. the 2. An. 1164. Jo. de Oxonia by the Kings command there present sate President Presentibus etiam Archiepâ—scopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus et Proceribus regni wherein they made a Recognition of the customs and liberties of his Grandfather King Henry the 1. and other his Ancestors which ought to be observed by all persons within the Realm by reason of the discords often happening between the Clergy and temporal Justices and great men of the Realm These they reduced to 16 Articles very much ecclipsing the Popes and Bishops ecclesiastical Jurisdiction This Recognition the Archbishops Bâ—shops Abbots Priors Clergy cum Comitibus Proceribus et Baronibus cunctis una voce firmly promised in the word of truth bona fide to observe and keep to the King and his heirs for ever without male engin The 11 of these Articles runs thus Archiepiscopi et Episcopi sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse Iudiciis Curiae to wit of Parliament cum Baronibus quousque perveniatur in judicio ad dâ—minutioneÌ„ membrorum vel ad mortem Which proves the judicial power of Parliaments to be then only in the Lords and Barons In the year 1170. the 16 of Henry â— on the Feast of St. Bernard Rex magnum celebravit Concilium Londoniis cum Principibus et Magnatibus curiae suae de coronatione Henrici filii sui So Hoveden Anno 1172. Rex Angliae Henricus convocatis regui Primoribus apud Northamptoniam renoveâ—unt Assisâ—m Clarindoniae eamque praecepit observari In the year 1175. King Henry the second and his son held a great Council at York where the agreement between him and the King of Scots there present with most of his Bishops Abbots and Nobles was read and confirmed before the King and his Son the Arehbishop of York the Bishop of Durham Comitibus Baronibus Angliae The sâ—me year Rex magnum congregavit coneslium â—pud Windeshores in octavis Sancti Michaelis praesentibus Rege filio Richardo Cant. Archiepiscopo Episcopis Angliae Laurentâ—o Dubliâ—ensi Archiepiscopo Praesentibus eâ—iâ—m Comitibus et Baronibus Angliae In which some controversies in Ireland were ceâ—cided In the year 1176. King Henry coming to Noâ—ingham on the feast of Sr. Pauls conversion ibi celebravit Magnum Concilium de statute regni sui et coram rege filio suâ— Archiepiscopis Episcopis Comitibus et Baronibus Regnâ— sui Communi omnium Concilio divisit regnum suum in sex partes per quarum singuâ—aâ— tres Justiciarios itinerantes constituit whose names Commissions and Articles are there at large recorded And the same year this King held another Great Council at London in which the King Consilio universorum Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum Regni concessit Regi Siciliae filiam suam In the year 1177. King Henry the 2. summoned a Great Councâ—l to determin the great Controversy between Sanctius King of Navarr and Alphonsus King of Castile whose Advocates propounding and debating their cases in the presence of the King and of his Bishops Earls and Barons the King habito cum Episcopis Comitibus et Baronibus nostris cum deiiberatione consilio drew up by their advice an award between them under his great Seal recorded at large in Hoveden who writes Comites et Barones Regalis Curiae Angliae adjudicaverunt plenariam utrique parti supradictae quae in jure petita fuerâ—nt fieri restitutionem The like they did in the Council of Northampton in other cases held the same year Anno 1188. King Henry the 2. on the 3d of February held a Parliamentary Council at Gaintington about 8 or 10. miles from Northampton where convenerunt unà cum Rege PRAESULES ET PRINCIPES REGNI de defensione sacrosanctae terrae Jerosolymae tractaturi where after long debate they made 8. Statutes concerning that voyage The very same year the Kings of England and France on the 10. of February came to a conference about their Voyage to Jerusalem cum Archiepiscopis Comitibus et Baronibus Regnorum suorum as they had formerly done in the same manner and place An. 1173. and as they did afterwards An. 1189. Cum Archiepiscopis Episcopis et Baronibus suis So as during King Henry the seconds whole reign we read of no Knights Citizens and Burgesses electcted by the people present in our Parliamentary Councils but only the King Prelates Earls Barons and Nobles alwaies mentioned by name and Judges in them Only I find this one expression in Hoveden An. 1188. Rex statim apud Gaintington congregavit Magnum Concilium Episcoporum Abbatum Comitum et Baronum et aliorum multorum tam Clericorum quam Laicorum but that these were Knights Citizens and Burgesses elected by the people and not persons particularly summoned and nominated by the King himself to be Assessors Collectors of the Tenths there to receive their instructions for it which is most probable cannot be thence inferred ubi in publica audientia recitari fecit omnia supradicta capitula quae constituerat de Cruce capienda et tunc Dominus Rex misit servientes suos Clericos Laicos per singulos Comitatus Angliae ad Decim as colligendas most likely the aliorum muliorum tam Clericorum quam Laicorum present at this great Council secundum praedictam Ordinationem in terris suis transmarinis constitutam to wit at Cenomanum ubi consilio suorum to wit of the Archbishops Bishops Earls and Barons there with him ordinavit quod unusquisque decimam redditorum et mobilium suorum in eleemo sinam dabit ad subventionem terrae Jerosolymitanae hoc anno exceptis armis equis vestibus militum c. Sed de singulis urbibus totius Angliae fecit elegi omnes ditiores videlicet de Londonio 200 de Eboraco 100 de aliis Urbibus secundum quantitatem numerum eorum fecit omnes sibi praesentari diebus locis statutis de quibus caepit Decimam mobilium suorum secundum aestimationem virorum fidelium qui noverant redditus et mobilia eorum Si quos autem invenisset rebelles statim fecit eos in carcerari et in vinculis teneri donec ultimum quadrantem persolverent similiter fecit de Judaeis terrae suae unde inaestimabilem sibi acquisivit pecuniam Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justices in the reign of King Edward the first writes That our Saxon Kings divided the Realm of England after it was turned into an heritage into 38 Counties over which they set so many Counts or Earls and although the King ought to have no Peers in his land yet for that if the King should do wrong to or offend any of his people neither he nor any of his Commissaries ought to
exterminium et omnes Magni qui Stephano juramentum fecerunt MISERVM SORTITI SUNT FINEM In the 16. and 17. years of K. John An. Dom. 1214 1215. The Prelats Earls Nobles and Barons being assembled together in a great Parliamentary Council held at Pauls after at St. Edmunds there was produced and read before them a Charter of King Henry the 1. which the Barons received from Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury which Charter conteined certain Laws and Liberties of King Edward granted to the holy Church and the great men of the Realm with some other Liberties which the said King had added thereunto of his own grant Which being read thereupon the BARONS ALL swore in the Archbishops presenc that if need were they would spend their blood in its defence And afterwards at St. Edmonds Bury the BARONS swore upon the High Altar That if King John refused to confirm and restore to them those Liberties and Rights of the kingdom they would make War upon Him and withdraw themselves from his allegiance till he had ratified them all by his Charter under his Great Seal Which they accordingly performed The King promising to confirm their Liberties and the Charter of King Henry the 1. which the Barons publikely read in 3. of their Great Parliamentary Councils and yet deâ—aying the same thereupon all the Nobles and Barons assembled together at Stamford with their horses friends and followers amounting to many thousands resolving to force the King to grant and ratify the same Whereupon the King sent the Archbishop of Canterbury William Marshal Earl of Pembroke and other prudent men to the Earls and Barons to demand of them Quae essent Leges Libertates quas quaerâ—bant Who thereupon produced a schedule of them to the Messengers quae ex parte maxima Leges antiquas regni consuetudines continebat Capitula earum partim in Charta Regis Henrici 1. superius scripta sunt partimque ex Legibus Regis Edwardi antiquis excerptâ— The Barons affirming quod nisi Rex illas in continenti concederet et Sigilli munimine confirmaret ipsi per captionem Castrorum suorum terrarum possessionum IPSUM REGEM COMPELLERENT donec super praemissis satisfaceret competenter The Archbishop returning to the King and repeating the Articles and Liberties they demanded to him by heart when he understood their contents with great indignation and scorn answered Et quare cum istis iniquis exactionibus BARONES non postulant regnum Vana sunt iniquit et superstitiosa quae petunt nec aliquo rationis titulo fulciuntur Affirmavit tandem cum iuramento fuâ—ibundus quod nunquam tales illis concederet Libertates unde ipse efficeretur servus When the Archbishop and William Marshal the Earl could by no means induce the King to consent thereto they returned by his command to the Barons relating all that the King had said to them in order Whereupon tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta all the Nobles of England collected together into one body constituted Robert Fitzwalter General of their Militia calling him MARESCALLV MEXERCITVS DEI ET ECCLESIAE SANCTAE and flying to their arms besieged several of the Kings Castles Who thereupon seeing himself generally deserted almost by all men and fearing the Barons would take his Castles without any resistance though he bare an inexorable hatred against the Barons in his heart yet thinking to be revenged of them singly afterwards when he could not do any thing against them all being united he sent Messengers to assure them quod pro bono pacis ad exaltationem Regni sui et honorâ—m Gratanter concederet Leges et Libertates quas petebant desiring them to appoint a fitting time and place for them to meet and conferr together and perform what they desired Whereupon the King all the Nobles and Barons meeting together at a Conference in Running Mead he after many debates granted them the Laws and Liberties they desired confirming them by his Charters under his Great Seal the Tenor whereof is at large recorded in Matthew Paris and in the Red Book of the Exchequer being almost the same in Terms with Magna Charta and Charta Forestae afterwards granted confirmed in 9 H. 3. printed in all our Statute Books and so needless to transcribe These Charters being sealed and confirmed by the King he at the Barons request sent Letters Patents through all the coasts of England firmly commanding all the Sheriffs of the whole Realm that they should cause all men of what condition soever within their Bayliwicks to swear that they would observe the foresaid Laws and Liberties and that to the best of their power they would constrain the King himself by the seising of his Castles to perform all the things aforesaid as they were conteined in his Charter In mean time the King sent Letters to Pope Innocent to vouchsafe to confirm the Liberties and Charters he had granted with his Bull. After which for their more inviolable observation it was concluded and enacted That there should be 25 BARONS chosen by the LORDS not Commons who should to their utmost power cause the Great Charter confirmed by K. John to be duly observed That if either the King or His Justicier should transgress the same or offend in any one Article 4 of the said Barons should immediately repair to Him and require redress of the same without delay which if not done within forty days after that then the said 4 BARONS and the rest should distrain and seize upon the Kings Castles Lands and Goods till amends was made according to their arbitration Rot. Patent Anno 17. Johannis Regis in the Tower m. 21 22. n. 23. Dorso Writs were sent to all the Sherifs Counties of England to swear all the people to those 25 Barons to aid and assist them in the premises under pain of seizing their lands into the Kings hands and confiscation of all their goods to him if they refused to take the Oath within 15 dayes And the City and Tower of London were put into the Barons hands till the King had performed his agreement with them Such confidence and power was then reposed in the BARONS alone In the Patent Roll of 16 Johannis Regis pars 1. dors 3· I find this memorable Grant to the Barons well explaining the Statute of Magna Charta c. 29 Sciatis quod concessimus BARONIBUS qui contra nos sunt quod eos nec homines suos capiemus nec dissaiseamus nec super eos per vim vel per arma ibimus nisi per legem Regni nostri vel judicio Parium suorum in curia nostra A very excellent Privilege Law Liberty purchased by the Barons industry inserted into K. Johns Great Charter soon after published ratifying it in these terms Comites Barones non amercientur nisi per Pares suos non nisi secundum modum delicti Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur vel
dissaisietur de aliquo libero tenemento suo vel libertatibus vel liberis consuetudinibus suis aut utlegetur aut exulet aut aliquo alio modo destituatur nec super eum ibimus nec eum in carcere mittemus nisi per legale judicium Parium suorum vel per legem terrae Nulli vendemus nulli negabimus aut differemus Rectum vel Justitiam The Barons having by their valour magnanimity industry procured these Great Charters of their liberties and of the Forest were as carefull vigilant to preserve them to punish the Violations of them and to get them reconfirmed repromulged when violated by our Kings which I shall manifest by some Records Histories not commonly known or taken notice of Rot. Pat. 17 Johannis pars 1. m. 19 21 22 23 24. Dorso and Chart. 17. Joh. Dors 27. There are sundry Patents Commissions Writs for sending the Great Charter and Charter of the Forest into every County for enquiring of all evil customs contrary to them that they might be abolished all violations of them that they might be redressed all by the Barons procurement and by agreement betwen the King and Barons whose names are there inserted Pat. 1 Hen. 3. m. 13. 15 The Great Charter by advice of the Earls and Great men is sent by King Henry the third into Ireland the exemplification whereof was sealed with the Poâ—es Legates Seal as well as the Kings and precepts are theâ—e sent to Sherifs to read it openly it being thus stiled in these Records Libertates Charta libertatum Regni nostri Angliae a patre nostro a nobis concessae so Claus 12 H. â—3 pars 1. m. 17. There is another precept for publishing and observing the Great Charter in Ireland Rot. Claus 2 H. 3. m. 6. 11. Dorso The Great Charter by special writs is commanded to be duly kept read and observed in most Counties and sent down into Yorkshire for that end by the Barons advice and procurement Pat. An. 3. H. 3. pars 2. m. 3. There is mention of Charta nostra de Libertatibus Forestae concessis probis nostris hominibus de Anglia By the Barons means and order for its observation Anno Dom. 1223. The 7th of Henry the 3 his reign This King in the Octaves of Epiphany apud Loudonias veniens cum Baronibus ad colloquium requisitus est ab Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi Magnatibus aliis ut libertares liberas consuetudines pro quibus guerra mota fuit contra patrem suum confirmaret Et sicut Archiepiscopus ostendit evidenter idem Rex diffugere non potuit quin hoc faceret cum in recessu Ludovici ab Anglia juraverat tota Nobilitas Angliae cum illo quod libertates praescriptas omnes observarent ab omnibus traderent observandas Quod audiens Gulielmus de Briwere qui unus erat ex Consiliariis Regis pro Rege respondens dixit Libertates quas petitis quia violenter extortae fuerunt non debent de jure observari Quod verbum Archiepiscopus moleste ferens increpavit eum dicens Gulielme si Regem in veritate deligeres pacem regni non impedires Videns autem Rex Archiepiscopum in ira commotum dixit Omnes libertates illas juravimus omnes astricti sumus ut quod juravimus observemus Et Rex protinus habito super hoc consilio misit literas suas ad singulos Vicecomites Regni ut per milites duodecim vel legales homines uniuscujuscunque Comitatus per sacramentum facerent inquiri quae fuerunt libertates in Anglia tempore Regis Henrici avi sui facta inquisitione Londonias mitterent ad Regem in quindecim diebus post Pascham These Writs and Letters of the King are recorded in the Tower Rot. Claus 7. Hen. 3. part 2. m. 20. dorso Commanding the liberties found and retorned to be proclaimed and observed But it seems by Dors 14. there was a countermand neither to proclaim nor observe them Whereupon the King soon after sending the Archbishop with three other Bishops into France to King Lewis to render Normandy with other lands unto King Henry according to his Oath made to him in his recess from England with the consent of all the Barons King Lewis thereunto replied that King Henry had first broken his Oath to him in this particular amongst others De Libertatibus autem regni Angliae de quibus guerra mota fuerat quae in recessu suo concessae erant AB OMNIBUS JURATAE ita actum est quod non solum illae leges pessimae ad statum pristinum sunt reductae fed illis nequiores per totam Angliam sunt generaliter constitutae nec etiam Ecclesiae sanctae Libertates quas in Coronatione sua inviolabiliter se juravit conservaturum conservat Unde qui prius pactum violavit primus injuriosus existit non ego Quod audiens Archiepiscopus Episcopi qui cum eo erant cum aliud responsum habere nequiverant confusi ad propria sunt reversi Regi Angliae quae audierant referentes In the 8 year of King Henry rhe 3. the King by reason of the insurrection of the Earl of Chester and others and the French Kings taking of Rochel from him Convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Northamptonam Rex cum Archiepiscopis Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus aliis multis de regni negotiis tractaturi c. Wherein Regi pro maximis laboribus suis expensis tam à Praelatis quam a Laicis concessum est Carucagium per totam Angliam de qualiter caruca duo solidi argenti Whereupon the King by the Barons and Nobles consent and advice as appears by Rot. Pat. 8. H. 3. pars 3. Dors 14 15. Sent Writs to sundry Sherifs and to the Bishop of Durham and his Chancellor to proclaim and observe the Great Charter of Liberties and the Charter of the Forest In the 9 year of King Henry the 3. the King holding a Parliamentary Council at Westminster demanded advice and also a fiftenth part of all the moveables of the Clergy and Laity through England for the recovery of the antient dignity rights and possessions of the Crown then lost and seised on by the French King Whereupon Archiepiscopus Concio tota Episcoporum Comitum Baronum Abbatum Priorum habita deliberatione Regi dedere responsum quod Regis petitionibus gratanter acquiscerent si illis diu petitas libertates concedere voluisset Annuit itaque Rex cupiditate ductus quod petebant Magnates Cartisque protinus conscriptis Regis sigillo munitis ad singulos Angliae Comitatus Cartae singulae dirigâ—ntur ad Provincias illas quae in Forestis sunt constitutae duae cartae sunt directae una scilicet de libertatibus communibus alter de libertatibus Forestae c. Et sic soluto Concilio delatae sunt cartae singulae ad singulos Comitatus ubi ex
et armis communiti ut si Rex circumventus per levitatem recalcitraret ad praemissa complenda cogeretur Ibi igitur post multas multorum deceptationes se subjecit Rex quorundam provisioni de gravioribus viris jurans se eorum provisionis adquiescere Quod et factum est et in scripta redactum et appensa sunt tam Legati quam aliorum Magnatum Sigilla omnibus in communi manifestanda So in the Parliament held by King Henry Anno 1242 and 1248. The Archbishops Bishops Priors Earls Barons and Gentlemen assembled to it in like manner boldly and joyntly reprehended the King for favouring Aliens wasting his money upon them following their advice and oppressing neglecting impoverishing exhausting his Natural Subjects as you may read at large in Mat. Paris p. 560 561 562 719. overlarge to transcribe The same year the king rashly commanded that Wil. de Ros who deserted him in his wars in France out of meer want of monies offering to pawn his lands to the King if he would supply his necessities which he refused to doe de terris fuis licet sine judicio parium suorum disseiseretur Quod videbatur cunctis INJUSTUM ET TYRANNUM Whereupon he was sharply reprehended by his Brother Earl Richard who with other Nobles left him in discontent upon this occasion and returned into England King Henry the 3. Anno 1244. the 28 year of his reign summoned a Parliament of the Nobles at London thus recorded by Matthew Paris Convenerunt Regia submonitione convocati Londinum MAGNATES TOTIUS REGNI Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates Priores Comites Barones in quo Concilio petiit Rex ore proprio in praesentia Magnatum in refectorio Westmonasteriensi auxilium sibi fieri pecuniare sub silentio praeteriens propositum suum de Rege Scotiae potentur impugnando In propatulo tamen manifestans quod anno transacto transfretaverat in Gasconiam de consilio eorum ut dicebat ubi tenebatur aeris alieni non modica quantitate nec potuit nisi efficacissimè sibi ab illis generaliter subveniretur liberari Cui fuit responsum quod super hoc tractarent Recedentesque Magnates de refectorio â—onvenerunt Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbate Priores seorsum per se super hoc diligenter tractaturi Tandem requisiti fuerunt ex parte eorum Comites Barones si velient suis consiliis unanimiter consentire in responsione provisione super his facienda Qui responderunt quod sine communi universitate nihil facerent Tunc de communi assensu electi fuerunt ex parte Cleri electus Cantuariensis Wintoniensis Lincolniensis Wigorniensis Episcopi ex parte Laicorum Richardus Comes frater Domini Regis Comes Bigod Comes Legriae Simon de Monteforâ—i Comes Mareschallus W. ex partibus Baronum Richardus de Muntsichet Johannes de Bailliol de sancto Edmundo et de Ramesia Abbates ut quod isti duodecim providerent in commune recitaretur nec aliqua forma Domino Regi ostendaretur auctoritate duodecim nisi omnium communis assensus interveneret Et quia Charta libertatum quas Dominus Rex olim concesserat pro cujus conservatione Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis Edmundus juraverat fide jusserat certissime pro Rege promiserat nondum extitit observata auxilia quae toties concessa fuerunt Domino Regi ad nullum profectum Regis vel regni devenerant Et per defectum Cancellarii Brevia contra justitiam pluries fuerunt concessa petitum fuit secundum quod eligerent Justiciarius Cancellarius fierent per quod statum Regni solidaretur ut solebat Et ne per compulsionem Concilii aliquod novum statuere videretur noluit Rex petitioni Magnatum consentire sed promisit se â—mendaturum quae ex eorum parte audierat unde datus fuit terminus eis usque in tres septimanas Purificationis beatae Virginis ut ibidem iterum tunc eonvenireot Quod si mera voluntate Rex interim tales Consiliarios eligeret taliter jura regni tractaret quod Magnates contenti essent ad terminum illum super auxilio faciendo responsuri providerent ita tamen quod si aliqua pecunia eidem concederetur per dictos duodecim expenderetur ad commodum Regni Et cum per plures dies protraheret eos Dominus Rex volens eos quasi tedio affectos flectere ad consensum ut sine termini prorogatione ad auxilium contribuendum consentirent multipliciter convenit eos nec circumvenit quia Magnates hoc prudenter perpendentes IMMOBILITER IN PROPOSITO PERSTITERUNT Tunc Dominus Rex demum sperans salâ—m Clerum ad desiderium suum inclinare convocatis Praelatis porrexit illis Papales apices in publico recorded at large by Matthew Paris commanding and perswading the Prelates Abbots and Clergy to supply the Kings necessities and grant him an aid with particular Letters to all the Prelates from the Pope to the like effect The Prelates notwithstanding all the Kings private sollicitations and policies refused to return any answer to the Popes Letters till the time of the Lords reassembling or to do any thing but by Common Counsel and consent of the whole Parliament from which they would not be divided as you may there read at large The Nobles and Great men meeting again at the time prefixed agree on these ensuing Provisoes after long debate which they tendred to the King for his assent denying to grant him any aid of mony unless he consented to them De libertatibus alia vice emptis concessis per chartam Domini Regis confirmatis quod de caetero observentur Ad cujus rei majorem securitatem fiat nova charta quae super haec specialem faciet mentionem Et ab omnibus Praelatis solenniter excommunicentur qui scienter prudenter libertates a Domino Rege concessas vel impugnare vel impedire quo minus observentur praesumpserint reformetur status eorum qui post ultimam concessionem in libertatibus suis laesionem incurrerunt Et quia propter virtutem sacramenti praestiti nec non propter timorem sententiae latae a sancto viro Edmundo quod ea vice promissum fuerat hactenus non exstitit observatum ne hujusmodi periculum de caetero eveniat sic fiant novissima pejora prioribus de communi assensu quatuor eligantur Potentes et Nobiles de Discretioribus totius regni qui sint de Concilio Domini Regis et jurati quod negotia Domini Regis et Regni fidelitur tractabunt et sine acceptione personarum omnibus Justitiam exhibebunt Hi sequentur Dominum Regem si non omnes semper duo eorum ad minus praesentes sint ut audiant querimonias singulorum ut patientibus injuriam celeriter possint subvenire Per visum testimonium eorum tractetur Thesaurus Domini Regis pecunia ab Universis specialiter concessa
ad ipsum Regem confirmationem omnium istorum sub sigillo suo tanquam ab eo qui 〈…〉 â—tus erat cedendum malitiae temporis censuit obtinuerunt Pro eonfirmatione et harum rerum omnium dedit populus Anglicanus Regi denarium nonum bonorum suorum Clerus vero Cantuariensis Decimum et Clerus Eboracensis Quintum qui propiordamno fuit So Walsingham truly relates the History of this transaction These Statutes thus obtained by the Earls and Barons from the King are printed in our Statutes at large with the excommunication of the Prelates then denounced against the infringers of them in Rastals Abridgement of Statutes Sir Edward Cooks 2 Institut p. 527. to 537. being thus intituled Confirmationes Chartarum de Libertatibus Angliae et Forestae et Statutum de Tallagio non concedondo made both in the 25 year of Edward 1. not in the 34 as our Statute books and Sir Edward Cook misdate the latter of rhem The differences between the King these Earls and Nobles touching these liberties with his confirmation of them and the aid granted him for the same are likewise recorded in the Patent Roll of 25 Ed. 2. par 2. m. 6 7 9. And Claus 25 E. 1. m. 2.5.14.18.76 dors there are sundry Writs and Proclamations sent to all the Sherifs for the keeping of Magna Charta in all its articies and to the Bishops to excommunicate the Infringers of them agreeing with Walsinghams relation Anno 1299. the 26 of King Edward the first the king holding a Parliament at York the foresaid Earls because the Confirmation of the Charters forementioned was made in a forein land requested that for their greater security they might be again confirmed by the King in England which the Bishop of Durham and three Earls engaged he should doe upon his return out of Scotland with victory Whereupon this King the next year being the 27 of his reign holding a Parâ—iament at London Ubi rogatus a Comitibus saepe dictis ut Chartarum confirmationem renovaret secundum quod in Scotia promiserat post aliquas dilationes instantiae eorum acquievit hac additione Salvo jure Coronae nostrae infine adjecta Quam cum audissent Comites cum displicentia ad propria recesserunt sed revocatis ipsis ad quindenam Paschae ad votum eorum absolute omnia sunt Concessa And thereupon the Statutes intituled Articuli super Chartas 28 E. 1. in our printed Statutes and Cooks 2 Institutes whereas it should rather be 27. were then made and published by these Earls and Nobles procurement and Writs sent to all the Sherifs De quibusdam Articulis in MAGNA CHARTA contentis Chartae de Foresta Henrici Patris nostrae observandis Rot. Claus 27. E. 1 m. 17. And Pat. 28 E. 1. m. 14. Commissions are sent into all Counties de Artic. in mag Chart. content Stat. Regis apud Winton edita observandis and that whosoever did not observe every Article should be punished per imprisonamentum redemptionem vel amerciamentum secundum quod transgressio exigeret there being no certain way of punishment before ordained And Claus 28 E. m. 7 8. There are Writs sent to every Sherif to read proclaim magna Charta in his County 4 times every year to proclaim Articulos super Chartas à Rege populo concessos But the Execution of the Articles of the Forest being deferred notwithstanding these Proclamations thereupon King Edward held a Parliament at Stanford the 29 year of his reign ad quod convenerunt Comites et Barones cum eqnis et armis eo prout dicebatur proposito ut executionem Chartae de Foresta hactenus dilatam extorquerent ad plenum Rex autem eorum instamiam importunitatem attendens eorum voluntati in omnibus condescendit To omit all other Presidens these forecited abundantly evidence the gallantry stoutness heroical courage care vigilancy of the Lords in all our Parliamentary Councils to maintain and defend the fundamental Liberties Properties Great Charters of the Realm and to perpetuate them to posterity without the least violation to vindicate re-establish them when infringed and to withstand oppose all unjust aids taxes subsidies when either demanded levied exacted by our Kings though in cases of pretented or real necessity to supply their wants maintain their wars and protect the Realm from forein enemies I shall only produce three of four Historical Presidents more demonstrating what great Curbs Remoraes Obstacles some particular potent Noblemen of great estates alliance publike spirits have been to the exorbitant arbitrary wills power proceedings of our Kings who most endeavoured openly to subvert or cunningly to undermine our publike Laws and Liberties Mat. Paris speaking of the death of Geoffry Fitz-Peeter one of the greatest Peers of that age writes thus of him This year Anno 1218. Geoffry Fitz-Peeter Chief Justice of all England a man of great power and authority TO THE GREATEST DETRIMENT OF THE KINGDOM ended his dayes the 2. day of Octob. ERAT autem FIRMISSIMA REGNI COLUMNA for he was the most firm pillar of the Kingdom as being a Nobleman expert in the Laws furnished with treasures rents and all sort of goods and confederated to all the great men of England by blood or friendship whence the King without love did fear him above all men for he governed the reigns of the Kingdom Whereupon after his death England was become like a ship in a storm without an helm The beginning of which tempest was the death of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury a magnificent and faithfull man neither could England breath again after the death of these two When K. John heard of Fitz-Peeters death turning to those who sate about him He said By Gods feet now am I first King and Lord of England He had therefore from thenceforth more free power to break his Oaths and Covenants which he had made with the said Geoffry for the peoples Liberty and Kingdoms peace Such Pillars and Staies are great and stout Peers to a Kingdom and Curbs to tyrannical Kings which caused Vortigern the British Kingâ— who usurped the Crown with the treacherous murder of his Soveraign Nobiles deprimere et moribus et sanguine ignobiles extollere quod maximè regiae honestati contrarium est to secure his throne thereby against their predominant power as other Usurpers and Tyrants since have done Therfore of meer Right they ought to have a place and voice in Parliaments for the very Kingdoms safety and welfare without the peoples election William Duke of Normandy having slain the Usurper King Harold with many thousands of Englishmen in the field routed his whole Army and caused the City of London and most parts of England to subject themselves unto him as their Soveraign out of base fear thereupon Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury and Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustine chief Peers of the Realm and Lords and Governors of Kent to preserve themselves their Country Laws and
Liberties from vassalage to the Norman yoke assembling all the Commons of Kent to Canterbury informed them That they were born freemen that the name of bondage was never heard amongst them that nothing but servitude attended them if they unworthily submitted to the insolency of the invading Enemy as others had done And thereupon exhorted them manfully to fight for the Laws and Liberties of their County chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting valiantly for them in the field than to undergoe an unaccustomed yoke of bonduge or to be reduced from their known Liberties to an unknown and unsure slavery After which the Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to dye in battel than to behold the misery and slavery of their Native Country became the Captains of the Kentish Army which they raised and by a Stratagem invironing Duke William and his whole Army at Swanscomb they procured this Grant and Concession from him That all the people of Kent should for ever enjoy their antient Liberties without diminution and use the Laws and antient Customs of their Country they being resolved as Stigand told the Duke rather to part with their lives than them Liberty being the proper badge of Kentishmen After which Duke William marching to London to be Crowned King Cumque â—eracta victoria Tyranni nomen exhorrescens et legitimi Principis personam induere Gestiens à Stigando tunc temporis Canâ—uariensi Episcopo consecrari deposceret Ille out of an heroick gallant English Christian spirit Viro ut aiâ—bâ—t Cruento et alienâ— juris Invasori manus imponere nullatenus adquievit Whereupon he was crowned by Aldred Archbishop of York King William for this his stoutness and opposition in defence of his Countries Laws and Liberties under a pretence of honor first carried him with him into Normandy as a Prisoner at large afterwards upon feigned pretences caused him to be deprived of his Archbishoprick and then shut him up Prisoner in the Castle of Winchester where he soon after died of grief or famine having scarce enough allowed him to keep soul and life together Such a curb and terror was he to him whiles he lived in place and power that he could not carry on his designs against the English to captivate or enslave them till he was removed out of the way of this Conqueror who came to the Crown by the effusion of so much Christian bloud that Gulielmus Neubrigensis gives this censure of it and let all other invaders of the Crown by bloud observe it Sane quod idem Christianos innoxios hostiliter Christianus impetiit et tanto sibi sanguine Christianum Regnum paravit quantae apud homines gloriae tantae etiam apud Deum noxae fuit Whence Stigand refused to crown him Simon Monâ—eâ—ort Earl of Leicester the greatest Pillar and General of the Barons in the wars against King Henry the 3d for the preservation corroboration of Magna Charta the Liberties and Properties of the People was so terrible to this extravagant oppressive King frequently violating both his Great Charters Laws Oaths That being perswaded to enter into his house in a tempest of thunder and lightning which he very much feared the Earl courteously meeting him and saying Why do you fear tht tempest is now past the King thereunto replyed not jestingly but seriously with a stern countenance I fear thundring and lightning above measure but by the head of God I tremble more at thee than at all the thundring and lightning in the world Being afterwards slain in the Battel of Eusham in defence of his Countries Liberties Rishanger gives this Encomium of him Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his dayes who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also for relief of oppressions of the poor for the asserting of Justice and the Rights of the Realm A sufficient Ground for such Nobles and their Posterity to sit and Vote as Peers in Parliament without the peoples election In the 3 4 14 15 of K. Edw. 2. his reign Tho. Earl of Lancaster and other potent wealthy Barons were the chief Sticklers against Gaverston and the Spencers who seduced the King oppressed the people and were the principal Pillars of our Laws Liberties as our Historians relate at large procuring those ill Counsellors to be banished and removed from the King even by force of Arms. In 10 11 22. of King Rich. 2. the Duke of Gloucester the Earl of Arundel and other potent Lords were the principal opposers of the Kings ill Counsellors Tyranny the chief protectors of the Laws and peoples Liberties to the loss of some of their lives heads estates as our Statutes the Rolls of Parliament in those years and Historians witness whence Walsingham writing of the Duke of Glocester's death murthered by the Kings command at Calice who was the principal Anti-royalist and head of all the Barons useth this expression Thus died this best of men the Son and Uncle of a King in quo posita fuere spes solatium TOTIVS REGNI COMMUNITATIS in whom the hope and solace of the Commonalty of the whole kingdom were placed who resented his death so highly that in the Parl. of 1 H. 4. Hall who had a hand in his murder was condemned and executed for a Traytor his Head Quarters hung up in several places and K. Richard among other Articles deposed for causing him to be murthered Since then our Peers and Nobles as the premised Examples abundantly evidence have been alwaies persons of greatest valour power estate interest most able forwards to oppose the Tyranny Exactions of our Kings and to preserve the Great Charters of our Liberties first gained since preserved and transmitted to us by their valour bloud counsel cate with our other Laws which they have upon all occasions manfully defended with the hazard loss of their lives Liberties Estates and upon this ground were thought meet by the wisdom of our Ancestors to merit and enjoy this privilege of sitting voting judging in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage and Baronies And since we must all acknowledge that the Lords assembled in a Great Council by the King at York as the Commons themselves acknowledge and remonstrate Exact Collection p. 13. were the chief instruments of calling this present Parliament and were therefore in the Act for Triennial Parliaments principally intrusted to summon and hold all future Parliaments in the Kings Lord Chancellors or Lord Keepers defaults Being also very active in suppressing the Star-chamber High Commission Councel-Table Prelats and other grievances and those who fitst appeared in the Wars against the King and his party in defence of our Laws Liberties Religion Parliaments Privileges to the great encouragement of others witnesse the deceased Lord General Essex Brooke Bedford Stamford Willougbie Lincoln Denbigh Manchester Roberts and others it would be the extremity of folly ingratitude and injustice to deny our Peers this hereditary Right Privilege Honour now w ch
est satisfactum The Pope hereupon taking more boldness than before to trample the English Prelates Clergy under his feet fleece them imperiose solito imperiofius Praelatis Angliae demandavit ut in Anglia omnes beneficiati in suis beneficiis residentiam facientes tertiam partem bonorum suorum Domino Papae conferrent non facientes residentiam dimidiam multis adjectis durissimis conditionibus praedictum mandatum restringentibus per illum verbum et adjectionem detestabilem NON OBSTANTE quae omnem extinguit justitiam praehabitam The Bishops assembling in convocation to exact it the King thereupon by his Nobles advice and instigation sent Sir John de Lexeton a Knight and Lawrence St. Marin his Clark to them strictly commanding them in the kings behalf not to consent by any means to this contribution demanded by the Pope to the desolation of the English kingdom The next year 1247. Vrgente Papali mandato redivivo de importabili contributione Papali praetacta ad quam Episcopi in generali Concilio Clerum infeliciter obligarent fecit Dominus Rex MAGNATES SUOS nec non et Angliae Archidiaconos per scripta sua Regia Londini convocari Quo cum pervenissent die ptaefixo Episcopi omnes sese gratis absentarunt ne viderentur propriis factis eminus adversari Sciebant enim corda omnium usque ad animae amaritudinem sauciri Convenerunt tunc ibidem Archidiaconi Angliae nec non et totius regni Cleri pars non minima CUM IPSIS MAGNATIBUS conquerentes communiter super intolerabilibus frequentibus exactionibus Domini Papae pro quibus Dominus Rex non mediocriter compatiendo tristabatur Res enim publica periclatabatur et commune negotium regni totius agebatur imminebat tam populi quam cleri inanis desolatio et cunctis temporibus inaudita After long consultation the King and Nobles by common advise resolved to send a remonstrance of all their grievances together with Letters in the name of the whole Parliament and kingdom to the Pope and his Cardinals speedily to redress them which Letters they sealed with the Common Seal of the City of London thereby obtained some shew of redress of their grievances which the Nobles further prosecuted and complained of in another Parliament the selfsame year Dominus Rex comperiens regnum suum enormiter undique periclitari by the Popes exactions taxes oppositions jussit OMNEM TOTIUS REGNI NOBILITATEM CONVOCARI ut de statu ipsius tam manifeste periclitantis Oxoniae contrectarent Praelatos autem ad hoc Parliamentum vocavit anxius quia videbat eos tam frequenter per Papulâ—s extortiones depauperari quod frequentia consuetudinem regni ruinam manifeste minabatur Sperabatur igitur communiter aliquod salubre Ecclesiae et universitati ibi statuendum quod tamen omnes fefellit through the Prelates and Clergies cowardise and the kings overmuch compliance with the Pope the Nobles only continuing constant in their oppositions against these papal exactions and enormities being more zealous for the Churches Clergies Prelates liberties against the Popes intolerable exactions oppressions incroachments than they themselves and the only persons who manfully and constantly maintained them when the King Prelates and Clergy through fear cowardise and treachery betrayed and deserted them Anno 1264. Pope Urban being much incensed against the BARONS spoiling the goods of Ecclesiastical persons who were Aliens advanced by his provisions said That he desired to live no longer but till he had subdued the English whereupon he sent a Legate towards England a great Person to wit Sabin a Bishop Cardinal to interdict the Land and excommunicate THE BARONS the oppugners of his Provisions But when he would have entred England he found he could not safely do it by reason of the Barons resistance Whereupon citing some Bishops of the Realm first to Ambayonne and afterwards to Bononia Sententiam excommunicationis et interdictionis super Civitatem Londoniae et 5. Portus necnon quasdam personas illustres ET NOBILES REGNI fulminatum commisit exequendam At illi Sententiam illam contra justitiam illatam attendentes appellarunt ad Papam ad meliora tempora vel ad generale Concilium necnon et supremuÌ„ judiceÌ„ certis de causis et rationibus commendabilibus Quae postea appellatio in Anglia congregato apud Radingum Concilio recitata est et ab Episcopis et Clero approbata et executa Interdictum autem licet inviti suscipientes a Legato praedicti Episcopi secum detulerunt Sed cum applicuissent Doveriae scrutinio ex more in portu facto intâ—â—â—eptum est a Civibus et in minutias dilaneatum jactatur in mare So little did they then regard and so much detest and scorn the Popes unjust Interdict in so just a cause An. 2 E. 1. Rot. Fin. m. 9. in Sched Cook 4 Inst p. 13. Pope Gregory by his Letters demanding the rent of 1000. marks by the year of K. Ed. the 1. reserved for England upon his regranting the Realm to King John the king writ thus to him Se sine PRAELATIS ET PROCERIBUS REGNI NON POSSE RESPONDERE quod jurejurando in coronatione sua fuit astrictus QVOD JURA REGNI SUI SERVARET ILLIBATA nec aliquid quod Diadema tangit Regni ejusdem absque ipsorum requisitus consilio facere And the Parliament being ended he could doe nothing without them who afterwards gallantly opposed his usurpations as will appear by this following president King Edward the 1. in the 29. year of his reign being summoned by the Pope by himself or his Proctors to declare his right to the Realm of Scotland in his Court at Rome where he should receive justice concerning it The King thereupon called a Parliament to consult about it where he refused to return any answer by himself but committed it to the Earls and other Lords of the Land to return the Pope an answer thereunto Who making a large and learned Historical Remonstrance of the subjection of Scotland and her Kings to the Kings of England and of their Homage done to them in all ages as their Soveraign Lords sent it to the Pope with this notable Letter signed as Mat. Westminster and Sir Edward Cook inform us with no less than 100 Seals of Arms of Earls and Barons in the name of the whole Parliament and Kingdom Sancta Romana Ecclesia per cujus ministerium fides Catholica in suis artibus cum ea ut firmiter credimus et teneamus maturitate procedit quod nulli praejudicare sed singulorum jura conservari velit illaesa Sane convocato nuper per Serenissimum Dominum nostrum Edwardum Dei gratia regem Angliae illustrem Parliamento apud Lincolniam generali idem Dominus noster quasdam literas Apostolicas quas super certis negotiis conditionem et statum Regni ex vestra parte receperat in medio exhiberi ac
unless a Peer by birth or creation those who are called to it only by general or special Writs not being formerly for life or inheritance Peers Nobles or holding by Barony of the King being only Assistants to the Lords as the Judges and others usually are not Members having votes It is the opinion of Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Littleton That if the King call any Layman to the Vpper house of Parliament generally by his Writ which he there recites that this alone doth create him a Baron and Lord of Parliament in fee simple without the word heirs and ennoble both himself and his heirs after him so as to make them hereditary Barons And this is the received opinion of most Grandees of the Law relying only upon his bare Ipse dixit though sometimes mistaken in his Judgement and frequently in his Records and Presidents whereon hee grounds his Opinion although he cites no president nor record at all to make good his Assertion in this case But under the favour of this Great Oracle of Law I conceive this Opinion of his to be no Law at all but a meer mistake for these ensuing reasons 1. Because there is not one word or syllable in this general Writ of Summons that gives him either the Name Title Honor or Dignity of a Lord or Baron of the Realm Therefore it cannot in Law or reason create him such a one If he were a Knight an Esquire a Master or Gentleman or Judge when the Writ was directed to him it gives him only that Title and summons him only by it without stiling him a Lord Baron Earl Viscount or Peer of the Realm at all Therefore it cannot ennoble nor create him one much less ennoble his posterity and give him an hereditary Barony without the word heirs since the Writ is only personal directed to himself alone 2. Because the Kings end and intention in summoning him to Parliament by this Writ is not to ennoble and create him a Lord Peer or Baron much less to ennoble his Posterity after him but only to consult and treat with him and the Prelates Lords and Nobles of the Realm concerning the affairs there propounded As this clause of the Writ demonstrates which only must ennoble him and his heirs if any to come to the Parliament at such a day and place that so the King may VOBISCUM with him not his heirs cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti regni nostri colloquâ—um habere tractatum Which word VOBISCVM being distinguished from cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus Regni can not possibly create him a Lord or Baron no more than a Prelate of the Realm the rather because the word Baro is not in the Writ Neither can the following clause create him one Viz. dictis die loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus Baronibus supradictis super dictis Negotiis tractaturis vestrumque Consilium impensuris because it neither gives him the name nor stile of a Lord or Nobleman much less of a Baron no more than of a Prelate and summons him not to be a Lord Earl Prelate or Baron of the Realm but to be personally present with them which he may be though a private person and no Lord and to treat and give his advice with them concerning the businesses there propounded the only end for which he is summoned not to be their fellow Peer Lord or Baron So that it is against all sence and reason to aver that such a general Writ as this can create himself much less his Posterity Lords or Barons of the Realm in perpetuity It is a rule in Law and oft resolved That the Kings grant shall not inure to two intents nor pass or give two things at once especially when one of them only is expressed the other not Therefore this writ of the King shall not-doe it to create the party summoned a Baron meerly by implication which is not expressed and to summon him to conferr treat and give his advice in Parliament which is the only thing intended and clearly expressed 3ly The Writ summons him only to that particular Parliament then to be held at one certain day and place not to any other much less to all future Parliaments to be held Therefore it cannot create him and his heirs hereditary Barons and Members of the Lords House no more than the Writ for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses for that particular Parliament makes them and their posterity Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament for perpetuity It being both contrary to the words and intention of the Writ to make him much less his heirs Members of all succeeding Parliaments to which they must still be summoned by New Writs 4ly No Lord or Baron is or can be legally created but of some particular place Town City or the like whereof he is stiled Earl Lord or Baron But the general writ of summons gives him no such particular stile or title of dignity confined to such a certain place Therefore it cannot create him either a Lord or Baron or if it doth it must be sine titulo which were absurd 5ly No Duke Earl when created Viscount Lord or Baron is or can be created a Peer of the Realm by the Kings Letters Patents for life in tayl or see simple without expresse words in the Patent creating him such a one for life or him and the heirs males of his body or his heirs in general Dukes Marquesses Viscounts Earls Lords or Barons of such a particular place as all their Patents whereof you have sundry Presidents in Mr. Seldens Titles of honour lib. 2. ch 5. throughout and our books of Heraldry plentifully manifest And in all late Patents of creation since 20 H. 8. of any Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts or Barons there is a special clause inserted enabling them and their heirs males and every of them to have hold and possess a seat and place in the Parliam of us our heirs and Successors within the Realm of England among other Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Lords and Barons of the Realm as a Duke Marquesse Earl Viscount Lord or Baron as Mr. Selden and their Patents inform us and I have formerly touched p. 49. If then the king by his Letters Patents cannot create men Nobles and Peers of Parliament for life in tail or see simple without these special and particular clauses then by the self same reason he cannot create them such by his writ unlesse it hath such special words and clauses in it and not by the general writ of summons forementioned wherein there is not one clause or syllable tending to such a particular personal or hereditary creation The rather because Sir Edward Cook himself confesseth that the Creation by Letters Patents is the surer though by writ be the antienter way for he and his posterity may sufficiently be created and made Noble by Letters Patents though he to whom they
praesenti supersit His horumque similibus regali facundia editis praefaâ—us Petrus assensum praebere utile judicavit annuit Quapropter larga regis munificentia magnifice honoratus nullo modo se quicquam antiquae dignitatis derogaturum immo ut dignitatis ipsius gloria undecunque augmentaretur spoâ—pondit plena fide elaboraturum Pax itaque firma inter eos firmata est qui Legati officio fungi in tota Britannia venerat immunis ab omni officio tali cum ingenti pompa via qua venerat extra Angliam a Rege missus est At Canterbury he perused the antient privileges granted to the Prelates by the See of Rome touching their superiority over York Quibus ille perspectis atque perpensis testatus etiam ipse est Ecclesiam Cantuariensem grave nimis immoderatum praejudicium esse perpessam quatenus hoc velocius corrigeretur â—e modis omnibus opem adhibiturum pollicitus est Post haec Angliam egreditur By all these Parliamentary Councils and Proceedings in them and the Kings answer to this Legate it is most apparent from the testimony of Eadmorus present at most of them and then antient Hiâ—orians 1. That they all consisted during all the reign of King Henry the 1. of the King Bishops Abbots Earls Lords and Barons without any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons elected by the people 2ly That not only the legislative but judicial power or judicature of Parliament in all civil ecclesiastical and criminal causes debated or judged in them resided wholly in the King Prelates Earls Barons and Nobles which they joyntly and severally exercised by mutual consent as there was occasion 3ly That our Kings Prelates Nobles were then all very vigilant and zealous in opposing the Popes usurpations upon the antient Liberties Privileges Customs of the king kingdom and Church of England 4ly That those Antiquaries and others are much mistaken who affirm the Commons were called to the Parliament of 16 H. 1. as well as the Peers and Nobles and that since that time the authority of this Court hath stood setled and the COMMONALTY had their voice therein which the said H. 1. GRANTED TO THEM in love to the English Nation being a natural Englishman himself when as the Normans were upon terms of revolt from him to his Brother Robert Duke of Normandie it being clear by these Histories and all the Parliamentary Councils under King Henry the 1. and under Hen. the 2. King Ric. the 1. King John and Henry the 3. forecited and here ensuing that there were no Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons elected by the people summoned to our Parliaments in their reigns succeeding Henry the 1. therefore not in his 5ly That the Opinion of Mr. Cambden Judge Dodridge Jo. Holland Sir Ro. Cotton Mr. Selden and others is true that the first Writ of Summons of any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons to Parliament now extant is no antienter than 49 H. 3. dors 10.11 That King Henry the 3. after the ending of the Barons wars appointed and ordained That all those Earls and Barons of the Realm to whom the King himself should vouchsafe to send his Writ of Summons should come to his Parliament and none else but such as should be chosen by the voice of the Burgesses and Freemen by other Writs of the king directed to them And that this being begun about the end of Hen. the 3. was perfected and continued by Edward the 1. and his Successors Which Holinshed Speed do likewise intimate in general terms So that upon due consideration of all Histories Records and judicious Antiquaries it is most apparent that the Commons had no place nor votes by election in our Parliaments in Hen. 1. his reign noâ— before the latter end of King H. 3. and Ed. 1. who perfected what his Father newly before him began in summoning them to Parliaments This being an irrefragable truth as I conceive the next thing to be considered of is this whether the Commons when thus called and admitted by H. 3. and E. 1. into our Parliaments had any share right or interest in the judicature of Parliaments then granted to them either as severed from or joyntly with the King and Lords And if any share or right at all therein at what time and in what cases was it granted or indulged to them With submission to better judgements I am clear of opinion that the King and Lords when they first called the Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament never admitted them to any share or copartnership with them in the antient ordinary Judicial power of Parl. in civil or criminal causes brought before them by Writ Impeachment Petition or Articles of complaint as they were the supreme judicature and Court of Justice but reserved the judicial power and right of giving and pronouncing all Judgements in Parliament in such cases and ways of proceeding wholly to themselves admitting them only to share with them in their consultative Legislative and Tax imposing power as the Common Council of the Realm thereby in cases of Attainder by Act Bill or Ordinance a part of the Legislative not ordinary judicial authority of Parliament allowed them a voice and partnership with themselves and a share in reversing such Aâ—tainders by Act Bill or Ordinance by another Bill or Sentence but in no cases else except such alone wherein the King or Lords should voluntarily at their own pleasures not of meer right requite their concurrence with them The Arguments reasons inducing me to this opinion and irrefragably evincing it are these 1. The Form of the Writs for electing Knights Citizens Burgesses of Parliament with the retorns and Indentures annexed to them which are only ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de Communi Concilio dicti regni contigerint ordinari Which gives them no judicial power in civil or criminal causes there adjudged as the Writs to the Lords doe give to them by these clauses Ibidem cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus regni colloquium habere tractatum vobiscum c. colloquium habere tractare Personaliter intersitis Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri and usage custom time out of mind 2. Because when first summoned to our Parliaments they were never called nor admitted thereunto as Members of the Lords house or as persons equal to them in power nor admitted to sit in the same Chamber as Peers with them but as Members of an inferiour degree sitting in a distinct Chamber from them by themselves at first as they have done ever since which I have elsewhere proved against Sir Edward Cooks and others mistakes as Modus tenendi Parliamentum it self resolves if it be of any credit 3ly Because after their call to our Parliaments in 49 H. 3. they had scarce the Name nor Form of an House of Commons or Lower
kingdom being ad omne scelus paratus Anno Dom. 1102. There was a GENERAL Council held in the Church of St. Peters in Westminster on the Westside of London Communi assensu Episcoporum et Abbatum et Principum totius regni huic conventui affuerunt Anselmo Archiepiscopo petente a Rege PRIMATES REGNI quatenus quicquid ejusdem Concilii auctoritate dâ—cerneretur VTRIUSQUE ORDINIS concordi cura sollicitudine tatum servaretur sic enim necesse erat Iâ— this Council the Sin of Symony was first of all condemned by the authority of the holy Fathers and Wido Abbot of Pescore Wimundus of Tavestock and Baldwin of Ramsy Godric of Burgh Haymo of Cernel Egelric of Midleton being therein convicted of Simony were removed and deposed for it by this Council and Richard Abbot of Ely Robert of St Edmonds and the Abbot of Miscelen deposed for other particular crimes and offenceâ— Aâ—oâ— which the King being much incensed against Anselm and other Bishops for refusing to consecrate those Bishops whom the King invested with a staff and ring the King and Anselm having a hot contest about it at Canterbury Ne ipse perdendo suorum jura Anâ—ecessorum ipsis vilior esset Anselm requested the King â— deferr â—he business till Easter ut audâ—to Episcoporum Regniâ—ue Primatum Concilio qui modo non assunt respondeâ—m hiâ— which the â—ing consenting to at Easter communis Concilit vocem unam accepit that he should goe to Rome to the Pope to procure a repeal of the Canon made against investiâ—ures and that as the Kings Embassador Regis preces Regnique negotia Apostolicis auribus expositurus Anselm undertaking the journey to Rome like an Arch-Traytor so incensed the Pope against investitures and the King That William Warenast the kings Embassador telling him Hâ— knâ—w the King would rather lose his Crown than this Privilege of Investitures The Pope thereto replyed Yea let him lose his head also if he will whilst I live he shall never appoint any Bishop in his Realm but I will resist hâ—m what I may The King hereupon by the advise of his Nobles prohibited Anselm to return into England and seised all his Temporalties and â—oods moveable and unmoveable into his hands keeping him in exile for 9 years space after which he was conditionally restored at the mediation of the Kings Sister Adela Anno 1106. Robert Duke of Normandy was first adjudged to a shamefull cruel death and after that to have his eyes pulled out and he kept perpetual Prisoner and Earl Morton with others adjudged to perpetual prison BY THE PEERS for taking up arms against King Henry the 1. King Stephen having against his own the Bishops and Nobles Oaths to King Henry and Maude usurped the Crown Anno 1199. There were divers rumours spread abroad that Robert Earl of Normandy and Mawde would invade England and that Roger Bishop of Salisbury and Alexander his Nephew Bishop of Lincoln who were very powerfull wealthy and had built fortified and furnished divers strong and stately Castles would upon the Empress landing surrender them to her and revolt from Stephen to her party Paternorum scilicet beneficiorum memoria inducti being both advanced and inriched by her father Whereupon the Nobles oft times wished Stephen to compell them speedily to resign their Castles to him least he repented too late for not doing it when they were in the Enemies power Thereupon the King on the 8 of July apud Oxenford FACTO CONVENTU MAGNATUM summoned both these Bishops to this Parliamentary Assembly to which Bishop Roger was very unwilling to come having a great reluctancy in his mind against it whereupon he excused his coming by reason of his age and infirmity but that would not be admitted come he must and did When these Bishops came to Oxford there fell out a sudden quarrel between the servants of the Bishops and the servants of Alan Earl of Britain as they sate together at the Table the Bishops men quarrelling with the Earls and falling first a fighting with one another with their fists and at last with their swords a sore fray was made divers being wounded on either side and one slain the Earls servants being put to slight by the Bishops The K. taking this occasion Conveniri jussit Episcopis ut Curiae suae satisfacerent de hoc quod homines eorum pacem ipsius exturbassent Modus fatisfactionis foret ut claves castellorum suorum quasi fidei vadis traderent The Bishops said they were ready to give the King satisfaction but delaying the surrendring of their Castles he commanded them to be more strictly watched lest they should depart and the king carrying the Bishop of Salisbury with him besieged his Castles till they were surrendred to him by composition This act of the king was variously interpreted and very iâ—l resented by all the Bishops who thereupon revolted from him first in their affections and then by their actions to Mande when she arived and elected declared her right heir to the Crown Henry Bishop of Winchester the Popes Legat though King Stephens own Brother publikely to the Kings face as well as privately affirmed Si Episâ—opi tramitem Justitiae in aliquo transgrederentur non esse Regis sed Canonum judicium sine publico et Ecclesiastico Concilio illos nulla possessione privare debuisse Regem id non ex rectitudinis zelo sed commodi sui compendio fecisse qui Castella non Ecclesiis ex quarum sumptibus et in quarum terris constructa erat reddiderâ—t sed Laicis eisdemque parum religiosis contradiderit c. Quapropter vigorem Canonum experiendum ratus CONCILIIO quod quarto Calend Septembris celebraturus erat Wintoniae fratrem Stephanum incunctanter adesse praecepit Dicto die omnes fere Episcopi Angliae cum Theobaldo ARCHIEPISCOPO Cantuariensis venerunt Wintoniam In which Councâ—l the Bp. of Winchester first reading his Legats Commission in England granted him by the Pope and then relating the great indignity done by King Stephen to those Bishops by imprisoning their persons and seising their Castles against the Canons demanded the Archbishops and Bishops advice what to do therein concluding Se ad executionem Concilii nec pro Regis amicitia qui sibi frater erat nec pro damno possessionum nec etiam pro capitis periculo defuturum Rex causae suae non diffâ—sus Comites in Concilium misit quaerens cur vocatus esset Responsum est à Legato in compendio Non debere illum qui se Christi fidei subjectum meminisset indignari si à ministris Christi ad satisfactioneÌ„ vocatus esset tanti reatus conscius quantum nostra secula nunquam vidissent c. Consulte vero in praesentiarum Rex faceret si rationem facti sui redderet vel Canonicum judicium subiret Ex debito etiam oportere ut Ecclesiae faveret cujus sinu exceptus non manu militum in regnum promotus fuisset
Hereupon the Earls departing having provided an answer returned with one Albric de Vere an experienced Lawyer who aggravating the Bishops offences against the King and the â—ray of their Servants at Oxford in a modest manner without reproach alleged that they being accused by general reports in all mens mouths for intending to deliver up their Castles to Maud upon her arival the King had thereupon apprehended and imprisoned them not as Bishops but as his Servants and Officers and had not taken away their Castles by force but by the Bishops voluntary surrender ut calumniam de tumultu quem in Curia coneitaverant evaderent That the money found in them was only that the Bishops had collected for King Henry his Uncles use and belonged now to his own Eschequer and that the Bishops willingly parted with the mony and Castles to him for fear of the things they had committed against the King who wanted not Witnesses to prove it Therefore he desired the agreements between him and the Bishops might remain confirmed Bishop Roger on the contrary denyed he was ever the Kings Officer or received his moneys adding Si justitiam de rebus sibi ablatis in illo CONCILIO non inveniret eam in audientia majoris Curiae qâ—aerendam The Legat gently replyed Omnia quae dicuntur contra Episcopos prius in Concilio Ecclesiastico et accusari aâ— vera essent decuisset inquiri quam in indemnes contra Canonum Decreta sententiam proferri Rex itaque faciat quod in forensibus judiciis legitimum est fieri ut revestiat Episcopos de rebus suis Alioquin jure Gentium disseisati non placitabunt After much debate on both sides the cause was put off 3. dayes one after anoâ—her till the Archbishop of Rhoan came Is ubi venit dixit se concedere ut Castella Episcopi haberent si se jure habere debere per Canones probari possent quod quianon possent extremae improbitatis esse contra Canones niti velle Et esto inquit justum sit ut habeant Certe quia suspectum est tempus juxta morem aliarum gentium Optimates omnes claves munitionum suarum debent voluntati Regis contradere qui pro omnium pace debet militare Ita omnis controversia Episcoporum infirmabatur Aut enim secundum Canonum scita injustum est ut habeant Castella aut si hoc pro indulgentia principali toleratur ut tradant claves necessitati temporis debent cedere Albric the Kings Lawyer added that the King was informed the Bishops intended to send some of themselves to Rome against him But he adviseâ—h none of you to presume to doe it for if any of you shall presume to go any whither against his will and the dignity of the Realm of England it is provided that his return will be very difficult Hereupon the Council presently dissolved and so ita discessum est ut nec Rex censuram Canonum pà â—i vellet nec Episcopi eam consultum exercere ducerent duplici ex causa seu quia Principem excommunicare sine Apostolici conscientia temeraâ—ium esset seu quoniam audirent quidam etiam viderent gladios circa se nudari King Stephen in the â—eaâ— 1152. Convocato apud Londonium Generali Concilio cum Episcopis Proceribus et Nobilibus Angliae tum pro Regni negotiis cum etiam pro negotio vacantis Ecclesiae Eboracensis much fearing and suspecting the valour and power of Young Henry Duke of Normandy right heir of the Crown ne in primo gradu haereditas cassaretur fraude retenta proposuit animo filium suuÌ„ Eustachium regio diademate insignire de jure debito jurato Henricum praevenire penitus privare This design of his being propounded in this Great Council the Earls and Barons assented to it and thereupon as Matthew Westminster records Comites Barones Angliae fecerunt ligantiam fidelitatem Eustachio filio Regis Stephani Whereupon King Stephen requested Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops to crown and anoint Eustace King Which the Archbishop peremptorily refused the Pope having expresly prohibited him by his Letters ne filium Regis qui contra jusjurandum regnum usurpasse videbatur in regem sublimaret that he should not crown the Son of a King who had usurped the Crown and kingdom against his Oath to Henry the first Queen Maud and their heirs Hereupon King Stephen and his Son Eustace with their complices being highly incensed commanded all the Bishops with the said Archbishop to be shut up in one house where they were assembled desiring to extort that from them by terrors and threats which they could not gain by prayers or price Some of the Bishops struck with fear deserted the Archbishops advice and seemed to comply with the King but the Archbishop continuing firm and resolute in his purpose escaping out of the House by a miraculous accident took his barge and rowing down the Thames got beyond Sea and so escaped the threats of the King and Eustace and defeated him of his much desired honour Whereupon the King being more exasperated than before by the advice of the Council presently banished him the Realm seised his Temporalties and confiscated all his goods Who by way of revenge stirred up Duke Henry right heir to the Crown to invade the Realm the very next year to whom most of the Nobles and people mindfull of their former Oaths presently flocked deserting the perjured Usurper Stephen who against his Oath invaded the crown by the instigation also of Roger Bp. of Salisbury who though advanced by King Henry the 1. from a mean condition to the greatest place and power next to the King yet proved so treacherously ingratefull to his heir Queen Maud to whom he had sworn allegiance Uâ— Rege defuncto qui ei tantae in hoc seculo claritatis autor extiterat circâ— legitimos ejus haeredes insidus ut Sâ—ephanum Sacramento illo aequè astrictum allocaret non solum non est veritus iucurrere perjurium verum etiam aliis insigne pejerandi praestruxit exemplum And therefore was himself as ingratefully and perfidiously handled by King Stephen who imprisoned his person and his Nephew Alexanders Bishop of Lincoln very strictly seised all their magnificent Castles Wealth Treasures pined them with famine so that this perjured Bishop for loss of his Castles or Treasures fell distracted through grief and died mad de perspicuo Dei judicio vitam longo tempore splendidissimam infelicissimo fine concludens as Neubrigensis observes King Henry the second succeeding Stephen Ann. 1164. to suppress the usurpations of the Pope and Prelates on the Crown summoned all the Bishops Abbots Priors Eaâ—ls Barons and Nobles of the Realm to a Parliamentary Great Council aâ— Clarindon where they made a recognition of all the antient Customs and liberties of the Realm used in the reign of king Henry the first which they all took a solemn Oath inviolably to
Comes vero Mareschallus caeteri MAGNATES perturbati a Curia recedentes cum aliud non poterant habere responsum firmiter promiserunt ad invicem quod pro hac causa quae omnes tangebat usque ad divisionem corporis animae viriliter decâ—r arent After which the King with the Bishops advice filling all England with Poâ—oâ—ovines newly called over and being wholly guarded counselled swayed by them out of hatred and contempt to the English Nationâ— Rex miâ—â—is liâ—eris fâ— is â—ocaviâ— omnes de regno Comites et Barones ad colloquium 〈…〉 apud Oxoniam 〈◊〉 â—m Sancti â—ohannis sed ipsi noluerunt ad ejus mandatum veâ—ire tum propâ—er inâ—idias alâ—enigenarum â—um propâ—er indignationem quam conciperant adversus Regem qui exâ—ranâ— os ad eorundem Baronum vocavit conâ—empâ—um Et cum hoc Regi per nuncios solennes denunciasâ—ent iratus est vehementer judicialiter jussit diffinire quo ordine debeat eos compellere ad suam Curiam the Parliament convenire Tunc decretum est per judicium ut secundo et tertio vocentur a Rege ut probet â—venire ve â—inâ— veâ—non Significavit ergo Rex MAGNATIBUS memoratis ut venirent apud Westmonastirium quinto Idus Julii AD COLLOQUIUM ibi per eorum consilium emendaret quicquid de juâ—e noverat corrigendum Sed cum audissent Magnates praeâ—ati quod paulatim applicuerunt in regno praedones multi cum equis armis a Rege invitati cum nullum pacis vidissent vestigium suspectas habentes Pictavensium innaras versutias supersederunt ad diem â—â—bi statuâ—um venire denunciantes Regi per nuncios solennes quatenus omni dilatione remota Ejicerer Petâ—um Wintoniensem Episcopum câ—eceros Pictavenses de Curia sua Sin autem nolleâ— ipsi omnes de communi Concilio totius regni ipsum cum iniquis Consiliariis suis a regno depellerent et de novo Rege creando contractarent His ira geâ—â—is Rex animo â—onâ—ternatus est vehementer et ejus Curia tota vultum demittentes non mediocriter meâ—entes 〈◊〉 fiet error filii patris errore deterior quem homines sui de faâ—igio â—egni deponere satagentes ad illud nomen quod ei per quoddam praeâ—agium datum est scilicet Iohannes Extorâ—is fere derruserunt Tunc Petrus Episcopus Conâ—ium Regi dedit ut aâ—ma moveret contra rebelles homines suos Castella eorum terras Pictavensibus conâ—â—erreâ— quâ—regnum Angliae a sâ—is proditoribus tuerâ—tur The King following his evil counsel spoiled Gilbert Basset a Nobleman of a Mannor given him by King John and when he demanded restituâ—ion of it called him Traytor and threatned to hang him unlesse he departed his Courtâ— he also imprisoned Sir Ric. Swaâ—d and suspecting all the other Nobles and Great men of the Realm demanded hostages from them signifying to them all by his Letters that before the Calendâ— of August they should present to him so many and such hostages wherewith they might remove all suspition of jealousie out of his mind Cumque Comites ac Barones Angliae in magno militiae appar◠〈…〉 COLLOQVIUM Calend. Augustâ— sibi praesticum the Earl Marshal being informed by his Sister Isabel as he was going thither that ther were ambushes laid to take him by his enemies to present him to the King and Bishop of Winchester who would imprison and deal with him as they had done with Hubert Earl of Kent he thereupon departed in the night and posted into Wales to avoid the danger Venerunt autem AD COLLOQUIUM praedictum Comes Cestriae Comes Lincolniae Comes de Ferrariis Comes Richardus Frater Regis cum aliis Comitibus Baronibus multis sed nihil ibi actum fuit propter absentiam Comitis Mareschalli et Gileberti Basset et quorundam aliorum absentium Magnatum the Lords refusing to act siâ— or grant any thing to the king whiles theâ—e eminent Members were absent and their House no full Unde Rex per Consilium Episcopi Wintoniensis Stephani de Segrave fecit invitari per literas omnes de regno Magnates qui sibi ad militare servitium renebantur ut venirent apud Gloverniam cum eqâ—is armis die Dominica ante Assumptionem beatae Mariae Sed Richardus Mareschallus alii multi qui fuerunt confaederaâ—i cum venire noluisseut ad diem statutum fecit Rex ac si proditores essent villas eorum concremari paâ—cos vivaria eorum destruere castella obsidione vallare the King outlawing them of Treason Whereupon there arose a war and many skirmiâ—hes between the Kings party and Poictovines the Earl Marshal and his Confederates for near two years space Anno 1234. Rex Anglorum venit ad COLLOQUIUM apud Westmonasterium in Purificatione beatae Mariae in quo quosdam Episcopos maxime Alexandrum Cestrensem Episcopum graviter increpavit de nâ—mia familiaritate Comitis Mareschalli quod ipsum a regni sâ—lio depellere nitebantur Episcopus autem ille Pontificalibus indutu cum talia sibi objecta cognovisseâ— neâ—non quosdam qui Regi suggesserant exasperando Episcopos foventes partes Mareschalli velle alium Regem erigere commotus est vehementer Excommunicavit igitur in continenti omnes qui contra Regem iniquitatem hujusmodi sceleris cogitabant vel super Episcopos qui omnino de salute honore regis sollicitabantur malitiose talia imponebant Et sic manifestata Episcoporum ac probata innocentia confusis discordiae seminatoribus siluit legista Rogerus de Cantelu ab anathemate ut videbatur non immunis Sic igitur intervenientibus Episcopis qui aderant pacificatus est Alexander Cestrensis Episcopus quievit spiritus illius nimis ante amaricatus Affuit quidem hinc COLLOQUIO Magister Aedmundus Cantuariensis Electus cum multis Episcopis suffraganeis qui omnes Regis Regni desolationi condolentes venerunâ— ad Regem quasi uno corde animo et ore dixerunâ— Domine Rex dicimus vobis in Domino ut fideles vestri quod consilium quod nunc habetis quo utimini non est â—anum nec securum sed crudele periculosum vobis et regno Augliae Petri videlicet Wintoniensis Episcopi Pâ—tri de Rivallis complicium suorum Imprimis quia gentem Anglicanam odio habent contemnunt vocantes eos proditores facientes omnes sic vocari avertentes animum vestrum ab amore gentis vestrae corda nostra gentis vestrae a vobis quod apparet in Mareschallo qui melior homo est terrae vestrae quem per mendacia interseminata a vobis elongantes perverterunt Et per hoc idem consilium scilicet per dictum Episâ—opum amisâ—â— Pateâ— vester Rex Johannes primo corda gentis suae deinde Normaâ—mam post alias terras in fine totum the theâ—aurâ—me exhauâ—ie â—ere Dominium Angliae
suis consentaneis rimens sibi post praedicti Comitis purgationem gravissimas de se suscitati querelas US QUE AD ALIUD PARLIAMENTUM praefatum diem procuravit prorogandum Unde tumultu ad tempus sedato Rex proprium adivit Palatium cum gaudio Articuli vero praetactarum culparum cum suis fabricatoribus plures sunt ultra modum transgressibiles si veri essent Sed quia incredibiles sunt nulla fulciuntur veritate ne mendaciorum scriptor dicerer aâ—t fabricator eos huic paginae non arbitror annotari Jmo qui eos siâ—ienter audire desiderat a mendacâ— mondaâ—iâ— exâ—auriet me in noc relinquens alium relatorem exquirat Anno 1261. Prince Edward returning out of France brought William de Valentia the Kings Brother-in-law with him lately banished out of the land who could then scarce obtain any admission into it but upon this condition Ut praestito in ingressu sacramento BARONUM PROVISIONI IN OMNIBUS OBEDIRET singulis contra eum dâ—posiâ—is quaerelis et deponendis si neceâ—se fuerit responderet Eadwardus vero super vanis Regis consiliis consiliariis edoctus eisdem valde iratus sponte se patris absentavit obtutibus fideliterut perjuraverat assensit Baronibus Inquisitis itaque diligenter praedictae contentionis fautoribus et cognitis unanimiter omnes cum Eadwardo conjurarunt quod nunquam regi consentirent in uno donec quoldam non nominandos a suo amoveret consilio Addentes quod per talium pacis perturbatorum suggestiones Rex saepe decipitur in praetacta papali absolutione juramenti sui to observe the provisions of the Barons made at Oxford provisio Regi regno salutaris infirmatur Unde revelato eorum secreto nunquam Rex talium consilio intermediante suo poterit BARONAGIO prout decet consentiâ— Comâ—â—es antem Gloverniae et Leicestriae pace sunt tunc firmissima confaederati simul cum Eadwardo aliis contestantes quod aut praedictorum perturbatocum a rege removerent consorrium aut guerâ—a viâ—iniore suscitanda alterutros se darent in interitum In pursuance whereof the Barons continued in arms so long till they forced the Kings ill Counsellors from him constrained him to reconfirm and assent to their provisions made at Oxford to banish all strangers out of the Realm and to put all his Castles into their hands Anno 1264. Richard King of Romans Prince Edward the Kings eldest Son caterique BARONES OMNES ET NOBILES praedicto regi Angliae constanter sincerae fidei devotionis operibus adhaerentes in their memorable Letter and answer immediately before the battle of Lewes Simoni de Monte forti Gilberto de Clara caeterisque universis singulis perfidiae suae complicibus who accused them of giving neither good nor faithfull Counsel to the King in their Letter then sent to them write thus in order to a legal trial in the Kings Court of Parliament by their Peers De hoc autem quod falso nobis imponitis quod nec fidâ—le nec bonum consilium regi Domino vestro damus nequaquam verum dicitis Et si vos domine Simon de Monte forti vel Gileberte de Clara velitis hoc idem IN CURIA DOMINI REGIS ASSERERE parati sumus securum veniendi ad dictam CURIAM procurare conductum nostrae super hoc innocentiae veritatem vestrum sicut PERFIDORUM PRODITORVâ—M mendacium declarare per ALIOS misprinted in some Copies alium NOBILITATE ET GENERE VOBIS PARES not parem relating to that of Magna Charta c. 29. Per legale judicium PARIUM SUORUM by which Peers only are legally triable In the year of our Lord 1265 being the 49 year of Henry the 3 his reign the Earl of Leicester Simon de Montefort and sundry other of the Barons being slain and the rest of them totally routed in the Battel of Evesham by Prince Edward thereupon the King being rescued out of their hands and restored to his royal authority summoned a Parliament at Winchester on the Nativity of the blessed Virgin In which Parliament REX ET REGNI MAGNATES ORDINARVNT as Mat. Westminster relates quod diâ—iores Civitatis Londinensis in carcerom truderentur quod Cives Civitas Londinensis Nota suis antiquis Privilegiis libertatibus privaretur OB SUAM REBELLIONEM quod stipites cathenas quibus Civitas fuerat roborata de medio tollerentur PRO EO QUOD Simoni de Montiforti Comiti Leicestriae IN REGIS CONTEMPTUM ET ETIAM DAMNUM REGNI FORTITER ADHAESERANT Capitunei etiam factionis contra Regem juxta voluntatem ejus plâ—ctendi carcere manciparentur Quod totum factum est Nam potentiores Civitatis apud Castrum Windesoram Carceri fuerunt mancipaâ—i qui post modo poena pecuniaria ad summam non modicam mulctabantur Libertas fuit civibus interdicta Turris London per stipites Cathenas Civitatis fortiâ—r facta Post hoâ— aprid Westmonasterium in festo Translatioâ—is Sancti Edwardi there was another Parliament held at London summoned by this Writ yet extant on Record Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae c. Cum post gravia turbationum discrâ—minadudum habita in regno nostro Carissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster pro pace in regno nostro assecurenda et firmanda obses traditus extitisset et jam sedata Benedictus Deus turbatione praedicta super deliberatione ejusdem salubriter providenda et plena securiâ—aâ—e et tranquillitate pacis ad honoâ—em Dei utilitatem totius regni nostri firmanda et totaliter complenda ac super quibusdam aliis regni nostri negoâ—â—is quae sine Consilio vestro et aliorum Praelatorum et Magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri cuâ— eisdem traâ—tatum nos habere oportet Vobis mandamuâ— rogantes in fide et diâ—ectione quibuâ— Nobis teneminiâ— quod omni occasione postposita negotiis aliis praetertermissiâ— ad Nos Londoniis c. Nobiscum et cum Praedictis Praelatis et Magnatibus nosâ—ris quos ibid. vâ—c râ—cimus supeâ— praemiâ—is istis tracâ—a uri et Consil impensuri Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac veâ—â—rum necnon et communem regni nostri tranquillitatem diligitis nullatenus omittatis The Teste of this Writ to the Bishops bears date of Winchester where the former Parliament was held Decemb. 14. the Writs to the temporal Lords Abbots and Peers bâ—ar date at Woodstock the 24 of this Month there being no lesse than 64 Abbots 36 Priors the Master of the Temple and 4 Dears of Cathedral Churches summoned thereunto besides Knights and Burgesses now first summoned to that Parliament to settle peace most of them being VOLUNTARIE SUMMONITI and not bound of right to come not holding of the King by Barony In this Parl. by judgement of the King and Lords SENTENTIA EXHAEREDATIONIS IN REGIS ADVERSARIOS FEREBATUR '
Clergy being thus put out of the Kings Protection and thereby disabled to sue or sit in Parliament were secluded the Parliament house the King holding the Parliament with the Temporal Lords and Commons alone and making valid good Acts and Ordinances therein in this case without the Clergy as Bishop Jewel M. Crompton Dr. Bilson and others affirm which Dr. Standish averred he might lawfully doe before the Kings Council and a Committee of Lords and Commons in the Parliament of 7 H. 8. Keilwayes Reports f. 184. b. Sir Edward Cooke being of the selfâ—ame opinion in his 4 Institutes p. 25. citing other Presidents of this kind to prove that Acts may be made without the Bishops as 15 E. 2. Exilium Hugonis le Dispenser 3 Rich. 2. c. 3.7 Rich. 2. c. 12.11 R. 2. n. 9 10 11. 21 R. 2. n. 9 10. 1 H. 5. c. 7.6 H. 6. n. 27. Peter de Gaverston a deâ— oiâ— lascivious person for his misdemeanours and corrupting Prince Edward with whom he was educated from his infancy in the year 1306 in a Parliament then held by King Edw. the 1. assensu Communi Procerum fuerat exilio penpetuo condemnâ—tus This King was no sooner deaâ— and the Crown descending to King Edward the 2. but he presently recalled Gaverston from his exile against the will of the Lords made him Earl of Cornwall and gave him the Isle of Man An. 1307. the very first year of his reign He being more high in the Kings favoâ—r more glorious in his apparel and insolent in his behaviour than any other thereupon Anno 1309. Regni Proceres et Nobiliores videnâ—es se contemni Petrum de Gaveâ—on cunctis anteferri accessâ—runt ad Regem humiliter rogantes ut Baronum suorum vellet consiliis tractare Regni negotia quibus a pericuâ— sibi imminentibus non solum cautior sed tâ—tior esse possit Quorum votis facie tenus Rex annuitâ— Parliamentum Londini instituâ—t fiori ad quod omnes qui interesse debebant mark it venire mandavit The Parliament there assembling Anno 1310. Decreto Parliamenti ad Baronum instantiam Petrus deâ— Gaverâ—on in Hyberniam Exilio relegatur No sooner was the Parliament ended but the King caused special writs to be written and sealed in his own presence for recalling Gaverston from his exile and restoring him to his Lands which writs he took into his own hands for a time and then sent them to the Sheriffs with special command to see them duly executed under grievous penalties In these Writs he recites that Mounsieur Piers de Gaverston Earl of Cornwal was of late exiled out of ouâ— Realm against the Laws and Vsages of the said Realm which he was bound to keep and maintain by the Oath he took at his Coronation For which cause he did out of that common right and justice which was due to all his Subjects recall and restore him without the Lords against their wills as the writs in the Clause Rolls inform us Thomas of Walsingham thus relates the manner of it and ill consequence thereof to Gaverstons ruine in these words Soluto Parliamento cunctis gaudenter ad sua disced nâ—ibus rex remansit tristis cogitans disquirens cum privato suo concilio qualiter posset ipsum ab exilio revocare Suggestumque fuit 〈◊〉 qâ—od si sororeiâ— Comitis Gloverniae qui pro â—unc 〈◊〉 jâ—venis â—oâ—i 〈◊〉 sub tuâ— Regis praeâ—aâ—o Pet◠〈…〉 coâ—ugeâ— posset ipsum intrepide revocare 〈◊〉 hiâ—s audicis cum omni festinatione missis nuneilâ—â—â—cersivit eâ—m inter ipsum sororem Comicis fecit celebrati nuptiae licet multum Gomiâ—i displicerent Eâ—iâ—de Petrus superbiens plus solito regni nobiles vilipendit subsannabat Proceres mediocresque despexir Et quia Rex permiserat sibi facultaâ—em pene facienâ—i quâ—e vellet quantum ad ea quae respiciebant personam regiam caepit sicut prius thesaurum regis colligere negotiatoribus ultra mariniâ— accommo lare non ad usus quidem regios sed suos proprios Qui in tantum expilavit regem ut non haberet unde solveret expensas solitas domus suae Regina vero tantum rebus necessariis arctabâ—tur ut regi Franciae patri suo lachrymabiliter quereretur honore debito se privatam Barones igitur considerantes quod eorum tollerantia Petro malignandi praestabat auâ—atiam domino regi denunciaverunt assensu communi ut vel dictum Petrum a sua propelleret comitiva articulosque provisos effectui manciparet vel ipsâ— certe in eum tanquam perjurum insurgerent Durus videbatur hic sermo regi quia Petro carere nescivit sed plus periculi cernebat emergere si petitionibus Proceâ—um non obâ—emperaret Petrus igitur abjurat regnum regis plus â—ermissione quam beneplacito addita a Baronibus conditions quod si de caetero posset in veniri in Anglia vel aliqua terra regi subiecta caperetur et velut hostis publicâ—s damnaretur Igitur sub praemura conditione daâ—o sibi conductu Angliae regnum Iâ—gons desernit Franciam est ingressus Quo adito Rex Francorum jussit suis ut eum caperent si quo modo possent diligenteâ— cusâ—odirent nâ— direâ— in Angliam Proceres sicut prius turbaret filtâ—m Petrus de â—is praemonitus fugit in Flandâ—iam ibi quaeâ—iturus requiem nec invenit Tandem cum suis consortibus aâ—ienigenis redivit in Angliam de amicitra confisus Comitis Gloverniae cujus sororem duxerat in uxorem Parum ante festum natalis domini regis se presentavit obâ—utibus qui prae gaudio sui adventus juramenta pacta promissa negligens tanquam coeleste munus hilariter suscepit eum secum detinuit cum familia sua tota Anno 1311. post natale rumore vulgato de Petri reversione regni Magnates plebei conturbati sunt Qui necessitate ducti elegerunt sibi Thomam de Lancastria in ducem et defensorem ut periculis consulerent malis futuris Nobiliores vero regni de communis deâ—reti sententia miserunt honorabiles domino regi nuncios exorantes ut vel dictum Petrum eis traderet vel ut ordinatum fuerat ipsum regnum evacuare juberet Rex vero sinistro ductus consilio Baronum supplicationes parvipendens ab Eboraco recessit ad Novum Castrum Magnates proinde sub omni celeritate ad Novum Castrum iter arripuere Quod cum Rex audisset quasi proscriptus aut exul fugit cum dicto Petro Tynemutham et inde Scardeburgiam ubi habebatur castrum regale ubi praecepit Castellanis ut custodiam Petri susciperent castellum victualibus instaurarent rege se alias transferente nec opem ferre valente quin caperetur reduceretur usque ad villam de Dadington Ubi Comes Warwici Guido de bello campo fecit eum decollari tanquam legum regni subversorem publicum proditorem
Communi Iudicio Which he more amply relates in his History of England p. 69. to 77. Here we have judgement of banishment given against Gaverston by the Lords in Parliament 3. several times the 1. whiles a Commoner the two later whiles an Earl as an Enemy to the Realm and publike Traytor and a Sentence of death denounced against him in case he returned which was accordingly executed on him by the common Sentence of the Lords A Convincing proof of their Jurisdiction in criminal Causes both over Commoners and Peers His second banishment by the Lords was ratified by a Bill as the Spencers was to which the Commons gave their Assent as they did to two Acts in the Parliament of 7 Edward the 2. printed in Totles Magna Charta part 2. f. 43 44. Ne quis occasionetur pro reditu as also pro morte Petri de Gaverston made by the Grant and Assent of the King Archbishops Bushops Abbots Priors Earls and Barons ET TOUTE LA COMMVNALTIE de nostre Royalm By which Bill his Lands were all forfeited and giveâ— to the King as appears by Claus 1.2 E. 2. m. 5. where Hugh de Audeley the younger and Margaret his wife petitioned A nostre Seigneur la Roy son Counscil PRELATES COUNTS BARONS de la terre The Petition was for the Earldom of Cornwall after the death of Peter de Gaverston to whom it was given in general tayl Margaret being his daughter and heir because THE GREAT CHARTER wills that after the death of a Baron his heir shall have his heritage and mariage and the Statute of Westminster 2. wills That heirs in tayl shall not be prejudiced by the deed fine or feofment of their Ancestors and the GREAT CHARTER also wills That no man shall be outed of his freehold without the award and judgement of the Law of the Land Afterwards upon debate of this Petition pro eo quod recordatum fuit by the LORDS AND COMMONS that it had been AGREED BY THEM that all things given by the King to Gaverston and Margaret should be revoked per quod in hoc Parliamento modo per praefatos Praelatos Comiteâ— Barones et totain Communitatem Regni cousideratum est that the Earldom and all the rest of his Landâ— should remain in the King that all Charters of it should be repealed all enrolments cancelled quod est adjudicatum intretur ad Scaccarium et ad utrumque Câ—riâ—m there to be inrolled also And there is a writ directd to the Treasurer and Barons and Chief Justices of both Benches to inrol it in this Roll. This judgement being by way of Bill in pursuance of the former Bill for his attainder had the Commons assent thereto as well as the Lords though the Petiâ—ion here was directed only to the King and Lords for restitution not to the Commons who could not be Gaverstons proper Judges in Parliament being a Peer but only by way of Bill of Attainder In the 15 year of King Ed. 2. the two Sir Hugh Spencers Father and Son were articled against impeached and condemned of High Treason by the Lords in Parliament and exiled by their judgement without the Prelates or Commons who only consented to the Act for their banishment after the judgement given of which at large before to which I shall here annexe the Arricles of their impeachment being very memorable Alhonnour de Dieu de sainct esglise et de nostre seignour le roy et au profite de luy et de son royalmâ— a peace de quiete maintenir en son people et pur meinteynment de lestate de la Corone luy monstrent Praelates Counâ—z et Barons et les autres Pieres de la terre common du royalme contresir Hugh le Despenser le fitz et Sir Hugh le Despenser le Pier que come le dit sire Hugh le Despenser le fitz au Parlement Deverwike fuit nosme et assentu destre en lossice du Chamberlain nostre seignor le roy de servir en cel office come afferoit An quel parlement fuit auxi assentu que certeins Prelates et â—u res Grandes du roialme demorerent pres de roy par sâ—isons de lan pur meulx counseiler nostre seignor le roy sans queux nul grosse bosoigne ne se deveroit fair le dit sir Hugh le fitz attreit a luy syr Hugh son pier que ne fuit nient assentu ne accorde en parlement a demourer ensi pres de roy enter eux deux acroachant a eux royal power sur le roy fes ministers le guyment de son royalme a dishor our du roy emblemisement de sa corone et destruction du royalme des grandes et du people et sesoient les maluesiees desâ—us escriptes en compassant deâ—â—oigner le coer nostre seignour le roy des Piers de la terre pur avoir eux soule governance de la terre En primes que sir Hugh le Dispenser le fitz feusi coruce vers le roy et sur ceo coruce fist un bille sur la quel bille il voillet auoir en aliance de sir John Gyffarde de Brymmesfeld sir Richard de Greye et dautre davoir mesne le roy par aspertee de faire sa volunte issent que en luy ne temist mye que il ne â—e euâ—t fair â—a tenure de la bille sensuit sous escript Homage serement de ligeance est pluis par reson de la corone que per reason de person le roy pluis se lie a la corone que a la person ceo piere que avant que â—estate de la corone soit descendu nul ligeance est a la person regardant Dont si le roy par case ne se meisne par reasone en droit de la corone les leiges sont lies per sâ—rement fait a la corone de remeuer le roy et le state de la corone par reason auâ—rement ne serroit le serement tenus Ore fait a demander coment lem doit amesner le roy ou par suite de ley ou par aspertee par suite de ley ne luy poet home pas redresser â—ar il navera pas juge si ceo ne soit depart le roy En quel case si la volunte le roy ne soit accordant a reason si naveroit il forsque errour maintenue confirme Dont il covient pur le serement lauuer et quant le roy ne voet chose redresser oustre que est pur le common people malueis et damageous pur la corone a judger est que la chose soit ousle par aspertee que il est lie par â—on serement de governer son people ses lieges ses liege â—ont lies de govern en eide de luy en defaut de luy Et auxint par lour covin
Vice-Chamberlain before the King and Lords of divers offences against the King who taking the accusation to be good because of the Bishops order and that he was of the kingâ— linage pardoned the said Bishop all his misprisions done against his person and reconciled the Bishop and Sir Thomas one to another And n. 30 31. all the Lords Temporal whose names are there recorded being 25. in number by assent of the King declared and ADJUDGED Thomas Holland late Earl of Kent John Holland late Earl of Huntingdon John Mountague late Earl of Salisbury Thomas le Despencer Sir Ralph Lumley Knight and divers others who were for their Rebellions and Treasons in levying war against the King taken slain or beheaded by certain of the Kings Subjects to be Traytors and that they should forfeit all such Lands as they had in fee the 5. of January the first year of the King or at any time after with all their goods and chattels The Record is Toutz les Seigneurs temporelz esteantz en Parlement per ussent du Roy declarerent et adjuggerent les ditz Thomas c. pur Trayteurs pur la leve de Guerre encountre lour Seignior le Roy nient obstant qils furent mortz sur le dâ—t leve de guerre sanz process de ley Lo here the Lords alone by the Kings assent declare and adjudge what is Treason both in the case of Lords and Commoners too and â—taint and give Judgement against them both without the Commons after their deaths without legal trial In the Parliament of 5 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 11 12 13 14. On Friday the 18 of February the Earl of Northumberland came before the King Lords and Commons in Parliament and by his Petition to the King acknowledged that he had done against his Lawes and allegeance and especially for gathering power giving of Liveries for which he put himself upon the Kings grace and prayed pardon the rather for that upon the Kings Letters he yielded himself and came to the King at York whereas he might have kept himself away Which Petition by the Kings command was delivered to the Justices to be examined and to have their counsel and advice therein Whereupon the LORDS made a Protestation que le Juggement appentient a â—ux tout soulement THAT THE JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED ONLY TO THEM And after the said Petition being read and considered before the King and the said Lords as Peers of Parliament aus queux teils juggemeâ—t apperteignent de deoit to whom such Iudgements appertained of right having had by the Kings command competent deliberation thereupon and having also heard and considered as well the Statute made in the 25. year of King Edward the Kings Grand father that now is concerning the Declaration of Treason as the Statutes of Liveries made in this Kings reign ADJUDGED That that which was done by the said Earl contained within his Petition was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespas for which the said Earl ought to make fine and ransom at the will of the King Whereupon the said Earl most humbly thanked our Lord the King and the said Lords his Peers of Parliament for their rightfull judgement and the Commoners for their good affections and dâ—ligence used and shewen in this behalf And the said Earl further prayed the King that in assurance of these matters to remove all jealousies and evil suspitions that he might be sworn a new in the presence of the King and of the Lords and Commons in Parliament and the said Earl took an Oath upon the Crosier of the Archbishop of Canterbury to be a faithfull and loyal liege to our Lord the King the Prince his Son and to the heirs of his body inheritable to the Crown according to the Laws of England Whereupon the king out of his grace pardoned him his fine and ransom for the trespass aforesaid After which num 17. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal humbly thanked the King sitting in his royal Throne in the white Chamber for his grace and pardon to the said Earl of his fine and ransom and likewise the Commons thankâ— the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the good and just Iudgement they had given as Peers of Parliament to the said Earl From this memorable Record I shall observe First that though this Declaration of this Earls case was made by his Petition in the presence of the King Lords and Commons in Parliament according to the Statute of 25 E. 3. yet the Lords only by Protestation in presence of the King and Commons claimed to be the sole Iudges of it as Peers of Parliament and belonging to them OF RIGHT Secondly That this claim of theirs in this case was acknowledged and submitted to both by the King and Commons and thereupon the Lords only after serious consideration of the case and Statutes whereon it depended gave the definitive sentence and judgement in this case that it was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespass only c. Thirdly That the Earl thanked the King only for his grace the Lords for their just Iudgement and the Commons only for their good hearts and diligence having no share in the judgement though given by the Lords both in the Kings and their presence and that the Commons themselves returned special thanks to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament for their good and just judgement Fourthly That this judgement of the Lordr only was final and conclusive both to the King and Commons who acquiesced in it In the Parliament of 2 H. 5. rot Parl. num 13 14. Thomas Mountague Earl of Salisbury son and heir of John Mountague Earl of Salisbury exhibited his petition in Parliament to reverse a judgement given against his said father in the Parliament at Westminster in the second year of King Henry the fourth rot Parl. n. 30 31. forecited wherein amongst others he was attainted of Treason by judgement of all the Temporal Lords in Parliament and thereupon he exhibited certain reversals of Judgements given in Parliament as making on his behalf to the Lords consideration reversed for some errors assigned in those judgements to wit one judgement given against Thomas heretofore Earl of Lancaster before King Edward the second at Pomfract the Monday before the feast of the Annunciation in the fifteenth year of his reign and another Judgement against Roger de Mortymer late Earl of March in the Parliament of King Edward the third the Monday after the feast of St. Katherine in the fourth year of his reign at Westminster Which Judgements being distinctly and openly readâ— and fully understood It seemed to the King and Lords that the case of the death and execution of the said John late Earl of Sarum and of the judgement aforesaid against him given is not nor was like to the case of the executing of the said Th. heretofore Earl of Lancaster nor to the case of the putting to death of Roger Earl of March nor to any judgement given against
committed to the Tower of London The 7 day of February the Commons by William Trussel their Speaker brought up and presented to the King and Lords in the Lords House a Bill against the said Duke containing an impeachment of several High Treasons committed by him against the King requiring of the Lords all their Articles therein to be enacted with prosecution therein The 9. of March they exhibited new articles of complaint against the Duke comprising sundry misdemeanors against the king and other persons which they require might be enrolled and that the Duke might answer to them The 9. of March the Duke was brought by the kings writ from the Tower into the Parliament Chamber before the King and Lords where the Articles were rehearsed to him who desired Copies of them which was granted And he for more ready answer was committed to certain Esquires to be kept in the Tower within the kings palace The 14 of March the Duke appeared before the K. Lords where on his knees he denied as untrue the 8 Articles of Treason and the same offered to prove as the King shall appoint The Chief Justice thereupon by the kings command asked this Question of the Lords what advise they would give the King what is to do further in this matter which advise was deferred till Monday then next following whereon nothing was done in that matter On Tuesday the 17 of March the king sent for all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal then being in Town being 24 in all into his Inner Chamber within his Palace of Westminster where when they were all assembled he then sent for the Duke thither who coming into the Kings presence kneeled down and continued kneeling till the Chancellor of England had delivered the kings command to him and demanded of him what he said to the Commons Articles not having put himself upon his Peerage Whereupon the Duke denied all the Articles touching the kings Person and state of the Realm as false and scandalous And so not departing from his said Answers submitted himself to the kings Rule and Governance without putting himself upon his Peerage Where thus the Chancellor told him That as touching the great and horrible crimes contained in the first Bill the king holdeth him neither declared nor charged And as touching the second Bill containing misprisions which are not criminal the king by force of his submission by his own advice and not reporting him to the advice of the Lords nor by way of judgement for he is not in place of judgement putteth you to his Rule and Governance that before the first of May next coming he should absent himself out of the kingdom of England and all other his Dominions in France or elsewhere and that he nor no man for him should shew or wait any malice nor hate to any person of what degree soever of the Commons in the Parliament in no manner of wise for any thing done to him in this Parliament or elsewhere And forthwith Viscount Beaumont in behalf of the said LORDS both spiritual and Temporal and by their advice assent and desire said and declared to the Kings Highness That this that so was decreed and done by his Excellency concerning the person of the said Duke proceeded not by their advice and Counsels but was done by the Kings own demeanoir and rule Wherefore they besought the King that this their saying might be enacted in the Parliament Roll for their more declaration hereafter with this protestation that it should not be nor turn in prejudice nor derogation of them their heirs ne of their successors in time coming but that they may have and enjoy their liberty as they or any of their Ancestors and Predecessors had and enjoyed before this time This is the sum of this large Record which makes nothing to the purpose for which Sir Edward Cook cites it in his 4 Institutes p. 25. That it is ERROR when both Houses joyn not in the Judgement For first here is nothing but an impeachment only by the Commons of a Peer who ought to be tryed judged only by his Peers not by Commoners Secondly there was no judgement given in Parliament in this case but only a private Award made by the King out of the Parliament House in his own Chamber in presence of the Lords Thirdly the Lords entred a special protestation against it as not made by their advice or consent Fourthly they enter a special claim in the Parliament Roll for the preservation of their Right and Freedom of Peerage for hereafter both of being tried and judged only by their Peers in Parliament and so an express resolution that the Peers in Parliament are and ought to be Judges especially of Peers not the Commons These Records of these cited at large lest Sir Edward Cooks brief quotation and mis-recital of them should deceive the credulous or ignorant Readers In the Parliament of 31 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 28. Thomas Earl of Devonshire was accused of Treason tried for and acquitted thereof by his Peers before Humfrey Duke of Buckingham Steward of England for the time being And for that the Duke of York thought the loyalty of the said Earl to be touched thereupon the said Earl protesting his Loyalty referred himself to further Trial as a Knight should doe upon which declaration THE LORDS in Parliament acquitted him as a loyal Subject Edward Duke of York with the Earls of March Warwick Salisbury Rutland John Lord Clinton and others were impeached and attainted by Judgement of the Lords in Parliament of High Treason for raising forces and levying war against King Henry the 6. and afterwards attainted by Bill in the Parliament of 38 H. 6. n. 7. to 26. In the Paâ—liamenr of 1 E. 4. n. 17. to 71. The Duke of Exeter Viscount Beamont the Earls of Pembroke Wilts and Devonshire the Lords Nevil Roos Gray Dacre Hungerford and others were first attainted and condemned of High Treason by THE LORDS and after by Bill for levying warr against King Edward the fourth The Duke of Somerset and others in the Parliament of 4 E. 4. n. 28. to 39. and John Vere Earl of Oxford with others in the Parliament of 14 E. 4. n. 34. to 41. were in the same manner for the same offence attainted of High Treason and their Lands forfeited To pretermit all other Attainders of this Nature in cases of High Treason in the reigns of Henry the 8. Edward the 6. Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth and King James both in our English and Irish Parliaments formerly touched p. 196 197 198 199. In the Parliaments of 18 21 Jacobi Sir Francis Bacon Viscount St. Alban Lord Chancellor of England and the Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England were impeached accused convicted of Bribery Corruption and other misdemeanors removed from their places fined Middlesex 50000 l. imprisoned made uncapable of any Office and thus censured by Iudgement of the Lords house as the Journals of those Parliaments
fined a 1000 l. to Edmond Earl of Cornwal and 2000 marks to the Abbot of Westminster and committed to the Tower of London by JUDGEMENT of the King Earls Barons and Iustices in full Parliament for citing and attaching the said Earl of Cornwal in Westminster hall to appear before the Archbishop sitting the Parliament whereof he was a Peer against his Privilege and the privilege of Sanctuary granted to the Abbot of Westminst and remained prisoners there till they put in Sureties and paid the 1000 l. fine to the Earl notwithstanding their plea of ignorance of these their Privileges In the Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 2 3 4 5 6. Sir Simon Bereford knight John Mautravers Boso de Bayons John Deverall Thomas de Gournay and William of Ocle confederates with Roger Mortimer Earl of March in all his Treasons and misdoings for which he was then impeached and condemned and guilty of the murders of King Edward the 2. after his deposition in Berkley Castle and of the Earl of Kent his Brother were attainted and condemned of High Treason by the Lords Barons Péers in Parliament as Iudges of Parliament though they were Commoners and not their Péers whom they were not at all obliged to judge as Péers adjudging them by the Kings assent as Traytors and Enemies of the King and his Realm to be drawn and hanged Whereupon Sir Simon being in Custody was executed by the Marshal and Proclamation made by the Kings writs by the Lords order to apprehend the others with promise of great rewards to those who should apprehend them that they might be executed and if they could not take them alive to bring in their heads for which thty should receive the reward of 500 l. from the King It is true indeed that after these Judgements given the Lords the same Parliament entred this special Protestation in the Parliament Roll n. 6. against being forced to give Judgement in such cases against those who were not their Peers which Sir Edward Cook stiles an Act of Parliament though it be no such thing but a voluntary Protestation of the Lords with the Kings assent It is assented and agreed by our Lord the King and all the Great men in full Parliament that albeit the said Péers as Iudges of Parliament took upon them in the presence of our Lord the King to make and render the said Judgements by assent of the King upon some of those who were not at all their Peers and that by reason of the murder of our Leige Lord and destruction of him who was so near of the bloud royal and son of a King that thereby the PEERS which now are o◠the Péers which shall be in time to come shall not be bound or charged to render Iudgements upon others who are not their Péers nor yet to doe it but upon the Péers of the Land but that they shall from henceforth be for ever acquitted thereof And that the said Iudgements now rendered shall not be drawn into example nor consequence for time to come whereby the said Peers may be charged hereafter to adjudge others than their Peers against the Law of the Land if such another case should happen which God defend From this Protestation of the Lords which Lilburn principally insists on he and some others conclude that the Peers in Parliament have no right at all to imprison fine judge or pass sentence of death against any Commoner for any offence no not for breach of their own Privileges but only the Commons To which Objection I answer First that this is no Act of Parliam as Sir E. Cook mistakes but a bare Protestation of the Lords alone assented to by the King without the Commons assent which no wayes impeacheth the Lords right of judicature Secondly that neither the House of Commons nor the Commoners then attainted of Treason and adjudged to death by the Lords ever demurred or excepted against their Jurisdiction as Lilburn and Overton doe but acknowledged and submitted to it Thirdly That in this very Protestation the Lords profess and justifie their right of BEING JVDGES in Parliament without admitting or acknowledging any Joynt or sole right of Judicature with them in the Commons Fourthly That this Protestation was meerly voluntary not in derogation but preservation of their own Honour Right Peerage and the Parliaments privileges too The substance of it is no more than this That the Lords should not be constrained against their wills by the Kings command and in his presence to give judgement of death in ordinary cases of Treason or Felony in the high Court of Parliament or elsewhere out of it against such who were no Peers who in such cases by the Law might and ought to be tried in the Kings Courts at Westminster or before the Iustices of Oyer and Terminer by a Iury of their equals but only in cases which could not well be tried elsewhere and were proper for their Judgement in Parliament they fearing that by this president in Parliament they might be sworn and impannelled on Juries in cases of Treason committed by Commoners against the Great Charter c. 29. and the Privilege of their Peerage which exempted them being sworn or put into Juries as Fitz. Nat. brev f. 165.48 E. 3. f. 30. Exemption 6.48 Ass 6.27 H. 8. f. 22. b. This is the whole summ and sence of their protestation To argue therefore from hence That they cannot pass sentence or judgement against any Commoners in any case proper for their Judicature in Parliament because they protested only against being COMPELLED to give Iudgement against such as were no Peers in cases triable elsewhere and not proper for their tribunal as the Objectors hence conclude is quite to mistake their meaning end to speak rather non-sence than reason or Law Fifthly This Protestation was made only against the Lords giving sentence in Felony and Treason and that in the Kings own presence in Parliam who usually pronounced the judgment himself or by some other with the Lords assent did not charge the Lords to pronounce it as here not against sentencing fining imprisoning any Commoner for rayling and libelling against their Persons Jurisdiction and procedings or refusing to answer and contemning their Authority to their faces at the barr or appealing from their Judicature in case of breach of Privilege of which themselves alone and no others are or can be Judges the cases of Lilburn and Overton whose commitments are warranted by hundreds of Presidents in this and former Parliaments Therefore for them to apply this Protestation to their cases with which it hath no Analogy is a manifestation of their injudiciousness and folly rather than a justification of their Libellous Invectives against the Lords injustice Sixthly The Lords gave judgement against all these persons by the Kings command in their absence without any Indictment hearing Trial witnesses heard or examined against them face to face or due process or Law against the Great Charter
against Sir Michael de la Pool Knight Lord Chancellor of England first before the Commons and afterward before the Lords which was granted Then he accused him BEFORE THE LORDS for bribery and injustice and that he entered into a bond of 10 l. to Iohn Ottard a Clerk to the said Chancellor which he was to give for his good success in the business in part of payment whereof he brought Herring and Sturgeon to Ottard and yet was delayed and could have no justice at the Chancellors hands Upon hearing the cause and examining witnesses upon Oath before THE LORDS the Chancellor was cleared The Chancellor thereupon required reparation for so great a slander the Lords being then troubled with other weighty matters let the Fishmonger to Bail and referred the matter to be ordered by the Judges who upon hearing the whole matter condemned Cavendish in three thousand marks for his slanderous complaint against the said Chancellor and adjudged him to prison till he had paid the same to the Chancellor and made fine and ransom to the King also which the Lords confirmed In the Parliament of 8 R. 2. n. 12. Walter Sybell of London was arrested and brought into the Parliament before the Lords at the sute of Robert de Veer Earl of Oxford for slandering him to the Duke of Lancaster and other Nobles for maintenance Walter denied not but that he said that certain there named recovered against him the said Walter and that by maintenance of the said Earl as he thought The Earl there present protested himself to be innocent and put himself upon the trial Walter thereupon was committed to Prison by the Lords and the next day he submitted himself and desired the Lords to be a mean for him saying he could not accuse him whereupon THE LORDS CONVICTED and FINED HIM FIVE HUNDRED MARKS TO THE SAID EARL for the which and for his fine and ransom to the King he was committed to prison BY THE LORDS A direct case in point By these two last Presidents of the Lords â—ining and imprisoning Cavendish and Syber two Commoners in Parliament for their standers and false accusacions only of two particular Peers and Members of their house it is most apparent the Lords now may most justly not only imprison but likewise fine both Lilburn and Overion for their most scandalous Libels against all the Members just Privileges Judicatory and Authority of the whole House of Peers which they have contemned vilisied oppugned and libelled against in the highest degree and most scurrillously abused reviled in sundry seditious Pamphlets to incite both the Army and whole Commonalty against them In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. the Duke of Glocester and other Lords came to London with great forces to secure themselves and remove the kings ill Counsellors and bring them to judgement whereupon the King for fear securing himself in the Tower of London and refusing to come to them at Westminster contrary to his faithfull promise the day before they sent him this threatning Message nisi venire maturaret juxta condictum quod eligerent alium sibi Regem qui vellet et deberet obtemperare consiliis Dominorum Wherewith being terrified he came unto them the next day Cui dixerunt PROCERES pro honore suo regni commodo oporterâ—â— ut Proditores susurrones adulatores et male fici detractores juratores à suo Palatio et Comitive etiam eliminarentur Whereupon they banished sundry Lords Bishops Clergy-men Knights and Ladies from the Court and imprisoned many other Knights Esquires and Lawyers to answer their offences in Parliament The first man proceeded against in Parliament was the Chief Justice Tresylian whom the Lords presently adjudged to be drawn and hanged The like Iuegement the Lords gave against Sir Nicholas Brambre Knight Sir Iohn Salisbury Sir Iames Burwâ—yes Iohn Beauchamp Iohn Blakes who were all drawn and hanged accordingly as Trayâ—ers one after another and Simon Burly beheaded after them by like judgement notwithstanding the Kings and Earl of Derbies intercessions for him to the Lords After their Execution Robert Belknapâ— John Holâ— Roger Fulthorp and William Burgh Justices were banished by the Lords sentence and their lands and chattels confiscated out of which they allowed them only a small annual pension to sustain their lives After which these Judgments against them were confirmed by Acts of Attainder as you may read in the Statutes at large of 11 R. 2. where their Crimes and Treasons are specified in Cokes 3 Institutes c. 2. p. 22 23. and in Knyghton Holinshed Fabian Speed Trussel with other Historians In the Parliament of 13 R. 2. n. 12. Upon complaint of the Bishop Dean and Chapter of Lincoln against the Mayor and Bayliffs thereof for injustice in keeping them from their rights and rents by reason of the franchises granted them which they abused Writs were sent to the Mayor and Baylifs to appear at a certain day before the Lords and to have full authority from the whole Comonalty to abide their determination therein At which day the Mayor and Bayliffs appearing in proper person for that they brought not full power with them from the said Commonalty they were anâ— goâ— by the Lords to be in contempt and so were the Mayor and Bayliffs of Cambridge for the self same cause this very Parliment n. 14. In the Parliament of 15 R. 2. n. 16. The Prior of Holland in Lancashire complained of a great riot done by Henry Treble John Greenboâ— and sundry others for entring into the Parsonage of Whitwâ—rke in Leicestershire thereupon John de Ellingham Serjeant at Armes by vertue of a Commission to him directed brought the said Treble and Greenbow the principle malefactors into the Parliament before the Lords who upon 〈◊〉 confessed the whole matter and were therefore committed to the Fleaâ— there to remain at the Kings pleasure after which they made a fine in the Chancery agreed with the Prior and found sureties for the Good behaviour whereupon they were dismissed The same Parliament n. 19. Sir Will. Bryan was by the King with the assent of the Lords committed prisoner to the lower during the Kings will and pleasure for purchasing a Bull from Rome to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to excommunicate all such who had broken up his house and taken away divers Letters Privileges and Charters which Bull was adjudged prejudicial to the King his Councâ—l and in derogation of the Law Num. 20. Thomas Harding was committed to the Fleet by the King and Lords assent there to continue during the Kings pleasure for falsly accusing Sir John and Sir Ralph Sutton as well by mouth as writing of a conspiracy whereof upon hearing they were acquitted And n. 21. John Shadwell of Baghsteed in Sussex was likewise committed to the Fleet by THE LORDS there to remain during the Kings pleasure for misinforming of the Parliament that the Archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated him and his neighbours wrongfully in his
every temporal Lord being in full Parliament examined touching the answer of the said Sir William and the matters and evidences which they had examined said severally that the said William had done his message well and legally and that in the person of the said William there was no fault nor evil touching the said message nor any thing that he did to the person of the said Duke Whereupon Walter Clapton Chief Justice of the Kings Bench by command of the king adjudged and declared that the said William should be fully excused and acquitted for ever in time to come touching this matter 3ly The last day of this Parliament it was agreed by the King and Lords that all the remembrances called Raggemans or Blantâ—es Charters lately sealed in the City of London and divers Counties Cities and Burroughs of England should be sent to the City of London and from every County City and Burrough from whence they came and Writs sent to every of them rehearsing That the king held all the resiants and Inhabitants in them for his good and loyal Subjects and that no confession by them made comprised in the said remembrances are nor shall be in derogation of the estate of any such person and that the same remembrances shall be burnt and destroyed in the most open place of the said Counties Cities and Burroughs and if any thing remain of record in any Court or place the king wills that it shall be cancelled and totally adnulled revoked and repealed and held for no record and of no force nor value for time to come 4ly The 19th of November in the said Parliament Placita Coronae coram Domino Rege in Parliamento suo c. Anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post Conquestum primo n. 17. The Commons prayed she King that rhe pursute arrest and judgements made against Sir William le Scropâ— knight Henry Green knight and John Bassy knight might be affirmed and held good Whereupon Sir Richard Scroop humbly prayed the King that nothing which should be done in this Parliament might turn to his or his Childrens dis-inherison Of which Sir Richard it was demanded whether the said pursute arrest and judgements were good or not who answered that he feared not to say and must confesse that when they were made thâ—y were good and profitable for the King and Realm and that his Son was one of them for which he was very sorrowfull Whereupon the king rehearsed that he claimed the Realm and Crown of England with all their members and appurietenances as heir of the bloud by the right line of king Henry the 3d. and although through the right which God had sent him by the aid of his Parents and friends he recovered the said Realm which was at the point to be undone by default of government and defesance of the Laws and customs of the Realm yet it was not his will that any should think that by way of Conquest he would disinherit any man of his heritage franchise or other right which he ought to have nor out any man of that which he had or should have by the good Laws or Customs of the Realm except these who had been against the good purpose and common profit of the Realm of which only the King held the said Sir William Henry and John for such and guilty of all the evil which had come upon the Realm and therefore he would have and hold all the Lands and Tenements they had within the Realm of England or elsewhere by conquest Whereupon fuist demande de touts les Seigniors temporellez lour advys de les pursuite arreste juggem 〈◊〉 suiâ—diâ—z Les queux Seigniors touz de â—ne accorde disorent que mesmes les pursuite arreste juggement quinâ—que fuist fait come defuist dit uist bons et les affirmente Piur bons et profitables 5ly In the case of John Hall 1 H. 4. Placita Coronae n. 11 to 17. who being in custody of the Marshal of Englana was brought by him before the Lords in Parliament and there charged before them by Walter Clapton Lord Chief Justice by the King command with having a hand in the murther of the Duke of Glocester who was smothered to death with a Featherbed at Calues by king Richard the seconds command the whole transaction whereof he confessed at large and put in writing before James Billingford Clerk of the Crown which was read before the Lords upon reading thereof the King and all the temporal Lords in Parliament resolved that the said John Hall by his own confession deserved to have as hard a death as they could adjudge him to because the Duke of Glocester was so high a Person and thereupon toutes les Seigneiors temporelz per assent du Roy adjuggerent all the temporal Lords by assent of the King ADJVDGED that the said Jo. Hall should be drawn from Tower hill unto the Gallows at Tiburn and there bowelled and his bowels laid before him and after he should be hanged beheaded and quartered and his head sent to Calice where the murther was committed and his quarters sent to other places where the king should please and thereupon command was given to the Marshal of England to make execution accordingly and it was so done the same day Lo here the Lords in Parliament gave judgement against a Commoner in case of a murther done at Calice and so not â—riable in the Kings Bench but in Parliament and passe a Judgement of High Treason on him for murthering of a great Peer only In the Parliament of 2 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 23 24. The Commons shewed to the King that William Bagot had been impeached of many horrible deeds and misprisions the which if they had been true the Commons supposed the the King aad ths Lords would have had good notice thereof for that they had made many examinations thereof whiles the said William was in distress And therefore the said Commons prayed the King that the said Sir William being in Flanders and no offence found in his person upon the slanders in his impeachment aforesaid that he would be pleased to restore him to his lands To which prayer was answered in the Kings behalf that although the said Sir William upon the said impeachment made the last Parliament was put to his answer before the King and the Lords and there pleaded a general Charter of pardon against which Charter it seemed to all the Lords then present that the said Sir William ought not to be impeached nor put to answer by the King on his part for that the said Sir William was not attainted of any impeachment suggested against him and that the King had done him justice in this behalf therefore he would in the same manner doe him justice in the residue at the Commons request A most full proof of the Kings and Lords judicial power in Parliaments even in case of a Commoner The same Parliament 2. H. 4. num 29. William
singulis secundum Iuramenta Regis et Procerum debebatur expectare 2. The reason why he thus sled was to avoid the Justice of THE KING LORDS as they in plain terms inform the Pope without any mention of the Commons 3ly This expulsion is said to be in 44 H. 3. or rather in 41. as Mat. Paris and others inform us An. 1458. And that is at least 5. or 8. years before any Commons Knights and Burgesses were summoned to our Parliaments by Sir Robert Cottons Mr. Seldens and others confessions and that by the Writ in 49 H. 3. Rot. Claus m. 10. dorso Therefore if the Commons had any vote in his banishment it was 5. or 8. years before they were admitted into our Parliaments and so a Banishment not in but out of Parliament 4ly This Letter to Pope Alexander begins thus Sanctissimo Patri in Christo Alexandro c. COMMUNITAS COMITUM PROCERUM MAGNATUM ALIORUMQUE REGNI ANGLIAE and it is subscribed joyntly by 6. Earls and 5. Noblemen whereof Petrus de Montfort is the last VICE TOTIUS COMMUNITATIS to wit Communitas Comitum Procerum Magnatum aliorumque Regni Angliae who writ the Letter mentioned in the beginning thereof not of the Commons House contradistinct from the Earls Nobles Great-men and Barons of the Realm praesentibus literis sigilla nostra apposuimus in testimonium praedictorum not by the 10 first Earls and Nobles in behalf of themselves the Earls Lords and great men of the Realm and by Peter de Montford as Speaker or Proctor of the Commons who as Sir Robert Cotton himself acknowledgeth had no Speaker aâ— all in 6 E. 3. An. 1332. being at least 74. years after this Letter nor yet till 51 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 87. for ought appears by History or Record being 119. years after this Letter Wherefore this president consisting of so many mistakes as I have more largely proved in my Preface to Sir Robert Cottons Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower makes nothing at all for the Commons joynt Right of Judicature with the King and Lord The rather because the Communitas in the objected clause of the Letter is not meant of the Commons in Parliament but the Communitas or Universitas Regni popularis etsi non Nobiles as Mat. Paris stiles them or popular rabble of Commons out of Parliament The 2. president is that of Sir Nicholas Segrave 33 E. 1. rot 33. Cooks 3. Institutes p. 7. 4 Instit p. 23. in the margin Who being charged in Parliament in presence of the King Earls Barons and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COUNCEL not the Commons or Burgesses but the Iudges and Kings learned Councel at Law or his Privy Council who were assistants to the Lords as I conceive which Sir Edward Cook mistaking would have to express the Commons in Parliament then and there present that the King in the wars of Scotland being among his enemies Nicholas Seagrave his leigeman who held of the King by Homage and fealty and served him for his aid in that warr did maliciously move discord and contention without cause with John de Crombewell charging him with many enormous crimes and offered to prove it upon his body To whom the said John answered that he would answer him in the Kings Court c. and thereupon gave him his faith After which Nicholas withdrew himself from the Kings hast and aid leaving the King in danger of his enemies and adjourned the said John to defend himself in the Court of the King of France and prefixed him a certain day and so as much as in him was subjected and submitted the Dominion of the King and kingdom to the subjection of the King of France and to effect this he took his journey towards Dover to passe over into France All which he confessed and submitted himself therein de alto et Basso to the Kings pleasure And hereupon the King willing HABERE AVISAMENTUM to have the advise of the EALS BARONS LORDS magnatum and OTHERS OF HIS COUNCEL enjoyned them upon the Homage fealty and allegiance wherewith they were obliged to him quod ipsi sideliter CONSULERENT that they should faithfully ADVISE HIM what punishment should be inflicted for such a fact thus confessed Qui omnes habito super hoc diligenti tractatu et avisamento c. Who all having had thereupon diâ—igent debate and advise having considered and understood all things contained in the said fact DICUNT not by way of Judgement judicially pronounced but of answer to the Kings question propounded and as their opinion of the cause Said that this fact deserved losse of life members c. So as this offence notes Sir Edward Cooke was then adjudged in Parliament to be High Treason But under his favour First here was no judgement at all given against the party himself but only an opinion and advice touching this case not pending judicially in Parliament by way of Inditement or impeachment but voluntarily proposed by the King in answer to the kings question and so it can be no proof of any actual proper judicature vested in both Houses Secondly For ought appears this question was only propounded to the Earls Lords Barons and the Kings Council that assisted them and so only to the House of Peers not to the Commons and answered resolved only by them aliorum de Concilio suo not expressing nor including the Commons as I apprehend being never so intitled in any Parliament Records for ought I can find That these alii de Concilio were not the Commons as Sir Edward Cook insinuates but the Kings Justices and Judges who attended them is most clear by this passage of Matthew Westminster who lived and writ the story of it at that time in these words Sub illo quoque tempore Nicholaus de Segrave unus de praestantioribus de regno pro tali causa arrestatus fuerat coram rege Alius quidam Johannis de Cromâ—ewell ipsum de proditione arguerat Ille autem in defensionem obtulit se duello Rex propter bella sua noluit ista pati ille vero non licentiatuâ— et contra prohibitionem Regis mare transivit persequens accusatorem ipso Rege adhuc inter hostiles acies constituto Ideirco reputaâ— eum Rex in judicio vitae suae contemptorem nec per ipsum stare quin Rex ab hostibus interiret Et ille in gratiam Regis se submisit Cui Rex justitiam fieri volo in judicio Proinde JUSTITIARII mark it not the Commons TRIDUO SUPER HOC CONSULTANTES responderunt regi hujusmodi hominem reum esse mortis et omnia bona sua mobilia et immobilia regii juris esse Veruntamen propter generositatem sanguinis addiderunt non hunc in regis contemptum Angliam egressum fuisse sed propter iram se de suo criminatore vindicandi Regis autem esse posse facere misericordiam cum eodem Quibus Rex O
special Clause inserted into the Writs of Summons Nolumus autem quod tu seu aliquis alius Vicecomes regni nostri aut Apprentius aut aliquis alius homo ad Legem aliqualiter sit electus as appears by the Exem â—caâ—ron thereof in the Claus Roll of 5 H. 4. pars 2. m. 4 dorso in the Tower which I have viewed with mine own eyes by sundry transcripts thereof in Manuscripts and by this testimony of Thomas Walsingham who lived in writ the History of that time Direxit ergo Rex Brevia Vicecomit bus ne quosquam pro Comitatibus eligerent quovismodo milites qui in jure Regni vel docti fuissent vel Apprenticii sed tales omnino miâ—teren ur ad hoc nâ—gotium quoâ— constat ignorare cujusque juris methodum factumque est ita Whence he stiles it in his Margin PARLIAMENTUM INDOCTORUM No Lawyer being elected by reason of this Clause grounded on the forecited Ordinance Sir Edward Cook who is not only full of mistakes and mis-recitals of Records but most confident in them citing this passage of Walsingham thus bodly contradicts him But the Historian is deceived for there is no such Clause in these Writs but it was wrought by the Kings Letters by pretext of an Ordinance in the Lords House in 46 E. 3. when as the Writ it self in the Clause Roll concurring which Walsingham ascertains me that Sir Edward himself was deceived not the Historian by whom or upon what mis-information I know not And that he was so in truth we have his own expresse confession and testimony against himself within few leaves after At the Parliament holden at Coventry Anno 6 H. 4. the Parliament was summoned BY WRIT and by coâ—ler of the said Ordinance of Parliament in the Lords House in 46 E. 3. it was forbidden that no Lawyer should be chosen Knight Citizen or Burgess by reason whereof this Parliament was fruitless and never a good Law made thereat and therefore called Indoctum Parliamentum or Lack-latin Parliament And seeing these Writs were against Law ergo this Clause against Lawyers elections was in the Writs themselves Lawyers ever since for the great and good service of the Commonwealth have been eligible And then contradicting himself again in the very next lines he addes And albeit the prohibiting clause had been inserted in the Writ implying it was not yet bâ—iâ—g against Law Lawyers were of right eligible and might have been elected Knights Citizens or Burgesses in that Parliament of 6 H. 4. His reason is because Lawyers being eligible of Common right cannot be disabled by the said Ordinance of Parliament in the Lords House being no Act though Acts and Ordinances of Parl. are both the same in substance vigor as I have elsewhere proved at large against his New false Doctrine to the contrary Wherefore this Ordinance is still obligatory to practising Lawyers whiles they practise as well as to Sherifs whiles they are Sherifs unlesse they give over their practice sitting the Parl. to attend the service of the House which their practice makes them to neglect Clause 8 E. 2. m. 31. The chief Justice and other Officers of Ireland and R. de Burgo Earl of Vlton are sent for by Writ to come to the Parliament of England ad tractanduâ— cum Praelatis et Proceribus de regno nostro praedicto Claus 50 E. 3. part â— m. 23. Pro Hibernis de Hibernia venientibus ad Parliamentum Angilae there is a Writ directed to the Justices and Chancellor of Ireland Quod de Communitate Comitatuum Burgorum terrae praedictae faciatis habere per Breve de magno sigillo nostro hominibus ejusdem terrae nostrae praedictae regnum nostrum Angliae penes Concilium nostrum pro Communitate Comitatuum Burgorum ultimo venientibus videlicet euilibet eorum de Communitate Comitatus pro quo electus fuiâ— sive Civitatis sive Burgi rationabiles expensas suas c. Teste 25 Julii The Parliament ended the 10th of July By which Writ it is apparent That not only the great Officers and some Nobles but likewise knights and Burgesses were sometimes summoned and chosen in Ireland to come to this Parliament of England and had Writs for wages allowed them These varieties of the Kings writs for electing Knights and Burgesses summoning sometimes 4. sometimes 2. sometimes but one Knight out of a County most times 2 Citizens and Burgesses sometimes but one limiting the qualifications of their persons and summoning not only Great Officers and Peers but likewise Knights Citizens and Burgesses out of Ireland and particular persons by name amongst the Commons as in 32 Ed. 3. part 2. m. 32. dorso together with his making of new Burroughs by his Patents and authorizing them to send Burgesses to Parliam when they never sent any before there being now three times as many Burgesses of Parliament as there were in the reigns of King Edward the 1 2 and 3. as appears by the Writs in the Dorse of the Clause Rolls for their expences and wages are clear proofs and evidences that the King and his Council in the Lords House are the sole Judges of the elections of the Knights Citizens Burgesses of the Commons House and that they themselves have no power at all to seclude or eject any persons duly elected and sent thither by the Kings Writs though more or less than usual or from new erected Burroughs And if any City or Burrough which sends Members to the Commons House by the kings Charter or usage forfeit their Charters and Privileges for which the king seiseth them into his hands as in 49 H. 3. he seised Londons and others Liberties and Cambridges since he may deny to send them Writs to elect Citizens or Burgesses till their Franchises be restored and their Charters renewed and deny to grant them this liberty of Election any more if he please proceeding from his meer grace and grant to them at first and so to be restored out of Grace not Justice when forfeited by their default The Statute of 5 R. 2. Parl. 2. c. 4. The King willeth and commandeth it is assented to by the Prelates Lords and Commons That all persons which shall from henceforth receive the Summons of Parliament be he Archbishop Bishop Abbot Peer Duke Earl Baron Baronet knight of the Shire Citizen of the City Burgess of the Burgh or other singular person or Commonalty and come not at the said Summons except he may reasonably and honestly excuse himself to our Soveraign Lord the King he shall be amerced and otherwise punished as of old times hath been used to be done within this Realm Here the Excuse is to be made by the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons as well as Lords Spiritual and Temporal to THE KING not Commons House and if they cannot excuse themselves unto him then they are to be amerced as of old time have been used And that was never by the Commons House but
4. n. 19 20 21. upon these and other Petitions of forcible disseisins and for imprisoning the Abbot of Meniham in Devonshire THE KING LORDS adjudged that this Sir Philip Courtney should be bound to his good behaviour and committed to the Tower for his contempt From which records it is evident First that Members of the Commons house may be complained and petitioned against for misdemeanors and put to answer before the King and Lords in Parliament and there fined and judged not before the Commons house and that this was the antient way of proceeding Secondly that the Commons cannot suspend or discharge any of their fellow-Commoners or Knights from sitting in Parliament but only the King and Lords in full Parliament in whom the power of Judicature rests much less then can they expell or eject any of their Members by their own authority without the King and Lords concurrent consents No more than one Justice of peace Committee-man or Militia-man can un-Justice or â—move another since Par in parem non habet Imperium neither in civil military ecclesiastical nor domestical affaiâ— Thirdly that the power of restoring readmitting aâ—ended Member of the Commons house belongs not to the Commons themselves but to the King and Lords to whom the Commons in this case addressed themselves by petition for Courtneys readmission after his submission of the complaints against him to the arbitrement of those Members to whom the King and Lords referred the same In the Parliament of 17 Rich. 2. num 23. It was accorded and resolved by the King and Lords at the Complaint petition request of the Commons that Roger Swinerton who was endited of the death of one of their companions Iohn de Ipstones Knight of the said Parliament for the County of Stafford slain in coming towards the said Parliament by the said Roger should not be delivered out of prison wherein he was detained for this cause by bail mainprise or any other manner until he had made answer thereunto and should be delivered by the Law The Commons alone by their own power having no authority to make such an order even for the murther of one of their own Members without the King and Lords who made this ordinance at their request I find this objected against King Richard the 2. in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 37. That he frequently sent his Mandates to Sherifs to return certain persons named only by himself and not freely chosen by the people to be knights of Shires thereby to effect his own ends and oppress the people with Subsidies But yet I find not in all his reign any one Knight thus unduly returned questioned by the Commons or suspended the House much less ejected by them or by the King and Lords upon the Commons complaint thereof unto them A clear evidence they had then no such power to eject their Members for being unduly elected returned as how they use In the Parliament of 20 R. 2. n. 14 15 16 17. The King being highly offended with the Commons for receiving Haxyes Bill said that the Commons thereby had committed an offence against him his dignity and liberty the which he willed THE LORDS to declare the next day to the Commons Who thereupon delivering up the Bill came fort with before the King shewing themselves very sorrowfull declaring to him that they meant no harm and submitting themselves to the King herein most humbly craved his pardon Whereupon the Chancellor by the Kings commandment declared That the King held them excused and the King by mouth declared how many wayes they were bound unto him Lo here the whole House of Commons submit themselves to the King in the House of Lords as Judges of them and their misdemeanors in Parliament and crave pardon for offending him In the Parliament of 2 H. 4. n. 45 46. The Commons house petitioning the King that the Act for his moderation of the Statute against Provisions might be examined for as much as the time was recorded otherwise than was agreed by them The King granted thereunto by protestation that the same should be no example where after Examination by the Bishops and Lords they affirmed the same to be duly entred which the King also remembred Whereupon the COMMONS the same day for this their misinformation came into the Lords House and knéeling before the King beseeched the King to pardon them if happily they through ignorance had or should offend him which the King granted Here the Bishops and Lords are Judges of the Commons misinformation misentry of an Act and the King of their Offence against him in Parliament by this misinformation which he pardons them upon their humble submission and no doubt might have punished them for it by the Lords assent and advice had he pleased So farr are they from being Judges in Parliament that themselves may there be judged if they therein offend as all their Speakers usual protestations and petitions to the King when presented evidence That the Commons may have liberty of speech and that if any Members in the House of Commons in communication and reasoning should speak more largely than of duty they ought to doe that all such offences may be pardoned which the King may punish if there be cause unâ—eâ—â—â— he pardon it of record upon the Speakers Protestation before hand Sir Edward Cook himself as well as the Parliament Rolls and experience informs us of these particulars touching the Speakers of the Commons House in Parliament their chiefest Member 1. That though the Commons are to chuse their own Speaker and that by the kings special command and license to them in every Parliament since they had one not with due â— who likewise prescribes them the time when to present him yet the use is as in the Conge de eslâ—yer of a Bishop that the king doth name a discreet and learned man to them whom the Commons do eâ—ect pro formâ— only because he cannot be appointed for them without their election being their mouth and â—usted by them 2ly That after the Commons choice the King may refuse him 3ly That after he is chosen he must be presented to the king by the Commons in the Lordâ— House for his approbation and confirmation in that plaâ—s the Commons sending up some of their Members to acquaint the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that according to the Kings command they had chosen such a one their Speaker and are ready to present him at the â—me appointed 4ly That where he is thus presented he is in disable himself for so weighty a service and to make sutâ— to the King to be discharged and a more sufficient man chosen in his place To which I shall adde that upon this excuse the king may discharge him if he please and command the Commons to elect another as King Henry the â— did discharge Sir John Popham when presented Speaker to him by the Commons in the Parliament
upon him nor condemn him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers or by the Law of the Land Whence thus they argue The Lords in Parliament are not Commoners Peers but the Commons only therefore they cannot be judged in Parliament by the Lords but by the Commons alone and if Peers there judge Commoners it is a tyranny and usurpation even against Magna Charta it self though it be in case of privilege To take away this grand seeming Objection and give it a satisfactory answer I say First in general that there is scarce one Parliament ever since Magna Charta was first confirmed but the Lords have sentenced and given Judgement against some Commoners capitally or penally in body purse or both without the Commons and did so doubtlesse before Magna Charta was made as I have already manifested yet never did the Commons in any one of those Parliaments till this present complain of it as a violation of Magna Charta or a tyrannical usurpation as Lilburn and Overton stile it but acknowledged ir as a just right in the Lords even in 3 Caroli it self when the Petition of Right was passed in the Lords Judgement and Sentence against Dr Manwaring a Commoner impeached by the Commons in Parliament And therfore for this Ignoramus alone against the judgment of the Commons in Parl. in all ages to averr this a breach of Magna Charta for imprisoning and sining him for the highest affront and breach of privilege ever offered to any Parl. is the extremity of ignorance malice singularity Secondly I answer That the Statute of Magna Charta extendeth not to nor was ever intended of the high Court of Parliaments Judgements Proceedings but only to and of the Proceedings Judgements in the Kings great Courts of Justice at Westminster Hall the Exchequer his Privy Council and other inferior Courts held before Judges Justices of Assise and other Officers as is evident by comparing this objected Chapter with c. 11 12 13 14 18 28 30 34 37. by the Statutes of 25 E. 3. Stat. 5. c. 4. 28 E. 3. c. 3. 37 E. 3. c. 18. 38 E. 3. c. 9. 42 E. 3. c. 2. 17 R. 2. c. 6. and the Petition of Right it self 3. Caroli which so expound it there being never any complaint against the Parliament it self or House of Peers in any age for breach of Magna Charta in censuring or imprisoning Commoners till now Therefore this misapplying of this Law to the Parl. and House of Peers is a gross oversight Thirdly the very literal sence of this Law is much mistaken by the Objectors The main scope whereof is this That no man should be deprived of his Freehold Liberties Limbs life or outlawed exiled or otherwise destroyed without legal process in due form of Law in Courts of Justice not by meer force violence injustice arbitrary and tyrannical power or martial Law nor being brought to his legal trial or answer And that none should pass upon them in any trials for freehold or life but only English Freemen Now in respect of Freedom any every Freeman of England is a Peer to another Freeman quatenus such a one within this Law though of an higher degree in point of honour dignity office estate as Knights Esquires Gentlemen Yeomen Citizens Merchants these as Freemen are all Peers one to another and may pass upon each other in Juries both in civil and criminal causes and this clause No Freemâ—n shall be imprisoned c. but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers extends only to villains and those who are not Freeholders from being Iudges of Freemen and Freeholders in trials by Jury whence the Writs to the Sherifs to summon Jurors require them alwayes to return Liberos Legales homines not to exclude Lords or Peers who are Freemen in the highest degree to be Judges of Commoners who are Freemen So as the Argument from the true meaning of this Law can be but this in respect of the persons quality who are to give judgement Villains and those who are no Freemen are not to be Judges of or impannelled in Juries to condemn Freemen because they are not their Peers nor Freemen as well as they Therefore Lords who are Freemen of the highest degree may not give judgement against Commoners who are Freemen Very learned nonsence We all know that the Lord Chancellor of England Lord Keeper Lord Treasurer Master of the Court of Wards and some of the Judges of the Kings Courts in Westminster Hall in former times with the Chief Justiciar and Justices in Eyre were antiently and of late too as the Earl of Holland and others Peers of the Realm not Commoners and that all the Peers of the Realm are in Commissions of Oyer and Terminer and of the Peace yet did we never hear of any Commoner demurring or pleading thus to any of their Jurisdictions in Chancery Kings Bench the Exchequer Chamber Eyres Assises or Sessions Sir I am a Commoner and you are a Peer of the Realm but no Commoner as I am besides you sit here only in the Kings right doing all in his name and representing his person who is not my Peer but Sovereign Therefore you ought not to judge my cause condemn my person nor give any sentence for or against me it being contrary to Magna Charta which enacts That no freeman should be judged or passed upon or condemned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers Certainly no person was ever yet so mad or sottish to make such a Plea before Ignoramus Lilburn And if Lords Peers may judge the persons causes of Commoners in the Chancery Kings Bench Exchequer Court of Wards Eyres and at Assises Sessions without any violation of this clause in Magna Charta though they are exempted to be impannelled or serve in Juries in cases of Commoners as Commoners in Juries to try them much more may the House of Peers in Parliament doe it who are certainly Peers to Commoners as Freemen though Commoners be not Peers to them as Lords within the meaning of Magna Charta chap. 29. Fourthly If the Lords in Parliament cannot meddle with or give judgement in Commoners causes without breach of this clause in Magna Charta then why did Lilburn himself sue and petition to the Lords as the only competent Judges to reverse his sentence in Star Chamber and give him damages because it was against this very Chapter of Magna Charta If Lords cannot give judgement in the case of Commoners as now he holds without express violation of this Law then himself in petitioning the Lords to relieve him against the Star-Chamber sentence because contrary to this very Law and Chapter of Magna Charta was a great a violator of it as his Star-Chamber censurers and his sentence in Star-chamber remains still unreversed because the Lords examining reversing of it they being no Commoners as he is but Peers was Coram non judice and meerly void by the Statute of 25 E.
was again resolved in another Parliamentary Assembly held that year by King Henry the first the Bishops Abbots Great men and Nobles of the Realme as you read before p. 173. Anno 1109. there sprung up another â—ot contest between Arch-Bishop Anselme and Thomas Elect of York about the oath of subjection and canonical obedience which was again debated and after Anselmes death again debated and finally setled in another Parliamentary Council by the King Bishops Nobles and Barons of the Realme of which at large before p. 174 175 176 177. The same Debate coming again between Ralph Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and Thurstan of York after his returne from Exile Anno 1121. was again concluded omnium Concilio Episcoporum Principum Procerum Regni p. 180. After many years intestine bloody wars between the perjured Usurper King Stephen Mawde and Duke Henry her Son for the Crown of England Anno 1153. apud Walingford in conventu Episcoporum et aliorum Regni Optimatum there was a final accord made between Stephen and Henry touching the inheritance and descent of the Crown that Stephen should adopt and constitute Henry for his son heir and successor to the Crown of England immediately after his death which Stephen should enjoy during his life yet so as that Henry should bee chief Justice and Ruler of the Kingdome under him This accord made between them by the Prelates Earles and Barons of the Realme was ratified by King Stephens Charter and subscribed by all the Bishops Earles and Barons in their Parliamentary Council at Walingford The difference and suit between King Henry the 2d and Roderic King of Conact in Ireland touching his Kingship Royalties Dominions Services Homage Loyalty and Tribute to King Henry were heard decided and a final agreement made between them in a great Parliamentary COUNCIL held at Windeshores Anno 1175. wherein King Henry the 2d and his Son with the Arch-bishops Bishops Earles and Barons of England without any Commons were present who made and subscribed this agreement recorded at large in Houeden where you may peruse it King Henry the 2d Anno 1177. Celebrato generali CONCILIO apud Northampton after the feast of St. Hilary by the advice of his Nobles restored to Robert Earl of Leicester all his Lands on this side and beyond the Sea as hee had them fifteen daies before the Warre except the Castles of Mounsorel and Pasci Hee likewise therein restored to Hugh Earle of Chester all the lands which hee had fifteen daies before the warre and gave to William de Abbine Son of William Earle of Arundel in the County of Southsex And in the same Council Deane Guido resigned into the hand of Richard Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the deanery of Walteham and all his right which hee had in the Church of Walteham quietum clamavit simpliciter absolute similiter fecerunt canonici seculares de Walteham de praebendis suis resignantes eas in manis Archiepiscopi sed Dominus Rex dedit eis inde plenariam recompensationem ad Domini Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi aestimationem Deinde Dominus Rex authoritate Papae Domini instituit in eadem Ecclesia de Walteham canonicos regulares de diversis domibus Angliae sumptos constituit Walterum de Garent canonicum sumptum de Ecclesia de Osencie Abbatem primum super congregationem illam magnis redditibus domibus pulcherrimis dotavit illos And then hee expelled the Nunnes out of the Monastery of Ambresbury for their incontinency and distributed them into other Nunneries there to bee kept more strictly under restraint and gave the Abby of Ambresbury to the Abbesse and house of Frum Everoit to hold it for ever Sanctius King of Navar and Alfonso King of Castile in the year 1177. submitted the differences between them concerning certain Lands Territories Towns and Castles to the determination of King Henry the 2d who thereupon summoned a Parliamentary Council of his Bishops Earles Nobles and Barons to hear and decide it by their advice Wherein the case being propounded debated and opened before them by the Ambassadours and Advocates of both Kings appeared to be this That King Sanctius during the minority of King Alphonsus an Orphant his Nephew Pupil and innocent from any crime unjustly and forcedly took from him without any demand hearing or Title divers Territories Towns and Lands there specified which his Ancestors had enjoyed and of right descended to him which hee forcibly detained Whereof hee demanded restitution and dammages On the other side Sanctius complained that Alphonsus the Emperour Father of this Alphonsus had by force of armes unjustly dispossessed his Grandfather of the Kingdome of Navarre after whose death Garsias his Nephew and next heir by the help of his friends and subjects recovered the greatest part thereof from the Emperour but not all Who dying leaving his Son Alphonso an infant with whom Sanctius made a league for ten years Alphonso during the League took by force of armes divers Castles Towns and Lands from Sanctius being his inheritance who thereupon demanded restitution both of the Castles Towns Lands and Territories taken from his Grandfather by Alphonsus his Father and from himself by Alphonsus together with the maine profit of the latter quia sine ordine judiciario ejectus est King Henry having fully heard their cases by the Advice and Assent of his Bishops Earles and Barons adjudged that both these Kings should make mutual restitution of what had been forcibly taken from either party together with the mean profits and dammages for part of them by an award and judgement under his Great Seal subscribed by all his Bishops Earles and Barons which recites super quaerelis vero praetaxatis de castellis terris cum omnibus terris pertinentis suis hinc inde violenter et injuste ablatis cum nichil contra Violentiam utrinque objectam à parte alterutra alteri responderetur nec quicquam quo minus restitutiones quas petebant faciendas essent alligaretur Plenariam utrinque parti supradictorum quae in jure petita erant fieri restitutionem adjudicabimus A clear Parliamentary resolution and judgement in point That Territories Lands Towns Castles injuriously taken by one King from another by force of armes and warre without just Title to them ought in Law and Justice to bee restored to the right heirs and owners of them and that Conquest and the longest Sword are no good Titles in Law or conscience against the right heir or inheriter which I desire those Sword-men and Lawyers who now pretend us a conquered Nation determine Conquest or the longest Sword a just Title to the Crowns Lands Revenues Offices Inheritances Houses Estates of other men now sadly to consider together with the sacred Texts Hab. 7. Micha 2.1 2 3 4 5. Job 20.10 18 19 20. Obad. 10. to 17. Ezek. ch 19. 35. Isa 33.1 1 King 21.1 to 25. Matth. 21.33 to 41. Luk. 20.14 to 17. ch 19.8
Judg. 17.2 3 4. Exod. 22.1 to 16. Levit. 6.4 5. ch 24.17 to 22. ch 25.27 28. Judg. 11.12 13. 1 Sam. 12.3 4. 2 Sam. 9.7 ch 12.5 6. ch 19.9 to 43. 1 Sam. 7.13 14. 2 King 14.22 Ezra 1.7 8 9 10 11. ch 6.5 which warrant the judgement and restitution they then awarded together with this memorable Act of resumption of the Crown Lands Rents and Revenewes alienated and given away by King Stephen to many Lords and Soldiers to maintain his usurped Title to be just King Henry the 2d Anno 1155. Praecepit eacum omni integritate infra tempus certum a quibuscunque deteâ—toribus resignari in jus statumque pristinum revocari Quidam vero indies carâ—as quas a Rege Stephano vel extorserant vel obsequiis emerant quâ—bus tuti forent protulerunt pleading them in barre against the Kings resumption Quâ—bus fuit a Rege responsum and let those who have purchased or gotten any of the Crown Lands Rents Revenewes by gift or otherwise now remember it Quod carâ—ae Inbasoris praejudicium legitimo Principi minime facere deberent Primo ergo indignati deinde territi consternati aegre quidem sed integre Usurpata vel diu tanquam solido â—ure detenta omnia resignarunt their Charters being all adjudged voyd eisdemque instrumentis minime tuti esse potuerunt as Nubrigensis and Brompton inform us The great and long suit between William de Stutevill and William de Moubray which had continued many years in the Kings Courts concerning the Barony of Moubray was ended in a Parliamentary Council by a final award there made between them that William de Stutevil should release all his right and claim to the Barrony to William de Moubray hee giving him nine Knights fees and twelve pounds Annual Rent for this release cumque super hoc diu certatum esset tandem Anno 1200. the 2d of King Johns Reign concilio Regni et voluntate Regis pax finalis concordia facta est inter praedictos as Roger de Houeden relates who records the agreement at large King Henry the 3d. Anno 1236. in a Parliamentary Council held at York Consilio sultus Magnatum Regni ended the controversie between himself and Alexander King of Scots touching the Lands King John had granted him by his Charter in Northumberland ratified by the subscriptions and assents of his Nobles Earles and Barons Anno 1237. Rex scripsit omnibus Magnatibus suis to appear before him and the Popes Legat at York de arduis negociis regnum contingentibus tractaturis where the difference between King Henry the 3d. and the King of Scots summoned to be present at this Parliament touching his Lands in England were finally determined and a firme peace made between them the King of Scots being to receive three hundred pound lands a year in England sine castri constructione homagiumque Regi Angliae faceret faedus inter eos amicitiae sanciretur hoc se fideliter facturum Regi Angliae conservaturum juraret After this Anno 1244. King Henry summoning all the Bishops Abbots and lay Barons to present all their military Services to him marched with a great army to New-Castle against the Scots who had fortified two Castles harboured rebels against the King and made a peace with France against their former Covenant and League VVhere to avoid the effusion of Christian blood which will cry to God for vengeance congregata Vniversitate Angliae Nobilium apud memoratum castrum tractatum est diligenter super tam arduo negotio Concilio habito circa Assumptionem beatae Maria dligentissimâ— Wherein the NOBLES made an agreement between the Kings of England and Scotland Alexander King of Scots by his special Charter recorded in Matthew Paris promising and swearing for him and his Heirs to King Henry and his Heirs quod in perpetuum bonam fidem eis servabimus pariter amorem c. Most of the Prelates Earles and Barons of Scotland sealing the charter with their Seals and swearing to observe it inviolably as well as their King In the Parliaments of 18 20 21 31 33. Ed. 1. There were many Pleas and Actions for Lands Rents and civil things as well as criminal held before the King in Parliament and adjudged resolved in these Parliaments by assent of the King and advice of the Lords the Kings Judges and Council learned in the Laws there being a large Parchment Volume of them in the Tower of London where all may peruse them some of them being also entred on the dorse of the Clause Rolls of these years Pasche 21. E. 1. Banco Regis Northumberland Rot. 34. John le Machon a Merchant lent a great summe of mony to Alexander King of Scots who dying his Son and Successour refused upon petition to pay it Whereupon hee appealed to the King of England for right propter suum supremum Dominium Scotiae Thereupon the Sheriffs of Northumberland by the Kings command accompanied with four men of that County went into Scotland to the Scots King and there personally summoned him to appear in England before the King of England to answerr this Debt After which all parties making default at the day the Merchant was amerced The King of Scots afterward appeared before the King but at the first time refused to answer at last hee desired respite to bee given him that he might advise about it with his Council of Scotland promising to appear at the next Parliament and then to give his answer And in Placit coram Rege Trin. 21. E. 1. Scotia there is an Appeal to the King of England between subjects of Scotland in a civil cause tanquam superiori regni Scotiae Domino And Clauso 29. E. 1. dorso 10. there is a letter of all the Nobles in Parliament to the Pope de Jure Regis in regne Scotia forecited p. 127 128. and Claus 10. E. 3. dorso 9. The King of Scots is stiled Vassallus Domini Regis Anglia It appears by Claus 5. E. 2. M. 30. that in a Parliament held at Stanford 3. E. 2. a business touching Merchandize and a Robbery on the Sea was heard and decided before the King and Lords in Parliament between the Earle of Holland who sent over a Proctor about it and others Claus 8. E. 2. m. 15. The Petition of David Earle of Ascelos in Scotland by the Kings command was read in full Parliament before the Prelates Earles and Barones that hee might be restored to his inheritance in Scotland to which it was answered by all their Assents that his inheritance was forfeited by his Ancestors for offences by them committed c. but yet the King would give him some other Lands for it In Claus 12. E. 2. it appears that the Popes Legate came into the Parliament and petitioned the King and Lords for a Legacy given by the Bishop of Durham Patriark of Jerusalem lately dead for which the King by assent of the
Picardy ready to be transported into England But when it was certainly certified that King Richard was dead and that their enterprise of his deliverance was frustrate and void the Army scattered and departed asunder But when the certainty of King Richards death was declared to the Aquitaynes and Gascons the most part of the wisest men of the Country fell into a bodily fear and into a deadly dread for some lamenting the instability of the English people judged them to be spotted with perpetual infamy and brought to dishonour and loss of their antient fame and glory for committing so hainous a crime and detestable an offence against their King and Soveraign Lord. The memory whereof they thought would never be buried or extincted Others feared the loste of their goods and liberties because they imagined that by this civil dissension and intestine division the Realm of England should so be vexed and troubled that their Country if the Frenchmen should invade it should be destitute and left void of all aid and succour of the English Nation But the Citizens of Burdeaux took this matter very sore at stomach because King Richard was born and brought up in their City lamenting and crying out that since â—he beginning of the world there was never a more detestable or more villanous or hainous act committed which being sad with sorrow and inflamed with melancholy said that untrue unnatural and unmercifull people had betrayed and slain contrary to all Law and Justice and honesty a good man a just Prince and lawfull Governour beseeching God devoutly on their knees to be the revenger and punisher of that detestable offence and notorious crime 15ly The proceedings against King Richard the 2. in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. were in the Parliament of 1 E. 4. n. 9 10 11 12. condemned as illegal the Tyrannous usurpation of Henry the 4th with his hainous murdering of King Richard the 2. at large set forth his reign declared by Act of Parliament to be an intrusion and meer usurpation for which he and the heirs of his body are utterly dis inabled as unworthy to enjoy any inheritance estate or profits within the Realm of England or Dominions of the same for ever and that by this memorable Petition of the Commons wherein the pedigree of King Edward the 4th and his title to the Crown are likewise fully set forth a Record most worthy the publike view being never yet printed to my knowledge Ex Rotulo Parliamenti tenti apud Westm anno primo Edwardi Quarti n. 8. Memorandum quod quaedam Petitio exhibita fuit praefato Domino Regi in praesenti Parliamento per praefatos Communes sub eo qui sequitur tenore verborum For as much as it is notary openly and evidently known that the right noble and worthy Prince Henry King of England the third had issue Edward his furst gotten Son born at Westminster in the 15 kalende of Juyll in the vigille of Seint Marce and Marcellian the year of our Lord M. C.C.XLV the which Edw. after the death of the said King Henry his Fader entituled and called King Edward the furst had issue his furst gotten Son entituled and called after the decease of the same Edward the furst his Fader King Edward the second which had issue the right noble and honourable Prince King Edward the third true and undoubted King of Englond and of France and Lord of Irelond which Edward the third had issue Edward his furst gotten Son Prince of Wales William Hatfield secund gotten Son Leonel third gotten Son Duke of Clarence John of Gaunt fourth gotten son Duke of Lancaster Edmund Langley the fifth gotten son Duke of York Thomas Wodestoks the sixth gotten son Duke of Gloucester and William Wyndesore the seventh gotten Son And the said Edward Prince of Wales which died in the life of the said King Edward the thurd his Fader had issue Richard which after the death of the same King Edward the third as Cousin and heir to him that is to say Son to the said Edward Prince of Wales Son unto the said King Edward the third succeeded him in royal estate and dignity lawfully entituled and called King Richard the secund and died without issue William Hatfield the secund gotten Son of the said King Edward the third died without issue the said Leonel Duke of Clarence the third gotten Son of the same King Edward had issue Phelip his only daughter and died And the same Phelip wedded unto Edmund Mortimer Earl of Marche had issue by the same Edmund Roger Mortymer Earl of Marche her Son and heir which Edmund and Phelip died the same Roger Earl of March had issue Edmund Mortymer Earl of March Roger Mortymer Anne and Alianore and died And also the same Edmund and Roger sons of the foresaid Roger and the said Alianore died without Issue And the same Anne wedded unto Richard Earl of Cambridge the Son of the said Edmund Langley the fifth gotten son of the said king Edward the third as it is afore specified had issue that right noble and famous Prince of full worthy memory Richard Plantagenet Duke of York And the said Richard Earl of Cambridge and Anne his Wife died And the same Rich. Du. of York had issue the right high and mighty Prince Edward our Liege and Soveraign Lord and died to whom as Cousin and heir to the said King Richard the Crown of the Realm of England and the royal power estate dignity preheminence and governance of the same Realm and the Lordship of Ireland lawfully and of right appertaineth of the which Crown Royal power estate dignity preheminence governance and Lordship the said King Richard the second was lawfully rightfully and justly seised and possessed and the same joyed in rest and quiet without interruption or molestation unto the time that Henry late Earl of Derby son of the said Iohn of Gaunt the fourth gotten son of the said King Edward the third and younger Brother of the said Leonel temerously agenst rightwisnes and Iustice by force and Arms agenst his faith and liegeaunce rered werre at Flynte in Wales agenst the said King Richard him took and enprisoned in the Tower of London of grete violence And the same King Richard so being in prison and living usurped and intruded upon the royal power estate dignity preheminence possessions and Lordships aforesaid taking upon him usurpously the Crown and name of K. and L. of the same Realm and Lordship And not therewith satisfied or content but more grievous thing attempting wickedly of unnatural unmanly and cruel tyranny the same King Richard King anointed crowned and consecrate and his Liege and most high Lord in the Earth agenst Gods Law Mans liegeance and Oth of fidelite with uttermost punicion attormenting murdred and destroyed with most vile hainous and lamentable death whereof the heavy exclamation in the doom of every Christian man soundeth into Gods hearing in Heaven not forgotten in the Earth specially in this
Realm of Englond which therefore hath suffered the charge of intollerable persecution punicion and tribulation whereof the like hath not been seen or heard in any other Christian Realm by any memory or Record Then being on Live the said Edmund Mortymer Earl of March son and heir of the said Roger son and heir of the said Philip daughter and heir of the said Leonel the third Son of the said King Edward the third To the which Edmund after the decease of the said King Richard the right and title of the same Crown and Lordship then by law custom and conscience descended and belonged and of right belongeth at this time unto our said Liege and Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth as Cousin and heir to the said King Richard in manner and form abovesaid Our said Soveraign and Liege Lord King Edward the fourth according to his right and title of the said Crown and Lordship after the decease of the said right noble and famous Prince Richard Duke of York his fader in the name of Jesu to his pleasure and loving the fourth day of the Month of March last past took upon him to use his right and title to the said Realm of Englond and Lordship and entred into the exercise of the royal estate dignity preheminence and power of the same Crown and to the reign and governance of the said Realm of Englond and Lordship And the same fourth day of March amoved Henry late called King Henry the sixth son to Henry son to the said Hen. late E. of Derby son to the said John of Gaunt from the occupation usurpation intrusion reign and governance of the same Realm of Englond and Lordship to the universal comfort and consolation of all his Subgetts and Liegemen plentevously joyed to be amoeved and departed from the obeysance and governance of the unrightwise usurpour in whose time not plenty Pees Justice good governance pollicy and vertuouse conversatien but unrest inwaâ—d warr and trouble unright wiseness shedding and effusion â—f innocent bloud abuse of the Laws partiality riot extortion murder rape and vitious living have been the guiders and leaders of the noble Realm of Englond in antient time among all Christian realms laudably reputed of great honour worship and nobly drad of all outward Lands then being the lauâ—ier of honour prowess and worthiness of all other Realms in the time of the said usurpation fallen from that renown unto misery wretchedness desolation shamefull and sorrowfull decline And to live under the obeysance governance and tuition of their true right wise and natural Leige and Soveraign Lord. The Commons being in this present Parliament having sufficient and evident knowledge of the said unrightwise usurpation and intrusion by the said Henry late Earl of Derby upon the said Crown of Englond knowing also certainly without doubt or ambiguity the right and title of our said Soveraign Lord thereunto true and that by Gods Law Mans Law and the Law of Nature he and none other is and ought to be their true right wise and natural Liege and Soveraign Lord. And that he was in right from the death of the said Noble and famous Prince his Fader very just King of the said Realm of Englond And the said 4. day of March in lawfull possession of the same Realm with the royal power preheminence estate and dignity belonging to the Crown thereof and of the said Lordship take accept and repute and will for ever take accept and repute the said Edward the fourth their Soveraign and liege Lord and him and his heirs to be Kings of Englond and none other according to his said right and title And beseech the same their said Liege and Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth that by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being in this present Parlement and by authority of the same his right and title to the said Crown afore specified be declared taken accepted and reputed true and rightwise the same right and title to abide and remain of Record perpetually by the said advice assent and authority And that it be declared and judged by the said advice assent and authority that the said Henry late Earl of Derby for the said rearing of warr against the said King Richard then his Soveraign Lord and the violent taking imprisoning unrightwise usurpation intrusion and horrible cruel murder of him agenst his faith and ligeance wickedly and unjustly offended and hurted the Royal Majesty of his said Soveraign Lord. And that the same Henry unrightwisely agenst Law conscience and custom of the said Realm of Englond usurped upon the said Crown and Lordship And that he and also Henry late called King Henry the fifth his son and the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth the son of the said Henry late called King Henry the fifth occupied the said Realm of Englond and Lordship of Irelond and exercise the governance thereof by unrightwise intrusion and usurpation and in none other wise And that the taking of possession and entry into the exercise of the Royal Estate dignity reign and governance of the said Realm of Englond and Lordship of Irelond of our said Soveraign Liege Lord King Edward the fourth the said fourth day of March and the amotion of the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth from the exercise occupation usurpation intrusion reign and governance of the same Realm and Lordship done by our said Soveraign and Liege Lord King Edward the fourth the said fourth day of March was and is rightwise lawfull and according to the Laws and customs of the said Realm and so ought to be taken holden reputed and accepted And over that that our said Soveraign and Liege Lord King Edward the fourth the said fourth day of March was lawfully seised and possessed of the said Crown of Englond in his said right and title and from thenceforth have to him and his heirs Kings of Englond all such Manors Castles Lordships honours lands tenements rents services fees feefarms rents Knights fees advowsons gifts of Offices to give at his pleasure fairs markets issues fines and amerciaments liberties franchises prerogatives escheats customs reversions remainders and all other hereditaments with her appurtenance whatsoever they be in Englond Wales and Irelond and in Caleys and the Marches thereof as the said King Richard had in the feast of Sr. Matthew the Apostle the 23. year of his reign in the right and title of the said Crown of Englond and Lordship of Irelond and should after his decease have descended to the said Edmund Mortimer Earl of March son of the said Roger Mortimer Earl of March as to the next heir of bloud of the same King Richard after his death if the said usurpation had not been committed or after the decease of the same Edmund to his next heir of blood by the Law and custom of the said Realm of Englond the Manors Castles Honors Lordships lands tenements
possessions and hereditaments with their appurtenances which come to the hands of the said King Richard by forfeiture by force of an Act made in a Parlement holden at Westminster the 21. year of his reign except the said Commons beseeching our said Liege Lord to have and take all only the issues and revenues of all the said Castles Manors Lordships Honors lands tenements rents services and of other the premises aforesaid with their appurtenances except afore except from the said fourth day of the said moneth of March and not afore Saving to every of the liegemen and subjects of our said Soveraign and liege Lord King Edward the fourth such lawfull title and right as he or any other to his use had in any of the premises the said third day of March other than he had either of the grant of the said Henry late Earl of Derby called King Henry the fourth the said Henry his son or the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth or by authority of any pretenced Parlement holden in any of their dayes And that it be ordained declared and stablished by the assent advice and authority aforesaid That all Statutes Acts and Ordinances heretofore made in and for the hurt destruction and avoyding of the said right and title of the said King Richard or of his heirs to ask claim or have the Crown Royal power estate dignity preheminence governance exercise possessions and Lordship abovesaid be voyd and be taken holden â—nd reputed voyd and for nought adnulled repealed revoked and of no force value or effect And furthermore consideration and respect had to the horrible detestable cruel and inhuman tyranny by the said Henry late Earl of Derby against his faith and ligeance done and committed to the said King Richard his rightwise true and natural Liege and Soveraign Lord the unright wise and unlawfull usurpation and intrusion of the same Henry upon the said Crown of Englond and Lordship of Irelond the great intollerable hurt prejudice and derogation that thereby followed to the said Edmund Mortymer Earl of March next heir of blood of the said King Richard time of his death and to the heirs of the said Edmund and the great and excessive damage that by the said usurpations and the continuance thereof hath grown to the said Realm of Englond and to the politique and peaceable governance thereof by inward wars moved and grounded by occasion of the said Vsurpation It be therefore Ordeined declared and stablished by the advice assent and authority aforesaid for the more stablishing of the assured and undoubted inward rest and tranquility of the said Realm of Englond And for the avoyding of the said usurpation and intrusion very cause and ground of the tribulation persecution and adversity thereof that the said Henry late Earl of Derby the heirs of his body coming be from henceforth unabled and taken and holden from henceforth unable and unworthy the premises considered to have joy occupy hold or inherit any estate dignity preheminence enheritaments or possessions within the Realm of Englond Wales or Irelond aforesaid or in Caleys or the Marches thereof And sith that the Crown Royal estate dignity and Lordship above rehearsed of right appertained to the said Noble Prince Richard Duke of York And that the said Usurper late called King Henry the sixth that understanding to the intent that in his opinion he might the more surely stand and continue in his usurpation and intrusion of and in the same Crown Royal estate dignities and Lordship evermore intended and laboured continually by subtile imaginations frauds deceipts and exorbitant means to the extreme and final destruction of the same noble Prince Richard and his issue And for the execution of this malicious and damnable purpose therein in a preâ—ence Parliament by him and his usurped authority holden at Coventree the 38 year of his usurped Reign without cause lawfull or reasonable declared and judged the same noble Prince Richard and the Noble Lords his Sons that is to wit Edward then Earl of March and now the King our Soveraign Lord abovesaid and Edmund Earl of Ruthland to be his Rebels and Enemies them and all their issue dis-inheriting of all name state title and preheminence tenements possessions and enheritaments for evermore cruelly wickedly and unjustly and agenst all humanity right and reason whereby the said noble Prince Richard and his sons above named were compelled by the dread of death to absent them for a time out of this Realm of Englond the natural land of their birth unto their intollerable hurt prejudice heavinesse and discomfort And where after these the said noble Prince Richard Duke of York using the benefice of the Law of Nature and sufficiently accompanied for his defence and recovery of his right to the said Crown of the said Realm came thereunto not then having any Lord therein above him but God And in the time of a Parliament holden by the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth the sixth day of October the 39 year of his said usurped reign intended to use his right and to enter into the exercise of the royal powers dignitees and Lordships abovesaid as it was lawfull and according to Law reason and justice him so to doe and thereupon shewed opened declared and proved his right and title to the said Crown to fore the Lords Spiritual and temporal and Commons being in the same Parlitment by antient matters of sufficient and notable Record undefaisible whereunto it could not be answered or replyed by any matter that of right ought to have deferred him then from the possession thereof yet nevertheless for the tender zeal love and affection that the same Duke bare of Godly and blessed vertues and natural disposition to the restfull governance and pollicy of the same Realm and the Common wele thereof which he loved all his life desired and preferred afore all other things earthly though all the seid Lords spiritual and temporal after long and mature deliberation by them had by good advice upon the said right and title and the authorities and Records proving the same the answers thereunto gives and the replâ—cations to the same made knew the same right and title true by them and the seid Commons so declared accepted and admitted in the same Parliament Iâ— liked him at the grete instance desire and request of the seid Lords solemnply and many times unto him made to assent and grant unto a convention concord and agreement between the seid Henry late called King Henry the sixth on that opâ—party and him on that other upon the seid right and title by the same late called King by the advice and assent of the seid Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons being in the seid Parliament auctorized in the same comprehending among other that the seid Vsurper late called King Henry the sixt understanding certainly the seid title of the said Richard Duke of York just lawfull true and sufficient by the
advis and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commyns in the seid Parliament assembled and by authorite of the same declared approved ratified confirmed and accepted the seid title just good lawfull and true and thereunto gave his assent and agrreement of his free will and liberty And over that by the seid advis and auctorite declared affirmed and reputed the seid Richard Duke of York very true and rightfull heir to the Crowns Royal estate and dignite of the Realms of Englond France and Lordship of Irelond aforeseid And that according to the worship and reverence thereto belonging he should be taken accepted and repuâ—ed in worship and reverence by all the Estates and persons of the seid Realm of Englond The seid Usurper late called King Henry the sixth saving and reserving to himself the seid Crowns Realms royal estate dignite and preheminence of the same and the seid Lordship of Ireland during his life natural And further more by the same advice and authotiâ—e would consented and agreed that after his decease or when it should please him to lay from him the seid Crowns estate dignity and Lordship or thereof ceâ—â—ede the seid Richard Duke of York and his heirs should immediately succeed him in the seid Crowns Royal Estate dignity and Lordship and them then have and enjoy any Act of Parliament Statute Ordinance or any thing to the contrary made or interruption or discontinuance of possession notwithstanding And if any person or persons from thenceforâ—h imagined or compaced the death of the seid Richard Duke of York it be deemed and judged high Treason in manner and form as it is specified in the seid Act And that the seid Noble Prince Richard Duke of York by way and consideration of recompence for his abstaining for a time of the exercise of the seid royal power of the benigne and noble disposition that he bare to the said Common wele and to the rest and tronquillity of the seid Realm should have Castles Mannors lands and tenements to the value of 10 Mil. Marc. whereof the Earldom and City of Chester was parcel assigned to the said Duke by special Act made in the seid Parliament the which Earldom and City the seid Duke gave among other unto our seid Soveraign Lord then being Earl of March as parcel of Manors Lordships lands and tenements of the yearly value of 3 Mil. Marc. which by vertue of the seid convention and concord and the Act thereof made was given unto him for the sustentation of his estate abiding and persevering like a true Christian and honourable Prince in full purpose to keep and observe the seid Convention and concord for his party trusting verily that the seid Usurper Henry late called King Henry the sixth would have truly faithfully justly keped and observed for his party the same convention and concord inviolable as by Law reason Princely honour and duty he was bounden to doe and not have departed and varied from such convention made of so high and so great authority as it was made whereunto neither our seid Soveraign Lord ne the seid noble Prince assented but without prejudice of the seid right and ritle as it is plainly specified in the sâ—id Act made upon the seid convencion and Concord and under protestation and condition that the seid Usurpour shuld kepe and perform without fraude or male ingyne all things therein contained for his seid party declared openly by their mouths in the presens and heryng of the said Lords in the seid Parliament and therein enacted of Record at the grete instaunce and prayer of the same Usurpour late called King Henry the sixth And at the solempne request of all the seid Lords for the tender and special zele love and affection that he bare to the rest of the seid Realm and to the Commyn wele and policy thereof toke his viage of good blessed and vertuous intent and disposition toward the North parties of the said Realm to repress and subdue certain riots rebellions insurrections and commotions there begun And the premises notwithstanding the seid Henry Usurpour late called King Henry the sixth continuing in his old rancour malice using the fraud and malicious disceit and dissimulation agenst trouth and conscience that accord not with the honour of eny cristen Prince to th entent that the said Agrement concord and Act shuld take no due effect And into the frustacion of the same in the matiers and things above reherced that is to say that neither the seid Richard Duke shuld have ne enjoy the same Castells Manoirs lands and tenements name title reverence and worship above reherced neither he ne his sons and heirs succeed in the seid Corones Royal estate dignity lordship after the tenure fourm and effect of the said agreement concord and Act with all subtil imaginacions and disceitful ways and means to him possible intended and covertely laboured excited and procured the final destruction murdre and death of the said Richard Duke and of his Sons that is to sey of our seid new Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth then Earl of March and of the noble Lord Edmund Earl of Ruthlande And for the execution of his dampnable and malicious purpose by writing and other messages moeved excited and stirred thereunto the Dukes of Excester and Somerset and other Lords being then in the North parties of this Realm whereupon at Wakefeld in the Shire of York the seid Duke of Somerset falsely and traiterously the same Noble Prince Duke of York on Teiusday the 30 day of Decemb. last passed horribly cruelly traiterously murdered And also the worthy and good Lords Edmund Earl of Ruthland Brother of our seid Soveraign Lord and Richard Earl of Salesbury And not therwith content of their insatiable malice after that they were dede made them to beheaded with abhomynable cruelte and horrible despite agenst all humanite and nature of Nobles And after that the same Henry Usurpour gretely and wonderfuly joying the seid dolorous and piteous murder of the same noble Prince and worthy Lords to the Realm an heavy and a lamentable sorrow and lost forthwith and oftentimes after openly declared to divers Lords of the same Realm That he would not in any wise kepe the seid Convencioun and accord ne the act thereof made and to the infraccion and violatiation of the said convention and concord not only sent Letters made under his prive Seal unto certain Knights and Squiers commaunding and charging them by the same to spoil and disseise our seid Soveraign Lord by the name of Earl of March of his possession of the seid Earldom and Citee of Chester whereof he was lawfully possessed and seased by vertue and reason of the seid Convencion and Concord but also of extreme violence utter and final breche of his party of the seid convencions and concord sent out writs under his Seal to the Mayer Aldermen and Commonalte of the Citee of London bering date the 22 day of Feverere last past and other like
Writs to divers Officers Governours and Ministers of divers other Citees and to many Shires and Burroughs of the seid Realm to make fals untrue and injust proclamations against our seid Soveraign and Liege Lord K. Ed. the 4th by the name of Ed. late E. of March to provoke and excite his destruction And also by his Letters signed with his hand directed unto the seid Dukes of Excester and Somerset and other Lords refused and denied to keep and observe the seid accord convention and agreement and by the same writing falsifying his promise departed from the same Convention and accord afore either the same our Soveraign Lord or the seid noble Prince his Fader any thing did or attempted to the contrary of the same convention and concord for their partie Be it declared and juged by the seid advis assent and authorite the premises considered that the seid Usurper Henry late called Henry the sixth agenst good faith troth conscience and his honour brake the seid Convention and concord and departed therefrom of wilfull malice long afore the seid fourth day of March as by the matters afore declared it appeareth sufficiently And that the breche thereof on his partie discharged our seid Soveraign Lord of all things that should or might charge him to the keeping thereof in any Article or point after the seid breche And that he was then at his freedom and liberty to use his said right and title of the seid Crownes and to enter into the exercise thereof and of the Royal power dignite and preheminence longing thereunto as he lawfully did in manere and fourm above specified the seid convention and concord and the Acte thereupon made or any thing therein conteined notwithstanding And over this it be declared and juged by the seid advis assent and authorite that the seid agreement concord and Act in all things which been in any wise repugnant or contrary to the seid right title entree state seasen and possession of our Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth in and to the Crown Royal estate dignite and Lordship above said be void and of no force ne effect And that it be Ordeyned and stablished by the seid assent advis and authorite that every person having any parcel of the seid Castles Manors Lands Honours tenements rents services possessions or hereditaments aboveseid the which were given in exchange or in recompence of or for any other Manors Castles lands tenements rents advowsons fee-farms reversions or any other possessions or enheritaments given to the seid Henry late Earl of Derby to the seid Henry his son late called King Henry the fifth or to the seid Henry his son late called King Henry the sixth or to any other person or persones to or for their or any of their use at their or any of their desire or to perform execute their or any of their wille mowe entre And that they and their heirs and successors entre into the same Manors Castles Lands tenements rents services possessions advowsons or hereditaments so given And them have hold keep joy occupy and inherit of like estate as the giver or givers thereof had them at the time of the gift thereof made though it be so that in any of the Letters Patents or gifts made of any of the premises no mention be made of any recompence or eschange Qua quidem petitione in Parliamento praedicto lecta audita plenius intellecta de avisamento assensu Dominorum Spiritualium Temporalium in eodem Parliam existen ad requisitionem Communitatis praedictae respondebatur eidem modo forma hic Inferius annotatis The King by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled at the request of the Commyns being in the same agreeth and assenteth to this Petition and it accepteth with certain moderations provisions and exceptions by his Highness thereupon made and in schedules written and in the same Parliament delivered the tenours of which hereunder follow c. Convenit cum Recordo This Judgement censure repeal in full Parliament of the deposition and proceeding against King Richard the 2. upon the Commons own Petition by this Act never yet reversed as most wicked treasonable unrighteous against Gods Laws and Mans crying for vengeance in Gods hearing in heaven and exemplarily punished upon the whole kingdom Nation and Henry the 4. his posterity on earth with the sad intestine warres miseries that attended it are sufficient arguments of its unlawfulness detestableness against all those who deem it just or allege it for a president to justifie their extravagances of a more execrable and transcendent Nature 16ly It is very observable that Roger Mortimer Earl of March who had the chief hand in deposing murthering King Edward the 2. after he was deposed was in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. condemned and executed for it as a Traytor without any legal trial all his lands confiscated and Queen Isabel her self who concurred with him like to be questioned for her life and abridged in her maintenance Moreover King Richard the 2. Granchild and next heir to King Edward the 3. who imprisoned deposed and invaded his Fathers throne though somewhat against his will was imprisoned deposed proceeded against in the self same manner as Edw. the 2. was by his very president and soon after murdered like as Edw. the 2. was by King Henry the 4. After which king Henry the 4. his Granchild Henry the 6. was also in the self same manner imprisoned deposed attainted of high Treason with his Queen and Adherents in the Parliament of 1 Edw. 4. n. 8. to 33. and at last murdered by Edw. the 4. his procurement to secure the Crown to himself and his Posterity Yet no sooner was King Edw. the 4. dead but his own Brother Richard Duke of Gloucester who by his instigation murdered King Henry the 6. with his own hands procuring himselâ— to be Protector of his son King Edw. the 5. then young getting his Brother and him into his custody by treachery perjury and hypocrisie caused them both to be barbarously murdered to set the Crown on his own head which he most ambitiously aspired after yet seemed unwilling to embrace till enforced to accept it by a Petition and Declaration drawn up by his own Instruments presented to him in the name of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Realm of England wherein he branded his Brother king Edw. the fourth his marriage as illegal and his issue as illegitimate aspersed his Life and Government as one by whom the Laws of God of Gods Church of the Land and of nature and also the laudable Customs and Liberties of England wherein every English man is inheritor were broken subverted contemned against all reason and justice So that the Land was ruled by self-will and pleasure fear and dread all manner of Equity and Law laid apart and despised so that no man was sure of
House is a stronger argument to prove them no Court at all at least of Judicature than their adjournment or prorogation of themselves to evidence them to be a distinct Court from the House of Lords Should I here subjoyn to the premises all the cases extant in the Lords Iournals and Parliament Records evidencing the Lords real Jurisdiction proceedings and Judicature in civil causes in the reigns of King Ed. the 4. Richard the 3. Henry the 7. and 8. Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth King Iames and King Charles I should be over tedious to the Readers I shall therefore only trouble you with 2 cases more In the Parliament of 18 Elizabeth there arose a question about place and precedency in the case of the Lord de la Ware upon debate thereof in the Lords House ALL THE LORDS except the Lord Windesore ADIUDGED that he should have place next after the Lord Wilâ—oughbie of Erisbe And the Lord Keeper was appointed to acquaint the Queens Majesty with this determination of the Peers and to know her pleasure concerning the same In the last long Parliament Pasch 20 Caroli this cale of Note and Consequence was adjudged by the Lords against the late resolutions of some Judges touching the Jurisdiction of the Admiralty Court between Fairfax and le Gay and Mr. Johns a London Merchant In Lent Vacation 1638. Mr. Iohns libelled in the Admiralty against one Hooper for 26000 weight of Barbadoes Tobacco sold to him at St. Maloes in France in partibus transmarinis infra jurisdictionem Admiraltatis Angliae by one Bâ—les factor to Hooper for fraight due unto him by Hooper for his Ship called the William and Anne whereof Iohns was owner without alleging that this sale and contract was made super altum mare Fairfax and le Gay became sureties for Hooper in the Admiralty Iohns had a sentence against Hooper in the Admiralty upon this Libel who soon after became a Bankrupt Whereupon Fairfax and le Gay his sureties appealed to the Delegates to avoid the sentence and execution against them and then moved in the Kings Bench for a Prohibition to stay the sute suggesting the contract to be made at St. Maloes upon the land and not super altum Mare and so not within the Jurisdiction of the Admiralty Upon which they procured a rule to stay the Proceeding Whereupon Johns petitioned the House of Lords for relief against this rule and that the Delegates might proceed to give sentence upon the Appeal that so he might have execution against the sureties Hooper being a Bankrupt for above one hundred thousand pounds and all his estate sold so as his debt would be wholly lost if he should be deprived of the benefit of his sentence to which the sureties were liable Upon his Petition this point in Law amongst others whereon the hinge of his case turned was argued at the Lords Bar by Mr. Serjeant Rolls Mr. Maynard for Fairfax and le Gay and by my self for Johns Whether the Admirals Court had any true antient legal Jurisdiction of Contracts made at St. Maloes and other parts beyond the Seas between Merchants and Mariners touching their Merchandise and marine affairs upon the Land as well as on the Sea The Sureties Counsel argued confidently they had not upon the Statutes of 13 R. 2. c. 5.15 R. 2. c. 3. 2 H. 4. c. 14. and the Presidents cited in Sir Ed. Cooks 4 Instit. p. 124. and c. 22. of the Court of Admiralty and in Hubberts Reports â— 331 But I argued to the contrary and clearly proved by the Laws of Oleron Lex 1 2 6 8 9 10 15 16 22 23. made in the reign of King Richard the 1. Anno 1190. ratified under the Seal of that Island by that King confirmed and used by Henry 3. Edw. 1. and practised ever since as the Law of the land in the Court of Admiralty as Sir Edward Cook himself asserts and by the notable Record of 22 E. 1. in Cooks 4 Institutes p. 142 143 144. and Seldens Mare Clausum l. 2. c. 28 f. 275. the Black Book of the Admiralty the Parliament Roll of 4 H. 4. n. 47. for confirmation of the Laws of Oleron 1. That the Admiralty in all ages since King Rich. the 1. â—ill the making of these Statutes and ever since till Hill 2 Jacobi C. B. between Tomlinson Plaintif and Philips Defendant had held Jurisdiction of such contracts between Merchants and Mariners made upon the land in forein parts as well as on the Sea as the Marshal had always used to hold plea of Contracts and deeds of Arms Warr Treasons Murders and Felonies out of the Realm which cannot be determined by the Common Law And that without any Prohibiâ—ion granted to stay the proceedings in all that large tract of time both before and since these Statutes 2ly That these Acts were made only to restrain the Admirals Incroachments of Jurisdiction in Contracts Pleas Quarels other things made or done by Landor Water within the Bodie of the Counties of this Realm or in any Port Harbor Haven or Creek within the Counties the Conusance whereof properly belonged to the Kings Courts or to the Courts of Cities Burroughs and other Lords and to confine them only to such contracts and things within the Realm whereof the Sea is a part being under the Kings Dominion and Lordship as are made or done upon the Sea not upon the Land oâ— Water in any Haven Port River Creek within the precinct of any County but not to debar them in the least degree of their antient undoubted jurisdiction they always had and exercised de Jure without complaint or restraint in contracts of Merchants and Mariners made upon the Land in forein parts beyond the Seas of which the Kings Common Law Courts and the Courts of other Cities Burroughs Ports Lords never had nor could have the least Jurisdiction since out of the Realm and no Jury de Vicineto could be thence awarded or summoned to try the Contract in England which I proved by the Parliament Rolls and Commons Petitions whereon these Statutes were grounded being most express in point as 13 R. 2. Rot. Paerl n. 41.14 R. 2. n. 37.15 R. 2. n. 30.2 H. 4. n. 89.4 H. 4. â— 47.11 H. 4. n. 61. compared with 27 E. 3. c. 13.2 R. 2. c. 4.32 H. 8. c. 14.5 Eliz. c. 5.27 Eliz. c. 27. which so interpret it and by most of the Cases cited by Edward Cook in his Chapter of Admiralty extending only to contracts made within the body of any County within the Realm not in any forein parts on the Land or Sea without or beyond the Realm whereof the Comon Law Courts had never Jurisdiction before Sir Sir Edw. Cooke was Chief Justice and that by a meer fiction and false contradictory surmise contrary to truth reason Justice Law and the Letter of Charterparts and Contracts themselves viz. that they were made at St. Maloes Burdeaux Sevil
very year-books of 22 E. 3. f. 18. a. where a Juror in the Grand Assise was challenged because he was a Baner or Baron and this Challenge not allowed car sil soit a BANER ne tient pas per BARONI il seruera in l'assise By 48 E. 3. f. 30 b. Brook Challenge 37. where Sir Ralph Everden Knight brought a writ out of Chancery and also a privy Seal to the Justices rehearsing that he was a Baron and commanding them to discharge him from being sworn in Assises because Barons ought not to be sworn in any Enquest or recognisance against their wills Whereupon Judge Belknap examined him Sil tient per Borony sil avera tout ceo temps Venus a Parlement come Baron duist vener who answered That he held by a certain part of a Barony and that he and his Ancestors had alwayes held so After which upon good advice he was discharged The tenure by Barony and comming to Parliaments in Belknaps opinion being that which makes men Barons not the general writ of Summons unless they held by Barony which Opinion is fortified by An. 3 H. 3. Fitzh Prescription 56. M. 4 H. 3. Dower 180. M. 23 H. 3. Partition 18. Tr. 18. 2 E. 2. Fitz. Assise 383. 39 E. 3.35 b. 34 H. 6.50 Trial. 18.35 H. 6.40 a. Sir Edward Cooks 4 Instit p. 47. Gilbert de Vmphrevils case with what Sir Edward himself hath observed in his 4 Instit p. 5. which I thought fit to add for further clearing of this moot-point to what I have herein collected touching this Subject 5ly I have here p. 57. to 132.243 to 258.264 to 267. 192. to 206 c. produced many memorable presidents and Records of our Lords and Barons magnanimous strenuous unanimous oppositions of all Regal and Papal Usurpations Oppressions Exactions Encroachments on the peoples Liberties or properties in former ages in our Parliaments of their care vigilancy industry courage to gain retain confirm and perpetuate to posterity those Grand Charters of our Liberties and Fundamental Laws privileges franchises which we formerly enjoyed by their valour and so long contested for both in Parliaments and the field against the late King with the prodigal expence of much Christian bloud and many Millions of Treasure Which yet now at last are almost totally lost betrayed deserted disowned both by the Nobility Gentry Lawyers Clergy and Commonalty of the Nation through base unworthy unchristian unEnglish ignoble fear and cowardise to their eternal infamy and reproach unless the God of the spirits of all flesh shall infuse new life and English Spirits into their spiritless stupid timorous faint-hearted slavish and almost despairing Souls by the serious contemplation of those heroick presidents of their ancestors here represented to their view especially when publikely assembled in Parliament and pressed to burden the people with new Aydes and Taxes though very rare small and inconsiderable in respect of the manifold heavy incessant Taxes Excises Imposts which we have for many years last past susteined to fight our selves into greater slavery beggary confusion every year than other and hasten the total and final desolation of Church State Religion Laws Liberties Parliaments kingdom if God of his infinite goodness prevent it not by induing the Lords of the Great Council of Parliament and all the Nobility Clergy Lawyers Gentry Commonalty and Soldiery of the Land with Grace wisdom understanding magnanimity unanimity and activity to know and pursue in this their day the things which belong to their peace liberty ease and settlement which shall be my daily Letany for them 6ly I have here published to your view the Articles proceedings â—udgements in Parliament against the two Spencers Roger Mâ—rtimer Earl of March King Edward the 2. and Richard the 2. out of the Records themselves more fully truly than they are related by our vulgar Historians to rectify some mistakes in them and presented you with the memorable petition of the Commons and the Kings answer thereunto in the Parliament of 1 Edw. 4. setting forth his pedegree Title to the Crown at large disproving the Titles of Henry the 4 5 6. branding them as meer Usurpers condemning Henry the 4. his deposition and murder of King Richard the 2. as a most tyrannical wicked bloudy unchristian act Murder execrable both to God and men which drâ—w down exemplary Judgements on the land and occasioned bloudy intestine wars repealing all proceedings Acts Ordinances for the establishment of this Usurper and attainting K. Henry the 6. his Queen Son and all their adherents of High Treason A record never formerly published And I have cleared these presidents from those false inferences to prove the Commons joynt interest in the Judicature of Parliament with the Lords and justifie those exorbitant proceedings which some have erroniously deduced from them 7ly In this plea I have for the most part recited the passages of our antient Parliaments and Records in the same language our old Historians and Records relate them both to avoid all suspitions of any mistranslation and because their own language more elegantly expresseth them and will give greater satisfaction to the learned of all professions for whose benefit and instruction I have chiefly published them not for the illiterate vulgars than any translation whatsoever If there be any lack-Latin Lords or Lawyers of so ignoble education or extraction that they cannot understand them I presume they have some Chaplains Secretaries Steward or Clerk belonging to them or learned friends near them who can interpret those passages in it which will be a shame for any Nobleman or Lawyer to profess in publike he understands nor for if Lawyers understand not Latin or French Records when printed how will they be able to read or make use of them in the Tower or Treasuries the principal Magazines both of that kind of learning and Law which concerns either our Parliamentary or State-affairs which will be wholly lost in few years more if all Students of the Law as many now do turn English Lawyers only and cast off the use both of Latine and Law-French in their publike Mootes the readiest method to make them real Ignoramusses and as void of Law as of these Languages wherein the Records are registred It is our Saviours observation John 3.19 20. That light is come into the world and men love darkness more than light because their deeds are evil For every one that doth evil hateth the light neither cometh to the light lest his deeds should be discovered or reproved And St. Paul complains of the foolish Galathians whom some had bewitched that they should not obey the truth that though at first they so respected him that if possible they would have plucked out their own eyes and given them to him yet soon after reputed him to be their enemy because he told them the truth I doubt the old and new Lights and unknown Parliamentary truths proceedings discovered to the ignorant blind world in this Plea
though amiable delightfull in themselves and gratefull to all true Philopaters Philologers and learâ—ed Nobles Statesmen Lawyers Scholars in this degenerous age wherein all sorts of Learning and insight in Records or Parliamentary Antiquities are very much decayed will yet be very displeasing to some sorts of ignorant heady extravagant persons who love darkness more than light because their deeds are evil but more especially to the Anabaptistical Levellers Lilburnians innovating Publicans and Republicans much like the Chaldeans of old a bitter and hasty Nation lately marching through the breâ—th of the Land to possesâ— the dwelling places that are not theirs they are terrible and dreadfull their judgement and dignity proceedeth of themselves they are all for violence they scoff at KINGS AND PRINCES ARE A SCORN UNTO THEM as appears by their late Votes Declarations Engagements not only against Kings and Kingship but the whole House of Lords and to â—lliterate self-conceited Lawyers and ignorant Members of the Commons House who deem that House and its Committees if not every Member of it the only Supream Judges and Judicature of the Realm paramount our Kings Lords Laws Liberties Great Charters and all other Courts of Justice having an absolute arbitrary unlimited power to act vote and determine what they please without appeal or consult which this Plea irrefragably disproves as a most gross and dangerous mistake for which they will frown upon it if not â—ate and prosecute me as their Enemy But the Sun must not cease from shining because weak and sore Eyes will be offended with its splendor nor seasonable truths of most publike concernment be concealed smothered in time of greatest need because ignorant erronious sottish â—air-braind Levellers or Innovator will be displeased with and storm against them they being always Sweet and lovely in themselves yea precious to the best of men and will prove victorious in conclusion though clouded suppressed maligned for the preâ—ent yea he who by the publication of such truths rebukes wise ingenuous mens extravagant actions and opinions for the present shall afterwards find more favour with them when they come to know themselves and their mistakes by meditating on the truths revealed to them heâ— he that flattereth them with his lips in their exorbitant actions or erronious opinions I shall therefore recommend this Plea for the Lords and all the truths therein discovered asserted to the omnipotent â—rotection and effectual blessing both of THE LORD OF LORDS and GOD OF TRUTH whose Eyes are upon the TRUTH in this sad age of Errors Falshoods Lies Fraud and desperate Hypocrisie wherein truth is fallen in the Streets and he that dares boldly assert it is reputed mad and maketh himself a prey And shall leave it as a lasting monument to posterity of my Cordial affection to the antient Parliamentary proceedings Lords Peers Laws Liberties Properties Great Charters of the English Nation and my sincere endeavours to plead their cause in the worst of times against all their Antagonists and professed Enemies though never so numerous and formidable albeit to my own private prejudice Whatever the Reader shall find wanting in this Plea relating to the Constitution Summons Proceedings of our antient English Parliaments in general or to the power Judicature Rights privileges transactions of our Kings Lords or House of Com. in Parl. in particular you may read at leisure in my Preface and Tables to An Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower of London from the reign of King Edward the 2. to Richard the 3. and in the Abridgement it self collected by that famous Antiquarie Sir Robert Cotton lately published which will better instruct the Readers in all Parliamentary affairs than all the slight unsatisfactory Treatises of our Parliaments hitherto published except this Plea which I humbly submit to the friendly Imbrace and impartial Censure of every Judicious Reader especially of my own profession for whom it is most proper whose general ignorance and mistakes in Parliament Antiquities proceedings and matters of the Crown hath brought some disparagement upon the function and led others into dangerous publike Errors which that this Plea may wipe off and rectifie hereafter for the common benefit ease settlement re-establishment of our late dissipated Parliaments and confused distracted Nations shall be the Vote and dayly prayer of Thy unfeigned Friend and his Countries publike unmercenary Servant WILLIAM PRYNNE Lincolns-Inne 6 Decemb. 1657. A Plea for the LORDS AND HOUSE of PEERS OR A short yet full and necessary Vindication of the Judiciary and Legislative Power of the House of Peers and the Hereditary just Right of the Lords and Barons of this Realm to sit vote judge in the high Court of Parliament THe treasonable destructive design of divers dangerous Anabaptists Levellers Agitators in the Army City Countrey and of Lilburn Overton their Champions Ring-leaders in this Seditious Plot to dethrone the King unlord the Lords new-model the House of Commons extirpate Monarchâ— suppress the House of Peers and subvert Parliaments the only obstacles to their pretended Polarchy Anarchy are now so legible in their many late printed Petitions Lâ—bels Pamphlets so visible in their actings and publike proceedings that it rather requires our diligence and expedition to prevent than hesitancy to doubt or dispute them they positively protesting against yea denying both King and Monarchy in their late printed Pamphlets Remonstrances with the Power Judicature of the House of Peers and their undoubted just Hereditary right to vote act or sit in Parliament because they are not elecâ—ed by the people as Knights and Burgesses are asserting That they are no natural issues of our Laws but the Exorbitances and Mushromes of Prerogative the Wenns of just Government the Sons of Conquest and usurpation not of choice and election intruded upon us by power not made by the people from whom ALL POWER PLACE and OFFICE that is just in this Kingdom OUGHT TO ARISE meer arbitrary Tyrants Vsurpers an illegitimate and illegal power and Judicatory who act and Vote in our affairs but as INTRUDERS who ought of right not to judge censure or imprison any Commoner of England even for libelling against them refusing to appear before them reviling and contemning them and their Authority to their faces at their very Barr as Lilburn Overton boast and print they did or breaking any of their undoubted Privileges To accomplish this their design the better they endeavour by their most impudent flattery to ingage the House of Commons against the House of Peers the better to pull them down stiling and proclaming the Commons in their Petitions and Pamphlets The ONLY Supreme legal Judicatory of the Land who ought BY RIGHT to judge the Lords and their proceedings from whom they appeal for right and reparations against the House of Peers affirming That in the Commons House alone resides the formal and legal Supreme Power of England who ONLY are chosen by the People and THEREFORE IN THEM ONLY
heretofore or to any Judges Justices Governours Generals Captains or other Militarie Officers made by their Commissions or appointment without the generality of the peoples Votes or consent especially when above half or three full parts of the Members were absent or driven from both Houses by the Objectors violence and menaces These Answers premised which have cut off the head of the Objectors Goliah and chief Argument against the Lords sitting in Parliament I shall now proceed to the proof of the Lords undeniable Right and Authority to sit Vote and give Judgement in our Parliaments though not actually elected nor sent to them by the people as Knights and Burgesses are 1. It is evident by the Histories Records of most antient and modern Kingdoms and Republikes in the world that their Princes Nobles Peers and great Officers of State have by their Original Fundamental Laws and Institutions by right of their very Nobility Peerage and great Offices without any particular election of the people a just right and title to sit consult Vote enact Laws and give Judgement in all their General Assemblies of State Parliaments Diets Councels as might be manifested by particular instances in the Kingdoms Republikes Parliaments Diets and General Assemblies of the Jews Aegyptians Grecians Romans Persians Ethiopians Germans French Goths Vandals Hungarians Bohemians Polonians Russians Swedes Scythians Tartars Moors Indians Spaniards Portugals Danes Saxons Scots Irish and many others Hence Dionysius Halicarnasseus Antiquitatum Romanorum l. 2. Sect. 2. affirms That both hereditary and elective Kings even in the antientest times CONSILIUM HABEBANT QUOD EX OPTIMATIbVS CONSTABAT had a Council which consisted of Nobles and Great men as Homer and the most antient Poets attest Neque ut nostro seculo Regum priscorum dominatus erat nimium sui juris neque ab unius sententia pendebat Now to deny the like privilege to our English Peers and Nobles which all Nobles Peers in all other Kingdoms Nations Republikes antiently have enjoyed and yet doe constantly enjoy without exceptions or dispute is a gross injury injustice over-sight yea a great dishonour both to our Nobility and Nation Secondly By and in the very primitive constitution of our English Parliaments for many hundred years together there were no Knights nor Burgesses at all but only the King and his Nobles after which when elected Knights gestes were first sent to Parliament about 49 H. 3. it was granted by the Kings grace and unanimously agreed by the kingdoms peoples general consents that our Parliaments should alwayes be constituted and made up not of Knights and Burgesses only elected only by Freeholders Burgesses not by the generality of the vulgar people who would now claim usurp this right of Election but likewise of the King the Supreme Member by whose writs the Parliaments were and ought to be alwayes summoned and of the Lords Peers Barons ecclesiastical civil and great Officers of the Realm who ought of right to sit vote make Laws and give Judgement in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage Baronies Offices without any election of the people the Commons themselves being no Parliament judicatorie or Law-givers alone without the King and Lords as Modus tenendi Parliamentorum Sir Ed. Cook in his 4. Institutes ch 1. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. Vowell Cambden Sir Thomas Smith Cowell Minshaw Crompton with others who have written of our English Parliaments assert and all our Parliament Rolls Statutes Law-books resolve without whose threefold concurrent assents there is or can be no legal Act nor Ordinance of Parliament made since the Commons admission to vote in Parliament and assent to Bills which was but of later times out of the Kings frâ—e Grace Thirdly This right of theirs is confirmed by prescription and custom from the very first beginning of Parliaments in this kingdom till this present there being no president to be found in History or Record of any one Parliament held in this Island since it was a kingdom without the King personally or representatively present by a Protector Custos Regni Commissioners as he ought to be or without Lords and Peers antiently stiled Aldermen Heretockes Senators Wisemen Princes Dukes Earls Counts Nobles Great men c. by our Historians who make mention of their constant resorting to sitting voting judging in our General Assemblies and Parliamentary Councils under these Titles without the peoples Election for many hundreds of years before the Conquerors time in the antientest Parliamentary Councils we read of under the Britons and Saxons witness Beda Ingulphus Geoffry Monmouth Huntingdon Matthew Westminster Florentius Wigorniensis Malmsbury Hector Boetius Speed and others in their Histories Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae Spelmanni Concilia Tom 1. Mr. Lambard his Archaion Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to the 9. Report and fourth Institut c. 1. M. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. c. 5. which I have largely manifested in my Truth triumphing over Falshood Antiquity over Novelty p. 56. to 90. My Historical Collection of the antient Great Councils Parliaments c there being little if any express or direct mention at all of any Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses in any of our Parliamentarie Councils before the Conquest or in the Conquerors time nor yet in the reigns of King William Rufus Henry the 1. Stephen Henry 2. Richard 1. King John or first part of the reign of Henry the 3d the first direct Writ of Summons for any Knights Burgesses or Commons to our Parliaments now extant being that of Clause 49 H. 3. m. 10 11. dorso before which no evident testimony can be produced for their sitting or voting in any great Councils or Parliaments as Members but onely out of the Spurious pretended antient though in truth late ridiculous Treatise stiled Modus tenendi Parliamentum on which Sir Edward Cook and others most rely And whereas some conclude that even in the antient Saxon Great Councils the Commons were usually present as Members being comprehended under the Titles of Sapientes Seniores populi Aeldermanni c. which in the dialect of those times signifie rather Lords and Great Men than Commons or Burgesses as all accord or at least wise under these phrases praesentibus omnibus Ordinibus illius Gentis cum viris quibusdam Militaribus rather Soldiers than knights of which we find mention in the Council of Bechenceld Ann. 697. or omnium Sapientum Seniorum POPULORUM totius Regni coupled with these pre-eminent Titles of Omnium Aldermannorum Principum Procerum Comitum who met together in a General Council under Ine Anno 713. Or cujuscunque Ordinis viros in the Council of Clovesho An. 800. which expressions are now and then mentioned in some antient Councils and Parliaments though rarely yet these are rather conjectural or probable than direct or punctual proofs of what they assert whenas the Lords Title to sit and vote in them is most direct and infallible And
be both Judge and Party it behoveth of Right that the King should have COMPANIONS for to hear and determine IN PARLIAMENTS all Writs and Plaints of the Wrongs of the King of the Queen and of their Children and of those especially who otherwise could not have common right concerning their wrongs These Companions are now called Counts after the Latine word Comites For the good Estate of the Realm King Alfred assembled the COUNTS or Earls and ordained by a Perpetual Law that twice a year or oftner they should assemble at London in Parliament to consult of the Government of the people of God c. By which Estate or Parliament many Laws and Ordinances were made which be there recites Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l. 2. c. 16. l. 3. c. 9. in Henry the 3d. his reign and Fleta l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. write thus in Edw. the first his reign in the same words Habet enim Rex cuâ—iaÌ„ suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis COMITIBUS BARONIBUS PROCERIBUS aliis viris peritis ubi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum novis injuriis emersis nova constituuntur remedia And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus Rex in populo regendo superiores habet Videlicet Legem per quam est Rex Curiam suam to wit of Parliament videlicet COMITES BARONES Comites enim à Comitia dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno Froenum sibi apponere TENENTVR ne clament subditi Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo froeno maxillas eorum constringe Sir Tho. Smith in his Commonwealth of England l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel and Ralph Holinshed vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 177. John Minshaw in his Dictionary Cowel in his Interpreter Title Parliament Powel in his Attorneys Accademy and others unanimously conclude That the Parliament consisteth of the KING the LORDS SPiRITUAL and TEMPORAL and the Commons which STATES represent the body of all England which make but one Assembly or Court called the Parliament and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realm And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts affirms particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. c. This Court is the highest Court of England in which the King himself sits in person and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament and at any other time when he pleaseth ordering the Parliament To this Court come all the Lords of Parliament as well Spiritual as temporal and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certain day and place assigned The Chancellor of England and other great Officers or Judges are there likewise present together with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses who all ought to be personally present or else to be amerced and otherwise punished if they come not being summoned unles good cause be shewed or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings special license after their appearance before the Sessions ended And he resolves That the King Lords and Commons doe all joyntly make up the Parliament and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to bind the subject without all their concurrent assents Sir Edward Cook not only in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton p. 109 110. But likewise in his 4. Institutes published by Order of the Commons themselves this present Parliament c. 1. p. 1 2. c. writes thus of the high and Honourable Court of Parliament This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE sitting there as in his royal politick capacity and of the three Estates of the Realm viz. Of the Lords Spiritual Archbishops and Bishops being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Baronies parcel of their Bishopricks which they hold also in their politick capacity and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden ought ex debito Justitiae to have a writ of summons The LORDS TEMPORAL Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons who sit there by reason of their dignities which they hold by descent or creation And likewise EVERY ONE OF THESE being of full age OUGHT TO HAVE a writ of summons EX DEBITO JUSTITIAE The third Estate are the Commons of the Realm whereof there be Knights of Shires or Counties Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Boroughs All which are respectively elected by the Shires or Counties Cities and Boroughs by force of the Kings writ ex debito Justitiae and none of them ought to be omitted and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realm and trusted for them and are in number at this time 403. He adds And it is observed that when there is best appearance there is the best successe in Parliament At the Parliament holden in the 7. year of H. 5. holden before the Duke of Bedford Guardian of England of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal there appeared but 30. in all at which Parliament there was but one Act of Parliament passed and that of no great weight In An. 50 E. 3. all the Lords appeared in person and not one by Proxy at which Parliament as appeareth by the Parliament Roll so many excellent things were sped and done that it was called Bonum Parliamentum And the King and these three estates are the great Corporation or body of the kingdom and doe sit in two Houses and of this Court of Parliament the King is Caput Principium Finis The Parl. cannot begin but by the Royal presence of the King either in person or representation by a Gardian of England or Commissioners both of them appointed under the great Seal of England c. And 42 E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 7. It is declared by the Lords and Commons in full Parliament upon demand made of them on the behalf of the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Crown whereunto they were sworn And p. 35. he hath this special observation That it is observed by antient Parliament men out of Records that Parliaments have not succeeded well in five cases First when the King hath been in difference with his Lords with his Commons Secondly When any of the great Lords were at variance between themselves Thirdly When there was no good correspondence between the Lords and Commons Fourthly When there was no unity between the Commons themselves in all which our present Parliament is now most unhappy and so like to miscarry and succeed very ill Fifthly When there was no preparation for the Parliament before it began every of which he manifests by particular instances From all these and sundry other Authorities it is most evident and transparent That both the King himself and Lords ought of
vestrum consilium impâ—nsurus Scientes quod si per VESTRAM ABSENTIAM CONTIGERIT dicta negotia quid absit ulterius retardari dissimulare non poterimus quin AD VOS EXINDE SICUT CONVENIT GRAVITER CAPIAMUS Teste Rege apud Ebor. 11 Die Decembris Eodem modo mandatum est 17 aliis Episcopis 13 Abbatibus 40 Magnatibus aliis And in another writ of Summons the same year to the same Archbishop of Canterbury there is this Clause inserted against making any Proxie Scientes pro certò quod nisi evidens et manifesta necessitas id exposcat non intendimus Procuratores seu Excusatores pro vobis admittere ea vice propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum Which Clause amongst other reasons was then inserted because the Clergy in a Parliament held at Eltham some two years before refused to grant this King an aid for the defence of Ireland by reason of the Archbishops absence from it adjourning their answer to this aid till they all and the Archbâ—shop assâ—mbled together in a future Convocation to be summoned by the Kings writ as the Claus Rol. An. 4 E. 3. m. 3. dorso recordâ— Thus the Bishops and Clergy refused to grant an aid to King Henry the 3. Anno 1232. and likewise another aid to the Pope Anno 1244. because many of the Bishops and Abbots who were summoned to the Parl. then held were not present Adding Tangunt ista Archiepiscopos necnon universos Angliae Praelatos cum ergo Archiepiscopi Episcopi alii Ecclesiarum Praelati sint Absentes in eorum praejuditiis respondere nec possumus nec debemus Ouia â—id â—cere praesumeâ—emus in prejuditium omnium Absentium fieret Praelatorum All excellenâ— Presidents both for the Lords and Commons in all succeeding ages not to vote or act any thing or grant any aids or Subsidies upon any occasion menace or intreaty whiles their Members who ought to be personally present are absent much more when forcibly secured or secluded by internal confederacy or external armed violence or the whole House of Peers sequestred or suppresâ—ed by factious seditious Levellers who now design their total and final extirpation out of their future New-modelled Parliaments Having thus impregnably evinced the Lords undoubted right to sit and vote in Parliament though they be not elective by the peoples voices as Knights and Burgesses are I shall next discover unto our illiterate Ignoramusses who oppose their right the justice good grounds and reasons of our Ancestors why they instituted the Lords to sit and vote in Parliament by right of their very Nobility and Peerage which will abundantly satisfie rational men and much confirm their right First the Nobles and Great Officers in all Kingdoms and in our Kingdom too in respect of their education birth experience imployments in military State-affairs have always been generally reputed the wisest most experienced Common wealths men best able to advise Counsel the King and kingdom in all matters of Government Peace or War as our Historians Antiquaries Polâ—tians Records acknowledge and attest whence they were antiently stiled Aeldermen Wisemen Magnates Optimates Sapientes Sapientissimi et Clarissimi viri Conspicui Clarique Viri Primates Nobiles c. in our Historians and Records our Parliaments in that respect being frequently stiled in antient times Concilium SAPIENTUM upon which Grounds our Kings Lords and Commons too when ever they recommended Councellors of State to the King in Parliament made choice of Lords and other Peers for for their Privy Councellors as most wise able discreet Therefore it was thought fit just and equal the King should ever summon them to the Parliament by his Writ without any election of the people for their own inherent wisdom excellency valour learning worth the Original cause of advancing enobling them at first as is expressed in their Patents and evident by these Scripture Texts Esth 1.13 14. Isay 19.11 12 13. Jer. 5.5 c. 10.7 c. 51.57 Dan. 2.48 c. 6.1 2 3. Gen. 41.39.40 Psal 105.21 22. compared together This ground of calling the Nobles to the Parliament is intimated in the very words of the summons Et ibidem VOBISCUM Colloquium habere tractare de arduis urgentibus Regni Ecclesiae Anglicanae negotiis VESTRUMQUE CONSILIUM IMPENSURI c. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis which clause recited in the Commons writs of election likewise implies them to be men of most wisdom and experience able to counsel and advise the King in all hit weighty arduous affairs both of the Kingdom and Church whence by Hereditary antient right they are THE KINGS GREAT COUNCEL and so acknowledged by the Commons themselves this last Parliament I could give many instances wherein the Commons in Parliament have extraordinarily applauded the Lords and Peers for their great wisdom and specially desired their wholsom Counsel as persons of greater wisdom and experience than themselves but for brevity sake I shall cite only these ensuing Records In the Parliament of 21 Edw 3. rot Parl. n. 4 5. Wil. de Thorp in the presence of the King Prelates Earls Barons and Commons declared that the Parliament was called for two causes The first concerning the wars which the King had undertaken by the consent of the Lords and Commons against his Enemies of France The second how the Peace of England may be kept Whereupon the King would the Commons should consult together and that within four days they should give answer to the King and his Counsel what they think therein On the fourth day the Commons declare That they are not able to counsel any thing touching the point of War wherefore they desire in that behalf to be excused And that the King will thereof advise with his Nobles and Council and what shall be so amongst them determined they the Commons will thereto assent confirm and establish By which it is evident the Commons then reputed the Nobles more wise and able to advise the King in matters of war than themselves who confessed their inability therein and therefore submitted to assent to whatever the Nobles and Councel should therein advise Him 28 Edw. 3. n. 55 58. The Commons submit the whole businesse of the Treaty of peace with France to the order of the King and of his Nobles And 36 Edw. 3. n. 6. The LORDS only advise the king touching Truce or War with Scotland In the first Parliament of 15 Edw. 3. n. 11. the Commons having delivered in divers Articles concerning the redress of grievances and publike affairs to the King prayed that unto the Wednesday ensuing their Articles may be committed to the Bishops Barons other wise men there named by them to be amended which the king grauted whereas the Lords exhibited their Articles apart to the king and the Bishops their Articles apart in this Parliament and protested that they ought not to answer but in open Parliament by and with their
should alwayes be summoned to and bear chief sway in our Parliaments in respect of their Peerage Power Nobility only without the peoples election This reason of their sitting in Parliament we find expresly recorded in Bracton l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta l. 1. c. 17. The King say they hath a Superiour namely God also the Law bâ— which he is made a King likewise his Court to wit THE EARLS BARONS because they are called Counts as being the KINGS FELLOWS and he who hath a Fellow hath A MASTER And therefore if the King shall be without a bridle that is without a Law debent ei frâ—num imponere THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM c. which the Commons being persons of less power and interest were unable to do Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice ch 1. § 2.3 renders the like reason In all the contests in Parliaments and Wars between K. John Hâ—n 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest the Liberties Properties of the Subjects and opposition of unjust Taxes Ayds Exactions the Lords and Barons were the Ring-leaders the chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations Exactions and Encroachments on the Great Charters Laws Rights Liberties of the people as all our Histories and Records relate whence they stile the Wars in their times THE BARONS WARS and before this the Nobles were the principal Actors in resisting the Tyranny of K. Sigebert and K. Bernard and dethroning them for their misdemeanours as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum An. 756. 758. To give some pregnant Instances of this kind not vulgarly known or taken notice of to clear this truth beyond contradiction Upon the death of William Rufus An. 1100. Magnates the Nobles of England not knowing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy who had been 5. years absent in the holy Warrs thereupon Henry his Brother Congregato Londoniis Clero Angliae populo universo to wit the Lords Spiritual and Temporal expressed by these terms not the inferiour Clergy Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons of the Realm as some Antiquaries and others mistake who derive their sitting in Parliaments from the beginning of this Kings reign promisit emendationem legum quibus oppressa fuerat Anglia tempore Patris sui Fratris nuper defuncti ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accenderet et amorem et illum in Regem susciperent et patronum Ad haec CLERO respondente et MAGNATIBUS CUNCTIS the Clerus populus there summoned quod si animo volente ipsis vellet concedere et Charta sua communire illas Libertates et Consuetudines antiquas quae floruerunt in Regno tempore Regis Edwardi in ipsum consentirent et in Regem unanimiter consecrarent Henrico autem libenter annuente et se id facturum cum juramento affirmante consecratus est in Regem favente Clero et populo cui continuo à Mauritio Londonensi Episcopo et à Thoma Eboracensi Archiepiscopo corona capiâ—i imponitur Cum fuerat diademate insignitus has Libertates subscriptas in regno ad exaltationem sanctae Ecclesiae et pacem populi tenendas concessit His Charter is recorded at large in Matthew Paris Bromton and others It begins thus Henricus Dei Graâ—ia Rex Angliae c. Sciatis me Dei misericordia Communi Consilio Baronum Regni Angliae Regem esse coronatum which proves that the Clerus Angliae Populus forementioned were only the Spiritual and Temporal Barons not ordinary Clergy and Commons as contradistinguished from them et quia regnum oppressum erat injustis exactionibus Ego respectu Dei et amore quam erga vos omnes habeo sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam facio c. et omnes malas consuetudines quibus Regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur inde aufero quis malas consuetudines in parte hic pono Si quis Baronum meorum Comitum c. Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus Pater meus eam emendavit Consilio Baronum suorum This Charter was subscribed by all the Bishops Earls Nobles and Barons of England Et factae sunt tot Chartae quot sunt Comitatus in Anglia et Rege jubente positae in Abbatiis singulorum Comitatuum ad monimentum So Matthew Paris relates William of Malmsbury records In regem electus est aliquantis tamen ante controversiis INTER PROCERES agitatis atque sopitis Which done aliquarum moderationem legum revocavit in solidum Sacramento suo et OMNIUM PROCERUM ne luderentur corroboravit Simeon Dunelmensis records that Consecrationis suae die Sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam fecit ac omnes malas consuetudines et injustas exactiones quibus regnum Angliae opprimebatur abstulit Legem Regis Edwardi omnibus in commune reddidit c. MAJORES NATU ANGLIAE MAGNATES TERRAE CONGREGAVIT LONDONIAE The Chronicle of Bromton records the same in the self-same words and so doth Henry Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 2. c. 8 9. Polychron l. 7. c. 12. Roger de Hoveden Annal. pars 1. p. 468. and that the Lords procured this Charter King Stephen being elected and crowned King à PRIMORIBUS REGNI against his own and their former Oaths Omnes tam Praesules quam Comites et Barones qui filiae Regis et suis haeredibus juraverant Fidelitatem consensum Stephano praebentes In pursuance of his Coronation Oath Anno 1136. EPISCOPOS PROCERES REGNI SUI regali Edicto in unum convenire praecepit cum quibus GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRAVIT Oxoniis Wherein he confirmed all their Laws and Liberties by a special Charter in which there are these Clauses among others Sanctam Ecclesiam liberam esse concedo et debitam reverentiam illi conservo Omnes exactiones et injustitias et meschemingas sive per Vicecomites sive per alios quoslibet male inductas funditus extirpo Bonas leges et antiquas et justas consuetudines in hundris placitis et aliis causis observabo et observari praecipio et constituo This Charter was subscribed by all the Bishops Earls and Barons who procured it in this Common Council at Oxford Which they promised inviolably to observe generaliter se servaturum juravit sed nihil horum quae Deo promiserat observavit writes Matthew Paris Henry Huntindon Holinshed and others observe that the Archbishops Bishops and Nobles who contrary to their Oaths of Allegiance to Henry the 1. Mawde and their heirs elected Stephen King for this their detestable perjury soon after came to exemplary ends especially Roger the great Bishop of Salisbury qui secundum illud Sacramentum praefatum fecerat et omnibus aliis praedicaverat unde justo Deo judicio postea ab eodem Stephano quem creavit in Regem captus et excruciatus miserandum sortitus est
indignatione Postea vero ne oblivio tenorem responsionis Baronum deleret in scriptum taliter haec redacta Cum dominus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus et omnes Episcopi Angliae Abbates Priores per se vel per Procuratores suos necnon OMNES COMITES fere OMNES BARONES ANGLIAE ad mandatum domini Regis convenissent apud Westmonasterium die Martis proxima ante Purificationem beatae Mariae Anno Dom. 1242. Regni Henrici 3. Regis 26. audituri Domini Regis voluntatem et negocium pro quo ipsos mandaverat Et idem Dominus Rex transmittens ad eosdem dictum dominum Eboracensem et nobilem virum dominum Comitem Richarduum et dominum W. de Eboraco Praepositum de Beverlaco super voluntate Domini regis in negociis suis scilicet eisdem expositis per eosdem solennes nuncios omnes Magnates de regno suo rogasset de consilio ei dando et auxilio faciendo ad haereditatem suam jura sua perquirenda in partibus transmirinis quae spectabant ad Regnum suum Angliae tandem dicti Episcopi Abbates Priores Comites Barones magno inter eos tractatu praehabito inprimis Domino Regi per praedictos Magnates dederunt consilium videlicet Quod Dominus ipse Rex expectaret finem Treugarum inter eum et Regem Franciae initarum Et si forte idem Rex Franciae contra formam earundem treugarum aliquas fecisset interprisas tunc dictus Rex Angliae mitteret ad eum solennes nuncios ad rogandum monendum et inducendum ipsum Regem Franciae ut treugas initas teneret et interprisas emendaret si quae per ipsum vel per suos factae essent Quod si Rex Franciae facere contradiceret libenter ad hoc consilium apponerent pro posse suo de auxiliis ei dando Omnes ita unanimiter responderunt Similiter postquam fuerat Dominus eorum multoâ—ies ad instantiam suam ei auxilium dederunt Videlicet tertiam decimam mobilium suorum et postea quintam decimam et sextam decimam et quadragesimam Carucagium Hydagium et plura Scutagia et postea unum magnum Scutagium ad sororem suam Imperatricem maritandam Postea vero nondum quatuor annis elapsis petit ab eis iterum auxilium et tandem cum magna precum instantia obtinuit tricessimam quam ei concesserunt tali scilicet conditione quodilla exactio vel aliae precedentes amplius non traherentur in consequentiam Et inde fecit eis Chartam suam Et praeterea concessiâ— eis tun Quod omnes Libertates contentae in Magna Charta ex tunc in antea plenius tenerentur per totum regnum suum inde fecit eis quandam parvam Chartam suam quam adhunc habent in qua eaedem continentur Praeterea Dominus Rex concessit eis de voluntate sua et de consilio torius Barnagii sui quod tota pâ—cunia ex dicta tricesima proveniens salva deponeretur in Castris Domini Regis sub Custodia quatuor Magnatum Angliae scilicet Comitis Warranniae et aliorum per quorum visum et consilium pecunia illa expenderetur ad dicti Regis Regni utilitatem cum necesse esset Et quia Barnagium nescit nec audâ— it quod de dicta pecunia per visum vel consilium alicujus quatuor Magnatum praedictorum aliquid expendatur credunt firmiter bene intelligunt quod Dominus Rex adhuc totam habet illam pecuniam integram de qua nunc potest magnum habere auxilium Praeteria bene sciunt quod post tempus illud tot habuit escaetas scilicet Archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem plures Episcopatus Angliae ditiores terras Comitum Baronum militium de eo tenentium defunctorum quod solummodo de illis escaetis debet ipse habere grandem pecuniae summam si bene custodiatur Praeterea a tempore dictae tricessimae datae non cessaverant Justitiarii itinerantes itinerare per omnes partes Angliae tam de placitis forestae quam de omnibus aliis placitis ita quod omnes Comitatus Angliae omnia Hundreda Civitates Burgi fere omnes villae graviter amerciantur Unde solummodo de illo itinere habet Dominus Rex vel habere debuit maximam summam pecuniae si persolvatur bene colligatur Unde bene dicunt quod per illa amerciamenta per alia auxilia prius data omnes de Regno ita gravanâ—ur depauperantur quod parum aut nihil habent in bonis and may not we now more truly say so after so many years uncessant importable Taxes Excizes Impositions Contributions Exactions of all kinds without any interruption in far greater proportions than these amount to and all sequestrations sales of Delinquents and others estates not known in that age Et quia Dominus Rex nunquam post tricessimam datam nor our present Rulers after all their Protestations Declarations Remonstrances Votes Leagues and Covenants to preserve our Laws Liberties Properties Great Charters and the Petition of Right and all our contributions Excises Loans or publike faith c. Cartam suam de libertatibus tenuit imo plus solito postea gravavit as now per aliam Cartam eis concerâ—am quod Exactiones hujusmodi non traherentur in consequentiam responderunt eidem Domino Regi praecise Quod nullum ad praesens ei facerent auxilium A fit answer for all our Nobles and Commons in this age after so many years Taxes Imposts Excises far heavier than any complained of in that age Veruntamen quia Dominus eorum est sic se gerere poterit erga eos usque ad finem dictarum treugarum quod tunc bonum apponent consilium pro posse suo Et cum dicti Magnates Nuncii ipso Domino Regi nunciassent Responsum redeuntes ad Barnagium dixerunt quod in parte sufficiens Domino Regi dederunt responsum I have transcribed these memorable passages of this Parliament out of Matthew Paris thus largely in his own words for sundry reasons pertinent to my Theam 1. To prove that the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Peers Earls Barons Lords were the only Members of this all the former and most other succeeding Parliaments in Henry the 3 his reign this Historian who is most exact making mention of them only both in the summons to their debates in Parliament and this their Remonstrance in Parliament even in this case of ayds demanded and not of any Knights Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. To manifest that the Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm have most unanimously resolutely magnanimously opposed our Kings in Parliaments in their unjust designs and in Ayds Taxes demanded and earnestly begged importuned from them without any effect resisting our Kings therin to their faces and withstanding all their wiles pollicies King-crafts and private sollicitations perswasions
et ad commodum Regis et Regni expendatur secundum quod melius et utilius viderint expedire Et erunt Libertatum Conservatores Et sicut de omnium assensu eliguntur sic etiam sine communi assensu non poterit aliquis eorum amoveri aut suo officio privari Vno etiam sublato è mediâ— de assensu et electione trium loco illius alius substituatur infra duos menses Nec sine ipsis sed cum necesse fuerit et ad eorum instantiam iterum conveniant Universi Brevia contra Regem consuceudinem Regni impetrata penitus revocentur et aboleantur Memorandum quoque de sententia ferenda in contradictores Item de obligatione Sacramenti in invicem Item de Itinere Justiciariorum Justitiarius Cancellarius ab omnibus elegantur Et quia frequenter debent esse cum Domino rege poterint esse de numero conservatorum Et si aliqua interveniente occasione Dominus Rex abstulerit sigillum suum à Cancellario quicquid fuerit interim sigillatum irritum habeatur et inane Deinde Cancellario fiat restitutio Nullus substituatur Cancellarius vel Justitiarius nisi solummodo per solennem et universalem omnem Convocationem et liberum assensum Duo Justiciarii eligantur in Banco Duo itidem Barones in Scaccario constituantur Unus quoque ad minus Justiciarius Judaeorum deputatur Hac vice autem per communem universalem liberamque omnium electionem fiant et constituantur omnes Officiarii praedicti ut quemadmodum omnium negotia sunt tractaturi sic etiam in eorum electione concurrat assensus singulorum Et postmodum cum necesse fuerit alius loco alicujus ipsorum praedictorum substitui aut subrogari per provisionem et auctoritatem quatuor illorum Consiliatorum praedictorum fiat illa substitutio vel subrogatio Hactenus suspecti aut minus necessarii à latere Domini Regis amoveantur Et dum hujusmodi negotia utilia nimis Reipublicae in spacio trium hebdomadarum diligenter pertractassent Magnates hostis humani generis pacis perturbator et Schismatum suscitator Diabolus haec omnia per Papalem avaritiam impedivit c. Postea renovata fuit petitio Domini Regis super auxilio pecuniari sibi faciendo Circa quod de die in diem convenit eos Dominus Rex tum in propria persona tum per internuncios solennes per quos promisit se Libertates quas juraverat in Coronatione sua super quibus CHARTAM confecerat integerrime servaturum Ad quorum etiam tuitionem rogavit ut singuli Episcopi in Diocaesibus suis sententiam ferâ—ent in ipsum et omnes qui contra memoratas Libertates venirent in aliquo articulo Tandem unanimiter cum nullo modo ad alium formam possent flecti concesserunt Domino Regi ad maritandam filiam suam primogenitam de omnibus qui tenent de Domino Rege in capite de singulis scutis viginti solidos solvendos scilicet medietatem ad Pascha et aliam ad festum S. Michaelis Et cum relatum esset Domino Regi ut ad memoriam haec quam praeterita reduceret recordatum est ei quod similia à suis fidelibus quos fovere debuit non depauperare truculenter et sine solutione promissorum eisdem extorserat Post captionem Bedefordiae statim concessum est Carucagium de tota Anglia scilicet de qualibet caruca duo solidi Anno sequenti Quintadecima omnium mobilium Iterum iturus in Britanniam cepit non modicam pecuniam à Praelatis etiam viris Religiosis Burgensibus Judaeis Post reditum suum de Britannia cepit Scutagium scilicet de Scuto tres marcas Item postea concessa fuit Quadragesima pars omnium mobilium Item postea Trigesima pars omnium mobilium Item quando maritavit sororem suam Isabellam domino Imperatori Frederico cepit dominus Rex ad maritagium suum Carucagium videlicet de qualibet Caruca duas marcas In nativitate autem filii sui in magnum dedecus sui multa munera quae ad magnam summam pecuniae ascenderunt violenter impudenter extorsit Item iturus in Gasconiam cepit à Praelatis viris Religiosis Burgensibus Judaeis et à quibuscunque potuit aliquid abradere pecuniam multam imo penè infinitam Rediens autem à Gasconia inglorius seductus jussit ut Magnates et Praelati ipsi occurâ—erente etiam usque ad mare qui ibidem illum diu expectantes frustra tandem ipsum in muneribus multis et impreciabilibus exceperunt Similiter et cives Londinenses alii Et qui munera nobilia compertus est non contulisse aliquo argumento redargutus damnificabatur Qualiter autem pro hac praesenti contributione et omnibus aliis promissa et pacta adimplebat Rex noverit ille qui nihil ignorat Thus bold resolute plain dealing were the Earls and Barons with the King in this Parliament all whose Ayds and Exactions here enumerated in 28. years space are not comparable to one years Excises Imposts Contributions under the pretended new Conservators Protectors of our Liberties and deliverers of us from our former Petty Taxes of Shipmony and Knighthood scarce amounting to one Moneths contribution The same year 1244. in Crastino Omnium animarum convenientes Magnates Angliae Rex cum instantissimè ne dicam impudentissimè auxilium pecuniare ab eis iterum postularet toties lasi et illusi CONTRADIXERUNT EI UNANIMITER ET UNO ORE IN FACIE Proponebat enim Dominus Rex contra Wallenses exercitum ducere represuros c. In the 32. year of his reign In octaxis Purificationis edicto Regio convocata totius Angliae Nobilitas convenit Londoniis ut de Regni negociis nimis perturbati et depauperati et temporibus nostris enormiter mutilati diligenter et efficaciter cum Domino Rege contrectaret c. Et cum proposuisset Dominus Rex pecuniare auxilium postulare redargutus est graviter super hoc quod non erubescebat tunc tale juvamen auxilium exigere praesertim quia quando in ultima tali exactione cui Nobiles Angliae vix consenserunt confecit Chartam suam quod amplius talem non faceret Magnatibus suis injuriam et gravamen Repraehensus est etiam gravissime super indiscreta alienigenarum vocatione c. And for all orher his misdemeanours there specified at large Haec cum audisset Dominus Rex confusus in semetipso erubuit sciens haec omnia esse verissima Promisit ergo verissime ac certissime se haec omnia gratanter emendaturum sperans per talem humilitatem licet fictam omnium corda postulationi suae promptius incurvare Cui inito consilio crebrius in talibus promissis universitas irretita respondit Hoc videbitur et infra breve tempus apparebit manifeste Expectabimus patienter et prout se gerit Dominus Rex et se habebit versus
proximam post Ascentionem multiplicabantur contra Regem variae diatim querimoniae eo quod promissa sua non observabat contemnens claves Ecclesiae ET CHARTAE SUAE MAGNAE TOTIES REDEMPTAE TENOREM Fratres quoque suos uterinos intollerabiliter contra jus regni et legem ut naturales terrae erexit nec sinebat aliquod brâ—ve exire de Cancellaria contra eos c. REDARGUâ—US EST INSUPER REX quod omnes alienos promovet et locupletat et suos in subversionem totius Regni despicet et depraedatur Et ipse tam egenus est cum alii abundent quod thesauri expers jura Regni nequit revocare imo nec Wallensium quae sunt hominum quisquiliae injurias propulsare et ut brevibus concludatur Excessus Regis tractatus exigit speciales Rex autem ad se reversus cum veritatem redargutionis intellexisset licet sero humiliavit se asserens iniquo consilio saepius suisse fascinatum promisitque sub magni juramenti obtestatione super altare et feretrum S. Edwardi quod pristinos errores planè et plenè corrigens suis naturalibus benigne obsecundaret Sed crebras transgressiones praecedentes se penitus incredibilem reddiderunt quia nesciebant adhuc Magnates quomodo suum Prothea tenere voluissent quia arduum erat negoâ—ium et difficile dilatum est Parliamentum usque ad festum Sancti Barnabae apud Oxoniam diligenter celebrandum Interim Optimates Angliae utpote Gloverniae Legrecestriae et Herefordiae comites Comes Marescallus et alii praeclari viri sibi praecaventes providentes confaederati sunt quia pedicas et laqueos alienorum vehementer formidabant et Regis retiacula suspecta nimis habuerant veniebant cum equitibus et armatis et comitatu copioso communitâ— Parlamento autem Oxoniae incipiente solidabatur Magnatum et consilium immutabile exigendo constantissime UT DOMINUS REX CHARTAM LIBERTATUM ANGLIAE quam Johannis Râ—x pater suus Anglis confecit confectam concessit quamque idem Johannes renere juravit FIRMITER TENE AT ET CONSERVET quamque idem Rex Henricus multoties concesserat et tenere juraverat ejusque infractores ab omnibus Angliae Episcopis in praesentia sua et totius Baronagii horribiliter â—ecit excommunicare ipse unus fuerat excommunicantium Exigebant insuper sibi fieri Justiciarium qui justitiam faceret injuriam patientibus aequanimiter divitibus et pauperibus Quaedam etiam alia Regnum contingentia petebant ad communem Regis regni utilitatem pacem simul honestatem Quorum consiliis et provisionibus necessariiâ— Dominum Regem frequenter et constantissime consulendo rogitabant obtemperare jurantes fide mediante et mutuo dextras exhibentes quod non omitterent propositum persequi pro pecuniae vel terrarum amissione vel etiam pro vita et morte sua et suorum Quod Rex recognoscens graviter juravit consiliis eorum obsecundare et Edwardus filius ejus eodem est juramento astrictus After which they expelled and chased away all the Aliens about the King Et ita terminatur Parliamentum apud Oxoniam fine terminato et certo non opposito Hereupon there issued out sundry Writs and Commissions for reformation of abuses and punishing offences against the Great Charter recorded in Rot. Claus 42 H. 3. m. 1. 3.6 and that PER CONSILIVM MAGNATUM as those Records attest Rot. Pat. An. 43 H. 3. m. 10. n. 41. n. 15. there is a large Letters Patents of the King recorded in French declaring the good Government that should be for the future the due observation of Magna Charta the Kings faithful promise inviolably to keep the same according to his Oath and promises and that every man injured might freely sue and complain against or arrest the King or any other And Rot. Pat. An. 44 H. 3 m. 4. Schedula m. 5.9 There are Writs and Letters of the King to the Sherifs of every County to the same or like effect All by the advice or procurement of the Nobles Anno 1263. the 47. of King Henryes reign the King and Nobles to procure peace and reconciliation between them submitted themselves to the arbitrement of Lewes King of France touching the Provisions made at Oxford about which they had great contests and differences who solemnly pronounced Sentence for the King against the Barons of England Statuâ—is Oxoniae Provisionibus Ordinationibus et obligationibus penitus annullatis Hoc excepto quod Antiquae Chartae Regis Iohannis Angliae universitati concessae per illam Sententiam in nullo intendebat penitus derogare Quae quidem exceptio Comitem Leicestriae et caeteris qui habeant sensus exercitatos compulit in proposito tenere firmiter Statuta Oxoniae quae fundata fuerant super illam Chartam Where upon they taking up arms wasting and pillaging the Kings Manors Lands and adherents the King in the 48. year of his reign mediantibus viris honoratis paci Baronum acquievit ad tempus ut Provisiones Oxoniae inviolabiliter observarentur which Provisions the King confirmed by his Patents recorded at large in the Tower Rot. Pat. An. 47 H. 3 pars 1. m. 7. n. 25. and pars 2. nu 2. Rot. Pat. 48 H. 3. pars 2. m. 3. Rot. Pat. 46 H. 3. m. 18. Pat. 49 H. 3. m. 10.15 18. Claus 49 H. 3. m. 4.5 Claus 50 H. 3. m. 1. dorso There are several Patents Commissions Proclamations procured by the Lords from the King for the reading proclaming and inviolable keeping of the Great Charter and Franchises of the Realm and reformation of Grievances contrary thereunto overtedious to transcribe and the Agreements between rhe King and Barons touching the same King Edward the 1. in the 25. year of his reign by his own regal Authority without grant in Parliament raised the Custom of Woolls to 40 s. upon every sack which he levied whereas before they payed onely half a mark a sack And likewise summoned some Nobles and all those who held of him by Knights service with all others who had lands to the value of 20 l. or upwards a year to be ready with rheir horses and arms at London on the feast of S Peters ad Vincula to pass over with him into Flanders to serve there in the Wars at the Kings wages Hereupon the Earles Marshal and of Hereford with other Nobles refused to goe inâ—o Flanders and drew up this Notable Petition or rather Remonstrance to the King against this unjust Imposition forein service and other Grievances against the Great Charter and their Liberties which they sent to Winchelsey by Messengers ex parte Comitum sui regni as Walsingham relates Haec sunt nocumenta quae Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates et Priores Comites et Barones et tota terrae Communitas monstrant Domino nostro Regi et humiliter rogant eum ut ad honorem suum
et salvationem populi sui velit corrigere et emendare In primis videtur toti Communitati terrae quod Praemonitio facta eis per Breve Domini nostri Regis non erat satis sufficiens quia non exprimebatur certus locus quo debebant ire quia secundum locum oportebat facere providentiam et pecuniam habere Et sive deberent servitium facere sive non quia dictum est communiter quod Dominus noster vult transfretare in Flandriam videtur toti Communitati quod ibi non debent aliquod servitium facere quia nec ipsi nec praedecessores sui seu progenitores unquam fecerunt servitium in terra illa Et quamvis ita esset quod deberent ibi servitium facere ut alibi tamen non habent facultatem faciendi quia nimis afflicti sunt per diversa Tallagia Auxilia Prisas videlicet de frumentis avenis braseo lanis coriis bobus vaccis carnibus salsis sine solutione alicujus denarii de quibus se debuerant sustentasse Propter hoc dicunt quod non possunt auxilium facere propter paupertatem in quae sunt propter Tallagia et Prisas antedictas quia vix habent unde se sustentarent multi sunt qui nullum sustentationem habent nec terras suas colere possunt Propter haec tota terrae Communitas sentiunt se valde gravatam quia non tranctantur secundum Leges et consuetudines terrae secundum quas tractari Antecessores sui solebant habere sed voluntarie excluduntur Sentiunt etiam se multi gravati super hoc quod solebant tractari secundum Articulos contentos in Magna Charta cujus articuli omnes sunt omissi in majus damnum populo universo Propter hoc rogant Dominum nostrum Regem quod velit ista corrigere ad honorem suum populi sui salvationem Propter hoc Communitas terrae sensit se nimis gravatam de assisa Forestae quae non est custodita sicut consuevit nec Charta Forestae observatur sed fiunt attachiamenta pro libitu extra assisam aliter quam fieri consuevit Paeterea tota Communitas sentit se gravatam de Vectigali lanarum quod nimis est onerosum videlicet de quolibet Sacco quadraginta solidos et de lana fracta de quolibet sacco septem marcas lana enim Angliae ascendit fere ad valorem medietatis totius terrae et vectigal quod inde solvitur ascendit ad quintam partem valoris totius terrae Quia vero communitas optat honorem et salutem Domino nostro Regi sicut tenetur velle non videtur eis quod sit ad bonum Regis quod transeat in Flandriam nisi plus esset assecuratus de Flanderensibus pro se pro gente sua et simul cum hoc propter terram Scotiae quae rebellare incepit ipso existente in terra et aestimant quanto pejus facerent cum certificati fuerint quod Rex Mare transierit Nec solum pro terra Scotiae sed etiam pro terris aliis quae non sunt adhuc modo debito stabilitatae The King having received those Petitions answered that he could not as yet answer them without his Counsel part of them being in Flanders and the rest left at London And he intreated the said Earls by the Messengers who brought the Petitions that if they would not passe over with him yet at least that they would not hurt his Realm during his absence for he hoped by Gods assistance to return again and settle his Kingdom in order The King passing into Flanders the said Earls Batons in person inhibited the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer that they should not levy the 8th penny of the people being granted to the K. at St. Edmunds without their consent and induced the City of Lond. to stand with them for the recovery of their liberties Whereupon Prince Edwards counsel perswaded him to send for the Earls of Hereford and Marshal and by any means possible to allure them to peace who repairing to him upon summons were willing to consent to the Articles and form of peace ensuing but to no other Primo Quod Dominus Rex Chartam magnam cum eaeteris articulis addictis et Chartam de Foresta annuat et confirmet et Quod nullum auxilium vel vexationem exigat a Clero vel Populo absque consilio et assensu et quod omnem offensam Comitibus et eorum confaederatis dimittat Articuli adiecti ad magnam Chartam sunt isti Nullum Tallagium vel auxilium per nos vel haeredes nostros de caetero in regno nostro imponatur seu levetur sine voluntate et assensu communi Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Abbatum et aliorum Praelatorum Comitum Baronum Militum Burgensium et aliorum liberorum hominum Nullus minister noster vel haeredum nostrorum in toto regno nostro capâ—at blada lanas Coria aut aliqua aliae bona cujuscunque sine voluntate et assensu cujus fuerunt Nihil capiatur de caetero nomine vectigalis de Saccolanae Volumus etiam et concedimus pro nobis et haered bus nostris quod omnes Clerici et Laici de Regno nostro habeant omnes Leges Libertates et omnes consuetudines ita libere et integre sicut aliquo tempore consueverunt melius pleniusque habere Et si contra illas vel quemcunque Articulum in praesanti Charta contentum statuta fuerint aedita per nos vel Antecessores nostros vel consuetudines introductae Volumus et concedimus quod hujusmodi Statuta vacua sint et nullum in perpetuum Remissimus etiam Humfredo dae Boun Comiti Herefordiae Essexiae Constabulario Angliae Rogero Bigot Comiti Norfolciae Mareschallo Angliae Et aliis Comitibus Baronibus Militibus Armigeris Johanni de Ferrariis ac omnibus aliis de eorum societate confaederatione et concordia existertibus nec non omnibus vigenti libratas terrae tenentibus in regno nostro sive de nobis sivâ— de alio quocunque in capite qui ad transfretandum nobiscum in Flandriam certo die notato vocati fuerunt et non venerunt rancorem nostram malam voluntatem quam ex causis praedictis erga eos habuimus et transgressiones si quas nobis vel fecerunt usque ad praesentis Chartâ— confectionem Et in majorem securitatem hujus rei volumus et concedimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris quod omnes Archiepiscopi et Episcopi Angliae in perpetuum in suis Cathedralibus Ecclesiis habita praesenti Charta relicta excommunicent publice et in singulis Parochialibus Ecclesiis suarum Dâ—ocesium excommunicari faciant seu excommunicatos denunciare bis in anno omnes qui contra tenorem praesentis Chartae vim et effectum in quocunque articulo scienter fecerunt aut fieri procuraverunt quovismodo Missis igitur in Flandriam nunciis
they their Ancestors purchased at so dear a rate and a means to dis-ingage them for ever siding hereafter with and setting them against the Commons and Republike for such an high dishonour and affront as this will prove 3ly Our Lords and Nobles have been the stoutest Champions to defend the Rights Privileges Liberties of the Crown Realm and Church of England the Great Charters Liberties Laws Franchises Properties of the Clergy people therein against the Popes and Prelates Antichristian invasions and enchroachments on them for proof whereof I shall present you with these few pertinent presidents instead of many others recorded in our Annals Pope Paschal the 2. and his Confederate Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury endeavouring by a Papal Decree to deprive the King of the investiture of Bishopricks by a Ring and Staff which his Ancestors enjoyed The King thereupon writ and sent him a Letter by two of his Bishops Anno Dom. 1103. wherein he concludes thus Beneficium quod ab Antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit vobis mitto eosque honores eam obedientiam quam tempore Patris mei antecessores vestri in Regno Angliae habuerunt tempore meo ut habeatis volo eo videlicet tenore ut dignitates usus et consuetudines quas Pater meus tempore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angliae habuit Ego tempore vestro in eodem regno meo integre obtineam Notumque habeat Sanctitas vestra quod me vivente Deo auxiliante dignitates et usus Regni Angliae non minuentur Et si ego quod absit in tanta me dejectione ponerem OPTIMATES MEI imo TOTIUS ANGLIAE POPULUS ID NULLO MODO PATERETUR Habita igitur karissime Pater utiliore deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra ne quod invitus faciam a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia To pretermit the Statutes of Clarindon Anno 1164. made and sworn to be observed by the Prelates Abbots Earls Barons and Nobles very derogatory to the Popes and Prelates usurpations in maintenance of the Kings Prerogative and peoples liberties recorded in Mat. Paris p. 96 97. Chronica Gervasii col 1386. In the year 1185. Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem comming into England with the Keys of the Tower of David and of Christs Sepulcher and the Banner of the holy Cross presented them to King Henry at Reading whom they had elected King thereof with an earnest Letter from Pope Lucius to accept thereof that so he in his absence might the more securely invade the rights of his Crown and Kingdom Hereupon the King Convocatis apud Londoniam totius Angliae Primatibus as Gervasius Dorobernensis or Convocato Câ—ero Regni ac populo to wit rhe Prelates and Nobles not ordinary Clergy and Commons usually expressed by this phrase as Mat. Paris relates it Convenerunt Londoniis apud Fontem Clericorum decima Kalendas Aprilis Rex cum universa Nobilitate Regni which expounds Clerus Regni et Populus Whence Radulphus de Diceto thus relates it Ad vocationem Regis Cantuariensis electus et Cantuariensis Ecclesiae Suffraganei Dunelmensis Episc Abbat Conventualium locorum Praelati Comites et Barones convenerunt apud fontem Clericorum 15 Kal. Apritis Rex itaque Patriarcha Magistro sanctae domus hospitalis Jerosolomi audientibus omnes suos fideles qui convenerant adjurationibus multis obstrinxit quatenus proponerent in medio quod super his saluti animae suae viderint expedire Ad hoc enim cor suum inclinatum dicebat ut quod acciperet ex eorum consilio modis omnibus observaret Tunc Concilio universo super praemissis colloquenti datum est igitur sub deliberatione quod esset consultius vel quod Rex in propria sua persona Jerosolomitanis succurreret vel Anglorum regno cujus gubernationem in facie Matris Ecclesiae dudum susciperat adhuc praeesse nulla ratione desisteret Ad illa siquidem tria quae Rex quilibet consecrandus promitiit aliqui revocabant Promittit namque se praecepturum opem pro viribus impensurum ut Ecclesia Dei populusque Christianus veram pacem in omni tempore servet Promittit etiam quod rapacitates et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus interdicet Promittit adhuc quod in omnibus judiciis aequitatem misericordiam praecipiet Satius ergo visum est VNIVERSIS animae Regis multò salubrius quod regnum suum debita cum moderatione gubernet et a barbarorum irruptionibus a gentibus externis tuâ—atur quam saluti Orientalium in propria sua persona De filiis Regis quidem quorum petiis aliquem Patriarcha si Rex tamen recusaret quicquid statuere cum essent absentes incongruum videbatur Whereupon Heraclius returned the Pope and he by this advice of the Nobles being both deprived of their hopes Rex inito consilio responderat quod oblatum sibi Regnum Hierosolomitanum accipere et adire et Regnum Anglorum deserere hostibus vicinis exponere non fuit ut credidit Deo acceptum cum sit Deo tam gratum tam devotum hoc ut illud King Iohn in the 17 year of his reign having confirmed the Great Charter of the liberties of England and of the Forest by his Seal Oath and the Popes own Bull after his surrender of his Crown and kingdom ro the Pope regranted to him under an annual tribute Pope Innocent by his Bull in a General Council held at Rome repealed these Charters of the King as compelled to grant them by force and fear against his will commanding the King under pain of a curse and excommunication not to observe the Barons not to exact or demand the said Charters or any obligations or cautions whatsoever for or concerning them which he utterly cancelled and made void ut nullo unquam tempore aliquam habeant firmitatem Writing also exhortatory minatory Letters to the Barons not to claim the said Charters or Liberties obtained by force and fear and therefore not only vile and dishonest but unlawfull and unjust under pain of his displeasure and Sentence But what was the issue Matthew Paris thus records Cumque tandem Rege Anglorum procurante Magnates Angliae has Literas tam commoniâ—oriaâ— quam comminatorias accepissent Noluerunt desistere ab inceptis ed adhuc insurgentes Regem acriter infeâ—tabant dicendo de Papa illud propheticum Vae qui justificatis impium c. The Pope being informed that the Barons persisted in the prosecution of their Liberties and Wars against the King excommunicated them al their adherents in general for contemning and disrespecting his said Papal Decree Letters authority and suspended the Archbishop of Canterbury for siding with them But they contemning this his Sentence and persevering in their designs and wars he thereupon excommunicated all the Barons by name and likewise interdicted them and their adherents which being published in most places in the Country and thereby
coming to the Londoners and Barons knowledge they exceedingly slighted his excommunications reviâ—ed contemned the Popes authority in the highest degree as Matthew Paris though a Monk thus relates Excommunicationis et interdicti sententias civitas Londinensis per contumaciam multiplicem adeo contemnendo despexit quod nec eas Barones observare nec Praelati publicare DECREVERUNT Dicebant enim generaliter omnes literas falsa suggestione fuisse impetratas ideo nullius esse momenti hoc maxime quod non pertinet ad Papam ordinatio rerum Laicorum cum Petro Apostolo ejus successorihus non nisi ecclesiasticarum dispositio rerum à Domino sic collatae potestas Ut quid ad nos extendit Romanorum â—nsatiata cupiditas Quid Episcopis Apostolicis et militiae nostrae Ecce Successores Constantini 〈◊〉 Peâ—ri 〈◊〉 imitantur Petrum in meritis vel operibus nec assimulandi sunt in Potestate Proh pudor marcidi ribalaâ— qui de armis vel libertate minime norunt jam toti mundo propter excommunicationes suas volunt dominari ignobiles usurarii et Simoniales O quantum dissimiles Petro qui sibi Peâ—ri usurpant partes Sic igitur blasphemantes recalcitrantes ponentes os in coelum ad interdicti sive Excommunicationis sententiam nullum penitus habentes respectum per totam civitatem celebrarunt divina signa pulsantes vocibus altisonis modulantes Hereupon the Pope reviving his Excommunication against them the Barons still slighted it as before deposing King John from the Crown and electing Lewes of France for their King and thus reviâ—ing the Pope for siding with King John Et quid de te Papa qui pater sanctitatis speculum pietatis tutor justitiae custos veritatis toti mundo deberes lucere in exemplum tali consentis talem laudas tueris Sed hac causa exhaustorem pecuniae Anglicanae exactatorem Nobilitatis Britannicae tibi inclinantem defendis ut in barathrum Romanae avaritiae omnia demergantur sed haec causa et excusatio est ante Deum culpa et accusatio Et sic Barones lachrymantes lamentantes Regem Papam maledixerunt Anno 1229. the 23. of King Henry the 3. Fecit convenire apud West monasterium Dominica qua cantatur Misericordia Domini Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Priores Templarios Hospitilarios Comites Barones Ecclesiarum Rectores qui de se tenibant in capite but no elected Knights Citizens or Burgesses that we read of ad locum praefixum et diem that they might hear the businesses Stephen the Popes Chaplain and Legat had to propound unto them from the Pope de rerum exigentiis communiter tractarent ibidem Omnibus igitur congregatis tam Laicis quam Clericis eorum subjectis Magister Stephanus coram omnibus recitavit Literas Domini Papae in quibus exigebat Decimas omnium rerum mobilium de tota Anglia Hibernia et Wallia ab universis Laicis Clericis ad guerram suam sustinendam quae contra Romanum Imperatorem susceperat Fredericum ipse solus pro Universali Ecclesia c. The Legat herupon pressing them earnestly to grant this strange Tenth to the Pope the King from whom all the rest expected to have protection and defence against it becoming formerly bound by his Proctors to pay this Tenth seemed to give consent thereto by his silence Comites vero et Barones ac Laici omnes plane decimas se daturos contradixerunt nolentes Baronias suas vel Laicas Possessiones Romanae Ecclesiae obligare Episcopi quoque Abbates Priores et alii Ecclesiarum praelati post trium vel quatuor dierum deliberationâ—m et murmurationem non modicam tandem consenserunt metuentes excommunicationis sententiam vel interdicti sibi inferri si mandatis Apostolicis obviarent The Earls Barons and Laity scaping scot-free from this Papal Exaction by their strenuous opposition when as the King and Clergy basely and unworthily submitted to it out of fear to their intollerable oppression An. 1239. The Pope usurping by his Provisions upon the Barons and Patrons Rights and Advowsons in England Thereupon the Earls Barons and other Great men of England dolentes se privari sua Libertate per cupiditatem Romanae Ecclesiae jure conferendi ecclesias enormiter privari et alienigenas praecepto Papali illis ditari quorum personas et conditiones penitus ignorabant sent this notable Letter to the Pope concerning it by Sir Robert Tuinge Knight Excellentissimo Patri Domino G. Dei gratia summo Pontifici devoti sui de Cestriae de Wincestriae c. salutem reverentiam promptam paratam si placet devotionem Mergente jam navicula nostrae libertatis primogenitorum nostrorum sanguine subacta prorumpentibus in nos plus solito perturbantium procellis dormientem Dominum in navicula Petri cogimur excitare acclamantes jugiter una voce Domine salva nos perimus Ut cum judicium et justitia sint correctio sedis ejus unicuique nostrum jus suum tribuat conservet illaesum Ne si secus fiereâ— corruente charitate devotioneque deseta provocarentur filii contra patris viscera mutâ—ae dilectionis affectus subintroducta injuria penitus evanesceret Cum igitur sanctissime pater a prima Christianitatis fundatione in Anglia tali fuerint hactenus progenitores nostri gavisi libertate quod dedecentibus ecclesiarum rectoribus ecclesiarum patroni personas idoneas eligentes ad easdem Diocesanis praesenta verunt ab eisdem ecclesiarum regimini praeficiendas verum vestris temporibus de conniventia vestra vel voluntate nescimus talis contra nos invaluit adversitas quod dedecentibus ecclesiarum rectoribus quidam executores vestri ad hoc dati ecclesias de patronatu nostro passim conferunt in nostrae praejudicium libertatis in eminens periculum juris patronalis licet super hoc pridem cautione literarum Apostolicarum nobis prospexeritis continentium quod decedentibus ecclesiarum personis Italicis vel Romanis auctoritate provisionis vestrae in Ecclesiis promotis licite possemus personas idoneas praesentare cujus oppositum videmus quotidie demandari de quo plurimum miramur cum non debeat ab uno eodem fonte aqua dulcis amara defluere Sane licet haec contra nos sit communis pestis introducta pro qua contentiones emulationes irae rixae necnon caedes hominum poterunt fortassis exoriri unius tamen comparium nostrorum afflictionem exempli gratia producere decrevimus in medium ut quod contra eum juris sui patronalis periculum hactenus est improvide procuratum auctoritate vestra si placet revocetur in irritum Cum igitur Robertus de Tuinge patronus ecclesiae de Luthun decedente N. Italico ejusdem ecclesiae rectore personam idoneam praesentasset ad eandem obstante mandato vestro distulit ipsum
seriose nobis fecit exponi Quibus auditis diligenter intellectis ita sensibus admiranda quam hactenus inaudita in eis audivimus contineri Scimus enim Pater sanctissime et notorium in partibus nostris ac nonnullis aliis non ignotum quod à prima institutione Regni Angliae Reges ejusdem regni tam temporibus Britonum quam Anglorum superius directum Dominium regni Scotiae habuerunt in possessione vel capitanei superioritatis et recti Dominii ipsius Scotiae successivis temporibus habuerunt nec ullis temporibus ipsum regnum in temporalibus pertinuit vel pertinet quovismodo ad Ecclesiam supradictam Quinimo idem Regnum Scotiae dicti Regni nostri Regibus Angliae atque sibi faeodale extitit ab antâ—quo Nec etiam Reges Scotorum Regnum aliis quam Regibus Angliae subfuerunt vel subjici consueverunt neque Reges Angliae super juribus suis in regno praedicto aut aliis suis temporalibus coram aliquo judice ecclesiastico vel saeculari ex Praeeminentia status suae Regiae dignitatis et consuetudinis cunctis temporibus irrefragabiliter observatae responderunt aut respondere debebant Vnde habito tractatu et deliberatione diligenti super contentis in Literis vestris memoratis communis concors unanimus omnium nostrum et singulorum consensus fuit et erit inconcusse Deo propitio in futurum quod praefatus Dominus noster Rex super juribus Regni Scotiae aut aliis suis temporalibus nullatenus respondeat judicialiter coram Vobis nec judicium subeat quoquo modo aut jura sua praedicta in dubium quaestionis deducat nec ad praesentiam vestram Procuratores aut nuncios ad hoc mittat praecipue cum praemissa cederent manifeste in exhaeredationem juris coronae Regni Angliae et Regiae dignitatis ac subversionem Status ejusdem Regni notoriam necnon ad praejudicium Libertatis Consuetudinum et Legum paternarum ad quarum obfervationem et defensionem debito praestiti juramenti astringimux et quae manutenebimus toto posse totisque viribus cum Dei auxilio defendemus Nec enim permittimus nec aliqualiter permittemus sicut non possumus praemissa tam insolita tam indebita praejudicialia alias inaudita praelibatum dominum regem etiam si vellet facere seu modo quolibet attemptare Quapropter sanctitati vestrae humiliter supplicamus quatenus eundem nostrum dominum Regem qui inter alios Principes orbis terrae Catholicum se exhibet et Romanae Ecclesiae devotum jura sua Libertates et Consuetudines et leges praedictas abique diminutione et inquietudine pacifics pofâ—idere as illibata persistere benignius permittatis A most noble heroical loyal magnanimous Resolution of all the English Peers to their King and Country even against the Popes incroachments on them though then their Ghostly Father Anno 1307. King Edward the 1. held a Parliament ar Carlisle in quae per Majores regni graves deposita sunt querimoniae de oppressionibus Ecclesiarum et Monasteriorum multiplicibus extortionibus pecuniarum per Clericum Domini Papae Magistrum Gulihelmum de Testa noviter in regnum inductis praeceptumque est eidem clerico DE ASSENSU COMITUM BARONUM ne de caetero talia exequatur Ordinatum etiam erat quod pro remedio super hiis obtinendo ad dominum Papam assignati mitterentur Nuncii I shall close up this point with one memorable example more Anno 1312. there being a great difference between King Edward the 2. and his Nobles about his recalling Peter Gaverston after a double exile by sentence of the Lords in parliament who took up arms to expell him by force and desired the King to confirm and execute certain Ordinances they had made else they would by strong hand compell him thereunto hereupon the Popes two Legates then in England came with the rest of the Prelats of England and Earl of Glocester to St. Albans to mediate a Peace between the King and Lords from whence they sent their Clerks to Warhamstede where the Barons then lay with their Army cum Literis summi Pontificis eis pro pace roganda directis Magnates audientes extraneos eis Literas apportate ipsos quidem pacifice receperunt sed literas recipere noluerunt dicentes se non esse literatos sed armis militia exercitatos et ideo videre literas non curarunt Tunc qui missi fuerant requisierunt si placeret eis habere colloquium cum Dominis suis Domini Papae nunciis qui pro pace reformanda personaliter accedere cupiebant Ad haec PROCERES responderunt Se in regno multos habere probos literatos Episcopos quorum consiliis uti volebant et non exâ—rancorum quibus non esset cognita causa commotionis suae praeciseque dixerunt se nullo modo permissuros ut aliquis alienigena vel forensis intromitteret de factis suis aut quibuscunque negotiis eos tangentibus infra Regnum So much did the Lords then slight the Popes Letters and Legates Nuncii Domini Papae tali modo perterriti in crastino summo manè iter versus Londonias maturarunt qui apud Sanctum Albanum loci commoditate illecti moram traxisse per Mensem vel amplius cogitaverant And so intermedled no more therein The same year Henry de Lacy Earl of Lincoln lying upon his death-bed used this Speech to Thomas Earl of Lancaster his Son-in-law heir to 5. Earldoms Quomodo Deus eum prae cunctis in regno ditaverit honoraverit gloriae fecerat abundare Quapropter ait et Deum diligere te et honorare prae caeteris obligaris Cernis Sanctam Ecclesiam Anglicanam honorabilem quondam et liberam per Romanorum Oppressiones Regum hujus regni injustas Exactiones proh dolor ancillatam Vides plebem regni Tributis Tallagiis apporiatam de conditione Libertatis in servitutem actam a true character of our times after all our wars for Liberty and Property Cernis regni Nobilitatem quandoque toti Christianitati venerabilem jam ab alienigenis in terra propria vilipensam Adjuro te igitur per nomen Christi ut virum induas exurgas et eriges te ad honorem Dei Ecclesiae et patriae liberationem adhibeasque tibi virum strenuum nobilem prudentem Guidonem Warwicensem Comitem cum necesse fuerit de regni tractare negotiis qui consilio praeeminet et maturitate pollet Non verearis insurgentes adversantes tibi dimicaturo pro veritate Si his meis monitis acquieveris in aeternum honorem gloriam consequeris Whereupon this Earl pro relevanda sanctae matris Ecclesiae oppressione et recuperanda regni debita libertate confederated with divers other Earls and Nobles who electing him for their General regni Nobilium communi decreti sententia Then they sent Messengers to the K. to
banish Peter Gâ—verston which he refusing to doe they pursued him with their arms cut off his head slighted the Popes Letters and Nuncios regulated his Extortions and enforced the King to confirm the Ordinances they made for the redress of all grievances both in Church and State with the Great Charter Laws and Liberties of the Church and people in whose defence and quarrel this Earl afterwards lost his life To these I could annex many other such like Letters resolutions oppositions of our Earls Lords Barons in Parliament against the Popes Usurpations Encroachments upon the Crowns Royalties of our Kings and Liberties Laws Customs of our Kingdom as 21 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 63.40 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 8. Cooks 4 Institutes p. 13 14.50 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 85. to 108. 27 E. 3. c. 1. 38 E. 3. c. 4. 16 R. 2. c. 5. wherein every one of the Lords temporal in Parliament answered and averred by himself severally and joyntly with the rest That neither King John nor any other could put himself or his Realm or people into subjection or Tribute unto the Pope without their common assents That the submission he made to the Pope was without their assents and against his Oath at his Coronation That if the Pope by process or otherwise would attempt to enforce the King or his Subjects to render him the Services and annual Tribute for England and Ireland granted him by King John they would resist and oppose him with all their power And moreover That they will stand with the Kings Crown and Royalty in all cases of the Popes usurpations clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown in all other cases which shall be attempted against the said Crown and Royalty in all points with all their power whose Gallantry loyalty stoutness have been the chief means under God to enfranchise our Kings kingdoms Church from the manifold Antichristian Tyrannies Usurpations Oppressions Taxes Vassallages Slavery of domineering Popes in all ages as the premises with other instances sufficiently evidence And upon this ground it was by reason of the Popes incessant Usurpations in former times upon the Royalties Rights Liberties both of the Crown Realm and Church of England that the Nobles in our Parliaments were in the very Writs of Summons ever called thereunto to consult and treat with the King Prelats Lords and Great men of the Realm of certain weighty and arduous affairs concerning the State and Defence of the Realm ET ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE and the Church of England the Defence of the Church as well as Realm against the Popes incroachments being one chief business of our Lords and Greatmen in our Parliaments which now it seems is no part of our New-modelled Parliaments as some stile them there beieg neither DEI GRATIA nor Statum defensionem ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE to be found in any of their New Writs that I have seen which had been an impious insufferable omission in all former ages This Clause engaging our Peers so stoutly to resist the Pope as the premises demonstrate which good service of theirs hoth in common Justice reason equity merited a Place and Vote for them and their Posterities in all our English Parliaments without any popular election Before I proceed to the next reason of our Lords sitting in Parliament I shall earnestly importune yea adjure all the antient Earls Barons Nobles and Great men of our Realm with all who have lately been or pretend to be any Knights Citizens Burgesses of real or pretended Parliaments our late and present swaying Grandees and all Lawyers Gentlemen Freemen of our English Nation seriously to review and cordially to ponder all the forecited memorable presidents of their Noble Gallant publike spirited Ancestors here recited and bundled up together for their information reformation and undelayed imitation in this and the precedent reason both in procuring regaining reestablishing the Great Charters of our fundamental Liberties Rights Properties Freedom with solemn New publications Excommunications Execrations Oaths Confederacies Penalties Laws Edicts for their own and their Posterities benefit In denying opposing resisting all unreasonable or illegal Aids Subsidies Tenths demanded intreated of or exacted from them by our Kings upon real or pretended Necessities Wants Wars or defence by Sea and Land their bold frequent unanimous magnanimous reprehensions of our Kings and their evil Counsellors to their faces for their Exorbitances Misgovernment Exactions Oppressions Violations of their Great Charter Laws Liberties Privileges Oaths Promises and unnecessary Warrs or Expences without their publike Counsel or advice in their resolute inflexible unanimous resolutions oppositions both in and out of Parliaments against all illegal Papal Encroachments Usurpations Exactions on the Rights Privileges of the Crown Kingdom Church Parliament Clergy People upon every fresh occasion and in their vigilant indefatigable zeal earnest care diligence with the hazard of their Limbs Lives Liberties Estates and effusion of their bloud for the publike Liberty Freedom Ease weal good Government of the Nation according to those wholsom Charters Laws and Ordinances which they procured for that end with much industry strife and opposition in many successive Parliaments And then let them all with confusion of face consternation of spirit and grief of heart seriously consider how stupendiously monstrously and incredibly they have all for near ten years last past most desperately apostatized degenerated both from the Heroick Noble Gallant Memorable Presidents Practices Courage Zeal of these their Renowned Ancestors in every of these particulars and from their own Praiseworthy Actions Remonstrances Councils Parliamentary and Military proceedings of like Nature under our two last Kings out of unworthy un-English unchristian Cowardize Fear Self-love Sluggishness Sottishness Supineness after all their late solemn publike Protestations Remonstrances Declarations Vows Oaths Leagues Covenants near ten years bloudy intestine Wars the overprodigal expence of many Millions of Treasure and whole Oceans of precious Christian Protestant English bloud for the real or at least pretended Defence alone and maintaining secuting those antient undoubted Fundamental Great Charters Laws Liberties Properties Privileges and Rights of Parliament exempting us from all future arbitrary tyrannical illegal Exactions Taxes Excises Imposts Imprisonments restraints exiles and executions which they have now all most ignobly submitted to without the least manly publike or private Opposition contradiction or care activity to break off those iron yoaks of bondage and intollerable perpetual burdens which some Impudent Intruders and new Aegyptian Tax-masters have most illegally imposed on them as if they were all resolved to renounce all their former Great Charters Laws Liberties Privileges and Rights of English Nobles Parliamentmen Freemen and to becom the basest bondslaves under heaven So that if these our Nobles Ancestors should now rise from the dead they might justly stand amazed at this their ignoble slavish cowardize and universal degeneracy yea disclaim them as spurious and none of their heroick English progeny and they all may justly demand this Question from themselves
Barons being no such Knights Citizens or Burgesses as the writ enjoyns them to elect and return 3. By all the Statutes for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses recorded in Rastall Tit. Parliament the Lords being not within their words or intention 4. By the Great Charter of King John and express Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4.31 H. 8. c. 10. Rot. Par. n. 10. which disable them to sit amongst the Commons but only in the Lords house among their Peers 5. By the very words of the Patents of their Creation which authorize and prescribe all Dukes Earls Viconts Barons in direct terms Quod in omnibus tenerentur tractentur et reputentur ut Duces Comites Barones quod haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet habeat teneat possideat sedem locum et vocem in Parliamentis publilicis Comitiis et Consiliis nostris Haeredum et Successorum nostrorum infra Regnum nostrum Angliae inter alios Duces Comites et Barones not amongst the Knights Citizens and Burgesses ut Duces Comites et Barones Parliamentorum Publicorum Comitiorum et Consiliorum not as Knights Citizens or Burgesses 6. By Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes p. 46 47. and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour p. 736 737. who resolve That a Baron or Lord of Parliament is not eligible to be a Knight Citizen or Burgess of the House of Commons as was resolved in the case of Thomas Camoyes who was not only a Baronet but also a Baron and Lord of Parliament The Lord Camoyes being elected by the Freeholders of the County of Surrey for one of the Knights of the Shire to serve in Parliament for them Anno 7 R. 2. thereupon the King by advice of Council declared his election to be null and void in Law and commanded a new election of some other fit person to be made in his place by this memorable Writ extant on record Rex Vicecomiti Surriae salutem Quia ut accepimus tu Thomam Camoyes Chivaler qui Baronettus est sicut quamplures antecessorum suorum extiterunt ad essendum unum Militum venientium ad proximum Parliamentum nostrum pro Communitate Comitatus praedicti de assensu ejusdem Comitatus eligisti Nos advertentes quod hujusmodi Baronetti ante haec tempora in Milites Comitatus ratione alicujus Parliamenti elegi minime consueverunt ipsum de officio Militis ad dictum Parliamentum pro communitate Comitatus praedicti venturi exonerari volumus Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod quendam aâ—ium Misi em idoneum et discretum gladio cinctum in loco ipsius Thomae elegi et eum ad diem et locum Parliamenti praedicti venire facias cum plena et sufficienti potestate ad consentiendum hiis quae in Parliamento praedicto sicut juxta renorem prioris Brevis nostri tibi pro electione hujusmodi militum directi et nomen ejus Nobis Sciri facias Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium octavo die Octobris 7ly Both Houses of Parliament in their Remonstrance of Nov. 2. 1642. declare and publish in print to all the World This to be so clear and fundamental a privilege of Parliament That no Member of either House of Parliament is to be taken away or detained from the service of the House whereof he is a Member until such time as that House hath satisfaction concerning the cause and the cause be heard in Parliament first and dismissed from it That the whole freedom of Parlament dependeth upon it For who seeth not that by this means under false pretences of crimes and accusations such or so many Members of both or either Houses of Parliament may be taken out of it at any time by any persons to serve a turn and to make a MAJOR PART of whom they will at pleasure So as the freedom of Parliament dependeth in a great part on this privilege yea without it the whole Body of the Parliament will be destroyed by depriving it of its Members by degrees some at one time and others at another time as both Houses further remonstrate in their Declaration of October 23. 1642. Which as it infallibly demonstrates that the Lords House or Members cannot be taken away or taken from them against their wils without the destruction subversion of the whole Parliament of which they are chief Members the Judicial power of Parliaments residing principally in that House if not wholly So it likewise clearly resolves that no Peer or Member of the Lords House can be elected a Member of the Commons house For if the election of the Freeholders Citizens or Burgesses of any County City or Borough of a Duke Earl Lord or Baron of the Realm to be a Knight Citizen or Burgess in Parliament should be valid in Law to make them legal actual Members of the Commons house it would then lie in their powers to un-Peer un-Lord and degrade any Nobleman yea all the Earls Peers Lords Barons of the Realm and their Posterity at their pleasures to reduce them and the whole House of Peers into the Commons inferiour house and so quite dissolve the Lords House in high affront dishonor of the Lords and their House and of the Kings Soveraign royal Authority the fountain of all Honor and that without any legal trial or Judgment by their Peers or just cause of degradation on their parts against the express words and meaning of Magna Charta c. 29. And if any Lords upon such Elections should so far degenerate debase or degrade themselves as to accept thereof and ignobly sit and vote as Members of the Commons House both they and their posteritieâ— for such an ignoble act meritoriously deserved to be for ever degraded from their Nobility and secluded from all future sitting in the Lords House as Peers becoming thereby the very shame scorn scandal of Nobility fit only to be ranked with the basest Peasants to whom these Levellers would now equallize them Yea it would be now no less than wilfull perjury in any Freeholders Citizens Burgesses to elect them Knights or Burgesses and in themselves to accept of such Elections when chosen and in the whole House of Peers and Commons too once to permit allow approve or connive at such elections after their late Protestation Vow and Solemn League and Covenant to maintain to their power the Rights Privileges of Parliament and both Houses of Parliament whereof this is an unquestionable Right and Privilege That no Member of the Lords House should be elected a Knight Citizen Burgess or brought down from thence to sit only as a Commoner in the Commons House so long as he continues a Peer or Member of the Lords House a distinct House from and superior to the Commons House in all ages as its Title of the Lower House and their standing alwayes bare before the Lords with other evidences demonstrate nor any Knight Citizen or Burgess a true real Member of the House of Peers
were first made never sate in Parliament Whereas this writ hath no operation or effect to enoble him or his posterity unless and until he actually sit in Parliament for if he die before he sit or sit not at all neither he nor his issue are Noble This distinction and concession of his contradicts his former opinion That the Writ it self doth not ennoble the person and his heirs for if it did then he and they should be ennobled by it though he died before he â—aâ—e in Parliament because they are thus ennobled by Letters Patents which create them Nobles or Peers and make them actually such though they never sit in Parliament 7ly Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes p. 44 45. thus resolves If the King by his Writ calleth any Knight or Esquire to be a Lord of the Parliament he cannot refuse to serve the King there in communi illo confilio for the good of his Country But if the King had called an Abbot Peer or other regular Prelate by Writ to the Parliament to the Common Council of the Realm if he held not of the King per Baroniam he might refuse to sit in Parliament because quoad secularia he was mortuus in lege and therefore not capable to have a voice or place in Parliament unless he did hold per Baroniam and were to that Common Council called by Writ which made him capable And though such a Prelate regular had been often called by Writ and had de facto had place and voice in Parliament yet if in rei veritate he hold not per Baroniam HE OUGHT TO BE DISCHARGED OF THAT SERVICE AND TO SIT NO MORE For that the Abby of Leicester was founded by Robert Fitz Robert Earl of Leicester albeit the Patronage came to the Crown by the forfeiture of Simon de Mountford Earl of Leicester yet being of a Subjects foundation it could not be holden per Baroniam therefore the Abbot had no capacity to be called to the Parliament and thereupon the King did grant Quod idem Abbas successores sui de veniendo ad Parliamentum Concilia nostra vel haeredum nostrorum quieâ—i sint exonerati in perpetuum But all these Cases abovesaid and others that might be remembred touching this point as little Rivers do flow from the fountain of Modus tenendi Parliamentum where it is said Ad Parliamentum summoneri venire debent ratione tenurae suae omnes singuli Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates Barones Priores alii Majores Cleri qui tenent PER COMITATUM VEL BARONIAM ratione hujusmodi tenurae nulli minores nisi eorum praesentia necessaria utilis reputetur To which purpose he likewise cites the Act of Parliament of 10 H. 2. called the Assize of Clarindon and the Great Charter of King John in the 17 year of his reign here forecited p. 21 30 31. For Modus tenendi Parliamentum here so much magnified I have already p. 20 sufficiently discovered it to be a late forgery and imposture out of the very Treatise it self by undeniable proofs which I wonder Sir Ed. Cook Mr. Agar and other pretended judicious Antiquaries observed nor being so obvious yet though it be an imposture and erronious in other things I shall grant it true in this particular here cited As to the point in controversie had Sir Ed. Cook here thus distinguished in the case of Laymen Knights Esquires as he doth in case of Abbots Priors and Religious persons that if the King had by his Writ called any Laymen Knight ot Esquire to the Lords House of Parliament by his general Writ who held of him in fee or fee tayl per Baroniam and was a Baron by tenure that this had enobled him and his posterity as Barons he could not refuse to serve the King as a Baron in this Common Councel for the good of his Country his opinion might have passed for good Law For such who had lands in fee or fee tayl of the King by an intire Barony being Barons and Peers of the Realm by their very tenures ought of right by the express words of the Statute of Clarindon the Great Charter of King John and by the Common Law and Custom of the Realm to be summoned as Barons by the Kings special writs directed to them to all Parliaments and great Councils of the Realm by vertue of their Tenures as well as Bishops Abbots Peers and other regular Prelates who held by Barony yet the writ in this case doth not make them and their heirs Barons by writ nor give them a right to sit and vote in Parliament but only declare them and their heirs to be Barons and to sit there as Barons by their Tenure not by vertue of the Writ it self But if the King by this general Writ summon any Layman Knight or Esquire to the Lords House who holds not by Barony this doth no more make him a Lord or Baron in perpetuity to him and his heirs nor no more oblige him or his heirs to sit there than Abbots but that they may refuse to serve in Parliam if he were no Peer before being not obliged by any Law to sit and serve therein as a Baron or Member of the House of Peers by the Writ alone which doth not bind an Abbot Prior or regular Prelate or ennoble him and his Successors to be Peers and Barons of the Realm though they hold only by Frankalmoign not by Barony the Tenure By Barony being that alone which obligeth both of them to sit and serve in Parliament unlesse they be created Dukes Earls Viscounts Lords Peers or Barons by Patent or else by a special Wrir wherein the estate and dignity of a Baron is both created and limited as in the Writ that created Sir Henry de Bromflet Baron of Vescey in the 27 year of King Henry the 6 where after the Nullatenus omittatiâ— this Clâ—se is inserted Volumus enim vos haeredes vestros maâ—culos de corpore vestro legitime exeuntes BARONES DE UESCY EXISTERE Teste c. If a Layman who holds not by Barony be created a Duke Earl Baron or other Peer of the Realm for life in tayl or in fee by Letters Patents or an Abbot or Prior who holds not by Barony and his Successors be created Lords of Parliament by a special Patent of the King as Richard Banham Abbot of Tavestoke and his Successors were bâ— King Hen. the 8. to whom the King granâ—ed by special words Ut eorum quilibet qui pro tempore fuerit Abbâ—s sit erit unus de Spiritualâ—bus religiosis DOMINIS PARLIAMENTI NOSTRI haeredum successorum nostrorum gaudendo honoreâ— Privilegio libertaribus ejusdem This obligeth them to appear and serve in Parliament upon every Writ of Summons and they their heirs males and Successors cannot refuse to serve or voluntarily absent themselves without cause or license under pain of being fined
in barr of the Writs of Summons directed to them because those writs themselves did ennoble and make them their posterity successors Peers of Parliament though they held no Lands by Barony 8ly it is undeniable by sundry presidents that the Kings general writs of Summons create none Lords or Peers of Parliament for life or Inheritance if they hold not by Barony which I shall evidence by these presidents in point To the Parliament of 49 H. 3. there were no less than 64 Abbots 36 Priors the Master of the Temple and 5. Deans of Cathedral Churches namely of York Exeter Salisbury Lincoln Bath and Wells summoned by general writs as the Bishops Earls Barons and other Nobles were yet this did not make themselves nor their Successors Barons or Peers of Parliament for neither of these Deans nor their successors were ever afterwards summoned to Parliament as they would and must have been had this writ made them or their successors Barons and Lords nor any of the Abbots or Priors but such only who held by Barony who were constantly summoned but those who then held not by Barony or Militare servitium if casually summoned to one Parliament were yet upon their complaints thereof omitted and discharged in the next as the Writs of Summons themselves attest and Mr. Selden manifests out of them Therefore the Writs did neither create them Barons for life much less their successors after them for then they should still have of right been summoned to succeeding Parliaments and ought not to have been discharged In the 18 of Ed. 2. A Writ of Summons was sent by the King Magistro Gilberto de Middleton Archidiacono Northampton Officiali Curiae Cantuariensis Magistro Roberto de Sancto Albano Decano de Arcubus London But no writ was ever directed to them afterwards but in this one Parliament only therefore it made them not Lords and Barons for life inheritance or succession The like is evident by the forecited presidents of the Abbots of St. James Leicester and other Priors So the Gardians of the Spiritualties of Bishops during the vacancy and their Vicars Generals during their absence beyond the Seas have been frequently summoned to Parliaments by writs But being summoned only as substitutes or in the right of the Bishops or Bishopricks it made them no Barons or Peers neither were they ever esteemed such heretofore or at this day as Mr. Selden informs us And as it was thus amongst Abbots Priors Deans and other Clergy-men that these writs made them not Barons for life nor yet in succession so by the selfsame Law and Reason they made no Laicks who held not by Barony such for life or inheritance Whence we find many such in the summons to Parliament of King Henry 3. Ed. 1 2 3. R. 2. H. 4 5 6. who were summoned once twice or thrice but never afterwards nor any of their name or posterity of which no other solid reason can be given but that these general writs of summons made them neither Barons for life nor inheritance no more than they did Abbots Priors or Clergymen For example I find Edmond Barstaff Robert de Crendon H. Huse Ader de Estlye Serton de Hansladorn and sundry others summoned by Writ to Parliament in 33 E. 1. Peter Corbet Andrew de Hamloe Henry Tregor Maurice de Buen Roger Banuent and some others in 13 E. 2. Simon Ward Henry Dandle William Blunt in 4 E. 3. Roger de Claudes Ralph de Bevil William de Kineston in 14 E. 3. Ralph Bulmer Thomas Bugworth in 22 E. 3. William de Ridehal in 27 E. 3. Robert de Colvil John de Kirton John de Wodhurst John Northwood John de Strivelin in the Parliament summons of 37. and one of them again of 38 E. 3. Henry Quarts in 6 H. 4. Henry Cuart in 7 H. 4. William Cheyney Chief Justice in 4. 6 H. 6. But neither of their persons nor any of their posterity were ever after summoned that I find to any other Parliaments as no doubt they would have been had those their writs of summons made them Lords and Barons In the Clause Roll of 5 E. 3. m. 12. dorso the King sent writs into Ireland to William de Burgh Earl of Ulster James de Botâ—ler Earl of Ormond William de Bremigham Knight and Walter de Burgh strictly enjoyning them with all speed to come over into England Nobiscum tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri concerning his intended Voyage in person into Ireland and setting the peace and affairs therof and I read in the reign of King Henry 3. Edward the 1. 3. and other of our Kings that the King of Scots and his Nobles were oft summoned by Writs to our English Parliaments concerning the affairs of Scotland yet these writs made none of them Peers and Barons of our English Parliaments From all which I may safely conclude Sir Edward Cooks and others Opinions to be no Law but a clear mistake that a general writ of Summons doth or can create any who hold not by Barony Peers or Barons for life much less in fee or fee-tayl Therefore such may be afterwards elected Knights or Burgesses of Parliament and be Members of the Commons house and refuse to sit or serve in the Lords house upon summons without contempt or fine but no Baron or Peer of the Realm may be thus chosen or neglect his service in the Lords house Finally Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 120 122. Apologia p 11. and Mr. J. Selden in his Titles of Honour part 2. chap. 5. Sect. 31. p. 708. to 718. assert That as some Spiritual Barons who were conceived to be Barons by writ as well as by tenure though sometimes summoned to Parliament by writ were wholly omitted at length as not having of right Voice and Place with the rest because they held not by Barony So sundry of the Lesser Barons and Tenants in Capite holding only of the King as Vavasors by Knights service and not by an intire Barony were likewise excluded the Parliament and not summoned thereunto by King John Henry the 3. Edw. the 1. being not great and honourary Barons nor having estates sufficient to support that dignity and that as Mr. Selden conceites by some Law made not long before the Great Charter of King Iohn procured by MAJORES BARONES who foreseeing that their power and dignity might suffer much diminution if the new tenants in chief or Patentees of Escheated Baronies and the rest that were decayed should have equality with them and be indifferently Barons of the Kingdom every way as they were procured a Law in some of the Parliaments that preceded the Great Charter of King John by which themselves only should hereafter be properly stiled summoned as BARONS and the rest only Tenants in chief or Knights which Titles shold be given them as distinct names from Barons which could not but much lesen the dignity and honor of the rest
the most best Antiquaries and English Historians I have seen who Treat of our Parliaments except that Gross Impostor who composed that ridiculous Treatise stiled Modus tenendâ— Parliamentum when there was never any Parliament held in any age in England or Ireland in such manner as â—e there relates prescribes with Sir Edward Cook and some other injudicious Antiqâ—aries seduced by this pretended forged Antiquity have not presumed to derive the Antiquity of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses summons to and siâ—ting in our Parliaments higher than the Parliament held under Henry the 1. at Salisbury Anno Dom. 1116. the 16 year of his reign To which Polydor Virgil Hist Angl. An. 1116. Judge Dodridge and others in the Antiquity of the Parliamenâ—s of England p. 18 19 20 40 80 86 87. Holinshed in his Chronicle vol. 3. p. 38 39. John Speed in his History of Great Britain p. 438 439. referre their Original if not the beginning of Parliaments themselves But under these learned mens correction who produce no warrant from histories or records in that age for proof of what they affirme I dare confidently assert that there is nothing to be found in History or Record to warrant this their fancy but many direct evidences against it which I shall briefly clear being very pertinent to the present controversie and judicature of the Lords House 1. It is most clear that to this Parliamentary Council held at Salisbury Anno 16 H. 1. No Commons Knights Citizens elected by the people were called by this Kings Writs as some of these Authors with the Manuscript of Canterbury positively assert and others of them seem to incline unto but only the Lords spiritual and temporal of the Realm as Holinshed himself relates whom Speed stileth the Estates both Spiritual and Temporal This is evident by Eadmerus who then lived and thus records the proceedings of that convention under this King 13 Kal. Aprilis factus est Conventus Episcoporum Abbatum et Principum totius regni apud Serberiam cogente eos illuc sanctione Regis â—enrici Which Rog. de Hoved. thus seconds Comites et Barones totius Angliae apud Salisberiam convenerunt who as Mat. Paris and Mat. Westminster with them relate Jurarunt fidelitatem Willielmo filio suo Simeon Dunelmensis â—â—iles it Conventus Optimatum et Baronum totius Angliae wherein jussu Regis omnes Comites et Barones cum Clero totius Regni swore fealty to him and his Son as the Chronicle of Brompton also relates not any of our antient Historians making mention of any Commons Knights Burgesses but only of Bishops Abbots Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm there present at it In this Parliament after the Earls Barons and Great men had done homage to William the Kings Son and sworn allegiance to him the Cause and complaint between Ralph Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstan elected Archbishop of York was there heard and debated which had been agitated between them a whole year before Thurstan being admonished by Ralph to make his subjection to the See of Canterbury and to receive his consecration from him after the ecclesiastical and usual manner Answered That he would willingly receive his consecration from him but he would by no means make that profession of subjection to the See of Canterbury which he exacted but only that which Pope Gregory and after him Pope Honorius the 6. had ordained who made this agreement between the two Archbishops of England Ut neuter alteri subjectionis professionem faceret nisi tantum ut qui prior ordinatus esset quamdiu viveret prior haberetur quod proprium est servorum Dei ut verahumilitate sibi invicem acclives sint nullus super alium primatus ambitionem exercere debet Sicut Dominus noster Verae humilitatis praedicator amator discipulos suos de hac re litigantes redarguens dixit eis Qui major est vestrum erit omnium minister Nullus siquidem post beatum Auguâ—â—inum â— qui non tam Archiepiscopus quam Apostolus Anglorum dicendus est Archiepiscoporum Cantuariensium primatum totius Angliae sibi vendicare praesumpsit usque ad Theodorum Archipraesulem cui propter singularem in Ecclesiastica Disciplina solertiam omnes Angliae Episcopi subjici consenserunt sicut Beda in Ecclesiastica Historia Angliae testatur Quamobrem Turstinus nullam aliam subjectionis professionem Cantuariensi Pontifici facere voluit nisi quam beatus Papa Gregorius instituiâ— Ralph on the other side pleaded the subjection of his predecessors made to his Predecessors Rex autem Henricus ubi advâ—rtit Turstinum in sua stare pervicatia aperte protestatus est illum aut morem antecessorum suorum tam in professione facienda quam in aliis dignitatis Ecclesiae Cantuariensis ex antiquo jure competentibus executurum aut Episcopatu Eboracensi cum benedictione funditus cariturum His auditis ille suo cordis consilio inpraemeditatus credens renunciavit Pontificatui spondens Regi Archiepiscopo se dum viveret illum non reclamaturum nec aliquam calumniam inde moturum qui cunque substitutus fuisset But Thurstan afterwards repenting of his rashness contrary to his agreement in Parliament going to the Pope against the Kings command to the Council at Rhemes was there consecrated Archbishop of York by Pope Calixtus himself contrary to his promise to the Kings agent and Canterburies who there publikely protested against his consecration without making any subjection to the See of Canterbury Whereupon the King prohibited Thurstan to return into England or any of his Dominions swearing that he should never return whiles he lived unless he would make his subjection to the See of Canterbury Which Oath he refused to violate at the Popes personal request to him though he then absolved him voluntarily from this Oath saying Quod dicit se quoniam Apostolicus est me à fide quam pollicitus sum absoluturum Si contra eandem fidem Thurstinum Eboraci recepero non videtur regiae honestati convenire hujusmodi absolutioni consentire Quis enim fidem suam cuivis polâ—câ—ntii amplius crederetur cum eam meo exemplo tam facile absolutione annihilari posse videret As in this famous Parliamentary Council of Salisbury so in all precedent and subsequent Great Councils and Conventions during the whole reign of king H. 1. the Prelates Earls Barons spiritual and temporal Lords were only summoned as Members not any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons elected by the people which I shall next make good In a Parliamentary Council in the 1. year of his reign Anno 1100. he was elected and crowned King of England abolished ill Laws confirmed King Edwards Laws and the Great Charter of Liberties under his Seal Communi Concilio Baronum regni Archiepiscoâ—is Episcopis Comitiâ—uâ— Proceribus Magnatibus et Optimatibus totius Regni Angliae there subscribing to his Charter then granted as witnesses See here p. 58
deceasing the King keeping his Court aâ— London at Pentecost Rex Regni Proceres atque Praesules ad incundum de Eboracensi Archiep consecratione Concilium Londinum convocavit Wherein caepit agere cum Episcopis et Regni Principibus quid esset agendum de consecratione electi Eccleâ—iae Eboracensi Where Anselms recited Letter being produced and read the Earl of Mellent demanded Which of the Bishops durst to receive that Letter without the assent and command of the King their Soveraign Lord Whereupon the Bishops perceiving that the Earl by this question was willing calumniam movere qua eos regiae Majestati obnoxios faceret remoti à multitudine habito consilio staruunt apud se suis omnibus si regia sententia hoc forte Comitis instinctu dictaret se malie dispoliari quam iis quae Anselmus de praesenti quaerela praeceperat non obtemperare Istis ergo firmato Consilio inter se they sent for Samson Bp. of Worcester to know his opinion thereinâ— who communing with them and telling them that himself was present when as his brother Thomas Archbishop of York Elect tum antiquis consuetudinibus tum invincibilibus allegationibus actus eandem pâ—ofessionem Lanfranco Archiepisco Cantuariensi cunctis suis successoribus fecit Thereupon simul omnes Episcopi ad Regem reversi sunt constanter literas quibus Comes sciscitatus fuerat se suscepisse contra eas nulla ratione quicquam acturos asserentes Ad quae cum idem Comes caput agitareâ— autumans jam in illos quasi de contemptu Regis crimen injiciendum dixit Rex Quicquid in iis aliorum sententia ferat de me constat quia cum Episcopis sentio nec vel ad horam excommunicationem Anselmi subjacere aliquatenus volo Quibus aâ—ditis gavisi sunt omnes Et agentes domino grates pariter conclama verunt Anselmum adesse et quam non poterat in corpore degens jâ—m mundo absâ—â—tem causam Ecclesiae suae determinaâ—e Deinde in laudibus eximii Principis demoratum est ac ut ipse dignitatem Primatus Ecclesiae Cantuariensis humiliari a nulâ—o permitteret postulatus siquidem in hoc dicunt consuetudines antiquae et earum confirmationes astipulatione totius regni sub magno Rege Willielmo factae necne privilegia quae his priota existunt ab Apostolica Sede ipsi Ecclesiae collata corrumperentur scinderentur annihilarentur Adquievit istis Rex jussit ipsarum quoque scripta Auctoritatum quae Ecclesia Canâ—uariensis habebat sub celeritate afferri allata recitari Quod ubi factum est intulit Quid amplius quaeritur Auctoritates privilegia Apostolicae Sedis quae in praesentia Patris Matris meae sub testimonio confirmatione Episcoporum Abbatum Procerum Regni definita sunt ut quasi de Epistola Anselmi penitus taceatur ego in quaestionem mitterem ego novis Ambagibus agitari permitterem Immo sciat Thomas se aut subjectionem obedientiam Ecclesiae Cantuariensi ejusque primatibus ut Antecessores sui professi sunt professurum aut Archiepiscopatui Eboracensi ex toto cessurum Fugat ergo quod vult Consideratis itaque Thomas auctoritatibus quibus Ecclesiam Dorobernensem niti circumvallari videbat spretis clericis suis quorum se Consilio credidisse sero dolebat se contra ipsas Auctoritates nolle stare sed morem Antecessorum suorum sequendo ipsis adquiescere Ecclesiam ipsam deinceps semper diligere velle dixit honorare Praecepit igitur Rex ut professio quam Thomas erat facturus in sui praesentia dictaretur scriberetur sigilloque suo nequid in ea quovis molimine antequam eam proficiendo Thomas legeret mutaretur servaretur inclusa Quod et factum est Dominica ergo die quae fuit IV. Kl. Julii convenâ—runt jubente Rege Richardus Londoniensis Willielmus Wintoniensis Radulphus Roffensis Herbertus Norwicensis Radulphus Cistrensis Radulphus Dunelmensis Herveus Pangornensis Episcopi in Ecclesia beati Pauli Londoniae pro consecratione Thomae Inter solitam ergo examinationem suo loco professionem de subjectione obedientia sanctae Ecclesiae Dorobernensi exhibenda Richardus Lundoniensis Episcopus qui Thomam erat sacraturus ab illo exegit Professio igitur sicut erat sigillata sibi coram omnibus oblata est factoque sigillo evoluta lecta ab eo est ita Ego Thomas Eboracensis Ecclesiae consecrandus Metropolitanus profiteor subjectionem Canonicam obedientiam sanctae Dorobernensi Ecclesiae ejusdem Ecclesiae Primati Canonice electo conseerato successoribus suis Canonice inthronizatis salva fidelitate Domini mei Regis Henrici Anglorum et salva obedientia ex parte mea tenenda quam Thomas Antecessor meus sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae ex parte sua professus est Intererat huic officio Prior Ecclesiae Dorobernensis Conradus nomine ex Monachis ejusdem loci quamplures qui pro hoc ipso quoniam res eos maxime respiciebat illo convenerant Lectam itaque professionem cum a Thoma sibi oblatam Richardus Antistes Londoniensis accipisset eam nominato Priori Fratribus tradidit dicens Hanc Fratres Domini mei in testimonium auctoritatis vestrae Elclesiae suscipite ipsam vobis factam in memoriam posteritatis servate Deinde a Radulpho Cicestrensi Episcopo dictum in populo est ipsam consecrationem ex recto et antiqua consuetudine debere fieri Cantuariae Et adjecit Verum quia ipsa Civitas defuncto Patre nostro Anselmo nunc quidem Pontifice caret vâ—sum Regi sacratisque ordinibus regni est atque Principibus â—am hic atque ab hujus sedis Episcopo prae aliis potissimum celebrandam eo intuitu ea ratione quod Episcopus Lundoniensis inter alios Episcopos est Decanus Ecclesiae Cantuariensis ideo speciali quadam dignitate caeteris anteponendus Ita ergo in Episcopatum Eboracensem Thomas consecâ—atus est suscipiens a Ministro quod susscipere detrectavit a Magistro Anno 1114. King Henry by the admonition of the Pope and prayers of the Monks of Canterbury and other and above all being moved by divine instinct Episcopos et Principes Angliae in unum apud Windeshoram fecit veniâ—e eorum consilium in constituendo Pontifice Cantuariensi volens habere The King first piâ—ched upon Faricius Abbot of Abendon who was there present for that end by the Kings command Animus tamen Episcoporum et quorundam Magnatum in aliud vergebat praeoptantium aut quemlibet Episcoporum de ordine Clericâ—li aut Clericum aliquem de Capella Regis in opus illud ascisci But when it was objected that there had been no Archbishop since Augustin but only one which was not of the Monastick order who for that presumption and other perverse things done by him was deposed by the Pope and therefore they ought not to subvert the antient
vote down the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and reverse their Orders and Judgements in their Court upon appeals unto them They being in nature of Grand Jury men and the General Inquisitors of the Realm to inquire of present and impeach transmit delinquents of all sorts in Parliament to the Lords House their only Judges Cooks 4. Instit p. 24. 3ly That the King and House of Lords are now of right and still ought to be the only true and proper Judges of all Parliamentary Causes and Controversies Civil Ecclesiastical or Criminal whether they concern Peers Clergymen or Commoners as they were originally before any Knights Citizens or Burgesses summoned to them To clear this from all Scruples and avoid mistakes I must inform you that there is a twofold way of proceeding and judgeing in Parliaments The 1. extraordinary and extrajudicial by way of Bill Act or Ordinance by the Legislative power alone such Bills Acts Ordinances ratifying only the precedent judgements of the Lords passed against Malefactors being not any proper actual Judgements in their own name This is evident by one of the first cases wherin the Commons after their admission into our Parliaments were made parties to a Judgement by way of Bill In the Parliament of 15 E. 2. there were sundry Articles of High Treason in accroaching royal Power in divers cases c. as likewise of misdemeanour and Breach of the Great Charter exhibited against the 2. Hugh Spencers both privy Counsellors of the realm which upon examination were found true BY THE EARLS BARONS OTHER PEERS OF THE LAND Parquoy NOVS PIERS DE LATERRE COUNTS BARONS en la presence nostre SEIGNOUR LE ROY AGARD que Sir Hugh le Despenser le Fitz Sir Hugh le Despenser le piere soient disheritz a touts jours come disheritours de la corone enemies du roy de son people que ilz soient de tout exiles hors du royalme Dangliterre sans retourner in nul temps si ceo ne soit de assent nostre Seignor le Roy de lassent DES PRELATS COUNTS ET BARONS et ceo en parlement duement somons Et les donons port a Dover nul parte aillours a voyder a passer hors du royalm Dangliterre enter cy la feast de sainct John le Baptist prochein avenir cest jour accompte Et si lesâ— it Sir Hugh Sir Hugh demurgent en le royalme Dangliterre oustre le dit jour que done lour est de voyder de passer come desuis est dist ou que apres le dit jour retournet adonques soit fait de eux come de enemies de roy de roialme This judgement being given against them in Parliament only by the Peers Earls and Barons in the presence of the King as the Close of the Act for their banishment and Clause Roll of that year recite thereupon there was an Act drawn up wherein all the Articles and the judgement given against them are recited for confirmation of this Judgement wherein the Prelates and Commons were made parties though not to the judgement it self beginning thus Al honeur de deiu c. luy monstrent Prelates Counts Barons et les autres Pieres de la terre COMMON de Royalm contre Sir Hugh c. To which Act the King much against his will to prevent a warr consented The History of the Lords proceedings against these Spencers is thus related by Walsingham There falling out a difference between Hugh Spencer the younger and Earl of Hereford about lands which Spencer purchased of William de Brews which the Earl desired to buy and had first contracted for but Spencer by his power at Court bought from him the Earl thereupon being much incensed complained of this injury to Thomas Earl of Lancaster qui allicientes caeteros pene cunctos Comites Barones in partem suam conjurationem fecerunt maximum ad vivendum moriendum pro justitia regni proditores pro viribus destruendis praecipue utrunque Hugonem de Spencer patrem scilicet atque filium quos odio inexorabili perstringebant eo maxime quia regem ducebant pro suae voluntatis arbitrio in tantum quod nec Comes nec Baro nec Episcopus quicquam valuit expedire in Curia sine horum consilio vel favore Omnium ergo livore persequebantur qui omnibus pene dominabantur quo plus crevit eorum gloria eo amplius contra illos crevit invidia quae semper accrescit abundantia aliorum Igitur Barones duce Thoma de Lancastria apud Shirborn in Elmedon convenerunt faederati prout dicitur juramentis astricti ad prosequendum propositum usque ad corporis animae divisionem Sed tamen pene cuncti praeâ—er Thomam de Lancastria Humfridum Comitem de Herefordia paucos alios ante finem negotii retrorsum abierunt prae timore mortis sese Regi dediderunt sed haec inferius plenius videbuntur Cumque Barones ut praefertur apud Shirburnam convenissent quosdam artirulos proscriptionem dictorum Hugonis Hugoniâ— composuerunt sed tamen vias juris et aequitatis in hac parte penitus omiserunt suorum pro tempore exequentes impetus animorum Nam illorum bona qui illis vel amicitia vel affinitate juncti fuerant furibunde invadebant capientes castra per violentiam vastantes praedia per malitiam perimentes famulos reperâ—os iâ— custodiis eorundem dolentes ob hoc tantummodo quod eorum personas capere quos oderunt minime potuerunt praedicta furia de die in diem vires sumente Barones vexillis explicatis ad sanctum Albanum veniunt per viam deripientes ubique victualiâ— pauperes terrae gravantes In hac comitiva fuerant quidam qui propter inveteratum odium monasterium sancti Albani dictique loci Monachos se gravaturos devoverant Sed tamen disponente Deo qui neminem temptari permittit supra vires horum magister autor tantae malitiae in villa de Alysbury priusquam ad sanctum AlbanuÌ„ attingeret morbo percussus irremediabili propriis seipsum descerpit manibus post duos dies miserabiliter expiravit Caeteri tam formidabili tremefacti vindicta casum pro miracuâ—o reputantes ab executione voti illiciti timore magis quam amore destiterunâ— Magnates vero apud sanctum Albanum cum suis armatis exercitibus per triduum perhen inâ—ntes miserunt solennes ad Regem nuncios Londoniis commorantem Londoniensem Sarisburiensem Eliensem Herefordensem Cicistrensem Praesules qui tunc apud sanctum Albanum convenerant pro pace reformanda mandantes ut dominus rex non solum suam vacuaret curiam sed regnum suum de regni Proditoribus Hugone Hugone le Spencer per communitatem terrae in multis condemnatis articulis exiliumque meritum subire permitteret si diligeret regni pacem Petierunâ— Barones insuper
ut rex ipsis omnibus qui in eorum comitiva arma moverant literas patentes indemnitatis concederet ne pro transgressionibus transactis vel praesentibus a rege seu quovis alio futuris temâ—oribus punireâ—ur Ad haec dominus rex respondit quod Hugo le Spencer pater in suo negotio mare transierat Hugo junior in mari ad custodiendum quinque Portus prout ex officio renebatur qui de jure vel consuetudine exulare non debent ante responsa data per eosdem Adâ—câ— praeâ—ereâ— quod eorum petitio juris rationis fundamento carebat eo maxime quod dicti Hugo senior Hugo junior parati semper fuerant omnibus de se conquerentibus in forma juris respondere si probare possent eos in aliquo statuta terrae laesisse parati semper suerant legibus regni parere Postremo cum juramento addidit quod noluerit sacramentum violare ad quod astrictus fuerat in Coronatione sua concedendo literas pacis et indulgentiae tam notorie delinquentibus in suae personae contemptum et totius regni perturbationem et majestatis regiae laesionem Hiis auditis Proceres acti in â—uâ—iam confesâ—im ad arma rosiliunt milites quidam super armatura cotiâ—cas induerunt vocatas quarteloys Armigeri vero indumenta bendas habuerunâ— quibus indumentis expost induti tracti sunt suspensi plurimide procerum Comitiva Cum fastu igitur pompa nimia Barones Londonias adierunt hospitatique in suburbia civitatis manebant pacifice donec licentiam ingredi civitatem obtinuissent obtento a rege civitatis ingressu Magnates sicut prius in petitione sua fortiter perstiterunt Tandem interveniente regina praefatis episcopis laudabiliter mediantibus rex inductus est propter werrae periculum evitandum ut condescenderet votis petitionibus Procerum praedictorum Edictoque super hiis per comitem Herefordiae in aula Westmonasterii publicato Hugo senior in exilium actus est Sed Hugo junior in diversis locis latitans in Anglia in mari permansit The Clause Roll of 14 E. 2. m. 17. Schedula records the proceedings with this addition that King Edward the 2. having summoned the Lords to come to a Parliament with the rest of the Council at Glocester Humfry de Boun Roger de Mortimer and their confederates refused to come upon the Summons for fear of Hugh Spencer who was made Chamberlain in pleno Parliamento 12 E. 2. at York desiring that he might be committed and kept in safe custody till the Parliament for they weâ—e unwilling to come to him so long as he was with the King The King said he much wondred at this their carriage in regard Spencer was never questioned in any other Parliament since he was made Chamberlain for any misdemeanour ignorare non debetis nec potestis quod mandata nostra omnibus singulis ad Nos ad hujusmodi mandata nostra convenientibus protectâ—o desensio sunt debent secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni nostri As for removing Spencer from him which they desired he said it were unjust and of ill example aliis Ministris nostris sâ—ipsum amoveremas à Nobis totaliter sine causâ— Praefâ— uâ— vero Hugonem sive quemaâ—is alium Custodiae sine causa committere non possumus nec debemus cum hoc esset conira tenorem Magnae Chartae de libertatibus Angliae et contra Communem Legem Regni nostri ac contra Ordinationes made by himself and the Lords in Parliament Idem enim Hugo se protulit plane ac publice coram Nobis ad respondendum in Parliamento nostro alibi prout debuit querelis nostri siâ—gulorum aâ— ipso conqueretium volentium ad standum inde recto c. And thereupon he commands them to come and treat cum caeteris de Concilio at Oxford whereas it appears by the Dorse of this Roll he had formerly summoned them and the rest of the Council to Glocester whether these Earls refused to come Claus 15 E. 2. dorso 32. The whole proceedings against the Spencers in Parliamen are at large recorded but cancelled by order of the Parliament at York They were sent to every Court to be inrolled and the writ recites thar their judgement was per pares in praesentia Regis Soon after the same year the King summoned a Parliament at York on the 3. of September where this judgement against the Spencers was questioned as erronious and being referred to the consideration of the Provincial Council of Canterbury they conceived it to be erronice factum because the Spiritual Lords never assented to it neither could they doe it because it was Jndicium sanguinis for if they submitted not to the exile they were to be proceeded against as Enemies to the King and Realm After which the King and some of the Lords had the sentence read to them and they said It was erroniâ—ous The Earls of Richmond Pembroke and Arundel said They gave their voyces for fear of the other Noble mens power and the Judges said Consideratio praedicta fuit contra Legem consuetudinom regni The King writes down all this and then sends to some of the Bishops that were absent from the Council to know their minds 4 Januarii who concurring in judgement with the rest thereupon the Process Judgement and Act against the Spencers was nulled and made void before the King Lords and Commons who were consenting to it before 1. Because they were not called to it to make their defence 2ly Because the Lords Spiritual who were Peers assented not to it 3ly Because against MAGNA CHARTA the franchises of England Nullus liber homo utlagetur c. 4ly Because the Faults were not sufficiently proved 5ly Because the Lords in the Kings absence of their proper authority usurping to themselves royal power had given the judgement of his royal assent with the assent of the Lorâ—s and Commons without his privity and against his will The judgement and process of this repeal and nulling their sentence were sent by Writ into every County to proclaim and to null and cancel the first judgement A little before which Parliament Thomas Earl of Lancaster and sundry other Lords Knights and Gentlemen for adhering to him and levying war against the king were arraigned impeached before the Lords and commanded to be hanged drawn quartered and beheaded Comitum et Baronum Consilio as Walsingham relates without the Commons peculiar assent and accordingly executed Anno 1326. Hugh Spencer the younger notwithstanding the repeal of his exile being taken by the Kings forces was brought to Hereford and there arraigned publiquely before William Trussel a Judge His inditement is at large recorded in the Chronicle of Leicester and in Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 3. c. 15. col 2547. c. beginning thus Hugo de Dispencere En Parlement nostre
the Attainders repealed by Bill afterwards In the Parliament of 25 H. 8. c. 12. Elizabeth Barkin Richard Master Edward Barkin and sundry others were attainted and condemned of High Treason John Fisher Bishop of Rochester Thomas Gold and others of misprission of High Treason by Act of Parliament In the Parliament of 28 H. 8. c. 7. Queen Anne George Lord Rochford Sir Henry Norris Sir Francis Weston William Breerton Esquire and Mark Sutton were convicted and attainted of High Treason and their lands forfeited by Bill In the Parliament of 32 H. 8. Thomas Lord Cornwell was convicted and attainted of High Treason by Bill against Law and the great Charter without ever being called to answer or any legal hearing for the Treasons therein expressed according â—o his own intentions to have thus proceeded against others without legal tryal In the Parliament of 33 H. 8. c. 21. Queen Katherine Jane Lady Rochford were convicted and attainted of High Treason by Bill to which Act the king was enabled to give his royal assent by Letters Patents signed by him under his hand with his great Seal notified and published in the HIGHER HOUSE to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons there assembled without comming to the House in person to give his royal assent thereto In the Parliament of 2 3. Ed. 6. ch 17. Sir william Sharington Knight being indicted and attainted of High Treason for forging and coyning of mony called Testons his attainder was confirmed by Act of Parliament and his lands forfeited And ch 18 Sir Thomas Seymor Lord Seymor of Sudley and high Admiral of England for his trayterous aspiring to the Crown of this Realm and to be King of the same and for compassing and imagining by open Act to deprive the King of his royal estate and title of his Realms and for compassing and imagining the death of his Noblemen and most trayterously to take away and destroy all things which should have sounded to the let or impediment of this his most trayterous and ambitious enterprise as the Act recites and for other his misdemeanors innumerable untruths falshoods deceiptfull practises outrages against the King oppression manifest extortion upon the Subjects of the Realm was adjudged and attainted of high Treason by Bill and to sustain such pain of death and other forfeitures aes in cases of High Treason have been used being a Member so unnaturul unkind and corrupt and such a heynous offender of his Majesty and his Laws that he cannot nor may not conveniently be suffered to remain in the body of the Commonwealth but to the extreme danger of the Kings Highness being the head and of all the good Members of the same and of too pernicious and dangerous example that such a person so bound to his Majesty by sundry great benefits and so forgetfull of them and so cruelly and urgently continuing in his false and treacherous intents and purposes against his Highness and the whole estate of his Realm should remain among us In the Parliament of 1 Mariae ch 1. the Attainder of Queen Katherine is reversed by Bill and ch 16. the Attainders of John Duke of Northumberland Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury William Marquess of Northampton John Earl of Warwick Sir Ambrose Dudley with other Knights and Gentlemen formerly convicted and attainted of Treason according to the Law of the Realm for their detestable and abominable Treasons in proclaiming and setting up Queen Jane to the peril and great danger of the person of Queen Mary and to the utter loss disherison and destruction of the Realm of England if God in his infinite goodness had not in due time revealed their trayterous intents as the Act recites at the Petition and with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament were confirmed and ratified by a special Act. In the Parliament of 29 Eliz. c. 1. the Attainders of Thomas Lord Paget Sir Francis Englefield and sundry other Knights and Gentlemen who were lawfully indicted convicted and attainted of many unnatural detestable and abominable Treasons to the fearfull peril and danger of the destruction of the Queens Majesties person and of the Realm were confirmed by a special Act and ch 3. there is another Act to avoid fraudulent assurances made in certain cases by Traytors In the Parliament of 3 Jacobi ch 2. Sir Everâ—rd Digby Robert Winter Guy Fawkes Robert Catesâ—y and all the rest of the Gunpowder Traytors who undertook the execution of the most barbarous execrable and abominable Treason that could ever enter into the hearts of most wicked men by blowing up the Lords House of Parliament with the King Queen Prince Lords Spiritual and Temporal Judges Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament therein assembled were attainted of High Treason and their former attainders and convictions confirmed by a special Act And in this very last Parliament the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland and William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury after judgement of high Treason upon their several impeachments and trials given against them by the Lords in their House were likewise attainted of Treason and their judgements ratified by a special Bill and Ordinance to which the Commons assented as well as the Lords their assents to Attainders by way of Act or Bill being so necessary that if the King in Parliament Wills that such a man shall be attainted of Treason and lose his lands and the Lords assent and nothing is spoken of the Commons in the Bill this is no Act nor good Attainder in Law and the petson shall be restored by the opinion of all the Judges 4 H. 7. f. 18. Broke Parliam 42. Fitz. 3.7 H. 7.14 11 H. 7.27 Broke Parliam 107. Plowden 79.32 H. 6.18 As the Commons in our English Parliaments have assented to all these and some other Bills and Acts of Attainder cited in Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes ch 1 2. and Mr. St. Johns Argument at Law concerning the Bill of Attainder of High Treason of Thomas Earl of Strafford printed by Order of the Commons House 1641. So I find that the Commons in Ireland have done the like in the Parliaments held in Ireland as the Printed Statutes of Ireland 28 H. 8. c. 1. for the Attainder of the Earl of Kildare and others of High Treason 11 Eliz. ch 1. for the Attainder of Shan O Neyle and others of High Treason of 13 Eliz ch 6. 7. for the Attainders of Fiâ—zgerald and others of High Treason Of 27 Eliz. ch 1. for the Attainders of Iames Eustace and others of High Treason of 28 Eliz. ch 8. 9. for the Attainders of the Earl of Desmond John Brown and others and of 11 Jacobi ch 4. for the Attainders of the Earl of Tyrone and others of High Treason for their several rebellions insurrections wars against their Soveraigns and other Treasons mentioned in these respective Acts abundantly evidence But yet the Commons assents to all these Bills
assembled a Council of the Nobles of his Realm at whose inteaty he granted him Christian burial but for this his Treason they confiscated all his Lands great and small to the King who by their consent granted them all to the Abbey of Malmsbury by his Charter wherein he recites Elfreds Treason death and the judgement given against him by the Nobles adding Sciant Sapientes regionis nostrae non has praefatas terras me in iuste rapuisse rapinamque Deo dedicasse sed sic eas accepi quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates regni Anglorum et sic adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in Magnis et Modicis Here we have a direct judgement given against Elfred after his death by all the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a Parliamentary Council for Treason against the King for which they adjudged he should forfeit all his Lands to the King whose seisure of them by this legal judgement was no rapine but a just and legal perquisite which he in gratitude dedicated unto God Anno 985. as some or 986. as others relate King Ethelred banished Alfric Duke of Mercia out of the Realm the cause and manner thereof not expressed by our Historians is thus recited in King Ethelreds Charter to the Abbot of Abingdon in the Leiger book of Abingdon f. 91. that Alfric had forcibly ravished and taken away Willemetrant and Syrene from a widdow named Eadfeild for which he was banished after which being recalled and made one of the Kings Admirals against the Danes Anno 992· he played the Traytor and revolted to the Danes as our Historians record for which Treason as that Charter recites quia cum Ducatu suo contra Regem Ethelredum reus exstitit omnes possessiones ejus Regis ditioni subactae sunt and that by the Lords judgement given in a COUNCIL at CIRENCESTER stiled Synodale Concilium ad quod omnes Optimates mei simul in unum convenerint et eundem Aâ—fricun Majestatis reum de hâ—c patria profugum expuâ—erunt by whose Judgement as he seised his Dukedom and Lands there adjudged to be forfeited for his Treason it is likewise probable he caused the Eyes of Algarus son of this Traytor Alfric to be put out Anâ—o 993. when this Council at Cirencester was held as I conjecture In a great Parliamentary Council held at Oxford Anno 1015. King Ethelred caused some Nobles of the Danish race whereof Sygeforth and Morcar were chief to be suddenly and secreâ—ly slain and put to death as being noted and accused of Treason and Perfidiousness towards the King who thereupon seised upon their Earldoms Lands and Goods King Cnute Anno 1017. by his precepts assembled all the Bishops Dukes Princes and Nobles of the English Nation in a Great Parliamentary Council at London where they all swore allegeance and homage to Cnute as their King totally rejected abjured Edmond Ironsides Sons and Brothers right heirs to the Crown against their former Oaths of Allegiance to them and by wicked advice adâ—udged Prince Edwin to be banished the Realm and Edmond Ironsides Sons to be sent beyond the seas to be slain by the Barbarians for which by divine retaliation â—he chiefest of them within one year after were slain or banished the Realm by King Cnute whom they endeavoured to ingratiate and secure by this their unjust sentence The Chronicle of Bromton Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden record this memorable proceeding in an Appeal of Treason against Earl Godwin in a Parliamentary Council held about the year 1043. Godwin Earl of Kent being enforced to fly into Denmark to preserve his life for the murder of Prince Alfred Brother to King Edward the Confessor hearing of Edwards piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might regain his lands then confiscated for it having provided all things for his journy he put to Sea arived in England and posted to London where the King then held a Parliamentary Council wiâ—h all his Nobles Comes Godwinus usque Londonias ubi Rex et omnes regni Magnates ad Parliamentum tunc fuerant properavit rogans ibi et petens amicos consanguineos suos qui post Regem majores terrae fuerunt ut gratiam et amicitiam à Rege sibi perquirere studerent Qui super hoc consilio inter eos deliberato ipsum coram Rege pro gratâ—a obtinenda secum duxerunt Sed statim cum Rex eum intuitus esset De proditione et morte Alfredi fratris sui ipsum appellavit in haec verba Proditor Godwine ego te appello de morte Alfredi fratris mei quem proditionaliter occidisti Cui Godwinus se excusando respondit Domine mi Rex salva reverentia et gratia vestra pace dominatione fratrem vestrum unnquam prodidi veloccidi unde super hoc pono me in consideratione Curiae vestrae Tunc dâ—xit Rex Karissimi Domini Comites et Barones terrae qui estâ—s homines meâ— liget modo hic congregaâ—â— appelâ—um meum responsumque Godwini audistiâ— Volo quod inter nos in ista appellatione rectum judiciam decernatis et debitam justitiam faciatis Comitibus vero et Baronibus super hoc ad in vicem tractantibus quidâ—m inter eos de justo judicio faciendo diversimodo sentiebant Alii enim aâ—cebant Quod nunquam per homagium servitium seu fidelitatem Godwinus Regi exstitit alligatus et ideo Proditor suus non fuit quod ipsum etiam manibus fuis non occiderat Alii vero dixerunt Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus bellum contra Regem in appellatione sua-de Lege potest vadiare sed in toto ponere in misericordia suâ— et emendas sibi ofâ—erâ—e competentes Tunc Leofricus Consul Cestriae probus homo quoad Deum seculum dixit Comes Godwinus post Regem homo melioris parentelae totius Angliae et dedicere non potest quin per consilium suum Alfredus frater Regis interemptus fuit unde per me considero qúod ipsemet filius suus et nos omnes 12. Comites qui amici et consanguinei sui sumuâ— coram Rege humiliter procedamus onerati cum tanto auro et argento quantum inter brachia sua quilibet nostrum poterit bajulare illud sibi pro suâ— transgresin afferendo et suppliciter deprecando ut ipse malevolentiam suam rancorem et iram Comiâ—i con onet et acceâ— t is homagio suo fidelitate terras suas sibi integre restituat eâ— retradat Illi auâ—em omnes sub ista forma thesauro se onerantes et ad Regem accedâ—ntes seriem modum considerationis eorum sibi demonstrâ—bant Quorum considerationi Rex contradâ—cere nolens quicquid judicaverant per omnia ratificavit Concordia igitur sub isto modo inter eos facta Comes statim reobtinuit integreterras
suas By this notable president it is most apparent That the Peers and Barons in Parliament were then the sole and only Judges and gave judgement in it That Peers in the Confessors reign and before were only to be tried judged by their Peers and that their Judgement and resolution was binding even to the King himself who ought to assent to and confirm their judgements given in his own Appeal and particular cases In the year of our Lord 1051. this Earl Godwin refusing to execute King Edwards unjust command to fall with his Army upon the Inhabitants of Dover upon the complaint of Eustace Earl of Boloigne whose men they slew in an affray raised by their own insolency and abuse conceiving it to be unjust to condemn and execute them before a Legal hearing trial and conviction upon a meer accusation thereupon Eustace and the Normans accused Godwin and his two sons Harold and Swain to the King that they disobeyed and went about to betray him Wherefore TOTIUS REGNI PROCERES all the Nobles of the Realm were commanded to meet together at Glocester that the business might be there debated in a Great Parliamentary Assembly Syward Earl of Northumberland Leofriâ— Earl of Mercia and all the Nobility of England there meeting upon this occasion Godwin and his two sons only absented themselves thinking it not safe to come thither without a strong armed guard upon this they raised a great Army under a pretence to curb the Welshmen marching with their forces into Glocestershire as farr as Beverston Castle Whence he sent a Message to the King to deliver up to him Earl Eustace with his Companions and the Normans and Bononians who kept Dover Castle else he would denounce war against him The King having raised a powerfull Army returned him this answer That he would not deliver them up to him withall commanding him and his Sons to come unto him on a set day to answer his raising of an Army against him and disturbing the Peace of the Realm without his license and to submit himself to the Law for the same At last to prevent a bloudy battel by the mediation of the Nobles of England engaged on both parties in this quarrel it was agreed that hostages should be given on both sides and that the King and Godwin should meet in another Parliamentary Council at London on a certain day to plead one with another where such a Council or Parliament as our English later Historians stile it being assembled Godwin and his sons were summoned to appear therein only with 12 men to attend them which they thinking both unsafe and dishonourable to them refused to appear without hostages and pledges also given for their safety refusing to surrender their Knights fees to him the King for their contempt to appear and justifie themselves in his Court of Parliament thereupon in suo Concilio communi Curiae suae judicio by the Common Council and Judgement of his Court of Parliament banished Godwin and his 5. Sons out of England and a Decree was published that they should depart wâ—thin 5. days out of England Which Judgement and Outlawry against them was given in Parliamento pleno as Radulphus Cistrensis in his Polyâ—hâ—onicon Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 11. and other Historians inform us Godwin and his Sons hereupon departing the Realm infested it both by Sea and Land till at last raising a potent Navy and Army to prevent further danger and effusion of blood the King by the COUNCIL OF HIS NOBLES assembled for that purpose reversed the unjust Judgements given against them restored them to their Lands Honors Powers and banished those Aliens who gave the King ill Counsel and incensed him against Godwin and the English King Edward Anno 1055. Habito Londini Concilio holding a Parliamentary Council with his Prelates and Nobles at London banished Algarus Son of Leofric Earl of Mercia out of the Realm Quia de Proditione Regis in CONCILIO CONVICTUS fuerat because he was convicted in the Council of Treason against the King as some Historians write yet Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Henry de Knyghton and others affirm that he was banished sine culpa without any crime at all whereupon he coming with 18 ships out of Ireland joyned with Griffin King of Wales raised a great Army and invaded England whereupon by agreement he was restored by the King to his Earldom After which Anno 1058. he was banished the second time and by thâ— ayd and assiâ—tance of Grâ—ffin restored again to his Earldom whereof he was unjustly deprived In the year 1074. Waltheof Earl of Northumberland with sundry other Earls Bishops and Abbots and other Engâ—ishmen meeting together at the mariage of Earl Ralph to the daughter of William Fitz Oâ—bert conspired together against King William the first then in Normandy to expell him out of his kingdom reputing it a great dishonour that an illegitimate Bastard should rule over them for which purpose they raised forces and confederated themselves with the Danes and Welshmen But being resisted by the Kings party and routed thereupon the King posting into England imprisoned Roger Earl of Hereford and Earl Waltheof though he revealed the whole conspiracy to Archbishop Lanfranke and submitted himself to the King before it brake out by which means it was timely suppresed The King the next Nativity of our Saviour following CURIAM SUAM TENUIT held his Court of Parliament at Westminster wherein Ex eis qui contra eum cervicem suam erexerant de Anglia quosdam exlegavit quosdam eruâ—is oculis vel manibus truncatis deturbavit Comites vero Waltâ—eolfum Rogerum JUDICI ALI SENTENTIA DAMNATOS arctiori custodiae mancipavit and the next year 1075. Comes Waltheofus juâ—su Regis Willielmi extra Civitatem Wintoniae ductus est indigne et crudeliter securi decapitatur et in eodem loco terra obruitur et in bivio sepelitur Sir Edward Cook in his 2. Institutes p. 50. affirms that this Roger Earl of Hereford was tried BY HIS PEERS and found guilty of this Treason PER JUDICIUM PARIUM SUORVM who was thereupon imprisoned all the days of his life If then this Court thus held was a Parliament and those Earls there tried and found guilty of Treason in it by their Peers even under the Conqueror himself it is a most pregnant Authority to prove that Peers are triable only by their Peers in Parliament that they are the only Judges in Parliament in cases of Treason and did then give sentence of banishment and pulling out the eyes and cutting off the hands of Traytors of inferiour condition as well as sentence of death decapitation and perpetual imprisonment against those two Earls Anno 1070. There was a GREAT COUNCIL held at Winchester jubente praesente Rege Gulielmo wherein Siâ—ganâ— Archbishop of Canterbury his Brother Bishop Agelmar and lundry Abbots were degraded for many pretended rather than
real crimes and misdemeanours operam dante Rege ut quamplures ex Angliis suo honore privarentur in quorum loco suae gentis personas subrogavit in confirmationem sui quod noviter acqusierat regni Hic nonnullos tam Episcopos quam Abbates quos nulla evidenti causi nec Concilia nec leges seculi damnabant suis honoribus privavit usque ad finem vitae custodiae mancipatos detinuit suspicione tantum inductus novi Regni As Florentius Wigorniensis and others inform us And in another Council held the same year at Windsore Bishop Agelric for pretended crimes was uncanonically degraded without any fault and presently after sent Prisoner to Marlebridge In this Council many Abbots were likewise degraded and Norman Monks put in their places In the 7 year of William Rufus Anno Dom. 1094. there fell out a great difference between the King and Archbishop Anselm upon this occasion The King alleged that it was the royal prerogative of him and his Ancestors That no man without his license or election should nominate or acknowledge any one within the Realm of England to be a lawfull Pope or yield obedience to him as Pope and that whosoever would deprive him of this royal prerogative it was all one as if he endeavoured to deprive him of his Crown Anselm whiles he was Abbot of Becca in Normandy before he was made Archbishop of Canterbury had acknowledged Urban to be lawfull Pope whom the King had nor yet received as Pope and resolved to receive his Pall from him and by no means to recede from this his subjection and obedience to him Upon which occasion the King being highly displeased with him protested That Anselm could not possibly keep that allegiance which he owed to him and likewise his obedience to the Apostolick See against his will they being inconsistent together and thereupon reputed him a Traytor to his Crown and dignity Anselmus igitur â—eâ—ivit inducias ad istius rei examinationem quarenuâ— Episcopis Abbatibus cunctisque regni Principibus una coeuntibus communi assensu definiretur â—rum sâ—lva reverentia obeâ—ientia sedis Apostolicae possit fidem Regi terreno serâ—are an non Quod si probatum inquit fuerit utrumque fieri minime posse fate or malo terram tuam donec Apostolicum suscipias exeundo devitare quam beati Petri ejusque Vicarii obedientiam vel ad horam abnegare Dantur ergo induciae atque ex Regis sanctione firme totius Regni Nobilitas quinto Id. Martii pro ventilaâ—ione istius causae in unum apud Rochinghâ—ham coit All the Bishops Abbots and Nobles being there assembled in a Parliamentary Council this controversie between the King and Anselm being stifly debated for many days The King required and the Bishops and Nobles much pressed Anselm singly to submit himself to the Kings Will without any saving of his obedience to the Pope which he peremptorily refused this being the sum of his answer to the Bishops and Nobles Cuncti noveritis in communi quod in his quae Dei sunt Vicario be ti Petri obedientiam in his quae terrenae Domini mei Regis dignitati jure competunt fidele consilium auxilium propensus mea capacitate impendam The King extremely incensed with his answer most intirely inquired of his Bishops and Nobles what he should object against his speeches After much consultation they agreed upon an answer telling Anselm Noveris totum regnum conqueri adversum te quod nostro communi Domino conaris decus Imperii sui Coronam auferre Quicunque enim Regâ—e dignitatis consuetudines tollit Coronam simul regnum tollit c. Whereupon they advised him to renounce Urban and to submit to the King and crave his pardon for his offence Which he refusing they perswadâ—d the King to give him no longer time to advise if he persisteâ— in his obstinacy Sed in eum mox judicii sententiam invehi juberet The King and Bishop of Durham preâ—ed That he might be deprived of his Ring Pastoral staff and Bishopâ—ick and banished the Realm if he would no submit to the Kings will which some of the Nobles misliking conceiâ—ing that he being their Superiour and Metropolitan could not be judged by them but by the Pope alone the King said Quid placeat si haec non placent dum vivo parem mihi in regno utique sustinere nolo c. Anselm thereupon desired the Kings safe conduct promising voluntarily to depart the Realm but refused to resign his Bishoprick which the King refused to grant unlesse he resigned it At last by the mediation of the Nobles and Bishops the King granted him longer time to consider of his absolute submission to him upon the promise of his loyal and peaceable deportment in the interim and so this Parliamentary Council ended the proceedings whereof are at large recorded by Eadmerus well worth perusal Anno 1095. Robert de Mulbrain William de Auco and many others conspired to deprive King William Rufus both of his kingdom and life and to make Stephen Earl of Albemarl King whom the King having thereupon taken Prisoners by an Army raised against them and committed to safe custody till their trial in Parliament Anno 1996. 8 days after Epiphany apud Salisberiam tenuit CONCILIUM in quo jussit Gulielmi de Auco in duello victi oculos eruâ—re testiculos abscindere dapiferum illius Gulielmum de Alderi suspendi Comitem Odonem de Campania praedicti Stephani patrem quosdam alios traditionis participes in custodiam posuit Here the King and Lords in a Parliamentary Council â—udge and condemn Traytors to death imprisonment or other corporal punishment as well Commons as Peers In the year of Christ 1.100 Ranulph Flambard Bishop of â—urham Consilio gentis Anglorum By the Vote of the whole Parliament of England was clapt up Prisoner in the Tower of London by King Henry the 1. at the importunity of the Nobles and the innumerable complaints made against him he being the chief Author and promoter of all the evil customs extortions and unjust oppressions of the Realm and people exercised by King William Rufus then redressed by the Charter of King Henry made and ratified by the assent advice of his Nobles and Barons exacting many times twice as much of the people as Wâ—lliam Rufus required wherewith the K. very well content would laugh and say That Ranulph was the only man for his turn who cared not whom he displeased so he might please his Master After he had been imprisoned some space he made an escape out of the Tower by a rope hurting his Leg and Arm by a fall from the wall to the ground the rope being too short then escaping into Normandy instigated D. Rob. to claim the Crown and invade the Realm to his own great loss the effusion of much Christian blood and great disturbance and damage of the
preserve to the King and his heirs for ever and Archbishop Becket amongst the rest The 11 Article was this Archiepiscopi Episcopi universae personae regni qui de rege tenent in capite habent possessiones suas de Domino Rege sicut Baroniam c. sicuâ— Barones caeteri debent interesse judiciis curiae Regis to wiâ— of his Court of Parliament as the protestation of the Archbishop and Prelates in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. rot Patl. n. 9.11 resolves it cum Baronibus quousque perveniatur in judicio ad diminutionem Membrorum vel ad mortem An unanswerable authority thaâ— rhe Barons and Peers in Parliament had antiently in the reigns of Henry the 1. and 2. and long before a judicial power even in criminal as well as canonical causes deserving loss of Member or death and that as well in cases of Commons as Peers It is observable that though according to this Article the Bishops in those days did not pronounce sentence nor were not actually present at the giving of judgement by the other Barons in cases of blood yet they took upon them the name of Barons and were present on that account at all the debates in criminal causes and gave their votes therein in our Parliamentary Councils absenting themselves only from the sentence and execution for which Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bath under king Henry the 2. thus justly censures them Quidam Episcopi Regum munificentias eleemosinas antiquorum abusive BARONIAS REGALIA VOCANT in occasione turpissimae servitutis SEIPSOS BARONES appellant vereor ne de illis quereletur Dominus dicat Ipsi regnaverunt et non ex me Principes extiterunt ego non cognovi Scias te assumpsisse Pastoris officium NON BARONES Cerâ—e Joseph in Aegypto patrem suum fratres instruxit ut dicerent Pharoni viri pastores sumus Maluit eos profiteri Pastoris officium quam PRINCIPIS aut BARONIS c. Vacuum a secularibus oportet esse animum divinae servituâ—is obsequio consecratum c. Illud coelestem exasperat iram et plerisque discrimâ—n aeternae damnationis accumulat quod quidam Principes Sacerdotum et Seniores populi licet non dictent judicia sanguinis eadem tamen tractant disputando ac disceptando de illis seque adeo immunes a culpa reputant quod mortis aut truncationis Membrorum judicium decernentes a pronuntiatione duntaxat et executione paenalis sententiae se absentant The very words of this Article of Clarindon Sed quid hac simulatione perniciosius est Nunquid discutere diffinire licitum est quod pronunciare non licet Certe Saul de morte David multiplici machinatione tractabat let others observe it ut malitiam suam sub umbra innocentiae palliaret dicebat Non sit manus mea in eum sed sit super eum manus Philistinorum Sane quantum haec dissimulatio ipsum excusabat apud homines tantum apud Deum eundem damnabilius accusabat Expressa fimilitudinis forma in CONSITORIO illo in quo Christus ad mortem damnatus est Pharisaei Scribae dicebant Nobis non licet interficere quemquam cumque tamen clamarent dicentes crucifige sententiam in eo occisionis cruentae malignitate dictabant Quem occidebant gladio linguae publice protestabantur sibi occidere non licere eorumque iniquitas eo ipso detestabilior erat quia ut evaderent humanum judicium eam simulatione innocentiae occultebant Animabus praelatus es non corporibus nihil Praelato commune est cum Pilato Christi villicus es Vicarius Petri nec respondere oportet Coesari de commissa tibi jurisdictione sed Christo Quidam tamen per usurpatas seculi administrationes se vinculo curiali obnoxiant quasi renunciaverint suae privilegio dignitatis calculum durioris eventus expectant These Articles of Clarindon were not only sworn to but likewise subscribed and sealed by all the Bishops except Archbishop Becket who refused to sign or set his seal unto them unlesse the Pope would first confirm them by his Bill The King hereupon sent two Embassadors to Rome unto the Pope to crave his allowance of these Laws but Becket had so dealt with the Pope before hand who knew the cause to be more his own than Beckets that he rejected the sute and withall absolved Becket and the other Bishops from the Oath of allegiance they had taken to observe them Whereupon the King being highly offended with Becket summoned a Great Parliamentary Council of the Prelates and Nobles at Northampton wherein he demanded an account of 30000 l which came to Beckets hands during his Chancellorship which he excusing and refusing punctually to answer unto the PEERS and BISHOPS condemned all his moveables to the Kings mercy After which the Lords and Peers by joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding temporal obedience to the King according to his Oath taken at the Council of Clarindon The Bishops thenceforwards openly disclaiming all obedience to him as their Archbishop The next day whiles THE BISHOPS PEERS were consulting of some further course to be taken with him Becket caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes set and speak against me and the Ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his hands a thing strange and unheard of before entred armed therewith into the Kings presence though earnestly disswaded from it by all who wished him well wherewith the King being inraged commanded the Peers there assembled in a Parliamentary Council to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor or perjured person who accordingly adjudged him both a Traytor and perjured Rebel and that he should be forthwith apprehended and cast into prison as such a one and forfeit all his goods and temporalties The Earls of Cornwal and Leicester who SATE AS JUDGES citing him forthwith to hear his sentence pronounced he immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges Whereupon all the Prelates and Nobles reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the duel or combate with them in the field to acquit himself from Treason and Perjury And so speeding away from them for fear of imprisonment and disguising himself under the name and habit of Dereman fled in a small Fisher boat into Flanders Thereupon the King seised all his goods and temporalties into his hands and sent Embassadors to the Earl of Flanders the French King and Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or foster within their Dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The Proceedings against this Traytor Archbishop Becket In this Magnum et solenne Concilium held at Northampton Anno 1165. being very memorable and more fully relating the manner of our Parliamentary Process in that age and the
in summo silentio Rex autem interius cum Principibus sedens pro tribunali Euntes ait DISCERNITE QUID PERJURUS CONTUMAX PRODITOR DEBEAT SUSTINERE Itur JUDICATUR Et a quo vel qualiter pronunciandum esset JUDICIUM informatur Processerunt tandem a Rege Comites Barones cum turba multa quorum primi praecipui erant Robertus Leicestriae Reginaldus Comes Cornubiae Qui cum Archiepiscopo quasi improperantes retulissent quae et quanta ei bona Dominus Rex contuliâ—set tandem Comes Leicestriae qui erat dux verbi caepit subâ—iliter inflectere sermones quasi ad judicium Curiae in Archiepiscopum proferendum Praeâ—entiens hoc Archiepiscopus mox non expectaâ—o judicio surgit protestans non esse eorum Archipraeâ—ulem suum judicare de crimine Non est inquit in eum ferenda sententia qui judicem superiorem appellavit etiam si Laico liceret Episcopum judicare Unde tibi Comes Leicestriae potestate mihi a Deo collata ut filio Ecclesiae praecipio ne in patrem tuum spiritualem judicium proferre praesumas Verum mox improperatum et inclamatum a nonnullis est quod tanquam Perjurus et Proditor a Curia discederet Ipse vero sic se vertens et austero vultu respiciens râ—spondit quod nisi ordo sacerdotalis obstaret et si sibi fas esset in armis bellicis a Perjurio Proditione se contra ipsos defenderet His dictis a Curia discessit et per aulam transiens probris multis a Curialibus affectus est Cum autem januam clausam repperisser et jâ—nitor puero â—erberando intendisset accurrens quispiam clavem repperit januam apperuit patrem demisit sic pater patriae manus impiorum evasit c. King Richard the 1. Anno 1189. going to the holy Warrs made William Longchamp Bishop of Ely not only his Chancellor and Chief Justice but the chief Protector and Guardian of the whole Realm who having obtained a Legatine Power also from the Pope and getting the Militia with most of the Kings Castles into his hand proved a most unsufferable Tyrant to the Nobility Gentry Laity and Clergy so oppressing domineering over their persons Liberties Estates imprisoning taxing disseising spoyling them of their Offices Castles Lands Privileges Estates at his pleasure and over-awing them with Troops of Horse Garrisons New Governors set over and quartered in every County and with his great Guards of armed horse which he constantly kept about his person that Earl John the Kings brother the Nobility Prelates and People being no longer able to indure his exorbitant insolency intollerable Pride Oppressions Rapines Exactions and transcendent Tyranny raised great forces against him to regulate his Excesses and bring him to Justice Whereupon he being somewhat terrified in the 2. year of King Richard the 1. Anno 1191. Earl John and the Bishops with the Prelates Earls and Nobles of the Realm assembled in a kind of Parliamentary Council came to an agreement touching the future settlement reformation Peace and Government of the Realm and preventing all future tyranny and oppression which was drawn up in writing published subscribed and sworn to be inviolably observed both by the Earl John and Chancellor and by 14. other Earls and Barons on either side One of the Articles of this Agreement recorded at large by Roger de Hoveden was this Concessum est quod Episcopi Abbates Comites Barones Vavasores et liberi tenentes non ad voluntatem Justiciarium vel Ministrorum Domini Regis de terris catallis suis disseisientur sed judicio Curiae domini Regis secundum legitimas consuetudines et Assisas Regni tractabuntur vel per mandatum domini Regis agreeable to Magna Charta c. 29. No sooner had the Chancellor taken his Oath but his forein forces he had privily sent for ariving in England he presently violated it and played the Tyrant worse than before commanding the Kings own Brother Geoffry Archbishop of York to be apprehended at Dover in the very Church dragged out violently in his Archiepiscopal robes from the Altar and then thorough the dirty streets in the sight of all the people who cried out after the Chancellors servants who thus abused him O ignavi quare ita ducitis illum quid mali fecit Archiepiscopus est Regis filius Regisque frater But they taking no notice of their clamors carryed him to Dover Castle and there kept him Prisoner till he was thence released by Earl Johns command The Archbishop coming to London complained to Earl John the Bishops and other Nobles of the injury done to him by the Chancellor ut Cancellurius juri staret in CURIA REGIS super injuria illa quam Archiepiscopo Eboracensi feâ—erat et Hugoni Dunelmensi Episcopo Quod cum ipse Cancellarius facere de die in diem distulit Eodem tempore ad instantium Comitis Johannis Convenerunt apud pontem de Loedone inter Radingum Wyndleshores die Sabbathi pâ—oxime post festum Sancti Michaelis ad Colloquium MAGNATES ANGLIAE de arduis magnis Regis regni negotiis tractaturi The next day the Archbishop and Bishops who all came to this Parliamentary Assembly meeting at Reading excommunicated all those who were aiding and assenting to the imprisonment of the Archbishop After which Comes Johannis Archiepiscopus Rothomagensis Episcopi Principes Regni statueruâ—t illi diem peremptorium apud Ridinges Ad diem autem illum venerunt illuc COMES Moretonii fere omnes Episcopi Comites Barones Regni Et post diem peremptorium moram fecerunt ibi expectantes adventum Cancellarii sed ipse venire noluit nec nuntium mittere Deinde Comes Johannes et Episcopi Barones qui cum eo erant paraverunt se Londoniâ—s ire ut ibi in Majorâ— audientia Londinensium fruerentur consilie quid eis faciendum esset de Cancellario qui sic conturbaverat regnum juri stare noluit The Chancellor hereupon flying from Windeshores into the Tower of London for shelter Comes Johannes fere omnes Episcopi Comites BARONES Angliae eadem die scil 3. die post octavas Sancti Michaelis intraverunt Londonias Et in crastino praedistus Johannis frater Regis Archiepiscopus Rothomagensis omnes Episcopi Comites Barones cives Londinenses cum illis convenerunt in atrio Ecclesiae Sancti Pauli where sitting together as in a Great Parliamentary Council and Court post longos tractatus Ricardo regi fidelitatem juraverunt Imprimis Comos Johannis deinde duo Archiepiscopi et omnes Episcopi quotquot convenerunt Comites Barones Deinde die Jovis proximo habitum est Colloquium in Orientali parte turris Londinensis praesentibus MAGNATIBUS praedictis Accusabant praedictum Cancellarium in multis praecipue in injuriis quas fecit Domino Eboracensi Archiepiscopo Domino Dunelmensi Episcopo
Socii autem praedicti Cancellarii quos Rex associaver at illi in regimine regni accusâ—bant eum in multis dicentes quod ipse spretis illorum consiliis omnia negotia regni cum impetu voluntaria dispositione faciebat Archiepiscopus vero Rothomagensis Willielmus Marescallus Comes de Strogoil ostenderunt coram populo literas Domini Regis figillatas per quas Dominus Rex mandavit à Messana quod ipsi associarentur Cancellario in regimine regni ut et Cancellarius sine illorum consilâ—o aliorum assignatorum nihil de negoâ—io regis ac regni tractaret et ut praedictus Cancellarius si ipse quodâ—unque â—n detrimentum Regni vel sine consilâ—o praedictorum fecisset deponeretur et loco illius institueretur Rothomagensis Archiepiscopus Placuâ— ergo Johanni fratri Regis omnibus Episcopis et Comitibus et Baronibus Regni as Judges civibus Londoniarum which Matthew Paris and others mention not but only Hoveden and that as auditors spectators and approvers of their Sentence quod Cancellarius ille deponeretur et deposuerunt eum in loco illâ—us instituerunt Rothomagensem Archiepiscopum qui nihil operari voluit in regimine regni nisi per voluntatem â—t assensum Sociorum suorum assignatorum per Consilium Baronum Scaccarii Hugh de Nuvant Bishop of Coventry in his Epistle de Dejectione Eliensis Episcopi Regis Cancellarii writes of him that by reason of his intollerable Tyranny and Oppression Per totam insulam a Laicis publiâ—e proclamaâ—ur Pereat qui perdere cuncta festinat opprimatur ne omnes opprimat and then thus relates the manner and grounds of his deprivarion Mane ergo habito Concilio cum omnibus fere Magnatibus Regni praesente Domino Johanne fratre Regis Rothomagenâ—i Eboracensi Archiepiscopis Episcopis et prusentibus Dunelmensi Londinensi Wintonensi Bathoniensi Ronensi Noâ—wiceâ—si Lincoâ—niensi Herefordensi Menevensi Coventrensi factoque Consilio coram omni populo totius Civitâ—tis praesenâ—â—ustuâ—aâ—is Dâ—mini Regis apprebantibus Consilio universorum statuitur ne talis de caeâ—ero in Regno Anglâ—ae aâ—mineâ—ur per quâ—m Ecclesia Dei ad ignominiam populus ad inopram erat redactus ut enâ—m caetera omiâ—tam ipse et ganeones sui totum regnum exhauserant nec viro baliheus nec foeminae monile remansâ—t nec annulus nobili nec quodlibaet preciosum etiam alicui Judaeo The saurum quoque Regis exaninaverat prorsus ut in omnibus scriniis vel sacellis nihil praeter claves de toto illo biennio posset inveniri They likewise made him take a solemn Oath to deliver up all the Kings Castles to them and to give pledges to perform it and banished him the realm Deinde praedicti Justitiarii et omnes Episcopi et Comites Barones Angliae in communi scripto mandaverunt Regi qualiter Cancellarius suus regnum Angliae the sauros suos destruxerat ot qualiter ipse per Commune Concilium regni ejectus est To which Gulielmus Nubâ—igensis subjoyns Tyranno igitur qui regnum turbaverat propulsato EPISCOPI OPTIMATES cum JOHANNE Londoniis congregati de regni ordinatione tractare caeperunt Et primo quidem ab omnibus Regis Richardi propter Christum pereginantis fidelitate jurata regni administrationem Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo DECRETO COMMUNI tradiderunt amotisque Ministris tyrannicis provinciarum regimen melius ordinari voluerant Quibus actis Anglia in cunctis finibus suis pacem recepit decenri sub novis caepit recteribus moderamine gubernari malis plurimis quae sub tyranno pullulaverant atque viguerant pariter cum ipso eliminatis A happy Publike change and Parliamentary reformation worthy our imitation In the year of our Lord 1193. Earl John conspiring with the French King to deprive king Richard his brother of his Crown kingdom and Dominions seising many of his Castles beyond the Seas profering the Emperour great â—ums of money not to release him being then his prisoner and endeavouring to get possession of the Realm of England Anno 1194. Venit in Angliam Adam de Sincto Edmundo clericus et familiaris Comitis Johannis miâ—sus ab eo in Angliam cum literis ad castella sua munienda contra fratrem suum Who coming to the lodging of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury and boasting much of the prosperity of his Lord and what Castles the French King had delivered to him as he sate at dinner to the great ofâ—ence of the Archbishop and others thereupon after dinner Adam returning to his lodging in London Major Londoniarum injecit manus in eum tenuit caeâ—it omnia brevia sua in quibus mandata Comitis Johannis continebantur tradidit ea Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo Qui in crastino convocatis coram eo Episcopis Comitibus et Baronibus Regni ostendit eâ—s â—eras Comiâ—is â—ohannis earum â—enorem statim per Commune Concilium Regni definitum est quod Comes Johannes diâ—eâ—â—retur de omnibus tenementis suis in Anglia ut Castella sua obsiderentur for this his Treason factum est ita Eodem die Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus Hugo Lincolniensis Richardus Londoniensis Gilbertus Roffensis Godefridus Wintoniensis Wigorniensis Herefordensis Episcopi Henricus Exoniensis electus Abbates et Clerici multi Cantuariensis dioeceseos convenerunt in capella Monachorum infirmorum apud Westmonasterium et sententiam anathematis tulerunt iâ— Comitem Johannim et in omnes fautores ejus et consiliarios qui pacem et regnum Regis Angliae turbaverunt vel turbarent nisi relicta hostilitate ad satisfactionem venirent After which they appointed what persons should besiege and reduce Earl Johns Castles who vigorously executed their commands King Richard soon after being enlarged returning into England summoned a Great Parliamentary Council at Nottingham the proceedings whereof against Earl John and others are thus recorded by Roger de Hoveden Tricesima die mensis Martu â—eria quarta Richardus Rex Angliae celebravit primâ—m CONCILII SUI diem apud Nâ—tingham cui interfuerunt Alienor regina mater ejus et Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus qui in dextris Regis sedebat in Concilio ilio et Gaufridus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus qui a sinistris ejus sedebat et Hugo Dunelmensis et Hugo Lincolniensis et Wâ—llielmus Eliensis regis Cancellarius et Willielmus Herefordensis Henrious Wigorniensis et Henricus Exoniensis et Johannes Candidae Casae Episcopi Et Comes David frater Regis Seotiae Hamelinus Comes de Warenna Ranulfus Comes Cestriae et Willielmus Comes de Ferreres Willielmus Comes de Salisberia Rogerus Bigot Eodem die Rex disseisivit Gyrardum de Canvilla de Castello Vicecomitatu Lincolniensi et Hugonem Bardulf de Vicecomitatu Eboracensis sciriae et de Castello Eboraci et de Scardeburâ— de
custodia de Westmerland for their disloyalty towards him et omnia supradicta disposuit venditioni c. Tricesima prima die mensis Maii Rex Angliae celebravit secundum diem Concilii â—ui in quo ipse petiit sibi fieri judicium de Comite Iohanne fratre suo quod contra fidelitatem quam ei juraveraâ— Castella sua occupaverat et tertas suas transmarinas et cismarinas destâ—uxeraâ— et foedus cum inimico suo Rege Franciae contra eum inierat Similiter de Hugone de Nunant Coventrensi Episcopo SIBI FIERI JUDICIUM postulavit qui secreti sui conscium eum reliquerat et Regi Franciae et Comiti Johanni inimicis suis adhaeserat omne malum in perniciem regni sui machinans ET JUDICATUM EST quod Comes Johannes et Episcopus Coventrensis citarentur si intra quadraginta dies non venerint nec juri steterint JUDICAVERUNT COMITEM JOHANNEM DEMERUISSE REGNUM Episcopum Coventrensem subjacere judicio Episcoporum in eo quod ipse Episcopus eraâ— et JVDICIO LAICORVM in eo quod ipse Vicecomes Regis extiterat Secunda die mensis Aprilis Sabbato celebravit diem quarâ—um ultimum Concilii sui in quo omnes tam Cleriâ—i quam Laici qui volebant sibi conqueri de Archiepisc Eboracensi fecerunt queremonias multas de rapinis et injustis exactionibus sed Archiepiscopus Eboracensis nullum eis dedit responsum Deinde per consilium et machinaâ—ionem Cancellarii ut dicitur Girardus de Camvilla fuit retatus de receptatione praedonum qui rapuerunt bona Mercatorâ—m euntium ad nundinas de Stanford et ab eo recesserunt ad rapinam illam faciendam et de rapina illa redierunt ad eum Praeterea appellaverunt eum DE LAESIONE REGIAE MAJESTATIS in eo quod ipse ad vocationem Juâ—titiarium Regis venire noluit nec juri stare de praedicta receptatione rapâ—orum neque eoâ— ad justitiam regis producere Sed respondit Se esse hominem Comitis Johannis et velle in curia sua juristare Praeâ—erea appellaverunt eum quod ipse fuit â—n viet adjutorio cum Comite Johanne et aliis inimicis Regis ad Castella Regis de Notingham et de Tikehill capienda Girardus vero de Camvilla negavit omnia quae objiciebantur ei ab illis et illi dederunt vadium de prosequendo et Girardus dedit vadium defendendo se per unum de liberis hominibus suis A clear evidence of the form of proceedings in our Parliamentary Councils in that age against Traytors and other Offenders there impeached accused in criminal causes and of the Lords antient undisputable right to give judgment therein both in case of Peers as Earl John the Bishop of Chichester and Archbishop of York then were and in case of Commoners Girard de Camvil as I take it being then no Peer or Baron of this Realm but only a Servant to Earl John though afterwards in King Johns reign I finde him numbred amongst the Barons who were Witnesses to the homage and Oath of Allegiance made by William King of Scots to King John Earl John soon afâ—er coming to his Brother King Richard caâ—â— himself down at his feet and with many tears confessing his folly ill counsel and practices against him craved his pardon whereupon he received him into his favour and presently restored his lands which he had seised into his hands as forfeited by the Parliaments sentence denounced against him for his treason The Pope in the year 1208. having interdicted the whole Realm of England King John thereupon fearing that he would likewise excommunicate him and absolve his Nobles from their Allegiance to him to preserve his royalties sent a Company of armed Soldiers to all the Potent Nobles of the Realm and especially to those he suspected exacting Hostages from them that so if they should afterwards be absolved from their allegiance he might reduce them to due obedience Many submitted to the Kings commands and delivered some their Sons others their Nephews others their Kinsmen for hostages to the Messengers Who at last coming to William de Brause a Noble man and requiring pledges from him as they had done from others found a repulse For Matilda his wife out of a womanish procacity taking the word out of her husbands mouth answered the Messengers I will not deliver my children into the hands of your Lord King John because he most dishonourably slew his Nephew Arthur whom he ought to have honourably kept and preserved Which her Husband hearing rebuked her saying That she had spoken like one of the foolish women against our Lord the King for if I have offended him in any thing I am and will be ready to answer my Lord and that without hostages SECUNDUM JUDICIVM CVRIAE SUAE ET BARONUM PARIUM MEORUM assignato die loco The Barons in that age being to be judged and tried only by their Peers and that in the Kings Court of Parliament for any offences against the King not by the Commons or any inferiour persons In the year of Christ 1233. King Henry the 3. removing most of his English great Officers and Councellors from his Court and placing Poicâ—o â—es and Aliens in their room by whole Counsel he was wholly swâ—yed misguided especially by Peter de Rivallis qui homines Angliae naturales Nobiles totis viribus opprimebant proditores eos vocabant quos etiam de proditions apud Regem â—ccusabant â—neâ—aurorum â—eâ—iam suorum Rexeis custodias cum â—egibus patâ—ii judiciiâ— commisit Quid plura Judicia commitâ—ntur injustis leges exlegibus justicia injâ—riosis Et eum NOBILES de regno in regno de oppressionibus sibi irrogatis coram Rege causam deponerent Petro Episcopo impedience non fuit qui eis justitiam exhiberet c. Cumque his consimâ—â—ibus injuriis RICHARDUS COMES regni MARESCHALLUS viderâ—t tam NOBILES quam igâ—bbiles opâ—rimere iâ—ra regni penitus deponere zelo justitiae provocatus associatis sibi quibusdam Magnatibus ad Regem audacter accessit increpans eum audientibus multis quod per pravum Consilium advocarat extraneos Piâ—taviense no pressionem râ—gni hominum suorum de regno naturaliâ—m LEGUM PARITER AC LIBERTATUM Unde Regem humiliter â—ogabat uâ— tales excessus corrigere festinarer per quos Coronae suae regni sui subversio imminebaâ— Affirmabat insuper quod si hoc emendarc distugerer IPSE ET CAETERI DE REGNO MAGNATES tamdiu se ab ipsius consilio subtraherent quamdiu alienigenarum consortio frueretur Ad haec autem respondens Petrus Wintoniensis Episcopus dixit quod bene licuit Domino Regi extraneos quoscunque vellet vocare ad defensionem Regni sui Coronae etiam tot tales qui possent homines suos superbos rebelles ad debitum compellere famulatum
constricti usque ad lachtymarum compuncti sunt effusionem Rex autem confessus est in veritate quod compulsus ab Episcopo Wintoniensi et Petro de Rivallis aliis Consiliariis suis jussit figillum suum apponi in quibusdam literis sibi praesentatis sed tenorem eorum se nunquam audisse cum juramento affirmavit Ad hoc responâ—um Archiepiscopus dixit Scrutamini Rex conscientiam vestram quia omnes illi qui literas illas mitti procuraverunt et hujus proditionis conscii fuerunt rei sunt de morte Marescalli ac si illum propriis manibus occidissent Tunc Rex HABITO CONSILIO fecit vocari per literas Episcopum Wintoniensâ—m Petrum de Rivallis Stephanum de Segrave et Robertum de Passeleve ut venirent ad festum Sancti Johannis ratiocinium reddituri de thesauris suis receptis pariter expensis sed et de sigillo suo quod male tractaverant ipso penitus ignorante mandavit ut tunc venirent RESPONSURI ET JURI PARITURI Sed illi proprias conscientias habentes suspectas in omnibus ex una parte Regem ex altera fratres et amicos metuebant Marescalli cujus necem procurasse videbantur Unde ad pacem Ecclesiae confugients Episcopus et Petrus de Rivallis in Ecclesia Cathedrali apud Wintoniam latitabant a conspectu hominum sese penitus subtrahentes Stephanus vero de Segrave in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae in Abbatia Canonicorum apud Legecestriam delituit et qui prius a clericatu ad militiam per arrogantiam confugerat ad clericatus officium reversus coronam quam reliquerat inconsulto Episcopo revocavit Robertus quoque Passeleue ad latibulum divertit incognitum c. Sed revera ad Novum templum â—e infirmum simulans in quodam secreto celatus cellario laâ—itabat more tectus leporino Tandem Aedmundus Cant. Episcopus impetravit a Rege ut sub salvo conductu ipsius et Episcoporum possunt ad diem certum coram illo â—enite ut omnis in regno dissentionis occasio sopiretur Statuit igitur illis diem Rex pridie Idus Julii apud Westmonasterium ubi sub protectione Archiepiscopi et Episcoporum ad Regis praesentiam sunt producti Petrus de Rivallis primus in causam vocatuâ— apparuit coram Rege in habitu clericali cum tonsura et lata corona Regemâ—ue reverenter salutavit cum Iusticiariis suâ—s in Banco sedentem Quam Rex torvo respiciens oculo O PRODITOR inquit per iniquum consilium tuum sigillum meum ignorans apposui literis de proditione Comitis Mareschalli Per tuum etiam pravum consilium ipsum et alios de regno meo homines naturales et eorum animos à me pariter amorem averti Per pravum etiam consilium tuum et complicum tuorum guerram contra illos movi in jacturam irrestauribilem et regni opprobrium per quam guerram thesaurum meum et vitam multorum illustrium simul et honorem meum amisi lamentabiliter Exigit igitur Rex praeterea ratiocinium de thesauro suo et custodia puerorum nobilium et escheatarum cum aliis proventibus multis quae ad Coronam spectabant Cumque haec et alia multa Rex ab eo sub proditionis nomine exigisset nihil omnino de objectis sibi criminibus negavit sed coram Rege in terram corruens per haec verba ejus misericordiam imploravit Domine Rex inquit nutritus sum a vobis et in bonis temporalibus dives factus ne confundes hominem quem creasti sed concede saâ—tem tempus deliberandi ut de rebus exactis competenter vobis valeam reddere rationem Cui Rex Mittam te iu Turrim Londinensem ut ibi deliberes donec mihi satisfacias praevia ratione Ad haec Petrus Domine Clericus sum nec debeo incarcerari vel sub Laicorum custodia deputari Respondit Rex Te ut laicum hactenus gessisti a te agitur ut Laico cui meum commisi thesaurum exigo Veruntamen eâ—â—e pro sens est Archiepiscopus qui si pro te fidiâ—ubere voluerit tradam te illi ut miâ—i â—â—tisfaciâ—t de exactionibus supradictis Ad quod cum siluiâ—seâ— Archiepiscopus misit Rex praedictum Petrum in Turrim memoratam accipieâ—s in manus suas omnes laioas possessiones ejus quia sub habitu clericali lâ—ica erat induius gestans anelaâ—ium ad lumbare quod clenicum non decebat Et tunc Pâ—tâ—us fleâ—it amare scilicet ingredieâ—s nâ— ioulum â— ducendus ad turrim supradictam Fuit autem in ea die Jovis et sâ—quenti die Veneris Et tunc ab Archiepiscopo liberatus apud Wintoniam perductus est et in ecclesia dimissus cathedrali Apparuit autem eadem die in Regis praesentia Stephaphanus de Segrave veniens sub protectione Archiepiscopi de rebus sibi impositis resâ—onsuâ—uâ— Qui cum staret in judicio Juri pariturus increpavit eum Rex sub nomine nequissimi proditoris de domnibus articulis de quibus increpaveâ—at Petrum de Rivallis hoc etiam adâ—iciens quod consilium dederat et ut Hubertum de Burgo ab officiâ— Justiciarii amoveret incarceraret patibulo suspenderet Nobilâ—s de regno exilio relegaret Cumque haec alia multa ei imposuisset slagitia exegit ab eo ratiocium de ossicio Justiciarii quod sub eo ministraverat post Hubertum de Burgo de rebus receptis pariter et â—xpensis Super his autem Archiepiscopus et Episcopi impetraverunt inducias a Rege usque ad festum S. Michaelis ut deliberandi tempus haberet De pravis quoque consiliis sibi imputatis alios altiores eo medios scilicet intâ—r Regem et eum quibus necesse habuit immediate respondere nepote Wâ—lierum Carleolensem Petrum de Rivalliâ— non me redarguat Et sic de aliis umbonem fâ—oiens recessit in alios crimen retorquendo Et sic absdondit se iterum Robertus Passeleue The King made Hugh de Pateshulle an honest and faithfull man chief Justice of England much against his will in Passeleues place And at the Archbishops request in the same Parliament restored to Gilbert Brother and heir to murdered Richard Earl Marshal all his inheritance both in England and Ireland received his homage knighted and gave him the rod of his Marshals Court as the manner is to hold that office as well and freely as his ancestors enjoyed it And so this Civil warr and Combustion between the King and his Nobles was fully reconciled I have transcribed this History and these Parliamentary proceedings at large out of Matthew Paris First to manifest the Gallantry Courage Zeal Vigilancy Unanimity of our Nobles Lords Barons and Prelates in that age in opposing reprehending the King himself to his face and threatning to depose and excommunicate him both in and out of Parliament for entertaining foreigners and
ill counsellors about him neglecting hating banishing his own Nobles and natural Subjects as Traytors without any just cause or legal trial and subverting confounding their Lawes Liberties Justice c. 2ly To manifest the proceedings impeachments in these Parliaments against the Earls and Nobles refusing to appear at these Parliaments upon the Kings these successive Writs of Summons his outlawing them of high Treason and spoiling burning seising their houses Lands thereupon being adjudged by the Lords in Parliament to be illegal and afterwards reversed as unjust and against the Law Claus 18. H. 3. m. 19. 3ly To manifest that the Lords in Parliament would not act any thing in the absence of these eminent Lords refusing to appear 4ly To evidence the Sentence and Justice of the King and Lords against these ill Counsellors Aliens and Traytors to the Publique whom they caused to be removed from the King Court Kingdom put from their publike Trusts and Offices called to an account publikely arraigned before the King himself and his Justices by whom they were imprisoned their lands confiscated and better Counsellors of State and Judges put into their places Anno 1240. Accusatus est graviter Comes Cantiae Hubertus de Burgo CORAM REGE ET CURIA TOTA London ubi post multâ—s disceptationes ut iraâ—undia Regis quae immoderate nimis conâ—â—â— ipsum excanduerat quiesceret ADJUDICAâ—UM EST ut quatuor Castra sua Charissima scilicet Blancum Castrum Grosmunt Scenefrithz Haetfeild Domino Regiâ— resignaret ut caetera sibi cum Regis benevolentia in pace remanerent Anno 1258. The Nobles complained in Parliamnnt of the Kings advancing his half Brothers who were aliens swaying all things and impoverishing the Realm and of their intollerable pride insolency and injuries and the Earl of Leicester particularly complained to the Parliament of William de Valentia non tamâ—n Regi sed universitati praecordialiter est conquestus exigens instanter sibi justitiam adhiberi The same year the Great men and Nobles of the Land Videntes Regnum undique desolatum tum exactionibus tallagiis tam Curiae Romanae quam Regis quam etiam alienigenarum praecipue Pictavensium elatione praesumptuosa fivore regio in regno nimium in sublimi provecta tantas in Anglia Dominationes sibi usurpantium magisteria â—ost Pentecosten apud Oxon. COLLOQUIUM GENERALE CELEBRAVERUNT being summoned to this Parliament by the Kings Writ super hiis necnon status regni meliorationâ— efficaciter exquisite tractaturi Quo non sine armis equis electissimis muniti venerunt ut si Rex alienigenae suiâ— provisionibus statutis sponte contemnerent assentire vigore opposito cogerentur aut ipsi alienigeni universaliter sine morae regnum Angliae poenitus evacuarent Quas quidem provisiones Oxon. stat necnon ET MAGNAM CHARTAM TAM DE LIBERTATIBUS ET DE FORESTA tandem Domino Rege ad suorum PROCERUM observantiam statutorum inclinato per queÌ„dam de suis militibus tactis sacrosanctis jurameÌ„tum praestante 24 prudentium virorum Nationis Anglicanae quos ad Regni gubernationem sub eodem duxerint inter se eligendos consilio se commendavit considerationâ— His igitur pâ—ractis fidelitatem Regi regni ET AD CONSIDERATIONEM SUORUM PARIUM STARE omnes quotquot in regno commorare vellent fecerunt jurare The Nobles in this Parliament required that all the Poictovines might surrender up all the Castles they held in England into the Kings hands Whereupon they peremptorily swore by the passion and wounds of Christ that they would never doe it whiles they breathed Whereupon the Earl of Leicester said to William of Vairencia the most insolent of them all That he should either surrender up the Castles he held of the Kings without delay VEL CAPUT AMITTERET on he should lose his head Similiter ALII COMITES ET BARONES DICEBANT etiam constructissime assertione consistentes The Poictovines being very much terrified with these words not knowing what to doe and fearing to fly to any Castle lest they should there be besieged and soon taken or starved by the Lords fled secretly and speedily from the Parliament to Winchester not sparing their horses sides and setting spies upon hills and Towers to observe whether the Barons pursued them who hearing of their flight commanding all their followers to arm themselves and dissolving the Parliament without adjourning it to any certain day pursued them to Winchester where the King and Nobles holding another PARLIAMENT the Poictovines JUDIDIUM EXPECTARE NOLENTES nec ausi exhibitionem JUSTITIAE quae singulis secundum juramentum REGIS PROCERUM debebatur expestare being the sole judges of them in Parliam for their exorbitant offences they presently fled out of the Realm beyond the Sea to avoid their sentence Hereupon Significatum est literatorie ad multos etiam quos praedicti Pictavienses impudentur offenderant ut â—nerelam super hoc reponeâ—res ostenderent Maguatibus Regni daâ—a sibi a dictis Regis fratribus illata eas querelas dilucidantes constanter moras sequerentur ut sibi omnia secundum quod jus dictaret restituerentur Sed quia instabat tempus messium considerantes simultatem et instantes labores forte inutiles sequi renuerunt donec majorem cernerent opportunitatem The Lords in Parliament being willing to award them damages and reparations against the Kings own Brothers in Law upon complaint and clear proof of the injuries and damages they sustained by them Anno 1260. There falling out a great difference between King Henry the 3. and Prince Edward his Son Simon Earl of Leicester and other Nobles thereupon Convocato in praesentia Regis apud sanctum Paulum BARONAGIO habitoque prius tractatâ— de Eadwardo super injuriis Regi ut dicebatur illatis paratus est idem Eadwardus se omnium objectorum probare immunem et ad duorum Regum scil Patris sui et Avunculi provisionem in emendatione facienda se dare tractabilem dicens Omnes alios Barones et Comites sibi de jure non esse Pares nec suas in eum exercere discussiones Unde dâ—cuâ—a hinc inde veritate omniumque relatorum falsitate probata pacificato Regi concordatus est filius multiplicatis de jure inimicorum confusionibus Concordato itaque Eadwardo Regi et Reginae et aliis amicis mox querela subsequitur de Comite Leicestriae Simoâ—e super pluribus injuriis tam citra mare quam ultra contra Regem ut dicebatur perpetratis Praefixo igitur die ad respondendum se de objectis expurgandum idem Comes ad dictum diem licet breviorem paratus est quantotiens petitis satisfacere et ad discutiendam super oppositis veritatem omnium transmarinorum quam cismarinorum arbitrio obtemperare exceptis quinque tantum minutis tam suae quam Eadwardi discordiae seminatoribus Qâ—o audito Comes Gloverniae cum
omnes qui contra Regem cum Comite Simoni ' steterunt exhaeredicabantur quoram terras Rex suis sideli bus tradidit sineâ— mora pensatis meritis singulorum The Execution of this Sentence appears in the Patent Roll of 50 H. 3. m. 10. Schedula Where the Lands and Menors of Simon de Montfort and other Rebels adhering to him against the King are confiscated to the King and granted by him to sundry others there mentioned as the Lands of the Barons adhering to King Lewis against King John their native Soveraign were in like manner forfeited to and granted by him Claus 17 Johan Regis dors 7 10 11. By these two last Parliamentary presidents and proceedings against the Londoners Simon Montfort the Baronâ— and aâ— other his Confederates whether Peers or Commoners in case of Treason and Rebellion against the King to the forfeiting of their antient Customs and Liberties imprisoning and fining of their persons confiscation of their goods disinheriting them of their Lands and Freeholds by judgment and â—entence of the King and Lords it is undeniable that the King and Lords have an antient undoubted right to judge and censure both Peers and Commoners too in Parliament in cases of Treason and other misdemeanours there properly triable In the year 1266. King Henry the 3d. REGIONIS NOBILES assembling together at Westminster at Christmas to treat about setling the Peace of the realm after the accustomed manner there issued out an Edict against Earl Ferrers who was perpetually depriâ—ed of his Earldom according to the form of his Obligation for his Treason and rebellion against the King and Edward the Kings son was put in possession of two Counties or Earldoms to wit Derby and Leicester The same year after divers skirmishes between the disinherited Baroâ—s and persons and the Kings forces to settle a firm peace upon the Legates motion there was another Parliament held at Kenelworth wherein by the accord and consent of the King and Lords the persons disinherited whose Lands the King had confiscated for their Treason and Rebellion in the two former Parliaments were notwithstanding admitted upon their submission to the King for reasonable fines and compositions reduced to a certainty by Bishops and other Lords Commissioners both to their Pardons Liberties Charters and Inheritanceâ— 3. only excâ—pted their fines not exceeding 3. years value nor to be under one without any imprisonment or loss of Memberâ— as you may read at large in the accord between them and the King at Kenelworth printed in the Statutes at large See Par. 50 H. 3. dors 9. the Patent Charter and Claus Roâ—s of 50 51 52 53. of Henry the 3. and Claus 4 E. 1. m. 15. dâ—rso In the Parliament of 21 E. 1. John Archbishop of Yorke was impleaded and complained against for excommunicating the Bishop of Durham being juxta latus Regis per ipsius praecepâ—um against the dignity of the King and for imprisoning William of Willicon and John Rowman two of the Bishops servants in the Castle of Durham being excommunicated by him in his Ecclesiastical Court for the Wardship of certain Lands to which the Archbishop pretendâ—d a Right the Custody of which lands being a Temporal matter belonged not to Ecclesiastical cognisance The Archbishop protesâ—ing that although he ought not to answer for this matter in the Court of our Lord the King yet he was willing to answer And thereupon allegeth that the Bishop of Durham was his Subject and Suffragan and shews the whole matter and manner of the proceedings against him and his Servants in his Court and justifies the same To which Richard de Breelwell who prosecuted for the King answered that the Bishop of Durham was to be considered in a twofold estate one as a Bishop the often as an Earl in respect of his Temporalties and Tenements In which lâ—ter respect he was not subject to his Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction to which the Archbishop replied After much and â—ong debate it was adjudged and resolved by the Lords in Parliament that for this offence the Archbishop should be committed to prison and likewise agreed that in like cases it should ever be so this his Excommunication of them in his Ecclesiastical Court for a temporal matter being an high contempt against the King to the disinherison of his Crown and dignity Moreover he was adjudged to make his submission to the King and to pay a fine of 4000 maerks to the King for this offence The Archbishop hereupon makes his submission aend after much mediation to the King by his friends his imprisonment was remitted but the King would not abate one penny of his sine for the due payment whereof he was enforced presently to enter into a Recognisance and so dismissed The Record is very long worthy perusal but this is the summary of it Anno 1283. after the feast of St. Michael in PARLIAMENTO tento Salopiae David quondam frater Lewlini Principis Walliae per Potentiores Angliae judicatus judicialiter condemnatus ad caudas equorum per municipium Salopiae tractus et suspensus est visceribusque combustis corpus capite truncatum in quatuor partes est divisum quibus in Civitatibus Angliae Nobilioribus suspensis caput Londoniis super palum fixum est ad terrorem consimilium proditorum King Edward the 1. Ann. 1297. the 14. of his reign holding a Parliament at St. Edmonds where there was granted him an 8. part of the goods of Cities and Boroughs and a 12. part of the rest of the people the Clergy by reason of the Constitution of Pope Boniface made that year prohibiting under pain of Excommunication that no Taxes nor exactionâ— should by any means be exacted from the Clergy by secular Princes or payd by them of the goods of the Church denyed the King a Subsidy which he demanded of them to maintain his wars Whereupon the King that they might deliberate of a better answer deferred the business to another Parliament to be held at London the next day after St. Hillary An. 1298. The Parliament then assembling the Clergy therein persisted in their denyal of a Subsidy upon the foresaid ground The King thereupon by his Nobles advice excluded them from his protection and prohibited any Lawyers to plead for them in the Exchequer or before any other Regular Judge as being unworthy of his peace and seised all the goods movables and immovables of Clergy men found in Lay fees and confiscated them To redeem which Protection many of the Clergy by themselves and many by Mediators afterwards gave the King a fift part of their goods The King finding the Archbishop more rigid than the rest seised all his lands and commanded all his debts found in the Rolls of the Exchequer to be speedily levied on his goods For the same Archbishop by the assent of the Clergy had procured from the Pope an Inhibition Ne quis Clericorum Regi respiceret de bonis Ecclesiae The
son serement Auxint pur lour malveis covetise et par poiar roial a eux acroche ne susterent nostre seignor le roy doier ne droit fair ' as grandes de la terre sur la demonstrance que ilz fesoient a luy pur luy et pur eux de la disheritance de la corone et de eux touchant les terres que furent as templers Et issint par yoiar roial a eux accroche ont ils mesne nostre seignour le roy son counseil et ses prelatz que des choses touchant eux ou lour alies ount emprise et embrace par eux que droit ne poet estre fait forsquea lour volunte et a dammage et a dishonour de nostre dit seigneur et peryl de son serement et dishinheritaunce et destruction de plusours autres grandes du people de son royalme Et auxint de eslues as evesque abbes et priours que devoient de droit estre resceux de nostre seignour le roy lou ils sont en due maner estues ne poient approcher a nostre seignour le roy ne one luy parler de querer sa grace tanque ils avoient fait sine et fret Sir Hugh le fitz a sa volunte Ne nul que eust grant aquere de nostre seignour le roy ne poet a nul grant atteinder avantque ilz avoient faitfine a luy Estre ceo lou John de Lacchelegh et autres fuerent agardes a la prisone pur un trespas que ils avoient fait a la dame de Merk a damag ' de la dist dame de M. Centz marcz dont ils furent atteintz devant mon Sir Robert de Middyngle er ses compaignons Justices assignes a oier et terminer cel temps cel trespas et le dit John feust en la prison de Colcestre par la gard suisdit Sir Hugh le fitz accrochantz a luy roial poiar amesna le diâ— Iohn hors de la prison contre leye de la teâ—re eius que il avoir fait gree a la dit dame des damages avantditz et luy fist vender sa terre a luy et â—ever sur ceo un fine Claus 16 E. 2. m. 5. There is this memorable case recorded The King being at Bishops Thorpe near York held a Council with his Lords divers of which are there named concerning the Truce with Scotland inter quâ—s Nobiles Hen. de Bellamont Baro de Magno et secreto Concillo ipsi Domino Regi juratus vocatus fuit ibidem venit Being there preâ—ed by the King to give his advice herein quodam motu excessius animo quasi irreverents dicto Domino Regi saepe respondit quod sibi consulere noluit in hac parte Whereupon the King commanded him thence Upon which he went out of the Council and said He had rather be absent than there Upon which contemptuous carriage and words consideration being had by the Lords and Council by all the Iudges Barons of the Exchequer being there amongst others to wit as assistants in regard he was sworn and had taken the Oath of a privy Counsellor to the King being called in again Committitur Scalae Prisonae pro contemptu inobedientia praedictis After which he was let to mainprise and a truce being there concluded with the Scots thereupon the writs ad arma c. were revoked that were formerly iâ—sued to the Tenants by Escuage and Knights service In the Parliament held at Winchester Ann. 2 E. 3. Edmund Earl of Kent the Kings Uncle by the instigation and power of Roger Mortimer Earl of March was arrested impeached condemned and executâ—d for conspiring and attempting to rescue his Brother King Edward the 2. and saying he was alive after the time he was murdered which Treason was said to be manifestly proved by Letters found about him and by his own voluntary confession before the Coroner recorded in Walsingham and the Clause Roll of 4 E. 3. which Letters and confession were openly read in Parliament pur que oue le assent des Countz Barons et autres Grantz et Nobles â—n mesme le Parliament par agard dicelle estoiet le dit Count come Nostre Trayture et Traiture de Royalm adjudge a la mort as the King himself recites in his Writs and Letters to all Sherifs Claus 4 E. 3. m. 16. dorso Demorte Edmundi nuper Comitis Cantii publicanda commanding them to publish this as the cause and manner of his death and to arrest all those that said King Edward the 2. was alive or that the said Earl of Kent was otherwise put to death So that by this record being a Peer he was adjudged to death only by the Earls Barons Great men and Nobles in Parliament without the Commons not named in this record And therefore the Kings Letter to the Pope in 4 E. 3. relating the proceedings and judgement against the Earl in these words if truly recited Comitibus Magnatibus Baronibus aliis de COMMUNITATE dicti regni ad PARLIAMENTUM illud congregatis injunximus ut super hiis DISCERNERENT ET JUDICARENT quid rationi justitiae conveni et habentes prae oculis solum deum qui eum CONCORDI ET UNANIMI SENTENTIA tanquam reum criminis laesae Majestatis ADJUDICARENT ejus sententiae c. Objected by Sir Robert Cotton to prove the Commons to have a share and voice in judicatures in Parliament and that not in the case of a Commoner but this great Peer must needs be understood of an Attainder by Bill to confirm the judgement formerly given against him by the Earls Barons and Lords alone in this Parliament as in the case of the two Spencers not long before not of his original sentence given only by the Lords Barons and other Great men and Nobles as the Clause Roll and all Writs to the Sheriffs record Which the Parliament Roll in 4 E. 3. n. 11 12. doth likewise intimate where Earl Edmonds eldest Son and Margaret Countesse of this Earl of Kent by their Petitions prayed that THE RECORD or Bill against the said Earl might be reversed for errors therein appearing and he to be restored to blood and lands of his Father and she to her Dower which was granted and ordered by Parliament saying to the King the wardship of the same during his minority and thereupon it was further enacted That no Peer of the land nor other persons should be impeached for the death of the Earl of Kent but only the said Mortimer and 3 more then impeached and condemned of High Treason for his murder as well of the deposed Kings and that his Countess should have her Dower as Claus 5 E. 3. part 1. m. 24. assures us In the Parliament of 4 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 14. Edward the eldest Son of Edward Earl of Arundel condemned and beheaded without any legal trial by his
Peers by Roger Moâ—timers power and procurement Anno 18 E. 2. petitioned that he might be restored to his Fathers blood lands and goods considering the said Earl was unduly put to death being not tried by his Peers according to the Law the grand Charter But for that the said Attainder was afterwards confirmed by Parliament he amended his Petition and prayed in such wise to be restored of the Kings meer grace Whereupon he was restored to all his Fathers lands and to Arundel Castle saving to the King all such lands as were given to this Earl by King Ed. 1. whereupon he did homage to the King in Parliament and had livery of the king of all his lands per assensum of the Lords as iâ— recorded in rot Fin. An. 3 E. 3. m. 14. Claus 4 E. 3. in dorso and Claus 5 E. 3. part 1. m. 2 3. In this Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 6. The Lords claim to be JUDGES OF THEIR PEERS IN THAT FUTURE PARLIAMENTS in cases of Treason c. And n. 1. Roger Mortimer Ear of March who had formerly condemned and beheaded other Peers without any legal trial by their Peers and deposed murdered King Edward the 2. was by divine retaliation arrested at the Parliament held at Nottingham by the Kings command then sent Prisoner to the Tower impeached attainted condemned and executed himself as a Traytor without any hearing or personal defence BY THE LORDS AND PEERS AS JUDGES OF PARLIAMENT by the Kings assent The Articles of his Treasons Felonies and other misdemeanors entre in that Parliament Roll scarce legible now were read before the Lords against him and other of his companions The Articles against him are thus related by Walsingham Causae quae imponebantur eidem proue accepimus istae fuere writes Walsingham Prima causa quod fuit consentiers morâ— Regis Edwardi in castro de Berkley Secundo impositum ei fuit quod ipse impedivit honorem Regis et regni apud Stannyparke ubi Scoti fugerunt qui capi intersici potuerunt Tertio quod ipse accepit 20 millia mercarum a Scotis illas tunc permisit evadere turpem pacem postmodum inter Scotos et Regem ju venem sieri procuravit et super hoc Chartam Regis sieri fecit eisdem Et etiam illud vile matrimonium contractum inter sororem Regis et David filium Roberti de Brus consummari consuluit procuravit Quarto quod male consumpsit totam pecuniam in the sarris patris hujus Regis et Domini Hugonis de Spencer inventum et omnia bona regni postquam Angliam regina intravit suae dispositioni subjecit ita quod ipse Regina abundabant Dominus Rex egebat Quinto quod appropriavit sibi custodias et maritagia nobiliora per totam Angliam Et quod fuit malus Consiliarius Regis Reginae matris et nimis secretus cum ea ut dâ— aliis taceamus These with other Articles mentioned in the Parliament Roll being read thereupon Les ditz COUNTZ BARONS ET PIERS COME JUGGES DU PARLIAMENT as the Parliament Roll it self recites per assent du Roy in mesme le Parliament agarderent et ajugerent que le dit Roger COME TRAYTOUR ET ENEMY du ROY et du ROYALME fuist trâ—yne et pendis Upon which sentence without being called to answer the Earl Marshal by the Kings and Lords command assisted with the Mayor and Sherifs of London and the Constable of the Tower executed him the Thursday next after the first day of the Parliament Ubi mortis excepit sententiam trastus suspensus apud Elmes super communi furca latronum as Walsingham relates The Articles of this Regicides impeachment being very memorable and somewhat larger than those in Walsingham scarce legible in the Parliament Roll of 4 E. 3. I shall here present you with together with the manner of his apprehension and judgement out of Henry de Knyghton King Edward perceiving the great malice and cruelty of Queen Isabel his Mother and Mortymer that they occasioned many seditions favoured the Scots to the great dishonour of the King and Kingdom destroyed the King her Husband Et quanta mala eorum consilio auxilio exercebantur in regno qu â—ntaque mala opera eorum somento velâ—bantur by the secret advice of his friends resolved to separate them from one another to prevent greater mischiefs Nam in tantum invalescebant in terra quod totum regnum in periclitando labi videbatur Deinde Rex tenuit CONCILILM SUUM apud Notyngham in quindena Michaelis cum pene omnibus Magnatibus regni In quo Rex saniori consilio de eorum fraude et malitia saluâ—râ—us edoctus vidensque periculum tam praeteritum quam in posterum â—am in praesenti per dictos Isabellam et le Mortymer evidenter imminens graviter in corde condolens suscepit sicque die Veneris in crastino sancti Lucae Rex cum electa comitiva in obscuro noctis perrâ—xit per quendam viam subterraneam de villa Notynghamiae usque in castellum et venit ad cameram matris suae Isabelâ—ae et invenit ibi prope eam in alia camera Rogerum de Mortymer et Episcopum Lincolniensem Henricum Et statim Rex jussit Rogerum apprehendi et in securam custodiam usque in crastinum poni In crastino fecit apprehendere omnes suos adhaerentes perâ— tam villam dispersos Et statim misit omnes Londonias videlicet le Mortymer Et duos filios ejus scilicet Galfridum Edmundum milises et Dominum Oliverum de Byngam Dominum Simonem de Berforde Et in captione Rogeri Mortymere occisus est Dominus Hugo de Tryplyngton miles et senescallus familiae regis per dictum Rogerum Mortymer in ingressu regis in camera eorum Isabella mater regis ad udicata est perdere omnes terras suas et cum difficultate evasâ—t dampnationem ad mortem eo quod er at mater regis et ob reverentiam regis dilata est sententia Et ordinatum est singulis annis caperet de cista domini regis ad sustentationem suam tria millia mercarum et maneâ—et in uno certo loco ubi rex pro ea disponere vellet Magnates regui imposuerunt contra Rogerum Mortymer Articulos sequentes Primerment que parla on ordenee fuist al parliment de Londrez proscheyne apres la coronnement nostre seignour le roy que quatres Eveskes quatre Contes et vj. Barones dustent estre pres du roy pour la conseyller issint que tote foitz quatre y fuissent Cest assavoir une Eveske une Conte et dieux Barons a meynez que nule grosse bosoigne soit faite sanz lour assent que chescuâ—e respondist dez ces fetz pur son temps la dit Roger nyent eyant regarde al dit assent accrocha a luy real pouare le governement
de la foy le roy en cellez paâ— Pâ—r la ou le roy devoit pluis ost par reson avoyre vengee loure mort de pardonee contre fourme de parlement Ensy le dit Roger compassa devoyre destrut lez noryes le roy et lez secrettez le roy de queuz il se pluis aâ—ya Et susmyt al roy en presence la reyne sa miere et dez eveskes de Nichole et de Salusberye et autres de counsaile le roy qe lez avanditez secretez le roye luy exciterent destre la covygne dez enmys par de lay en destruccion de sa miere et del avant dite Roger La quela chose il affirma tant sour le Roy que le parole le Roye ne poet creu Et cele vendurdi deinz la nute qils estoient prisez a la myt nyt suant donke pur lez caulez susescriptes et molt dez autrez choses que ne sont pas ore a dyre touz si fist le dit roy prendre en la manere par eide et avisement dez priveez et nuriicz come il vous ad souent monstres Tunc propter causas subscriptas et multas alias quae jam non sunt recitandae ad praesens Rex praecepit Comitibus Baronibus et caeteris Magnatibus regui justum judicium ferre super praedicto Rogero Mortymere Qui omnes adinvicem consulentes venerunt dicentes quod omnes et singuli articuli superius de dicto Rogero attestati veri sunt et notorii et omni populo terrae cogniti et praecipuè articulus tangens mortem regis apud Berkeleye unde respiciatum est et adjudicatum quod praedictus Rogerus ut proditor et inimicus regis et regni distrastus sit et suspensus tertio kalend Septembris apud Londonias Cujus corpus duobus diebus et duabus noctibus nudum pendebat super furcas By these Articles it is evident 1. that it was adjudged high Treason in him to murther King Edward the 2. after his resignation of and deposition from the Crown by his own and a Parliaments consent How much more then to destroy murther him when an actual lawfull King when never deposed without and against his Parliaments consents and contrary to their resolutions protestations Covenants Oaths 2ly That to come with armed forces to any Parliament to over-awe force menace terrifie thereby and drive away any of the Members thereof from it and compel the rest to comply with or not to oppose what this armed party propounds or to put any Nobleman to death is a high and treasonable offence That Lords and other Members may justly depart from Parliament without doing any thing when there is any such force upon them Let Lilburn and others guilty of such Treasons sadly consider them and take timely warning by this president In the Parliament of 28 E. 3. n. 7. to 14. Roger Mortimer of Wigorn Cosin and heir to this executed Roger required by his Petition that the Act of his Attainder in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 1. might be examined and for manifest Errors therein reversed whereupon the record was brought into Parliament and all the Articles Proceedings and Circumstances of his Judgement at large recited Which being read it was alleged that the judgment was defective erronious in all points not for the substance of his Charge for that the said Earl was put to death and disinherited by the Lords as Judges oâ— Parliament by the Kings command Sans nulle accusement et sans estre mesne au juggement au en respons without any accusation and without being brought to Judgement or to answer for which causes it was prayed That the said Statute and Judgement might be reversed and annulled For which causes Nostre Seignour le Roy et les dits Prelates Prince Duks Countz et Barons per accord des Chivalers des Counts et des ditz Comunes reâ—ellent et anientissent et pur erroigne et irrâ—t ajudgent les Records et Iuggements suis dits This Judgement whose reversal is also recited in Claus 28 E. 3. m. 7. 29 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 29. though given in Parliament being erronious and void in Law because given without any lawful accusation trial answer and arraignment of the party against the Great Charter and Law of the Laud which ought to be observed not violated by the Lords or Parliament it self in their Judicial proceedings In this Parliament of 28 E. 3. â— 13. Richard Earl of Arundel by Petition shewed that in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. touching the attaindâ— of Edmund Earl oâ— Arundel his Father a Statute was made without forfeiture albeit he was put to death and prayed that he may now be taken as heir of his Father and that Act reversed as erronious which being read and duly considered 〈◊〉 suâ—ceâ— oue bon deliberation et auys a graunt 〈◊〉 nostre Seigniour le Roy Prelates Prince Duk◠〈◊〉 Barons 〈…〉 il apiert clerement que le dit Edmund fuist non 〈…〉 a la mert et que parols recites eu le dit Statute touchant la mort et destruction de dit Edmund sont voydes erroignes et nulles Pur quoi nostre Seignior le Roy et les ditz Prelates Prince Dukes Countz eâ— Barons per accord des Chivalars des Counteâ— et des dites Commune ajuggent et agardent que la recitation et quelque est en le dit Statute touchant la mort et destruction du dit Edmund sont Voides erroignes et nulles c. et soint anientez et pur nul toutz a toutz jours The said Edmund being put to death without due proces or trial by his PEERS according to the Law of the Land and the Great Charter Therfore the Act confirming this erronious attainder was thus reversed repealed and nulled In these two last Records it is observable First that the King and Lords debated adjudged these Judgements and attainders to be erronious but because they were confirmed by Act of Parliament the assent of the Knights of Shires and Commons was required and had to their reversal as well as to the nulling and repealing of other publike Acts. In the Parliament of 50 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 21. to 31. William Lâ—d Latymer was accused by the Commons for divers oppressions by him done to the Kings people both during his command in Britain and also in the time that he was Chamberlain to the King and of his Council in levying divers sums of money for victuate and ransoms amounting to many thousand pounds for which he never accounted For the loss of sundry Foâ—s and Towns in Normandy and Brittain to the Enemy of which he had the command and partaking with Richard Lions in those illegal Impositions and misdemeanours whereof he was then impeached by them Whereunto the Lord Latymer saving the tryal of his Peers offered to answer any particular
the said Thomas and Roger as aforesaid but that the judgement and declaration had and given against the said John late Earl of Sarum were a good just and legal Declaration and Iudgement Per quod consideratum suit in praesenti Parliamento per praedictos Dominos tunc ibidem existentes de assensu diâ— Domini nostri Regis quod praefatus nunc Comes Sarum nihil capiat per petitionem aut prosecutionem suam praedictam Et ulterius tam Domini spirituales quam temporales supradicti judicium et Declarationem pradicta versus dictum Joannem quondam Comitem Sarum ut praemittitur habita sive reddita de assensu ipsius Domini Regis affirmarunt fore et esse bona justa et legalia et ea pro hujusmodi ex abundanti decreverunt et adjudicarunt tuuc ibidem This is all that is mentioned in that Parliament Roll concerning this businesse Sir Edw. Cook who hath an excellent faculty above all others I have yet met with in mistaking mis-reciting and perversing Records and Law-books too oft times which he had no leisure to peruse which I desire all Lawyers and others to take notice of who deem all he writes to be Oracle lest they be seduced by him in his 4 Institutes p. 23. affirms with confidence That in this Rot. Parl. 2. H. 5. n. 13. Error was assigned to reverse this judgement that the Lords gave judgement without Petition or assent of the COMMONS citing it to prove that the COMMONS have a power of judicature together with the LORDS But under his favour I can assure ye Reader 1. That there is no such error at all either mentioned or intended in this Record nor any one syllable tending to that purpose 2ly The Petition mentions no error at all in this judgement but only remembers two presidents of judgement formerly reversed the first in the case of Thomas Earl of Lancaster in 15 E. 2. which judgement was given against him at Pomfret Castle which was afterwards reversed as Sir Edward Cooke himself informs us in his 3 Institutes c. 7. p. 52 53. in Pas 39 E. 3. Coram rege rot 92. for this only reason Qua contra Chartam de libertatibus cum dictus Thomas fuit unus PARIVM MAGNATUM Regni non imprisonetur c. nec dictus Rex super eum ibit nec super eum mittet nisi per legale judicium PARIUM SUORVM c. tamen tempore pacis absque juramento seu responsione seu legale judicio PARIUM SUORUM c. adjudicatus est morti The other was the judgement given against Roger Mortymer in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. reversed for the like reason in the Parliament of 28 E. 3. n. 10 11 12. forecited being condemned and executed by the Lords without any arraignment hearing trial or answer against the Great Charter Now these two Presidents are pointblank against this pretended error alleged by Sir Edward Cook That the Lords gave judgement without the assent of the Commons and it had been very improper for them to allege the reversal of them for want of a legal tryal by their Peers to prove that the Commons who are no Peers should have assented to the Earl of Salisburies judgement and because they did it not it was Error and reversible These presidents therefore might have minded him of his gross mistake 3ly The King and Lords upon consideration declared and adjudged these two cases and judgements upon perusal of them not to be like the case of the Earl of Salisbury who being slain in rebellion and actual war against the king could not be personally arraigned and condemned as the other two might and ought to have been and therefore the judgement given against him in this case by the King and Lords in Parliament who were his Peers was a good just and legal judgement and no ways against the great Charter 4ly The Commons themselves in the Parliament o 13 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 19. acknowledged this judgement to be good without their assents by their Petition to the Kâ—ng that John Lumly whose Father was attainted of Treason by it together with the Earl of Salisbury might be restored to blood and lands by Act of Parliament and the Kings grace notwithstanding this judgement of Treason against them Which the King by assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal consented unto 5 ly In the Parliament of 3 E. 4. n. 31 32. this judgement was made void and repealed out of the Kings Grace by a special act of Parliament and the heir restored but the judgement not reversed for any Error 6ly Had there been any such Error assigned as is alleged yet the King and Lords upon solemn debate and deliberation over-ruled and adjudged it to be no Error at all as he pretends it and thereupon abated the Petition and adjudged the Judgement and Declaration given by the Lords alone with the Kings assent in 2 H. 4. without the Commons Petition or assent to be GOOD JUST AND LEGAL reconfirming it a new on Record as such Therfore it was a gross oversight in him to assign and print it as an Error and a President of the Commons House or both Houses power of judicatures together when as it is a most undeniable double Parliamentary resolution of the Kings and Lords sole right of judicature of their declaring and judging in Parliament what is Treason and what not within the Statute of 25 E. 1. without the Commons assent or privity and an unanswerable refutation of his sole opinion to the contrary in his 3 Institutes c. 2. p. 22. which he opposeth against not only these two Parliamentary resolutions but likewise against 5 H. 4. n. 11 12.15 and 17 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 20. there quoted by him By this you may judge how little credit is to be given to Sir Edwards quotations and authority in matters concerning Parliamentary Judgements and Records In the Parliament of 28 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 14. to 53. The Commons generally accusing William de la Pool Duke of Suffolk to the King and Lords he thereupon required of the king that he might be specially accused and heard to answer to that which many men reported of him to be an untrue man making therewith a protestation of his manifold good services in the wars and as a Privy Counsellor for sundry years and so asking God mercy as he had been true to the King and his Realm required his purgation The 26 of January the Commons required that for this his Confession he might be committed to ward The Lords and Judges upon consultation thought there was no good cause for that unlesse some special matter were objected against him The 28 day of January the Speaker declared that the said Duke as it was said had sold the Realm to the French who had prepared to come hither and for his own defence had furnished Wallingford Castle with all warlike necessaries upon whose request the said Duke was then
inform us In the Parliament of 2. Caroli the Duke of Buckingham impeached the Earl of Bristol and the Earl of Bristol impeached this Duke before the Lords in sundry Articles for divers misdemeanours touching the Spanish match King Prince to seduce him in his religion praying judgment of the Lords thereupon against each other In the Parliament of 3. Caroli the Duke of Buckingham was accused and Impeached by the Commons before the Lords for sundry high Misdemeanors and the Parliament thereupon dissolved to prevent his censure In this very Parliament of King Charls now sitting Thomas Earl of Strafford was accused and impeached by the House of Commons of High Treason and other misdemeanors comprised in sundry Articles which they transmitted â—o the House of Lords desiring that he might be put to answer them and such proceedings examination trial and judgement thereupon had and given against him by the Lords as is agreeable to Law and Justice Hereupon he was openly tried in Westminster Hall before the House of Lords there sitting as his Judges where the House of Commons prosecuted and gave in Evidence against him sundry dayes and in conclusion demanded the Lords to give Iudgement against him in the Iudicial way After which they proceeded against him by way of Bill not to decline their Lordships Iustice in a Iudicial way but to husband time by preventing some doubts and as the speediest and soonest way Upon the passing of which Bill he was beheaded and executed as a Traytor On the 26 of February 1640. William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury was accused and impeached of High Treason by the House of Commons of 14. Articles then transmitted by them to the House of Lord The first whereof was this That he had trayterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and Government of the Realm and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law And the last of them this That he had laboured to subvert the rights of Parliament and the ancient Course of Parliamentary proceeding which the New-modellers of our Parliaments more guilty hereof by many degrees than he may do well to consider Upon which they prayed from the Lords such proceedings examination trial and Iudgement against him as is agreeable to Law and Justice Upon these Articles he was brought to a publike Trial in the Lords House the 12. of March 1643. and after 17. whole dayes spent in his meer Trial and proof of the Charge against him and his defence thereto morning and evening and several other dayes spent in the hearing of him and his Council and the Commons Reply touching his Charge and the matters of Law whether the Charge prâ— against him amounted to High Treason the Lords upon most mature deliberation voted him Guilty of all the Articles and matters of fact charged against him and also of High Treason and thereupon passed an Ordinance for his Attainder by vertue whereof he was beheaded as a Traytor on Tower-Hill January 10. 1644. To these I might add the seveeal Articles of Impeachment transmitted by the House of Commons this Parliament to the Lords against Matthew Wren Bishop of Norwich the 20. of July 1641. against William Pierce Bishop of Bath and Wells and against the Bishops of Winchester Coventry and Litchfield Glocester Chichester Exeter St. Asaph Hereford Ely Bangor Bristol Rochester Peterborough and Landaffe August 4. 1641. requiring such proceedings from the Lords against them as to Law and Justice shall appertain All which are a superabundant impregnable Evidence of the Lords inherent Judicial power and right of Judicature in our English Parliaments even by the Commons House own Impeachments and acknowledgements against the Levellers pretences to the contrary By all these forecited presidents it is most apparent 1. That the King and Lords in our Parliaments in all ages both before and since the Commons admission to sit and vote in Parliaments have been the sole Judges of Ecclesiastical Peers and Lords in all criminal cases without the Commons 2ly That the Lords and Peers of the Realm except only in case of appealâ— both in and out of Parliament are triable only by their Peers And therefore the Trial condemnation and execution of any of them by Marshal Law or now misnamed High Courts of Justice by Commoners and others who are not their Peers is most illegal unjust and nought else but murther as the Parliaments of 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 45. of 1 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 18. resolve and as it was adjudged in the case of Thomas Earl of Lancaster Paâ—ch 39 E. 3. Coram Rege Rot. 92. Wiâ— Cooks 3. Institutes p. 52 53. Secondly The next and main question now conâ—roverted will be Whether the King House of Peers have any lawfull or sole power of Judicature in and over the persons of the Commons of England as well as over Peers in criminal causes misdemeanours offences or breaches of their Parliamentary privileges so farr as to fine imprison censure judge or condemn them in any kind without the House of Commons concurrent vote or judicature This the ignorant sottish Levellers Sectaries seduced by their blind guides John Lilburn and Overton peremptorily deny the contrary whereof I shall here infallibly make good to their perpetual shame and refutation by unanswerable Reasons and presidents in all ages 1. I have already manifested That the Parliament being the supremest Court of Judicature in the Realm must consequently have a lawfull Jurisdiction over all persons and members of the Realm whether Spiritual or Temporal Lords or Commons in all criminal and civil Causes proper for Parliaments to judge or punish That this power of judicature was originally and primitively vested in the King and Lords alone before there were any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons summoned to our Parliaments as is evident by the antient writers Glanvil Bracton Fleta Horn the Parliament of Clarindon Anno. 1164. and other forecited authorities and never transferred by them to the House of Commons upon or after their admission into our Parliaments but remaining intirely in the King and Lords as at first as the whole House of Commons acknowledge upon record 1 H. 4. rot parl n. 79. Therefore they may lawfully exercise this their judicial power and jurisdiction over the Commoners of England in all such causes now and hereafter and that of right as this record resolves they may do in positive terms 2ly Our Histories Law-books and Records agree that in ancient times our Earls who were called Comites or Counts from the word County had the chief Government and Rule of most of the Counties of this Realm under our King and that they and the Barons were the proper Judges of the Common people both in criminal and civil Causes in the Tourns County-Courts even by vertue of their Dignities and Offices as our Sheriffs are now in which Courts they did instruct the people in the Laws of the Land and administer Justice
Lords only sit upon the Bench and that covered and in their Parliamentary Robes the badges of Judicature but the Commons stand and that bare at the Bar without any robes at all the Lords only swear examine the witnesses and judge of their testimony the Commons only produce the witnesses presse and manage the evidence and when the buâ—nesse is fully heard the Lords only debate the cause among themselves and give the final Sentence Judgement without the Commons though sometimes in their presence and that both in cases of Commoners and Peers Therefore the Lords and House of Peers are sole Judges in Parliament not the Commons 9ly The Commons themselves in all ages since admitted into our Parliaments have always presented their Petitions in Parliament to the King and Lords alone for redress of all Grievances wrongs misdemeanours abuses whatsoever publike or private criminal or civil ecclesiastical marine or military And the Lords House alone have in all antient Parlaments appointed particular persons of their House to receive al Petitions Triers of them to hear and answer them by their advice and the kings assent when necessary which Triers of Petitions had power given to call the Lord Chancellor Treasurer Chamberlain Judges kings Servants and others to this assistance prescribing where when their Petitions should be presented examined redressed at all our Parliament Rolls aâ—est and Sir Edward Cook himself relates There being few or no Petitions at all presented by any to the Commons before â—â— H. 7. c. 19. 4 H. 7. c. 6. These Petitions then presented to them and all ever since with all in this present Parliament being only to this end that they upon the examination of the truth matters complaints grievances mentioned in them might transmit and represent them in the name of the Commons House to the Lords House for to give full redress relief and judgement on them to the Petitioners not for the Commons themselves to judge finally determine them or give relief upon them without the Lords as all the transmissions of private and publike Petitions by the Commons to the Lords heretofore and in this Parliment in the cases of Dr. Layton Dr. Bastwick Mr. Burton Mr. Walker my self and of Lilburns own Petition against his censure attest Therefore the Judicature of our Parliaments must wholy rest and intirely reside in the Lords House as well in all Criminal as civil cases both of Commoners and Lords 10ly The surest badge and highest evidence of the right and exercise of Juridical and Judicial Authority in Parliament is the examination affirmation control repeal nulling adjudging and finall determining all Errors in Judgements Decrees Proceedings all Misprisions Abuses Corruptions grievances whatsoever of Judges Justices in all other Courts of Justice Civil Ecclesiastical Marine or military Now the Lords-alone in Parliament upon Wtits of Error Appeals Complaints Petitions c examine confirm repeal null redresse and finally determine all Errors misprisions in Judgements Decrees Proceedings and all Abuses Corruptions Grievances whatsoever in all other Courts of Justice whether Civil as the Kings Bench Chancery Exchequer Chamber Common Pleas Exchequer Court of Wards Courts of Requests Stanneries c. or Ecclesiastical as the High Commission Archbishops Consistories the Convocation and the Admiralty Court Marshal Council Table Star-chamber and in former Parliaments as is evident by sundry presidents in former ages and in this present Parliament of King CHARLS in the cases of Dr. Layton Dr. Bastwick Mr. Burton Lilburn himself Mr. Grafton Alderman Chambers Mr. Rolls Sir Rob Howard Alderman Langham and Limry Mr. Johns and le Gay with sundry others But more especially in cases of Writs of Error brought in Parliament by Peers or Commoners upon any Erronious judgements touching their real or personal estates lives limbs liberties persons upon Indictments or Attainders In all which writs the King and Lords only are sole judges without the Commoners and the returns of the proceedings upon such Writs are only before the Lords in the Vpper House secundum legem et consuetudinem Parliaments So Sir Edward Cook himself expresly resolves in direct terms in his 4 Institutes p. 21 22 23. And 22 E. 3.3 Fitz Error 8 Br. 3.1 H. 7.20 21 22. Br. Error 137. Old Book of Entries p. 302.16 E. 3. Fitz. Brev. 651.21 E. 3.46 Br. Error 65.29 E. 3.24.39 Ass 18.42 Ass 22.7 H. 6.28 8 H. 5. Fitz. Error 88.19 H. 6.12.35 H. 6.19.37 H. 6.16.11 H. 4.65.9 E. 4.3.2 R. 3.22.37 H. 8.14 15 25. Dyer f. 62.196 201 315 375. intimate as much This is most clear by the Writs of Error Judgements and Proceedings on them in the Parliament House before and by the Lords alone mentioned in the Parliament Rolls themselves as 14 E. 1. roâ— Parl. 1.4 E. 3. n. 13 14.21 E. 3. n. 65 66.28 E. 3. n. 8. to 14.50 E. 3. n. 38.1 R. 2. n. 28 29 105.2 R. 2. n. 31 32 33 37 38. Parl. 2. and Parl. 1. n. 21. to 27.3 R. 2. n. 19.20 21 22.6 R. 2. n. 17.7 R. 2. n. 20 21.8 R. 2. n. 13 14 15 16.13 R. 2. n. 16 17 15 R. 2. n. 22 23 24.16 R. 2. n. 17 18.17 R. 2. n. 17.19 â—8 R. 2. n. 11 12 13.20 R. 2. n. â—6 21 R. 2. n. 25 55. to 66 71.1 H. 4. n. 91 92.2 H. 4. n. 38 39 40.4 H. 4. n. 26.5 H. 4. n. 40.6 H. 4. n. 31.1 H. 5. n. 19.2 H. 5. n. 13 14.3 H. 5. n. 19. with sundry Writs of Error in succeeding Parliaments and this now sitting adjudged determined by the King and Lords alone without the privity or interposition of the Commons A truth so clear that Lilburn himself in his Argument against the Lords jurisdiction confesseth iâ— If then the Lords House be the soâ—e Judges in all Writs of Error and Appeals from all other Courts of Justice concerning the Lands Tenements Goods Estates Liberties Members Lines Attainders of all English Freeholders and Commoners whatsoever notwithstanding the Statute of Magna Charta ch 29. No Freeman shall be â—aken or imprisoned c. neither will we pass upon him nor condemn him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers c. the grand and principal objection against the Lords Judicature in Cases of Commoners then by the self same reason they are their lawfull Judges and may regally proceed against them in all other criminal or Civil causes especially in cases of breach of their own Privileges wherein they are the sole and only Judges since no other Court can judge of nor yet punish them as Sir Ed. Cook resolves being properly triable only in Paâ—liament as contempt against all other Courts are punishable and triable by themselves alone the present cases of Lilburne and Overton Now that they are and alwayes have been so de facto unless by way of Bill of Attainder or in such extraordinary cases when their concurrence hath been desired even in criminal cases misdemeanors and offences of Commons as well as Peers I
trenches and those within prepared to defend their walls and Bulwarks Then the Archbishop and all the Bishops with burning Papers smote Falcatius himself and all within the Castle with the sword of Excommunication The King commanded all warlike engines to be brought and gave many assaults to the Castle to win it by force since they refused to render it many were slain and wounded on both sides At last after many weeks siege the Kings soldiers entring the Castle by force those within it being unable to hold out any longer rendred themselves to the Kings mercy who putting them in close custody and chains commanded 24 of the Knights and Souldiers who stouted it most against him even when the siege was ended QVI OMNES SVSPENDIO ADJUDICATI SVNT to be hanged that day Matthew Westminster writes there were near one hundred of them hanged up Henry Braibroc being then restored to the King safe and sound rendred him many thanks In the mean time the King sent an armed Troop to seek out and apprehend Falcatius and bring him prisoner to him who having notice thereof fled into Wales for shelter The K. thereupon swore that if he took the Castle by force he would hang up all who were within it And withall seised upon all Falcatius his Manors Lands Corn goods and chattels throughout England as confiscated At last Falcatius hearing that the Castle was taken and his Brother and souldiers hanged came to the King to Bedford under the conâ—uct of Alexander Bishop of Coventry and there casting himself at the Kings feet humbly implored his mercy in respect of the many great and costly services he had done in his father and himself in time of warr Tum Rex per Consilium of his Nobles and Barons tradidit illum Casteliis Terris et rebus omnibus spoliatum sub custodia Euâ—châ— Londoni 〈◊〉 Eâ—iscopi donec quid de illo ageret esset sententialiter deâ—nitum Et sic quasi in momento idim Falcatius de duissimo pauperimus effectus multis et maxime nocentibus poterit fieri in exemplum Regi autem pro maximis laboribus et expensis in the siege of this Castle tam à Clericis quam à â—nicis concessum est per totam Angliam Carucagium de qualibet caruca duo solidi argenti MAGNATIBUS item concessit Rex scutagium scilicet de scuto quolibet duas marcas sterlingorum et sic omnes ad propria recesserunt Castellum quoque illud fecit Rex complanari et redigi in acervos A most memorable example of regal and Parliamentary Justice upon insolent contemners of Law Justice and Justices the whole Parliament turning Souldiers and continuing together at the Siege of this Castle above two Months space till they had taken the Castle and Malefactors by force and done execution on both And an eminent president of the Ks. Lords Jurisdiction in causes both of Commoners and Souldiers as well as Peers and Nobles Henry de Bathonia a learned Knight most skilfull in the Laws of the Realm one of the Kings Justices and special Counsellors in the year 1251 the 35 of Henry the 3. was most grievously defamed and accused of bribery and corruption in the Office of his Justiceship wherein he feared not treacherously to empty other mens purses to fill his own growing thereby in a short time extraordinary rich in Rents Monies Gold and Silver being instigated thereunto by his wife whereby adeo turpibus per fas et nefas emolumentis inhiabat ut in una sola itinaratione Justiciaria dicebatur plusquam ducentas libratas terrae sibi appropriare Whereupon appellatus est de infidelitate et proditione by Philip de Arci Knight coram Rege et Curia Regis And attached for to answer it John Mansell the Kings Chief Justice profered to bayl him and to be his Manucaptor ut staret Justitiae but he could not be heard the King being so incensed that he answered he would take no Clergy-man for his bayl in such a case reputing it to be HIGH TREASON at last by the Bishop of Londons others mediation intercession he was bayled by 24 Knights and delivered to their custody pro ipso Hen. responsionem justificationem rite et judicialiter statuto termino facturum After which by gifts and large promises he earnestly sollicited his friends to intercede for him with the King â—nd procure his pardon or else if they could not effect it to stand constantly for him in the day of peril armis si necesse sicut et equis communiti which they by unanimous consent promised to doe The King being privily informed thereof majori iracundia accensus omnia munera et verba reconciliationis praecise refutabat jurans quod per medium judicii districti necessario fuerat transiturus Upon this he by intreaties and gifts procured Earl Richard to mediate to the King for him adjungens sub tremendi judicii attestatione quod si Dominus Rex mortem suam imo etiam exhaeredationem procuraret totum regnum in ipsum Regem insurgeret tota perturbaretur quod si fieret cum sub sint aliae causae maxime alienigenarum injustae dominationes Anglorum oppressiones non sedaretur schisma ventilatum The Earl hereupon most effectually interceded for him and the peace of the Realm but could not mitigate the Kings wrath and indignation In March there was a great Parliament held at London where Henry was appointed to appear and answer who came thither guarded with a great multitude of Souldiers of his Wives and his own kinred and friends Whereupon the King being highly incensed he was on every side grievously assaulted and accused by his adversaries and by the King more heavily than the rest imponens eidem inter caetera quod totum regnum perturbavit et Barnagium universum contra ipsum Regem exasperavit unde seditio generalis imminebat Fecit igitur acclamari voce praeconia Londini et in curia ut si quis aliquid habere actionis vel querelae adversus Henricam de Bathonia veniret ad curiam ante Regis praesentiam ubi plene exaudiretur Insurrexerunt igitur multi queruli contra eum ita quod unus etiam sociorum suorum scilicet Justitiarius palam protestaretur quod unum facinerosum convictum incarceratum abirâ— permisit impunitum sine judicio opimis respectus muneribus quod factum est in Regis praejudicium Justitiariorum comitum suorum periculum et discrimen Rex igitur magis inde provocatus ascendit superius exclamavitque dicens Si quis Henricum de Bathonia acciderit quietus sit a morte ejus quietum eum protestor sic propere recessit Rex Et fuerunt ibi multi qui in ipsum Henricum hostiliter irruissent nisi Domini Johannis Mansel prudentia eorum impetum temperans refranasset Dixit enim Domini mei et amici non est necesse quod in iuâ—a praprepere dicitur prosequamur Poenitebit forte
and Law of the Land And this was the main reason of this their Protestation as the close of it shews to prevent such dangerous presidents for the future Upon which ground the Judgements they then gave against Roger Mortymer John Mautravers were reversed in the Parliament of 21 E. 3. n. 65.28 E. 3. n. 8. to 16. Lastly This Protestation did not foreclose the Lords in this or future Parliaments to give Judgement against Commoners in other cases of Felony and Treason even without the Commons which I shall prove by some other instances In the Parliament of 4 Ed. 3. n. 16. Sir Thomas Berkeley Knight was arraigned and tried by a Jury for Treason as being guilty of the death of King Edward the 2. committed to his custody who pleaded not guilty and was tried in full Parliament before the King by a Jury and by them acquitted Which case being rare and memorable I shall here insert the whole Record Thomas de Berkele Miles venit coram Domino Rege in pleno Parliamento suo praedicto et allocutus hoc Quod eum Dominus Edwardus nuper Rex Angliae pater Domini Regis nunc in custodia ipsius Thomae et cujusdam Johanuis Mautravors nuper extitit collatus ad salvo custodiendum in castro ipsius Thomae apud Berkele in Com. Gloucestriae et in eodem castro in custodia ipsorum Thomae Johannis murdratus extitit et interfectus qualiter se velit de morte ipsius Regis acquietare Dicit quod nunquam fuit consentiens auxilians seu procurans ad mortem suam nec unquam scivit de morte sua usquam in praesenti Parliamento isto et de hoc paratus est acquietare se prout CURIA REGIS consideraverit Et super hoc quaefitus est ab eo ex quo ipse est Dominus castri praedicti et idem Dominus Rex in custodia ipsorum Thomae Johannis extitit liberatus ad salvo custodiend ipsi custodiam ipsius Regis recepeâ—unt et acceptarunt quali er se excusare possit quin de morte ipsius Regis respondere debeat Et praedictus Thomas dicit quod verum est quod ipse est Dominus Castri praedicti et quod ipse simul cum Johanne Mautravers custodiam ipsius Regis recepit ad salvo custodiend ut praedictum est Sed dicit quod eo tempore quo dicitur ipsum Dominum Regem esse murdratum et interfectum fuit ipse taliter tanta infirmitate apud Bradeley extra Castrum praedictum detentus quod ei currebat memoriae Et super hoc dictum est ei quod ex quo cognovit quod ipse simul cum dicto Johanne custodiam ipsius Domini Regis obtinuit ut praedictum est et ipse custodes et ministros sub se posuit ad custodiam de eo faciendam si per aliquam infirmitatem excusari posset quin respondere debuit in hac parte Et praedictus Thomas dicit quod ipse posuit sub se tales custodes et ministros in castro praedicto pro custodia facienda a quibus ipse se confidebat ut de seipso qui custodiam ipsius Regis simul cum praedicto Johanne Mautravers inde habuerunt unde dicit quod ipse de morte ipsius Domini Regis auxilio assensu seu procuratione mortis suae in nullo est inde culpabilis Et de hoc de bono et malo ponit se suâ—er patriam Ideo venerint inde Juratores coram Domino Rege in Parliamento suo apud Westm in Octabis Sancti Hilarii proxime futuri c. Ad quam diem venit praedictus Thomas coram Domino Rege in pleno Parliamento ac similiter Juratores scil Johannes Darci Iohannes de Wisham Willielmus Trussell Rogerus de Swyneuerton Constantius de Morâ—imer Iohannes de sancto Phileberto Richardus de Rivers Petrus Hussey Iohannis de Dynton Richardus de la Rivere Robertus Dabenhate Richardus de Corveyes omnes milites Qui dicunt super Sacramentum suum quod praedictus Thomas de Berkelie in nullo est culpabilis praedicti Domini Edwardi Regis Patris Domini Regis nunc nec de assensu auxilio seu procuratione mortis ejusdem Et dicunt quod tempore mortis ejusdem Domini Edwardi Regis patris Domini Regis nunc fuit ipse tali infirmitate gravatus apud Bradely extra castrum suum praedictum quod de viâ—a ejus desperabatur Ideo idem Thomas inde quietus Juratores quaesiti si idem Thomas unquam substraxit se occasione praedicta dicunt quod non Et quia idem Thomas posuit custodes et ministros sub se scil Thomam de Gourney et Willielmum de Ocle ad custodiam de ipso Domino Rege faciendam per quod idem Dominus Rex extitit murdratus et interfectus datus est ei dies coram Domino Rege nunc in proximo Parliamento suo de audiendo JUDICIO SUO c. Et praedictus Thomas de Berkelei interim committitur Radulpho de Nevill Mareschallo hospitii Domini Regis c. It is observable that though Edward the 2. was murdered after he was deposed by this Parliament yet he is still â—â—lled a King in this Indictment and record and his murder adjudged Treason in those who did it After his acquittal he put in Mainpernors to appear in the next Parliament Where appearing he and his Mainpernors were discharged but yet himself ordered to appear again the ensuing Parliament as appears by the Parliament Roll of 5 E. 3. n. 16. William Thorp Chief Justice of the Kings Bench and one of the Justices of Assize in the County of Lincoln in the 23 year of Ed. the 3. against his Oath took 10 l. of Richard Saltley 20 l. of Hildebrand of Beresward 40 l. of Gilbert Holliland 40 l. and 10 l. of Ro. Daldorby to stay an Exigent upon an Indictment of diverse felonies that should have issued against them Whereupon he was indicted before the Earls of Arundel Warwick and Huntingdon the Lord Gray and Lord Burghers Anno 24 E. 3. to whom the King by Commission referred the examination of the businesse before whom he could not deny but confessed the Bribery Ideo consideratum est per dictos Justiciarios assignatos ad judicandum secundum voluntatem Regis et secundum regale posse suum quod quia praedictus Willielmus Thorpâ— qui sacramentum Domini Regis quod erga populum suum habuit custodiendum fregit malitiose false et rebelliter in quantum in ipso fuit ex causis supradictis ipsum Willielmum expresse cognitis ideo SUSPENDATUR et quod omnia terra et tenementa bona et catalla sua remaneant forisfacta The King by a writ under the privy Seal stayed his execution and sent him Prisoner to the Tower In the Parliament of 25 Ed. 3. nu 10. command was given that the record of this Judgement
against Judge Thorp should be brought into the Parliament and there read openly BEFORE THE LORDS to have every of their advice concerning it whether this Iudgement were legal or not et nullo contradicente all the Lords affirmed the judgement to be legal and good considering that he against his Oath received Bribes And therefore it was agreed by all the Lords that if the like case should hereafter happen the King might take to him such Nobles as he should think meet and therein do according to his pleasure Provided this judgement should not be drawn into example against any other Officers who should break their Oaths but only against those qui praedictum Sacramentum fecerunt of Justices et fregerunt et habent leges Regales Angl. ad custod Here the Lords were sole Judges of the Judge who was a Commoner and gave judgement against him without the Commons yea declare the Law in this new case both in and out of Parliament In the Parliament of 21 E. 3. n. 68. The Commons by divers Bills complained to the Lords of divers extortions grievances prejudices done to the King and Commons by John Wattenham and Walter de Cheriton Merchants who desired the King would command them to come before THE COUNCIL LORDS in Parliament to answer what should be objected and clear themselves In the Parliament of 50 E. 3. n. 17 18 19 20. The Commons accused Richard Lyons Merchant of London of divers deceits extortions and misdemeanors whiles he was farmer of the Customs and last subsidy for transporting wools and staple Commodities procuring new Impositions on staple ware for buying debts from the Kings Creditors at under rates and making the King to pay the whole for taking of bribes and defrauding the King To some of which charges he answered and to the rest submitted himself to the King touching Body Lands and Goods Whereupon THE LORDS adjudged him to prison during the Kings will that his lands tenements and goods should be seised to the Kings use that Commissions should issue throughout all England to inquire of his Extortions whiles farmer of the subsidies and that he should be disfranchised Upon this Judgement in the Fine Roll of 50 E. 3. m. 19 21 22. there issued out writs for the arresting and selling the goods of Richard Lyons to the Kings use which were his on the 19 of March certis de causis coram Nobis et Concilio nostro in praesenti Parliamento nostro propositis c. per Concilium in Parliamento The same Parliament 50 E. 3. n. 31 32. William Ellis of great Yarmouth was accused by the Commons of sundry extortions whiles he was Deputy Farmer of the kings subsidie to Richard Lyons To which he seemed sufficiently to answet yet was BY THE LORDS adjudged to prison and to make a fine at the Kings pleasure Ibidem Num. 33. Iohn Peach of London was impeached by the Commons for procuring a license under the Great Seal that he only might sell sweet wines in London by colour whereof he took 4 s. 4 d. of every man for every Tun thereof sold which he justified he lawfully might doe Notwithstanding JUDGEMENT was given against him by THE LORDS that he should be committed during the Kings pleasure and make recompense to all parties grieved Num 37. Adam de Bury was accused of divers deceits and wrongs done by him whiles Mayor of Callice and Captain of Bellingham Being sent for to come to the Parliament he came not nor could he be found Thereupon the Lords agreed that all his goods and chattels should be arrested and so they were All these Commons were first impeached by the Commons and thus judged and censured by THE LORDS in this GOOD PARLIAMENT as Historians and others stile it And in the Commons petitions therein there are divers Petitions of Grievances from sundry Counties Towns persons complaining of wrongs and grievances presented to the King and Lords for redresse of oppressions extortions Monolies c. In the Parliament of 1 R. 2. n. 41 42 43. Dame Alice Pâ—etrees was brought before THE LORDS by Sir Richard Scroop Knight and there charged for pursuing matters at the Court contrary to an Order made in the Parliament of 50 E. 3. n. 35. and procuring King Edward to restore Richard Lyons to his lands and goods c. she denied she pursued any such thing for singular gain against that Ordinance whereupon diverse Officers Counsellers and Secretaries of king Edward 3. were examined against her who proved she made such pursutes and that for private gain in their conceits Whereupon the Lords alone without the Commons gave Iudgement against her that she should be banished according to the order aforesaid and forfeit all her Lands Goods and Tenements to the King The same Parliament 1 R 2. n. 32 33. The Lords committed William Fitz-Hugh Goldfiner and Citizen of London to the Tower for refusing to averr a Petition exhibited by him in the name of the poor Commonalty of that mystery complaining against John Chichester and John Bolcham of the same mystery of divers oppressions done by them to the said Commonalty In this very Parliament of 1 R. 2. n. 38 39 40. The Commons prayed that all those Captains who had rendred or lost Castles or Towns through default might be put to answer it in this Parliament and severely punished according to their deserts BY AWARD or Judgement OF THE LORDS and BARONS to eschew the evil examples they had given to other Governors of Towns and Castles Whereupon Sir Alexander de Buxton Constable of the Tower was commanded to bring BEFORE THE LORDS IN PARLIAMENT William de Weston and Lord of Gomynes both of them Commoners on Friday the 27 of November to answer such Articles as should be surmised against them on the Kings behalf Being brought BEFORE THE LORDS in full Parliament they were severally articled against at the command of THE LORDS by Sir Richard le Scrop Knight Steward of the Kings House and their several Articles and answers to them in writing read before THE LORDS Which done the Constable was commanded to bring them again before THE LORDS on Saturday next ensuing being the 20 of November on which day it was shewed unto them severally by the said Steward by THE LORDS COMMAND That THE LORDS OF THE PARLIAMENT whose names are particularly mentioned in the Roll had met together and considered of their respective answers and that IT SEEMED TO THE LORDS AFORESAID that the said William had delivered up the Castle of Onâ—herwycke to the Kings enemies without any duress or want of victuals contrary to his allegiance and undertaking safely to keep it and therefore the Lords above-named sitting in full Parliament adjudge you to death that you shall be drawn hanged But because our Lord the King is not informed of the manner of the Judgement the execution of it shall be respited till the king be thereof informed After which Judgement given
it was shewed to the said John Lord of Gomynes by the said Steward how the said LORDS had assembled and considered of his answer and THAT IT SEEMED TO THE LORDS sitting in full Parliament that without duresse or default of victuals or other necessaries for the defence of the Town Castle of Arde and without the Kings Command he had evilly delivered and surrendred them to the Kings Enemies by his own default against all appearance of right or reason contrary to his undertaking safely to keep the same Wherefore THE LORDS aforesaid here in full Parlia-ADJUDGE YOU TO DEATH And because you are a Gentleman and a Baronet and have served the Kings Grandfather in his wars and are no Liege man of our Lord the King you shall be beheaded without having OTHER JUDGEMENT And because that our Lord the King is not yet informed of the manner of this Judgement the execution thereof shall be put in respite until our Lord the King be informed thereof Loe here two express Judgements given in Parliament by the LORDS alone without King or Commons in case of Treason even against Commoners themselves And an express acknowledgement by the Commons of the Lords right to award Iudgement in these cases without the King or them than which a fuller and clearer proof cannot be desired In the Parliament of 2 R. 2. n. 34 35. Sir Robert Howard knight was committed prisoner to the Tower upon the complaint of the Lady Nevil by the Lords in Parliament for a forcible imprisonment of her daughter to which he was accessory that she might not prosecute a divorce in Court Christian In the 50 year of King Edward the 3. in the Parliament called the good Parliament Sir John Anneslee Knight accused Thomas Katrington Esquire of Treason for selling the Castle of St. Saviour in the Isle of Constantine to the French for an inestimable sum of money cum nec defensio sibi nec victualia defuissent whereupon he was taken and imprisoned but in King Edwards sickness enlarged by the Lord Latymers means as was reported In the Parliament held at London Anno 1380. the 3. of R n. 2. he was again accused by Sir John Anneslee and there resolved that being a Treason done beyond Sea not in England it ought to be tried by duel before the Constable or Marshal of the Realm Whereupon a day of battel was appointed in the Court at Westminster the 7. of June and lists set up On which day in the morning they fought the battel in the presence of the KING Nobles and Commons of the Realm which Walsingham at large describes till both of them were tyred and lay tumbling on the ground where the Esquire got upon the Knight as if he had conquered him Others said the Knight would rise again and vanquish the Esquire Interea Rex pacem clamari prâ—cepit et militem erigâ— The Knight refused to be lifted up as the Esquire was desiring he might be laid upon him again for he was well and would gain the victory if he were laid upon him again When he could not obtain his request being lifted up he went chearfully to the King without help when as the Esquire could neither stand nor go but as two held him up and thereupon was set in a chair to rest himself The Knight when he came before the King rogavis Eum et Proceres ut sibi illam concederunt gratiam ut itâ—rum in loco quo prius posset reponi et armiger super eum Rex vero et Proceres cum vidissent miliâ—em tam animose â—am vivide bellum repetere et insuper magnam summam auri offerre publice ut id posset effici decreverunt eum iterum reponendum armigerum super eum modo universaliter servato quo â—acuerant ante prostrati But the Esquire in the mean time in a swoun fell out of the chair as dead between the hands of those who stood by him Whereupon many running to him chafed him with wine and water but could not recover him till they pulled off his arms Quod factum et Militem victorem probavit Arm gerum esse victum After some space the Esquire reviving opened his eyes and began to lift up his head and to look terribly on every one that stood round about him which the knight being informed of went presently to him in his arms which he never put off and speaking to him et Proditorem et falsum appellans quaerit si iterum audeat Duellum repetere Ille verò nec sensum nec spiritum habente respondendi â—lamatum est pugnam finitam et ut quisque ad propria remearet The Squire was carried to his bed senceless and died the next morning Here we have a Duel ordered by Parliament and the King and Lords Iudges in it not the Commons for a Treason done beyond the Seas not triable here by Law In the Parliament of 4 R. 2. n. 17. to 26. Sir Ralph Ferrers being arested for suspition of Treason on the borders of Scotland was brought into the Parliament before the Lords to answer the same where divers Letters under his hand and Seal as was pretended were produced and read against him sent to the Lord Admiral of France and other French Officers informing them that he in the behalf of the French had made a League and alliance with the Scots and desiring them to make payment of the monies promised him and of his own fee and inviting the French to invade England c. with discoveries of the Kings designs against the French and answers to them Sir Ralph desired Counsel in this case which was denied him These Letters were found by a beggar besides London divers of his familiars were called into the Parliament house before the Lords and likewise the beggar and the whole matter strictly examined The Letters sent by Sir Ralph to the parties beyond Seas and certain Letters sent by them in answer to his were all sealed together and all of one hand and the Seal larger than the Seal of the said Sir Ralph whereupon they seemed to be forged by some of his Enemies for his overthrow himself being once or twice urged to answer Whether the Letters were his or no answered that he did not remember they were his own Letters and that he was ready to approve as the Lords should think fit having formerly offered combate with any that would justifie it from which he was put In conclusion the Lords thought him to be innocent whereupon he was delivered to 4. Earls and 2. Lords who became pledges body for body to answer when he should be called between that and the next Parliament and so he was inlarged The Letters and his Seal were delivered to Sir John Cavendish Chief Justice of England and the beggar being thought privy to this falshood was committed to prison by THE LORDS In the Parliament of 5 R. 2. n. 44 45. Richard Clindow Esquire exhibited a Bill to
the King wherein he accused Sir William Cogan knight for extorting 300 l. by menaces from the Prior of St. Iohns Sir William appearing upon Summons prayed Counsel which was denied for that it concerned Treason whereupon he pleaded Not Guilty After which the same Parliament n. 46. to 61. The Mayor Baylifs and Commonalty of Cambridge were accused before the King and Lords that in the late insurrection they confederating with other Malefactors did break open the Treasury of the University of Cambridge burn sundry Charters of the University and compel the Chancellor and Scholars under their common Seal to release to the said Mayor and Burgesses all manner of Liberties real and personal actions and also to become bound to them in great sums of money Whereupon special writs were directed to the Mayor Baylifs and Commonalty to appear in Parliament to answer the premises The Mayor and Baylifs appear in person and plead that they 〈◊〉 not privy to any such act but if any thing was done it was by compulsion by others which the Kings learned Counsel disproved whereupon they pleaded Not Guilty The Commonalty appeared by Attorney and delivered in the Release and Bond of the University complained of under their Seal which were ordered to be cancelled After which the Chancellor and Scholars of the University exhibited Articles against the Mayor and Baylifs shewing their whole carriage and discourse in this tumult Upon reading whereof it was demanded of them in the Kings behalf What they could say why their Liberties lately confirmed should not be seised into the Kings hands as forfeited They thereupon required a Copy of the Articles Councel and respite to answer To the Copy of the Bill it was answered by the Lords that seeing they had heard it read it should suffice for by Law they ought to have no Copy For Councel it was said That to such articles if any were wherein Councel was to be had they should have it otherwise not Wherfore they were then appointed to answer to no crime or offence but only to their Liberties To which they answered by their Council That this Court ought not to have any Conusance or Jurisdiction of them for certain causes then alleged But at last they were ordered to say what they could otherwise they would give Iudgement against them as those who had nothing to say Whereupon they pleaded they did nothing but by Duress and constraint of the Rebels At last after many dilatory shifts touching their Liberties they wholly submitted themselves to the Kings mercy and grace saving their answer to other matters The KING therefore by the assent of the Prelates and Lords in Parliament â—o is the Rolâ— seised their Liberties into his hands as forfeited and by assent of the Lords and Prelates in Parliament granted to the Chancellor and Scholars the Assise and correction of bread weights measures and forestallers and fines thereof within the Town and Subâ—rbs of Cambridge which the Townsmen had before The King Lords and Prelates being Judges and giving the Judgement in this case of Commoners as the record a â—ge attests Walsingham relates that in a Parliament holden at London this year about the feast of St. John upon the Petition of the knights of Shires John Straw Captain of those in the insurrection at Bury and Myldenhale tractationi et suspentioni ADJUDICATUR to wit by the King and Lords licet multi putassent eum fuisse pecunia redimendum In the 7. year of R. 2. Rege vocante congregati sunt multi de Nobilibus Regni apud Rading to restrain the seditious motions of John de Northampton late Mayor of London qui ingenia facinora nisus est de quibus et convictus est ibidem his familiar Clerk accusing him both of divers practises and designes projected by him as well to the prejudice of the King as of the whole City of London and objecting them against him When Judgement was to be given against him in the Kings presence he pleaded that such a Judgement ought not to be given against him in the absence of the Duke his Lord whereby he raised a sinister suspition as well in the people AS NOBLES against the Duke of Lancaster The Justice who was to pronounce the Judgement told him He ought to refute his charge by Duel or by the Laws of the Realm to submit himself to drawing hanging and quartering At which when he stood mute and said nothing DECRETVM EST ut perpetuo carceri tradiretur et eâ—us bona regis usibus confisâ—arentur ut Londonias non appropinquaret per centum miliaria in vita sua whereupon he was sent prisoner to Tyntagel Castle in Cornwall and his goods seised on by the Kings Officers In the Parliament of 7 R. 2. holden at Westminster the Monday next before the feast of All Saints num 17. Bryers Cressingham and Iohn Spicâ—worth Esquires were accused before the LORDS for surrendring the Castle of Drinkham in Flanders to the kings enemies for money without consent of the kings Lieutenant Spickworth proved that the same was not in his custody and thereupon he was discharged Cressingham pleaded that he yeelded the same upon necessity without money and submitted himself to the Lords order who thought this no good cause and therefore committed him to prison The same Parliament n. 24 25. Sir William de Elinsham Sir Thomas Trivet Sir Henry de Ferriers and Sir William Farnden knights and Robert Fitz-Ralph Esquire were accused before the Lords in Parliament for selling the Castle of Burburgh with all the arms ammunition and provisions therein to the French the kings enemies for sundry summs of gold received by them of the French without authority from the king or his Lieutenant who pleaded they surrendred it for salvation of themselves and their people c. After all their excuses made they were upon consideration adjudged insufficient by the Lords and the Chancellor by their order pronounced this Judgement against them That they should repay all the monies they received from the Enemy to the King be committed to prison ransomed at the Kings will and moreover that Sir Will. de Farnden being the greatest Offender should be at the Kings mercy both for body and goods to do with them as he pleaseth In this Parliament there was a Duel fought between John Walsh an English Esquire and one of Navarr who accoused him of Treason against the King and Realm effectually but yet falsly out of envy Walsh having layen with his wife whiles he was under Captain of Cherburgh as he afterwards confessed This Dueâ— was fought within the lists in the presence of the King and Nobles of the Realm where this Navarrois being vanquished by Walsh REGALI JVDICIO tractus et suspensus est quanquam Regina et plures alii pro eo preces sedulas porrexissent In the 2. of Parliament of 7 R. 2. n. 13.10 19. John Cavendish a Fishmonger of London praying Surety of the peace
by their Speaker acknowledge the right of judicature in the case of a Commoner to be only and wholly in the Lords even in a criminal cause and thereupon pray the Lords to give judgement against him upon their Impeachment which they did accordingly in their robes as Judges by the mouth of the Lord Keeper their Speaker In this very Parliament now sitting Decemb. 21. Jan. 14. Febr. 11. 1640. and July 6. 1641. The Commons House by their Members impeached Sir John Bramston Chief Justice of the Kings Bench Sir John Finch Chief Justice of the Common Pleas Sir Humphry Davenport Chief Baron Judge Berkly Judge Crawly Baron Weston and Baron Trever of high Treason and other misdemeanors for that they had trayterously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and established Government of the Realm of England and instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical Government against Law which they had declared by trayterous words opinions and judgement in the point of SHIP MONY by their subscriptions and judgement given against them in the case of Mr. Hamden in the Exchequer Chamber Which Impeachments they transmitted to the Lords House praying THE LORDS to put them to answer the premises and upon their examinations and trial to give such judgement upon every of them as is agreeable to Law and Justice To avoid which judgement Sir John Finch fled the Realm and the rest of them made fines and compositions to the publike and were most of them removed from their Judges places After this the Lords themselves as Judges in Parliament passed several judgements and censures against Dr. John Pocklington for his Sunday no Sabbath and other Books and against Dr. Bray for licensing them In October 1643. The Lords fined and imprisoned Clement Walker Esq in the Tower for some scandalous words against the Lord Viscount Say a Member of he House of Peers After that the Lords alone without any Impeachment of the Commons on their privity imprisoned fined and censured one Morrice upon complaint of Sir Adam Littleton after a full hearing at which I was present for forging an Act of Parliament with four or five more of his confederates therein which was most clearly proved by Witnesses upon Oath whereby he would have defrauded Sir Adam of some Lands in Essex And at least one hundred more Commoners have been committed by THE LORDS this Parliament and fined by them for several offences Misdemeanors and Breaches of their Privileges as well as Lilburn and Overton yet none of them ever excepted against or demurred to their Jurisdiction nor did the Commons House ever yet except against them for these their proceedings as injurious or illegal but approved and applauded this their Justice Finally John Lilburn himself in his printed Pamphlet intituled Innocency and Truth justified p. 74 75. relates that on May 4. 1641. himself was accused of High Treason and brought before the Lords Barr for his life where one Littleton swore point-blank against him But he having Liberty given to speak for himself without any demurring to their Jurisdiction because we was a Commoner desired that his Witnesses might be heard to clear him was upon Mr. Andrews Oath acquitted at the Barr of the whole house And thereupon concludes I am resolved to speak well of those who have done me JUSTICE From all these punctual successive presidents impeachments and clear confessions of the Commons House themselves in many former and late Parliam and in this now sitting it is undeniable That the King and Lords joyntly and the Lords severally without the King have an indubitable right of Iudicature without the Commons vested in them not only over Peers themselves but likewise Commoners in all extraordinary criminal cases of Treason Felony Trespass and other Misdemeanors triable only in Parliament which hath been constantly acknowledged practised submitted to in all ages without dispute much more then have they such a just judicial rightfull power in cases of breach of their own privileges of which none are or can be Judges but themselves alone as Sir Edw. Cook resolves they being the supremest Court. And to deny them such a power is to make the Highest Court of Judicature in the Realm inferiour to the Kings Bench and all other Courts of Justice who have power to judge and try the persons causes of Commoners yea to commit and fine them for contempts and breaches of their Privileges as our Law books resolve and every mans experience can testifie The Lords right of Iudicature both over Peers and Commoners in criminal causes being thus fully evicted against the falseâ— ignorant pretences of illiterate Sectaries altogether unacquainted with our Histories and Records of Parliament which they never yet read nor understood there remains nothing but to answer some Authorities Presidents and Objections produced against it These presidents in Sir Edward Cooke Sir Robert Cotton and others are of 3 Sores 1. Such as are produced by them only to prove that the Commons have a Copartnership and joynt Authority with the King and Lords in the power and right of Judicature in our Parliaments 2ly Such as are objected to evidence they have a sole power of Judicature in themselves in some cases without the K. and Lords 3ly Such as are urged to prove they have no right of Judicature in Parliament in the cases of Commoners that are capital or criminal I shall propose and answer them all in order 1. Sir Edward Cook and Sir Robert Cotton produce these presidents to prove That the Commons have a Joint inâ—erest right and share with the King and Lords in the Iudicatory or Judicial power of Parliaments which I shall propound according to their Antiquity The 1. President alleged for it is that of Adomar Bishop of Winchester elect cited by Sir Robert Cotton in his Post-humous Discourse concerning the Power of the Peers Commons in Parliament in point of Iudicature who An. 44 H. 3. as affirms he was then exiled by the Ioint Sentence of the King Lords and COMMONS as appears by the Letter sent to Pope Alexander the 4th Si Dominus Rex et Regni Majores hoc vellent meaning Adomars revocation COMMUNITAS tamen ipsius ingressum jam nullatenus sustineret The Peers subsign this answer with their names and Peter de Moâ—tfort vice totius COMMUNITATIS as Speaker or Proctor of the Commons I answer under the favour of this renowned learned Antiquary that this president is full of gross mistakes For 1. Bishop Adomar was not banished the Realm at all either by King Lords or Commons but fled out of it voluntarily for fear to avoid the Barons who purâ—iâ—ed him with forces as Mat. Paris with others relate which the Nobles and Generality of the Barons in direct terms inform this Pope in another Letter sent together with this objected Maxime cum ipse a regno expuisus non extiterit sed sponte cesserit non ausus exhibitionem justiâ—iae quae
diu consultati sed inconsulti Equidem meum est posse et velle conferre gratiam cui voluero miserebor Nec propter vos amplius quam pro cane Quis in gratiam meam se submisit repulsam passus est Veruntamen vestrum judicium in scriptura redigatur et pro lege amodo teneatur Proinde dictus miles ad carcerem ducebatur ne impunitas armareâ— audaciam et rigor caeteris timorem incuteret contemnendi Et post paucos dies elaborantibus multis nobilioâ—ibus regni et ostendentibus se 30 suis paribus cinctis gladiis corpus pro corpore et bona pro bonis una in solidum quoquo die Rex eum vocaverit nec adesset liberatus est et per regem cunctis facultatibus suis restitutus So this Historian which compared with the Record infallibly proves that this resolution was given by the Earls Barons Lords and Judges advice who were the only aliorum de Concilio as assistants to the Lords then in all matters of Law as now they are not the Commons of which there is no mention in the records or this Historian that they were parties to it And this is likewise evident by the case of Margery the Wife of Thomas Weyland an abjured Judge in the Parliament of 19 E. 1. Cooks 1. Institutes f. 133. n. Where the Barons of the Exchequer and Justices of the Kings Courts were called to advise and assist the King and his Council of Lords in Parliament in a difficulty of Law therein to be resolved by their advice And therfore it follows that the LORDS ONLY IN THAT AGE were the Judges even of Commoners cases Thirdly Admit the Commons were included yet it proves only a right of advising and delivering their opinions with the Lords when required by the King not of judging or pronouncing sentence Fourthly Sir Edward Cook citing this president to prove That both Houses together have power of judicature must grant that even in 33 E. 1. there were two distinct Houses of Parliament who upon special occasions as now at conferences c. met and advised together and therefore the division of the Houses was before Edward the third his reign and very probable as antient as the summoning of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to the Parliament which some make as antient as King Henry the first or King Henry the 2. others not before King Henry the third in the 49 year his reign Father to King Edward the first So as this president makes quite against the Levellers and Lilburnians designs and opinions The 3 and 4. Presidents are those of Hugh Audley his Wife Claus 12 E. 2. m. 5. of Gaverston and the two Spencers Exiles 15 E. 2. forecited wherein the Commons gave their assents to the attainders and exiles of Gaverston and the Spencers and to the reversal of them But this I have already proved to be only by way of Bills not judicature by the legislative not judicial power of Parliament and that they were judicially condemned only by the Lords therefore these are nothing to the purpose and against the Objectors The 5. and 6. are the depositions of King Ed. the 2. and Richard the 2. for their mis-government wherin the Commons had a joynt vote and concurrence with the Lords which I shall hereafter answer in the supplement p. 429. to 460. The seventh President is that of Eliz. Burgh Widow in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 11. who complained by Petition to the King that in the reign of King Edward the 2. she was by his Writ commanded to come unto him to Yorke and there by Hugh Spencer the younger and Robert Baldock and William Cliff his instruments inforced by duresse to enter into an Obligation to this effect that if she received any who were contrary to the King or maried any man without the Kings consent or if she gave any lands or tenements which she held in fee or in dower to any man living without the Kings license that for any of these she should forfeit all her Lands Tenements Goods and Chattels to the King as appeared by the transcript of the Bond annexed to her Bill whereupon she prayed Grace and remedy against this duresse and acquittance of our Lord the King from this Obligation Hereupon a Writ was sent to the Clerk of the Privy Seal in whose custody the Obligation was to bring it without delay Coram Concilio nostro in Parliamento ad faciendum inde ulteriut quod per idem Concilium nostrum contige it ordinari which being brought and delivered accordingly the 5 of March and deliberately read in full Parliament and agreeing with the transcript annexed to her Petition in all things Pur ceo que avys est as Archievesques Evesques Counts BARONS auires Grandes et a TOVTELA COMMONALTIE de la terre que lo dit escrit est fait contre ley de la terre enconter tout manere de reason si fuist le dit escrit PER AGARD DEL PARLIAMENT dampne illeoques livera ala dit Elizabeth I answer 1. That this judgement was given only in a civil case touching an Obligation made by duress not in a criminal 2ly That this Petition was directed only to the King and his Council not to the Commons in Parliament and the businesse heard before them 3ly That this being a Common case there being then many Petitions and complaints that Parliament of bonds of this nature the Commons joyning with the King and Lords in this judgement of Parliament in her case was only by way of Bill not in an ordinary way of judgement they exhibiting passing a Bill for that purpose as well as a Petition as is clear by the words of the Roll and by the printed Statute of 1 E. 3. c. 3. That fines sales and gifts of land and recognizances of debt made by force and duress to this Sir Hugh Spencer Robert Baldocke c. or to any of them be defeated And Parl. 2. ch 15. Whereas many of the Realm in the time of the Kings Father that now is by means of his false and evil Counsellors have been excited by divers to bind themselves to come to the K. with force and arms whensoever they should be sent for upon pain of life and limb and to forfeit all that ever they might forfeit by vertue of which writings divers of his land have been often destroyed The King considering that such writings were made to the Kings dishonour sithence that every man is bound to doe to the King as to his Liege Lord all that pertaineth to him without any manner of writing will that from henceforth no such writing be made And that such as be made by the sight of the Chancellor and Treasurer shall be shewed to the King and the K. shall cause all such as be made against right reason to be cancelled So that this main president meerly falls to the ground being
but by Bill The 8th President that may be objected is this Adam de Arleton or Tarlton Bishop of Hereford in a Parliament held at London Anno 1322. was apprehended by the Kings Officers and brought to the Bar to be arraigned for Treason and Rebellion in aiding the Mortimers and others in their wars with men and arms where having nothing to say for himself in defence of the crimes objected and standing mute for a space at last he flatly told the King That he was a Minister and Member of the Church of Christ and a consecrated Bishop though unworthy therefore I neither can nor ought to answer to such high matters without the consent of my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury my direct Judge next after the Pope and of the other Fathers the Bishops my PEERS At which saying the Archbishops and Bishops there present rose up and interceded to the King for their Colleague and when the King would not be intreated they all challenged the Bishop as a Member of the Church exempt from the Kings Justice and all secular judicature The King forced thereunto by their claimors delivered him to the Archbishops custody to answer elsewhere for these crimes Within few days after being apprehended again and brought to answer before the Kings royal Tribunal in the Kings Bench at Westminster for his Treasons the Archbishops of Canterbury York and Dublin hearing of Tarltons arraignment came with their Crosier staves carried before them accompanied with 10 Bishops more and a great company of men entred into the Court and by open violence rescued and took away the Bishop from the Bar before any answer made to his charge chasing away the Kings Officers and proclaiming openly That no man should lay violent hands on this Trayterly Bishop upon pain of excommunication and so departed The King exceedingly incensed at this High affront to Justice and himself commanded an Inquest to be impanelled and a lawfull inquiry to be made of the Treasons committed by the Bishop in his absence being thus rescued from Justice The Jury without fear of the King or any hatred of the Bishop found the Bishop guilty of all the Articles of Treason and Rebellion whereof he was indicted Whereupon the King banished the Bishop seised all his temporalties lands and goods But yet notwithstanding the Bishop by consent of all the Prelates was by strong hand kept in the Archbishops custody till he had reconciled him to the King After which by way of revenge he was a principal instrument of the Kings deposing and murther which having effected in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. 6. this Bishop petitions that the Indictment and Iudgement against him and the proceedings therein might be brought into Parliament and there nulled as erronious which was done accordingly Et quia recitatis et examinatis coram nobis et consilio nosâ—ro recordo et processu praedictis Et etiam coram Praelatis Comitibus Baronibus Magnatibus tota communitate regni nostri praesenti Parliamento nostro praesentibus compertum fuit quod in eisdem recordo et processu errores manifesti intervenerunt per assensum totius Parliamenti adnullatur and so he had restitution I answer that as this rescue of proceeding and judgement against this trayterous Bishop were singular So is this repeal and reversal of it as erronious before and by all the Commons and whole Parliament as well as King Prelates and Nobles and that no doubt at the special instance of this and all the other Bishops highly concerned in this cause Wherefore this one Swallow makes no Summer and proves no judicial authority joyntly with the King and Lords since they never joyned with them before nor since in reversing of any such error upon Judgement in the Kings Bench but only where an erronious Attainder by Bill in one Parliament was reversed by Bill in another The 9th is the Clause of King Edward the thirds Letter to the Pope in the 4th year of his reign already answered p. 274. The 10th is Sir John at Lees case 42 E. 3. n. 20. said to be ADJVDGED by the Lords and COMMONS I answer this Case is somewhat mâ—staken For the Record only mentions That the 21 day of May the King gave thanks to the Lords and Commons for their coming and aid granted on which day all the Lords and sundry of the Commons dined with the King After which dinner Sir Iohn at Lee was brought before the King LORDS COMMONS next aforesaid who dined with the King to answer certain objections made against him by William Latymer about the wardship of Robert Latymer that Sir John being of power had sent for him to London where by duresse of Imprisonment he inforced the said William to surrender his estate unto him which done some other Articles were objected against the said Sir John of which for that he could not sufficiently purge himself HE was committed to the Tower of London there to remain til he had made fine and ransom at the Kings pleasure and command given to the Constable of the Tower to keep him accordingly And then the said Lords and Commons departed After which he was brought before the Kings Councel at Westminster which COUNCEL ORDERED the said ward to be reseised into the Kings hands So as this record proves not that this judgment was given in the Parliament house nor that the Lords and Commons adjudged Sir Iohn but rather the King and his Councel in the presence of the Lords and Commons after the Parliament ended The 11 12 13. Are the cases of the Lord Latymer Lord Nevil and Richard Lyons forecited Here p. 283 284 350. which are nothing to purpose the Lords alone giving judgement in them without the Commons who did only impeach them and the King removing the Lord Latymer from his Council at their further request So that these 3. cases refute their opinions who object them The 14. is the Case of Weston and Gomines 1 R. 2. n. 38 39. In which the Lords alone gave the Judgement as I have proved p. 332 333 Therefore pointblank against the Objectors The 15. president is that of Iohn Kirby and Iohn Algar two Citizens of London in the Parliament of 3 R. 2. n. 18. who conceiving malice against John Imperial an Ambassador sent hither from the State of Genoa who had procured a Monopoly to furnish England with all such wares as come from the Levant keeping his staple at Southampton killed him in London upon a sudden quarrel picked with him for which they being committed this being a new and difficult case and the Judges being in doubt whether it were Treason or no it was thereupon propounded in Parliament according to the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. like that of 25 E. 3. Parl. 2. of those who are born beyond the Seas 14 E. 3. c. 5. 13 E. 1. c. 24.32 E. 1. rot 17. 22. Claus 46 H. 3. n. 3. Claus 14
E. 2. dors 17. 17 E. 3. n. 24.21 E. 3. n. 60.40 E. 3. n. 14 15.14 E. 3. n. 30 31.1 R. 2. n. 95.1 E. 3. f. 6 7.39 E. 3.21 a. 40 E. 3.34 b. Cook 8 Rep. f. 158.3 Instit p. 6 7.4 Instit p. 67 c. 2 Instit p. 408. West 2. c 24. and Bracton l. 2. c. 16 l. 3. c. 9. Fletae l. 2. c. 6. resolving that all difficult causes are to be declared to and determined in and by Parliaments This case being examined and debated by and between the Lords and Commons was afterwards there declared bâ—fore the King and determined and agreed That this fact and murder is Treason and a crime against the Kings Majesty in which case no privilege of Clergy ought to be allowed to any man Whereupon 7 R. 2. rot 8. Kirby and Algar were attainted of High Treason in the Kings Bench and executed as Traitors Walsingham writes this Parliament was held at Northampton against the consent of most of the Realm but especially against the will of the Londoners that so revenge might be taken upon Kirkeby for this murder they fearing that if the Parliament were held at London the Londoners would not suffer him to be executed without some danger to those who condemned him whereupon he was condemned drawn and executed at Northampton To this I answer first That Kirby and Algar were not impeached arraigned tried or condemned in Parliament for this Treason but in the Kings Bench for if they had the Lords only had judged and given sentence against rhem as in all the premised cases 2ly Their case being new was thought fit to be propounded to the Commons by the Kings direction as well as to the Lords who upon debate agreed it to be Treason 3ly When it had been debated it was declared and finally resolved and agreed before the King in full Parliament and that by Bill and the Legislative not Judicial power as Mr. Sâ— John informs us Therefore it makes nothing for the Commons right and power of Judicature which after all these presidents all the Commons in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. confess to have been alwayes of right in the King and Lords and not in them which sways away all the forecited presidents at once as impertinent and misapplied For the presidents of 21 R. 2. n. 29. 2 H. 5. n. 13 28 H. 6 n. 19. misrecited by Sir E. Cook 4 Instit p. 23. 3 Inst p. 22. they are already answered p. 296 297 299 344. And for those of Sir Giles Mompesson Sir Iohn Michel Viscount St. Alban and the Earl of Middlesex himself confesseth and I have here cleared p. 303 304. that the notable Iudgements against them were given by the Lords at the prosecution of the Commons who were only their prosecutors not Iudges These are all the Presidents I finde that are objected to give the Commons a share with the King and Lords in the Judicature in our Parliaments which evince it not but clearly disprove it The 2. sort of Presidents insisted on by Sir Ed. Cook are to prove a Judicial Authority in the House of Commons alone without the Lords in cases of their own Members and Servants in matters of elections breach of Privilege or misdemeanors in the Commons house for which they have imprisoned and sometimes fined Serjeants Baylifs Sherifs committed their own Members adjudged their elections void suspended excluded ejected them the house The 1. ease is that of Muncton 2 Aprilis 1 Mariae committed by the Commons to the Tower for striking William Iohnson a Burgess The 2. of Thomas Lucy 8 Eliz. removed out of the House for giving 4 l. to the Mayor of Westbury to be chosen a Burgess and the Maior fined and imprisoned The 3 of Arthur Hall 23. Eliz. who for discovering and publishing the Conferences of the House and writing a Book to the dishonour of the house was committed to prison These matters were examined and adjudged in the House of Commons Secundum legâ—m Consuetudinem Parliamenti and he thereupon committed to the Tower for 6. Moneths fined 500 marks and expelled the House And in that Parliament 18 Martii a fine was assesâ—ed by the House on every Member that was absent without leave To these alleged by Sir Edw. Cooke I shall superadd the ensuing Sir Robert Brandling was committed to the Tower 27 Eliz. for striking Witheâ—ington a Burgess 3 Jacobi one was fined for causing a Members Servant to be arrested though he claimed his privilege 12 Jacobi Locke and More were ordered by the Commons to ride both on one horse with their faces to the horses tail for arresting a Servant of Mr. Whitlocks then a Member against his privilege which was accordingly executed In 2 Caroli Sir George Hastings being elected knight for Leicestershire and he then being arrested his witnesses had their charges given them against the Sherif and he fined In the Parliament of 3. Caroli Sir Thomas Savils case 29. April 1628. Thomson Sherif and Henloe Alderman of York for abuses in the election were ordered to be committed to the Serjeant of the House during the pleasure of the Commons House to acknowledge their offences at the Barr on their knees and pay all due fees and to make a submission in York In 3. Caroli Mr. John Baber was suspended the house about billetting Souldiers In 3. Car. the Commons house committed Mr. Laughton and Mr. Trelawny to the Tower during pleasure and Sir William Wray and Mr. Edward Trelawny to the Serjeant at Arms and ordered them to make a submission acknowledgement of their offences in the House at the Bar and in the County at the Assises they kneeling at the Barr all the while the Speaker pronounced the Judgement against them for writing menacing Letters to Sir John Elliot and Mr. Coriton and to others of the County of Cornwall disturbing their election and contemning the warrant of the House when sent for In this Parliament of 17 Caroli now sitting the Commons house turned out sundry Members who were Projectors and voted out many others for Delinquency ordering New elections in their places without the King or Lord. I answer 1. That all these objected presidents are of very puny date within time of memory therefore unable to create a Law or custom of Parliament or any right of sole Judicature in the Commons House 2ly They were all made by the Commons themselves unfit Judges in their own cases much less over one another being all of equal Authority and so unable to seclude imprison or fine one another no more than one Judge or Justice to fine imprison or uncommission another since Par in parem non habet imperium 3ly They are all against Law because coram non Judice the Commons House having no right or power of Judicature much less of sole Judicature in our Parliaments but only the King and Lords as I have formerly proved by reasons and presidents in all ages 4ly These
informed of divers oppressions and injuries done to sundry people of his Realm by divers of his Officers and Ministers and likewise by some of his Counsellors by reason of his tender age to his damage and dishonour which things he would not suffer and desired to redresse that thereupon any persons which would complain of any oppressions durances and grievances done to them against right and the Laws and Usages of this Realm should repair to Westminster the next Parliament and there shew their plaints to him and such as he should appoint where they should receive convenient speedy remedy Then follows this Clause And because before these times some of the Knights who have come to Parliament for the Commnalties of Counties have been people of covyne and maintainers of false quarrels and have not suffered that good men should declare the grievances of the Common people nor their things which ought to have been redressed in Parliament to the great damage of us and our people We command and charge you that you cause to be chosen by the common assent of the County two of the most loyal or lawfull and most sufficient Knights or Sergeants of the said County who are not at all suspected of any crime nor common maintainers of Parties to be at the said Parliament according to the form of our Writ which you have received And this you may not fail to doe as you will eschew our grievous indignation Here the King by a special Writ takes care to prevent the election of Knights of Shires that were any way guilty of crime or maintenance as in former times had been used and that the loyallesâ— and most sufficient Knights or Esquires in the County should be elected by common consent because when once duly chosen and returned by the Counties as their lawfull Proxies and Attornies and impowred by them as such neither the King nor Lords could justly seclude or eject them much less the Commons House as they have ejected Projectors other Members of late times having no such authority given them by their Writs or retâ—rns but only to assent to such things as by the Common advice of the King Lords and Commons shall be there agreed concerning the King Church and Realm and being all of equal rank and power as Attornie Proctors for the Counties Cities and Burroughs for which they serve can no more discharge or eject one another than one Attorny Proctor Grand Jury-man Juror Justice of Peace Judge Commissioner or Executor discharge or remove another of his Colleagues equally impowred intrusted with them by the parties they represent To omit the summoning of sundry Merchants to attend the Parliament and Council to be advised and treated with upon sundry occasions in the Clause Rolls of 11 12 13 14. and 16 Edw. 3. Claus 26 E. 3. m. 14. dors there is a Parliamentary Council summoned to wit two Knights are by the Writ to be chosen and sent out of every Counry and but one Burgess out of every Burrough Claus 27 E. 3. m. 12. dorso Summonitio Concilii the Writ commands only one Knight to be chosen and sent out of every County but 2 Citizens and Burgesses out of every City and Burrough And the Prologue of the printed Statute of the Staple made therein 27 Ed. 3. recites that there was in it only of every County one Knight for all the County according to the limitation in the Writ Claus 45 E. 3. m. 29. The Parliament having granted a Subsidy to the King payable out of every parish and then departing the King for the better and speedier levying thereof desired the advice of the Commons yet would not put them to the trouble to meet all together And therefore issued out Writs to summon one Knight out of every County and one Citizen and Burgess out of every City Borough that had been of the former Parliament to meet together at Winchester Who meeting accordingly had their expences allowed them Dors 22. Here the King summons only half the Commons House to compleat what the whole had granted without the other moity for their greater ease and saving expences In the Parliament of 46 E. 6. n. 13 14. There was this Ordinance made and read Because that men of Law which pursue divers businesses in the Court of the Kings for particular persons with whom they are of Counsel procure and make divers Petitions to be preferred in Parliament in the name of the Commons which nothing concern them but only those singular persons or those whom they cause to put them in as also Sherifs which are common Officers to the people and ought to reside upon their Office to doe right to every man are named and have been before thâ—se hours retorned Knights of Shires in Parliaments by the same Sherifs It is agreed and assented in this Parliament that from henceforth no man of Law pursuing businesses in the Courts of the King nor Sherif for the time that he is Sherif shall be returned or accepted Knights of Shires and that those who are men of Law and Sherifs now returned to Parliament shall have no wages But THE KING WILL that Knights and SERJEANTS of the best esteem in the Country shall be henceforth returned Knights in Parliament and that they shall be chosen in full County Sir Edward Cook inform us That this Ordinance was made in the Lords house to wit by the King and Lords without the Commons as he insinuates If so then the K. Lords alone in that age had the sole power 1. of disabling secluding unfitting Members as practising Lawyers and Sherifs to be elected knights of Shires for the future 2ly of depriving them of wages though elected for that Parliament before the Ordinance made but not of ejecting them out of the House when duly elected because till now there was no Law or Ordinance against their choice 3ly Of rejecting and refusing to accept such for knights if elected and returned after this Ordinance as the words no accepted chivalers des Countees superadded too ne â—oient returnez imply 4ly By vertue of this Ordiâ—ance all Sherifs of Counties have been not only disabled but prohibited to be elected knights Members of the Commons House by this special Clause inserted into all writs for elections Nolumus autem quod tu vel aliquis alius Vicecomes ALIQUALITER SIT ELECTUS Now the Writ being the sole authority and ground for all elections prescribing the Freeholders to elect 2 of the most discreet fit sufficient persons and precisely inhibiting the election of any Sherifs in any sort either for Knights Citizens or Burgesses by vertue of this Ordinance The elections of such are meerly void and the King and Lords may justly seclude them if eâ—ected and retorned whiles Sherifs 5ly As Sherifs have been secluded by this Clause and Ordinance ever since so in the Parliament of 6 H. 4. All Apprentices and other men at Law were likewise secluded by this
rather by the King with the Lords assent in Parliament or by Indictment in the Kings Bench as Sir Edward Cook himself confesses and proves by the Cases of Segrave St. Amand and others Placitae In Parliamento Dom. Regis 33 E. 1. The Bishop of Winchesters Case Pas 3 E. 3. coram Rege Rot. 9. attached for a contempt in departing from the Parliament during its sitting without the Kings license and contrary to the Kings inhibition in contempt of the King who pleaded that this contempt ought to be corrected and amended in Parliament by the Peers and not else where in any inferiour Court. 3 E. 3.19 Fitz Corone 161. Stanford f. 153 3 and 4 Phil. and Mar. B. R. rot 39. is most clear by 31 H. 6. n. 45 46. where special fines are taxed on absent Lords by the Lords assent Therefore the Commons House cannot fine or tax their Members as now they doe since they never did it before this act and therefore are prohibited by it which restrains them to ancient usage before it In 7 R. 2. The Lord Thomas Camoyes a Peer of the Realm being elected Knight of the Shire for Surrey by the Freeholders of the County the King himself discharged him by special Writ and commanded the Sherif to cause another fit person to be elected in his place as I formerly proved p. 139 145. I read in Thomas of Walsingham that King Richard the 3. in the 11 year of his reign intending to call a Parliament summoned all the Sherifs of England to Nottingham Castle inquiring of them What power they could raise for him in every County against the Barons and charging them ut ipsi nullum Militem dâ— Pago vel Schira permitterent eligi nisi quem Rex et ejus Concilium elegissent who it seems gave them a list of the Names of those persons they should elect and return as the Major Generals have newly done Whereunto the Sherifs answered That all the Commons favoured the Lords neither was it in their power to raise any Army or Forces in this cause De Militibus eligendis dixerunt Communes velle tenere consuetudines usitatas quae volunt quod à Communibus Milites eligantur Whereupon they were dismissed Upon this the King soon after issuing out Writs to the Sherifs to elect Knights and Burgesses for the Parliament inserted this unusual Clause into them that they should chuse such Knights as were most fit and discreet and in the modern debates between the king and Lords most indifferent as the Writs themselves attest Rex Vic. Kanc. salutem quia de avisamento Consilii nostri pro quibusdum arduis urgentibus negotiis nos statum et defensionem Regni nostri Angliae ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus quoddam Parliamenâ—um nostrum apud Westm in crastino purificationis beatae Maâ—iae prox futur teneri Ordinavimus et ibidem vobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus Regni nostri Angliae colloquium habere tractatum tibi praecipimus firmiter injungentes quod de Comitatu tuo duos Milites gladiis cinctos magis idoneos et discretos Com. praed et in debatis modernis magis indifferentes c. T. R. apud Wyndesore xvii die Dec. Per ipsum Regem But the King being soon after informed by his Council that these Writs were contrary to the antient form of elections and contrary to the Liberty of the Lords and Commons hitherto obtained sent out new writs to all Sherifs of England to revoke and repeal this Innovating Clause before the Elections made Rex Vic. Kanc 〈…〉 licet nuper per breve nostrum inter caetera tibi praecâ—pimus firmiter injungentes quod de Comitatu tuo duos Milites gladiis cinctos magis idoneos et discretâ—s Com. prad et 〈◊〉 debatis â—dernis magis indifferentes eligi 〈…〉 Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westm in Crist 〈◊〉 purifiecationis bâ—atae Mariae proâ— futur tenâ—re Ordiâ—avimuâ— ad eâ—sdem idem 〈◊〉 veâ—ire facereâ— Nos tamen attendentâ—s dictam clausulam in debatis modernis magis indifferentes contra formam electionis antiquitus usitatae ac contra libertatem Dominorum et Communitatis Regni nostri Angliae hactenus obtentam existere Volenâ—esque proinde praedictos Milites libere eligi modo et forma prout antiquitus fieri consuerit Tibi praecimus firmiter inâ—ungentes quod de Com. tuo praedicto duos milites gladiis cinctos magis idoneos discretos Com. praedicti prout hactenus fieri consuevit eligi eos ad pradictos diem locum venire fac dicta clausula non obstante caeteraque omnia et singula in dicto brevi nostre contenta fac exequaris juxta tenorem ejusdem dictam clausulam penitus omittens Et habeas ibi hoc breve et aliud breve T. R. apud Westm primo die Jan. Per ipsum Regem et Consillum Consimilia brevia diriguntur singulis Vicocomitibus per Angl. Ac carissimo Aqunâ—ulo R. Johanni Regi Castell et-Legionis Duci Lancastr vel ejus Cancellar in eodem Ducatu sub eadem daâ—a A clear evidence that neither the Sherifs nor Commons house had any power to repell this new Clause but the King himself which here he did by his Councilâ— Apples before any complain against it in Parliament In the Parliament of 16 R. 2. n. 6. c. The Wednesday after the Parliament began Sir Philip Courtney returned by the Sherif of Devon for one of the Knights for that County came before the King in full Parliament and said that he understood how certain people had accused and slandered him to the King and Lords as well by Bill as by mouth of heinous matters and therefore prayed to be discharged of the said imployment until the said accusations and complaints were tried and found true or not true and because his said prayer seemed honest to the King and the Lords the King granted him his request and discharged him in full Parliament and the Monday following at the instance and prayer of the Commons the King granted that he should be restored and remitted to his place according to the return of the said Sherif for to counsel and doe that which belonged unto his office and afâ—er because he had been good and treatable with those who had complained upon him and condescended to a good treaty he was restored in full Parliament to his good fame The charge against him is expressed in the same Parliament roll n. 13 14. where two Petitions are preferred against him to THE KING and LORDS IN PARLIAMENT for putting Thomas Pontyngdon forciblyout of possession of the Maâ—or of Bygeloge without just cause and Richard Somestre out of other lands detaining them from them he being so powerfull in the County that no poor man durst to sue him Which Petitions were referred by consent in Parliament to certain Arbitrators to determine In the Parliament of 4 H.
of 26 H. 6. n. â— upon his excuse Whereupon William Tresham was elected in his place presented to and approved by the King n. 7. 5ly That when he is elected and approved yet in case of sickness and infirmity he may be removed and another chosen and presented in his place and that upon the Commons special Petition to the king in his behalf out of his meer Grace to discharge him and accept of another Thus in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 62 63 64. Sir John Cheyney Knight after his election and approbation was discharged and Sir John Dorew Knight elected presented and admitmitted by the Kings license to be Speaker in his room So in the Parliament of 1 H. 5. n. n. 7 9 10.11 Will. Sturton Esquire after he was chosen and allowed Speaker was removed for grievous sickness and John Doreward chosen in his place At the Parliament holden 15 H. 6. n. 10 27. Sir John Tirril knight was chosen and allowed yet removed for grievous sickness and William Beerell chosen in his place and that by the Kings special license and approbation to whom all those new Speakers were again presented by the Commons for his royal assent thereto 6ly That if he be altered by his Majesty by assent of the Council Lords as the entry is in the Parliament Rolls then he maketh a protestation or Petition to the king which consisteth of three parts 1. That the Commons in this Parliament may have freedom of speech as of right and custom they have used and all their antient and just Privileges and Liberties allowed them which the King usually granted with this caution That he hoped or doubted not That the Members would not speak any unfitting words or abuse this freedom and privilege for abuse whereof some have been committed Prisoners to the Tower by our Kings and Queens command 2ly That if he shall commit any Error in any thing he shall deliver in the name of the Commons no fault may be imputed to the Commons and that he may resort again to them for declaration of his good intent and that his Error may be pardoned 3ly That as often as necessity for his Majesties service and the good of the Common-wealth shall require he may by direction of the House of Commons have access to his Majesty If then the King hath the sole power and jurisdiction thus to nominate approve confirm disallow refuse discharge and remove the very Speakers of the Commons House themselves and not the Commons but by and with his special license grace and royal assent yea to grant them freedom of speech and their usual Privileges and liberties every Parliament upon their Petition and to pardon theirs and their Speakers Errors and that sitting in the Lords House with their assents then doubtlesse the king and Lords alone are the sole Judges of the Speakers and all other Members of the Commons House and have the sole power to judge of their undue elections retorns misdemeanors breaches of Privileges and all other matters concerning their Membership not the Commons And if they can neither constitute elect nor remove their own Speaker for sickness or any other cause without the kings privity and consent declared in the House of Lords much lesse can they suspend seclude or eject any Member out of the House when chosen and returned by the Freeholders Citizens or Burgesses as their Attorny or Trustee in equal power with themselves without the Kings or Lords consents for any pretext of unfitness or undue election And if the king as Sir Edward Cook grants and these presidents prove may discharge the Speaker from his Office for grievous sickness and inability to discharge it I mak no question but he may likewise upon the like Petition of the Commons or Speaker discharge him of his attendance in the House or any other Member for the self same reason and grant a Writ to elect another able and fitting person in his place according to the opinion of 38 H. 8. Brooks Parliament 7. and Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts f. 16. approved by the whole House of Commons and accordingly practised in 38 H. 8. against Sir Edward Cooks bare opinion without reason to the contrary In the Parliament holden at Westminster 5 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 38. Thomas Thorp his Case Item because that the Writ of Summons of Parliament returned by the Sherif of Roteland was not sufficiently nor duly returned as the Commons conceived the said Commons prayed our Lord the King and the Lords in Parliament that this matter might be duly examined in Parliament and that in case therâ— shall be default found in this matter that such a punishment might be inflicted which might become exemplary to others to offend again in the like manner Whereupon 〈◊〉 said Lord the King in full Parliament commanded the Lords in Parliament to examine the said matter and to do therein as to them should seem best in their discretions And thereupon the said Lords caused to come before them in Parliament as well the said Sherifs at William Oneby who was returned by the said Sherif for one of the Knights of the said County and Thomas Thorp who was elected in full Countie to be one of the Knights of the said Shire for the said Parliament and not returned by the said Sherif And the said parties being duly examined and their reasons well considered in the said Parliament it was agreed by the said Lords that because the said Sherif had not made a sufficienâ— return of the said Writ that he shall amend the said return and that he shall return the said Thomas for one of the said Knights as he was elected in the said County for the Parliament and moreover that the said Sherif for this default shall be discharged of his Office any committed Prisoner to the Fleeâ— and that he should make sins and ransome at the Kings pleasures â—oâ— here the Lords in Parliament at the Commons request and by the Kings command examine and give judgement in case of an undue election and retorn even without the Commons In this same Parliament Richard Cheddar Esquire a menial servant and attendant on Sir Thomas Brook chosen one of the Knights to serve in Parliament for the County of Somerset was horribly beaten wounded blemished and maimed by one John Savage Whereupon the Commons complained thereof to the King and Lords petitioning them for redress both in his particular case for the present and all others of that nature for the future that they might make fine at the Kings 〈◊〉 and render double damages to the party maimed whether Members of theirs Servants Whereupon it was ordained and established by the King and Lords that for as 〈…〉 deed was done within the time of the said Parliament that Proclamation be made where it was done that the said John appear and yield himself in the Kings Bench within a quarter of a year after the Proclamation
London by a Proces out of the Kings Bench at the sute of one White for the sum of two hundred marks or thereabouts wherein he was late afore condemned as a surety for the debt of one Welden of Salisbury which arrest being signified to Sir Thomas Moile knight then Speaker of the Parliament and to the knights and Burgesses there order was taken that the Serjeant of the Parliament called S. I. should forthwith repair to the Counter in Bredstreet whither the said Ferrers was carried there to demand delivery of the Prisoner Therupon the Serjeant as he had in charge went to the Counter and declared to the Clerks there what he had in commandment but they and other Officers of the City were so far from obeying the said commandment as after many stout words they forcibly resisted the said Serjeant whereof ensued a fray within the Counter Gates between the said Ferrers and the said Officers not without hurt of either part so that the said Serjeant was driven to defend himself with his mace of arms and had the Crown thereof broken by bearing off a stroke and his man stroken down During this brawl the Sherifs of London called Rowland Hill and H. Suckley came thither to whom the Serjeant complained of this injury and required of them the delivery of the said Burgesse as afore but they bearing with their Officers made little account either of his complaint or of his message rejecting the same contemptuously with much proud language so as the Serjeant was forced to return without the Prisoner and finding the Speaker and all the knights and Burgesses set in their places declared unto them the whole cause as it fell out who took the same in so ill part that they altogether of whom there were not a few as well of the Kings privy Counsel as also of his privy Chamber would sit no longer without their Burgess but rose up wholly and repaired to the Vpper House where the whole case was declared by the mouth of the Speaker before Sir T. Audeley knight then Lord Chancellor of England and all the Lords and Judges there assembled who judging the contempt to be very great referred the punishment thereof to the order of the Common house They returning to their places again upon new debate of the Case took order that their Serjeant should eftsoon repair to the Sherifs of London and require delivery of the said Burgess without any writ â— warrant had for the same but only as afore Albeit the Lord Chancellor offered there to grant a Writ which they of the Common House refused being of a clear opinion that all commandements and other acts proceeding from the neather House were to be done and executed by their Serjeant without Writ only by shew of his Mace which was his warrant But before the Serjeants return into London the Sherifs having intelligence how hainously the matter was taken became somewhat more mild so as upon the said second demand they delivered the Prisoner without any denial But the Serjeant having then further in commandment from those of the neather House charged the said Sherifs to appear personally on the morrow by 8 of the clock before the Speaker in the neather House and to bring thither the Clerks of the Counter and such other of their Officers as were parties to the said affray and in like manner to take into his custody the said White which wittingly procured the said arrest in contempt of the privilege of the Parliament which commandment being done by the said Serjeant accordingly on the morrow the two Sherifs with one of the Clerks of the Counter which was the chief occasion of the said affray together with the said White appeared in the Common House where the Speaker charging them with their contempt and misdemeanor aforesaid they were compelled to make immediate answer without being admitted to any counsell Albeit Sir Ro. Cholmley then Recorder of L. and other the Counsel of the City then present offered to speak in the cause which were all put to silence and none suffered to speak but the parties themselves whereupon in the conclusion the said Sherifs and the same White were committed to the Tower of London and the said Clerk which was the occasion of the fray to a place there called Little Base and the Officers of L. which did the arrest called Tailer with 4 Officers more to Newgate where they remained from the 28 until the 30 of March and then they were delivered not without humble sute made by the Mayor of L. and other their friends And forasmuch as the said Ferrers being in execution upon â— condemnation of debt and set aâ— large by privilege of Parliament was not by Law â—o be brought again into execution and so the party without remedy for his debt as well against him as his principal debtor after long â—ebate of the same by the space of 9 or 10 days together at last they resolved upon an Act of Parliament to be made and to revive the execution of the said debt against the said Welden which was principal debtor and to discharge the said Ferrers But before this came to passe the Commons House was divided upon the question but in conclusion the Act passed for the said Ferrers who won by 14 voices The King being then advertised of all this proceeding called immediately before him the Lord Chancellor of England and his Judges with the Speaker of the Parliament and other the gravest persons of the neather House to whom he declared his opinion to this effect First commending their wisdom in maintaining the privileges of the House which he would not have to be infringed in any point alleged that he being head of the Parliament and attending in his own person upon the business thereof ought in reason to have privilege for him and all his Servants attending there upon him So that if the said Ferrers had been no Burgesse but only his servant that in respect thereof he was to have the privilege as well as any other For I understand quoth he that you not only for your own persons but also for your necessary servants even to your Cooks and Horse-keepers enjoy the said privilege insomuch as my Lord Chancellor here present hath informed us that he being Speaker of the Parliament the Cook of the Temple was arrested in L. and in execution upon a Statute of the staple And forasmuch as the said Cook during the Parliament served the Speaker in that office he was taken out of execution by the privilege of the Parliament and further we be informed by our Judges that wee at no time stand so highly in our estate Royal as in the time of Parliament wherein we as Head and you as Members are conjoyned and knit together into one body politick so as whatsoever offence or injury during that time is offered to the meanest Member of the House is to be judged as done against our person and the whole Court of
Hall was moved to repair to the Lord Keeper and make such Oath which he did and then had a Writ of privilege In the Parliament of 23 Eliz. 21 Jan. Saturday Mr. Paul Wentworth moved for a publike Fast and for a Sermon every morning at 7. a clock before the House sate The House upon debate were divided about the Fast 115. were for and 100. against it It was thereupon ordered That as many of the House as conveniently could should on Sunday fortnight after assemble and meet together in the Temple Church there to hear preaching and joyn together in prayer with humiliation and fasting for the assistance of Gods spirit in all their consultations during this Parliament and for the preservation of the Queens Majesty and her Realm and the Preachers to be appointed by the privy Council that were of the House that they may be discreet not medling with Innovation or unquietness This Order being made by the Commons alone without the Lords and Queens privities assents the Queen being informed thereof sent a Message to the House by Master Vice-chamberlain a Member of it That her Highness had great admiration of the rashness of this House in committing such an apparent contempt of her express command not to meddle with her person the State or Church-government as to put in execution such an Innovation without her privity or pleasure first known Thereupon the Vice-chamberlain moved the House to make humble submission to her Majesty acknowledging the said offence and contempt craving the remission of the same with a full purpose to forbear the committing of the like hereafter Upon which by consent of the WHOLE HOUSE Mr. Vice-chamberlain carried this their submission to her Majesty as being the Judge and punisher of their misdemeanors even in the House it self though caried by majority of Voices In the Parliament of 28 Eliz. the Commons questioning the chusing and returning of the knights of the Shire for Norfolk the Queen said She was sorry the Commons medled therewith being a thing impertinent for that House to deal withall it belonging only to the Office of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and to whom they are returned In the Parliament of 35 Eliz. Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromley delivered a petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Vpper House to be suppliants with them of the Lower House unto her Majesty for intayling the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them The Queen being highly displeased therewith as contrary to her former strict command charged the LORDS of her COUNCIL to call the parties before them which they did and after Speech with them commanded them to forbear the Parliament and not to go out of their lodgings after which Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromley with Mr. Richard Stevens and Mr. Welch to whom Sir Henry had imparted the matter were committed to the Fleet sitting the Parliament And when Mr. Wrâ—th moved in the House that they might be humble suters to her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained It was answered by all the Privy Counsellors there present That her Majesty committed him for causes best known to her self and to press her Highness with this sute would but hinder them whose good as foughtâ— That the House must not call the Queen to account for what she doth of her royal Authority That the causes for which they are restrained may be high and dangerous That her Majesty liketh no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into these matters In the same Parliament M. Morrice Attorny of the Court of Wards by a Serjeant at Arms was taken out of the Commons House Febr. 28. and committed to prison by the Queens command for delivering in a Bill against the abuses of the Bishops on Tuesday Febr. 27. against which many Members spake that it should not be read The Queen hearing of it sent for Sir Edward Cooke then Speaker the same day giving him in command with her own mouth to signifie to the House her dislike of the said Bill preferred by Mr. Morrice and charging him upon his Allegiance if any such Bill he exhibited not to read it Adding It is in me and my power to call Parliaments it is in my power to end and determine them it is in my power to assent or dissent to any thing done in Parliament Lo here several Members of the Commons House imprisoned by the Queens command by the Lords of her Council for disobeying her express commands in her Speech in medling in matters of State and Ecclesiastical affaires which she had forbidden them to do So farr was the Commons house then from being the Judges or sole Judges of their own Members privileges speeches or actions in the House it self even in this good Queens late reign of blessed memory In the same Parliament of 35 Eliz. when Sir Edward 〈◊〉 was Speaker of the Commons House there fell out a question in the Commons House about the Amendment of a mistake in the 〈◊〉 of the Burgess of Southwark and after long debate it was resolved that the House could not amend it but the Lâ— Keeper in Chancery â—here the return was of record if he thought it amendable by Law and that Master Speaker should wait upon the Lord Keeper about it which he did who advised with the Judges concerning it as appears by the Journal In the same Parliament Thomas Fitz-Herbert of Staffordshire was elected a Burgess of Parliament and two hours after before the Indenture returned the Sherif took him prisoner upon a Capias Utlagatum Whereupon he petitioned the House that he might have a Writ of Privilege and be enlarged After many dayes debate and Arguments of this case in the House by sundry Lawyers and Sir Edward Cooke then Speaker it was agreed That no Writ of Privilege could in this case be returned into the House of Commons being but a Member of Parliament and no Court of Record but only into the Chancery or House of Peers And that this being a point of Law it was meet the Judges should be advised with and determine it not the House And at last he was outed of his privilege by the Houses resolution These forecited presidents in all ages will sufficiently prove the late objected presidents for the Commons sole Judicial Authority and Jurisdiction in cases of Privilege and Elections and the suspending ejecting fining secluding imprisoning their own Members and such who violate their privileges or make false returns to be a meer late Groundless Innovation if not Usurpation upon the King House of Peers and Chancellors of England no ways grounded on the Law and custom of Parliaments as Sir Edward Cooke mistakes but point-blank against them both and that the Statutes concerning Elections and attendance or absence of Knights and Burgesses as 5 R.
House it self without any report at all of their proceedings to the House authorizing Committees to secure imprison close imprison cashire banish condemn execute many persons sequester confiscate sell dispose their Inheritances Offices Lands Tenements Benefices real and personal estates to deprive them of their callings professions to search and break up their houses by Soldiers and others without any legal sworn Officers day and night to seize their Letters Papers Horses Arms Plate Money yea debts in other mens hands at pleasure to indemnifie and stay their legal actions sutes Judgements at Law and null their executions at their pleasures yea to commit them till they released all sutes actions Judgements and paid costs and damages to those they justly sued and recovered against to adde affliction to affliction and cruelty oppression to injustice These are the bitter fruits of Commons usurped judicature whereof there are thousands of most sad presidents which may hereafter be objected to prove the sole Power of Judicature to reside of right not in the K. or House of Lords but in the Commons House alone and every of their Committees especially for Examinations Plundered Ministers Sequestrations Indempnity Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Halls Privileges sales of Delinquents the Kings Queens Princes Lands and Estates Excise the Army Navy and the like yea in their new created High Courts of Justice who have acted as absolute arbitrary unlimited lawlesse Courts of justice in the highest degree to the subversion destruction of the antient Liberties Freeholds Properties Great Charters and fundamental Laws of the Nation in general and of thousands of the highest lowest degree of English Freemen in particular with as much ground of reason Warrant from the many late Presidents of this Nature as these here objected to prove a soâ—e right of â—udicature in the Commons House in cases of undue elections retorns misdemeanors privileges relating to their Members and their seruants Which strang exorbitant Presidents and Proceedings if they should be made Patterns for future Parliaments and Committees I shall desire all sober minded men to consider of the dangerous consequences of them thus notably expressed by the late King in his Answer concerning the Ordinance for imposing and levying the 20th part of mens estutes 29 November 1642. After this Ordinance and Declaration t is not in any sober mans power to believe himself worth any thing or that there is such a thing as Law Liberty Property left in England under the jurisdiction of these men and the same power that robs them now of the twentieth part of their estates hath by that but made a claim and entituled it self to the other nineteen whne it shall be thought fit to hasten the general ruine Sure if the minds of all men be not stubbornly prepared for servitude they will look on this Ordinance as the greatest prodigie of Arbitrary power and tyranny that any age hath brought forth in any Kingdom other grievances and the greatest have been conceived intollerable rather by the logick and consequence than by the pressure it self this at once sweeps away all that the wisdom and justice of Parliaments have provided for them Is their property in their estates so carefully looked to by their ancestors and so amply established by Us against any possibility of Invasion from the Crown which makes the meanest Subject as much a Lord of his own as the greatest Peer to be valued or considered here is a twentieth part of every mans estate or so much more as four men will please to call the twentieth part taken away at once and yet a power left to take a twentieth still of that which remains and this to be levied by such circumstances of severity as no Act of Parliament ever consented too Is their liberty which distinguishes subjects from slaves and in which this freeborn Nation hath the advantage of all Christendom dear to them they shall not only be imprisoned in such places of this kingdom a latitude of judgement no Court can challenge to it self in any cases but for so long time as the Committee of the House of Commons for Examination shall appoint and Order the House of Commons it self having never assumed or in the least degree pretended to a power of Judicature having no more authority to administer an Oath the only way to discover and find out the truth of facts than to cut off the heads of any our Subjects and this Committee being so far from being a part of the Parliament that it is destructive to the whole by usurping to it self all the power of King Lords and Commons All who know any thing of Parliament know that a Committee of either House ought not by Law to publish their own results neither are their conclusions of any force without the confirmation of the House which hath the same power of controling them as if the matter had never been debated but that any Committee should be so contracted as this of examination a stile no Committee ever bore before this Parliament as to exclude the Members of the House who are equally trusted by their Country from being present at the Counsels is so monstrous to the privileges of Parliament that it is no more in the power of any man to give up that freedom than of himself to order that from that time the place for which he serves shall never more send a Knight or Burgesse to the Parliament and in truth is no lesse than to alter the whole frame of government to pull up Parliaments by the roots and to commit the lives liberties and estates of all the people of England to the arbitrary power of a few unqualified persons who shall dispose thereof according to their discretion without account to any rule or authority whatsoever Are their friends their wives and children the greatest blessings of peace and comforts of life pretious to them would their penury and imprisonments be lesse grievous by those cordials they shall be divorced from them banished and shall no longer remain within the Cities of London and Westminster the Suburbs and the Counties adjacent and how far those adjacent Counties shall extend no man knows The 3 sort of Presidents and Objections are such as Lilburn and Overton insist on to prove That the King and Lords have no power at all to judge or censure Commoners in our Parliament The only Record they insist on is the Lords own Protestation in 4 E. 3. n. 2. 6. in the case of Sir Simon Bareford which because I have already fully answered p. 323 324 325. and cleared by sundry subsequent presidents and there being no one president in any Parliament since to contradict it I shall wholly pretermit and proceed to their objections which are only two The first and principall objections whereon they most insist and rely is the Statute of Magna Charta chap. 29. That no Free-man shall be imprisoned outlawed exiled or any other may destroyed Nor we shall not passe
Premises THe Principal scope of the Precedent Plea for the Lords and House of Peers being only to justifie and ratifie their ancient just Right to sit and vote in all English Parliaments and Great Councils or State and their Judicial Authority in them without the Commons especially in Criminal Causes then only controverted contradicted by Lilbourne Overton their Disciples I reputed it both useful and necessary to superadde thereto some memorable Presidents in former ages which no Vulgar writers of our English Parliaments have remembred of the Kings and Lords Proceedings Judicature in Parliament in Civil and Ecclesiastical Causes of publick and private concernment as no way heterogeneal but homogeneal to my Theam to make this Plea more compleat and communicate some more knowledge of Parliamentary Affairs and Proceedings both to the Ignorant and Learned in this declining age wherein learning and learned men of publick spirits in all Professions are so much decayed and little Visible Probability left of any speedy reparations of this inestimable losse for want of publick encouragement I shall proceed herein only in a Chronological Method as I have done for the most part in the premises beginning with the ancientest president I meet with of this kind and so descending to succeeding ages About the year of Christ 536 Our famous Brittish victorious King Arthur by his Letters and Messengers summoned all the Kings Prelates Dukes and Nobles subject to him to meet at the City of Caerleon on the feast of Pentecost then to be new crowned and settle the peace and affairs of his Realmes whereupon there assembled at that time and place thirteen Kings three Archbishops and many Princes Dukes Consuls Earls and LORDS whose names are registred in Geoffry Monmouth whiles they were thus convened there arrived twelve men with letters from Lucius Tiberius procurator of the Roman Republick demanding in high language The Tribute of Brittain which the Senate command King Arthur to pay with the arrears injuriously detained because Julius Caesar had reserved it upon his conquest of Brittain and hee with other Romane Emperours had long received it summoning him likewise to appear at Rome in August the year following to satisfie the Senate for the injuries done them and submit to the sentence their Justice should pronounce or else denouncing war against him This Letter being publickly read before all the Kings Princes Dukes and Nobles present the King consulted with them craving their unanimous advise and sense concerning this business affirming That this Tribute was exacted ex irrationabili causa against all reason for he demanded it to be payd as due because it was paid to Julius Caesar and his successors who invited by the devisions of the old Brittains arrived with an Army in Brittain and By force and violence subjected the Country to their power shaken with domestick commotions Now because they obtained it in this manner vectigal ex eo injuste receperunt therefore they unjustly received tribute out of it Nihil enim quod vi violentia acquiritur juste ab â—llo possidetur qui violentiam intulit irrationabilem ergo causam praeâ—endit qua nos jure sibi tribitarios arbitratur For nothing which is acquired by force and violence is justly possessed by any man who hath offered the violence Therefore hee pretends An irrationable cause whereby hee reputes us to be Tributaries to him c. The whole Council upon debate fully assented to this opinion and promised the King their assistance against the Romans in this cause Whereupâ—n King Arthur returned this answer That he would by no mâ—ans render them tribute neither would he submit himself to their judgement concerning it nor repare to Rome c. An expresse resolution That Conquest by warr force and violence is no good just nor lawful but an unlawful and unjust Title to any Tributes or Possessions which these who now pretend they are Conquerors and us a meer conquered Nation and therefore they may impose what Taxes Excises Tributes Laws Executions they please upon us when as they were only raysed waged commissioned to defend preserve our Laws Liberties King Parliament and Kingdomes not to conquer or enslave them may do well to consider In the year of our Lord 799. King Kenulfus upon the petition and complaint of Athelardus Arch-Bishop of Canterbury consentientibus EPISCOPIS ET PRINCIPIBUS MEIS assembled in a Parliamentary Council restored four parcels of Lands to Christ-Church in Canterbury which King Offa heretofore had taken from this Church and conferred on his Officers Kenulfus King of Mercia calling a Provincial Council held at Cloveshe Anno Dom. 800. wherein all the Bishops Dukes Abbots and Nobles of every order were assembled complaint was made therein that after the death of Arch-Bishop Cuthhert Verheb and Osbert led by a malignant spirit stole away the evidences and writings of the Monastery of Cotham and all the Lands thereunto belonging given by King Athelbald to our Saviours Church in Canterbury and brought them to Kenulfus King of the West-Saxons who thereupon converted the said Monastery and Lands to his own use After which â—regwin and Jambert Arch-Bishops of Canterbury complained of this injurie done to the Church in sundry Councils both to King Kenulfus and Offa King of Mercia who took from Kenulfus the Monastery of Cotham with many other Lands and Towns and subjected them to the Realme of Mercia At last Kenulfus induced by late repentance restored the evidences and writings of the said Monastery together with a great summe of mony to the said Church to prevent the danger of an excommunication but King Offa as hee received the said Monastery without writings so hee retained them during his life and left them to descend to his heirs without any evidence after his death whereupon Athelardus the Arch-Bishop and other wise men of Christ-Church brought these Evidences and Writing touching Gotham into this Council of Clovesho where when they had been publickly read OMNIUM VOCE DECRETUM EST that it was just the Metropoliticall Church should bee restored to the said Monastery of which shee had been unjustly spoiled for so long a time Athelardus receiving also in this Council the dignities and possessions which King Offa had taken from Jamberâ— annuente ipso Rege as Gervasius records In a Council held at Clovesho Anno 813. Upon complaint of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Arch-Bishoprick of Litchfield was dissolved and the Bishopricks annexed to it by King Offa taken from the See of Canterbury restored and reunited thereunto by the consent of King Kenulfus his Bishops Dukes and Nobles who writ a Letter to Pope Leo for that purpose unanimo consilio totius sanctae Synodi And in this Council also other lands were restored to the Bishop of Worcester and other controversies between Bishops concerning their Lands and Limits decided In another Council at Clovesho Anno 821. Wherein King Kenulfus Wulfred Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops Abbots
Lords gave him remedy by a Writ out of the Chancery Claus 14. E. 2. m. 12. in the Schedula there is a Judgement in Parliament by King Lords and Council touching the Abby of Abingdon and a composition formerly made between the Abbot Prior and monks thereof reversed nulled because inconvenient Claus 14. E. 2. m. 17. dorso there is a case concerning a reprisal brought by appeal out of the Chancery into the Parliament before the King Lords and Council and there heard and decided And Claus 15. E. 2. there are many cases and Writs touching Reprises In the Parliament of 1. E. 3. there were many Judgements given in sundry civil cases upon petitions To the King and his Council by the King Lords and Council extant in the bundle of Petitions and Claus Rolls of that year and those things that were proper for the Courts of Law and Chancery were referred to them to be there ended Claus 1. E. 3. m. 1. Upon the petition of Alice Gill and Robert Carder to the King Council and Parliament that they buying Corne in Abevil in France to transport to London it was arrested by the Baily of St. Valeric to the value of one hundred pounds at the suit of Will de Countepy of Crotye in Picardy and delivered to him against their wills because the Ship of the said Will was taken upon the Sea by the men of Bayon which ship the petitioners finding in the port of London had arrested by writ out of the Chancery directed to the Sheriffes of London until the said hundred pounds was paid them by the Merchant the King and Council ordered upon their petition that the ship might not be discharged till the 100 l. was satisfied that a Writ should be directed out of the Chancery to the Sheriffes of London to do Justice upon the contents in the Petition according to the Law of Merchants The like case of Reprise upon the Petition of Hugh Samson is in 1. E. 3. rot 5. In Claus 1. E. 3. part 1. m. 10. There is a Judgement given by the Lords and Council for the Bishop of Durham touching the Liberties and Royalties of his Bishoprick against the Kings revocation where in sundry Petitions and answers in former Parliament under King Edward the 2d are rehearsed wherein hee could have no right Mem. 12. there is a Judgement given by the Lords and Council in Parliament for the Bishop of York his prisage and preemption of wines next after the King in the Port of Hull and in Claus 1. E. 3. Pâ— 2. m. 11. Claus 4. E. 3. m. 9. remembred in the year Book of 6. E. 3. f. 50. So Claus 2. E. 3. m. 20. in Schedula there is Placitum in Parliamento before the King and his Council of the Dean and Chapter of Litchfield touching their Title to Camock Claus 14. E. 3. part 1. m. 41. Upon the Petition of the Bishop of Carlisle it was resolved by the Lords and Council in that and sundry other Parliaments in the Reign of this King and his Father non esse â—uri consonum that Churches and other things spiritual annexed to Archbishopricks and Bishopricks should belong to the King and Gardians of the temporalties but to the Gardians of the spiritualties and so ordered accordingly yea so was it resolved upon the Petition of the Bishop of Winchester to the King and his Council in the Parliament of Claus 1. E. 3. rot 9. dorso Where coram Rege et Magno Concilio concessum est et concordatum quod custodâ—s temporalium Episcopatus non se intromittant amplius temporibus vacationum hujusmodi fructibus Ecclesiarum de Estanmer Hamoldan annexed to the Bishoprick of Winchester In the Parliament of 14. E. 3. Sir Geoffry Stantens case upon his Petition to the King and Lords in Parliament the Justices of the Common Pleas came with the record of his case which had long depended before them in the Court of Common Pleas which being read and debated in the presence of all the LORDS Justices and others of the Kings Council their assistants in this case of Law they resolved that the Sonne being a stranger might aver that his Father who levyed the fine had nothing in the Lands and that the Wife in this case could not vouch her Husband And thereupon a Writ under the great Seal was sent to the Judges by the Lords order to give judgement accordingly Claus 35. E. 3. m. 40. A villain commits fellony and is attainted after that the Lord had seised his goods whereupon his goods were prized and seised on for the King notwithstanding the Lords seisure upon a Petition in Parliament It was resolved by the Lords and Council that it was just the goods should be restored to the Lord if they were not seised fraudulently to prevent the Kings seisure of them And a Writ of Restitution was thereupon awarded per ipsum Regem et per Petitionem in Parliamento In the 6. year of King Richard the 2d it was agreed between the Duke of Lancaster and the Scots in the Marches that for the benefit of both parties ut â—de caterâ— ipsi nee Anglici vexarenâ—ur per tot labores expensas sed singulis annis certi utriusque gentis destinarentur ad Parliamentum Regni utriusque qui et injurias acceptas proferrent in medium emendas acciparent secundum quantitatem damuâ—rum per Judicium Dominorum here the Lords both in the Parliament of England and Scotland are made sole Judges of injuries and dammages done by Scots or English upon one another in the Marches Quia vero Scoti ad Parliamentum Londoniis Anno 1383. supersederunt venire juxta conductum insuper damna interim plura Borealibus praesumpserunt inferre c. decretum est per Parliamentum ut frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem Et concessae sunt Borealibus commissiones congregandi virtutem exercitus Scotis resistendi damna pro damnis inferendi quoties contingeret Scotos irrumpere vel hostili mâ—re partes illas intrare In the Parliament of 4. H. 4. n. 9. Upon the complaint of Sir Thomas Pomeroy and his Lady against Sir Philip Courtney and others forcible entry into several Lands and Mannors in the Country of Devon The King and Lords adjudged that the said Sir Thomas should enter into the said Mannors and Lands if his entry were lawful or bring his Assize without all delayes at his election In the Parliament of 5. H. 4. n. 41 42 43 44. in a case concerning Mannors and certain Lands in the County of Cornwal between the Prince and John Cornwal and the Countesse of Huntington his wife the King and Lords gave Iudgement that the Prince should â—e restored to the said Mannors and Lands being parcels of the Dutchey of Cornwal and that the Prince after seisin had should regrant them unto them which was done accordingly in Parliament In 6 H. 4 n. 28. Upon the Petition of
the Prior of Coventry the King granteth by Assent of the Bishops and Lords that no man do break the head of their Conduit nor cast any filth into their water called Sherbouâ—n on pain of ten pound and treble dammages to the Prior. In the Parliament of 9. H. 5. n. 12. Upon long debates of the Lords and Iustices it was resolved by them that the Abbot of Ramsy should have no prohibition against Walter Cook parson of Somersham who sued for Tithes of a Meadow called Crowland Mead in the hands of the Abbots Tenants In the great case of Precedency between the Earl Marshall and Earle of Warwick in the Parliament of 3. H. 6. n. 10 11. c. The Lords being to bee Iudges of the same suspended both of them from sitting in the house till their case was fully heard and they all voluntarily swore on the Gospel that they would uprightly judge the case leaving all affection In the Parliament of 11. H. 6. n. 32 33 34 35. Upon a Petition the King and Lords in Parliament adjudged the Dignity Seigniory Earledome of Arundel and the Castle and Lands thereunto belonging to John Earle of Arundel who proved his Title thereto by a deed of Entayle against the Title of John Duke of Norfolck who layed claim thereunto And in the Parliament of 39 H. 6. n. 10. to 33. The claime of the Duke of York and his Title to the Crown of England against the Title of King Henry the 6 th was exhibited to the Lords in full Parliament the Lords upon consultation willed it to be read amongst them but not to bee answered without the King The Lords upon long consultation declared this Title to the King who willed them to call his Justices Sergeants and Attorney to answer the same Who being called accordingly utterly refused to answer the same Order thereupon was taken That every Lord might therein freely utter his conceit without any impeachment to him In the end there were five objections made against the Dukes Title who put in an answer to every of them which done the Lords upon debate made this order and agreement between the King and Duke That the King should injoy the Crown of England during his life and the Duke and his heirs to succeed after him That the Duke and his two sons should bee sworne by no means to shorten the dayes or impaire the preheminence of the King during his life That the said Duke from thenceforth shall be reputed and stiled to bee the very Heir apparent to the Crown and shall injoy the same after the death or resignation of the said King That the said Duke shall have hereditaments allotted to him and his sons of the annual value of ten thousand marks That the compassing of the death of the said Duke shall bee Treason That all the Bishops and Lords in full Parliament shall swear to the Duke and to his heirs in forme aforesaid That the said Duke and his two sons shall swear to defend the Lords for this agreement The King by Assent of the Lords without the Commons agreeth to all the Ordinances and accords aforesaid and by the Assent of the Lords utterly repealeth the statute of intayle of the Crown made in 1. H. 4. so alwaies as hereafter there be no better Title proved for the defeating of their Title and this agreement by the King After all which the said Duke and the two Earles his sonnes came into the Parliament Chamber before the King and LORDS and sware to performe the award aforesaid with protestation if the King for his part duly observed the same the which the King promised to do All which was inrolled in the Parliament Rolls Lo here the Lords alone without the Commons judge and make an award between King Henry the 6th and the Duke of York in the highest point of right and title that could come in question before them even the right and title to the Crown of England then controverted and decided the King and Duke both submitting and assenting to their award and promising swearing mutually to perform it which award when made was confirmed by an Act passed that Parliament to which the Commons assented as they did to other Acts and Bills And here I cannot but take special notice of Gods admirable Providence and retaliating Justice in the translation of the Crown of England from one head family of the royal blood to another by blood force war treason and countenance of the Authority of the temporal and spiritual LORDS and COMMONS in Parliament in the two most signal presidents of King Edward and King Richard the 2 d. which some insist on to prove the Commons Copartnership with the Lords in the power of Judicature in our Parliaments the Histories of whose Resignations of their Regal Authority and subsequent depositions by Parliament I shall truly relate Anno 1326. the 19. of Ed. 2d Queen Isabel returning with her Son Prince Edward and some armed forces from beyond the Seas into England most of the Earles and Barons out of hatred to the Spencers and Kingâ— repaired to them and made up a very great army The King thereupon proclaimed that every man should resist oppose kill them except the Queen Prince and Earle of Kent which they should take prisoners if they could and neither hold any correspondency with them nor administer victuals nor any other assistance to them under pain of forfeiting their bodies estates But they prevailing and the King being deserted by most hee fled into Wales for shelter Whereupon Proclamation was made in the Queens army every day that the King should return and receive his Kingdome again if hee would conforme himself to his Leiges Quo non comparente Magnasâ—es Regni Hereâ—ordiae Concilium injeâ—unt in quo filius Regis Edwardus factus est Cusâ—os Angliae communi Decreto cui cuncti tanquam Regni custodi fidelitatem fecerunt per fidei sacramentum Deinde Episcopum Norwicensem fecerunt Cancellarium Episcopum vero Wintoniensem regni Thesaururium statuerunt Soon after the King himself with most of his evil Counsellors were taken prisoners being betrayed by the Welch in whom they most confided Hagh Spencer Simon Reding Baldoik and others of the Kings party being executed at Hereford Anno 1327. the King came to London about the feast of Epiphany where they were received with great joy and presents Then they held a Parliament wherein they all agreed the King was unworthy of the Crown and fit to be deposed for which end there were certain Articles drawn up against him which Adam de Orleton Bishop of Winchester thus relates in his Apology i Ea autem quae de Consilio et assensu omnium Praelatorum Comitum et Baronum et totius Communitatis dicti Regni concordata ordinata fuerunt contra dictum regem ad amotionem suam a regimine regni contenta sunt in instrumentis publicis Reverendo patre domino J. Dei
gratia nunc Cantuariensi electo tunc Wintoniensi Episcopo et Angliae Thesaurario câ—nceptis et dictatis manu magistri Willielmi de Mees Clerici sui Secretarii publici Notari conscriptis et in publâ—cam formam redactis Quam quidem concordiam ad mei excusationem duxi praesent bus inferendam quae talis est Accorde est qe sire Edward fiz aisne du roy ait le government del Roialme et soit rois Coronne par les Causes qe sensiwent 1. Primerment Pur ceo qe la persone ly Roy nest pas suffisaunt de governer Car en touz son temps ad il este mene et governe par autres qe ly ount mavoisement consaillez a deshoneur de ly et destruction de sâ—int Eglise et de tout son people saunz ceo qe il le vousist veer ou conustre le quel il sust bon ou mavoys ou remedie mettre ou faire le vousist quant il fuist râ—quis par les graunts et sages de sâ—n Roialme ou suffrir qe amende fuist faite 2. Item Par tout son temp 〈◊〉 se voloit doner a bon consail no le croire ne a bon governemeâ—t de son Roialm meys se ad done toux jours as ouraignes et occupationes nient covenables entre lessaunt lesploit des bosoignes de son Roialme Item Par defaute de bon governement ad il perdu le Roialme Descoce et autres terres et seignuries en Gascoygne Hytland les quex son pere li lessa en pees amiste ly Roy de Fraunce et detz moults des autres graunts 4. Item Par sa fierte qualte par mavoys consail ad il destruit seint Eglise les persones de seint Eglise tenuz en prisoun les uns Et les alires en destresce et auxint â—lusours graunts et nobles de la terre mys a hountose mâ—nt enprisâ—nez exulâ—tz disheritez 5. Item La ou il est tenuz par son serement a faire droit a toux il ne bad pas volu faire pur son propre profâ—it et convetise de ly de ces mavois conâ—saili es â—e ount este preâ— de ly Ne ad garde les autres pointz del serement qil fist a son corounement si com iâ— feust tenuz 6. Item Il deguerpist son Royalme et fist taunt come en ly fust qe son Roialme son poâ—ple fust perduz qe pys est pur la crualte de ly defaute de sa personne il est trove incorrigible sauntz esperaunce de amendement les quex choses fount si notoires qil ne poount estre desdiâ—z The form and instrument of his deposition is thus recorded by Ranulp Cistrensis and Henry de Knyghton Also that year in the Octaves of Twelfth day was made a Parliament at London There BY ORDINANCE with a solemn message is sent to the King that was in prison 3 Bishops 3 Earls 3 Barons 2 Abbots 2 Justices for to resign to the King that was then in warde the homage that was make to him some time for they would no longer have him for their Lord One of them Sir William Trussel Knight and PKOCURATOR OF ALL THE PARLIAMENT spake to the king in the name of all the other and said I William Trussel in the name of all men of the lond of Englond and of all the Parleament Procurator I resign to thee Edward the homage that was made to thee sometime And from this time forthward now following I defie thee and pryve thee of all ryal power and I shall never be tendant to thee as for King after this time Also this was openly cryed at London The true form of his deprivation is thus recorded in the Chronicle of Leycester and transcribed out of it by Henry de Kryghton in French Jeo William Trussel Procurator dez Prelatez Conrez et Barons et altrez Gentz en ma procuracye nomes Eyantal ceo ployne suffysant poure eâ— Homages et Fealtez au vous Edward Roy Dengleterre come al Roy avant ces â—enres de par lez ditz persones en ma procuracye nomes renk et rebaylle sus a vous Ed. et deliver et face quiâ—ez lez persones avant ditz en la meâ—lâ—our manere que ley et custome donnent E face protestacion en nom de eaux qils ne voillent deformes estre en vostre sâ—alâ—e ne en vostre lyance ne cleyment de vous come â—e Roy â—iens teniâ— Encz vous teignent de â—horse priveye persone sans nule manere de â—eale dignite Cum haec Rex audisset multum de fuis malefactis doluit rugitus et lamenta emittens eo quod per falsos et proditiosos consiliarios sic omni suo tempore ductus fuerat Thomas of Walsingham thus relates the proceeding Convenit etiam illuc tota regni Nobilitas citata per prius ad Parliamentum tenendum ibidem trastino dicti â—esti ubi cuncti centuerunt regem indignum diademate et propteâ— plures articulos deponendum er Edwardum filium ejus primogenitum in regem unanimiter eligendum Quod etiam consequenter factum fuit et electio in aulâ— magna Westmonasterii publice divulgare per quendam ex Magnatibus sapientem Cui electioni consensit populus universus Archiepiscopus vero Cantuariâ—e praesenti consensit electioni ut omnes Praelati Archiepiscopus quidem assumpto themate vox populi vox Dei sermonem feci populo exhortans omnes ut apud regem regum intercederent pro electo Facto sermone discessum esâ— Ut autem notuit Reginae filliâ—ni electio et viri dejectio plena dolore ut foris apparuit sere mente alienata fuit Edwardus quoque filius suus mateâ—no doâ—ori compassus juravit quod invito patre nunquem susciperet coronam regni Idcirco communi decreto ex parte totius regni tres Episcopi duo Comiteâ— et duo Abbates et de quolibet Comitatu regnitre milites ac etiam de Londoniis et aliis civitatibus et magnis villis ut praecipue de portubus de qualibet certus raimerus persoâ—arum missi sunt ad regem apud Kenelworth qui nunciaâ—ent electionem filii sui et requirerent diligenter quod renunciaret dignitati regiae et coronae et permitteret eundem filium suum regnare pro eo alioquin ipsi reddirent sibi homagia et procederent in praetactâ—s Rex autem ut haec audivit â—um stetu et ejâ—latu respondit quod multum doluit de eo quod sic demeruit erga populum sâ—i regni et ab omnibus qui aderant veniam precabatur Sed ex quo aliter elâ—e non potuit gratias egit quod filium suum primogenitum elegissent Nuncii vero ad Parliamentum Londonias rede untes cum regis responâ—o et insigniis plebem laetam fecerunt mox tota regni
and Wyrsâ—hipp that longed thereto and assoiled all your Leiges of her ligeance and obeisance that longed to yowe uppe the fourme that is contened in the same Renunciation and Cession whiche ye redde your self by your mouth and affermed it by zour othe and by your owne writing upon whiche ye made and ordeyned your Procuratours the Ersbysshopp of York and the Bisshopp of Hereford for to notifie and declare in your name thes Renunciation and Cession at Westmynstre to all the States and all the people that was ther gadyrd because of the Sommons foresayd the whiche thus don yesterday by thes Lordes your Procuratours and wele herde and understonden thes Renunciation and Cession ware pleinelith and frelith accepted and fullich agreed by all the States and people forsayd And over this Sire at the instance of all thes States and people ther ware certein Articles of defauts in your governance redde there and tho we le herd and plesnelich understonden to all the States forsayd hem thoght hem so trewe and so notorie and knowen that by the causes and as by mo other as thei sayd and havyng consideration to your owne wordes in your own Renunciation and Cession that ye were not worthy ne sufficient ne able for to govern for your owne demerites as it is more pleinerlich contened therin hem thoght that wos reasonable and cause for to depose yowe and her Commissaries that thei made and ordeined as it is of record ther declared and decreed and adjudged yowe for to be deposed and priveâ— and in dede deposed yowe and pryved yowe of the astate of Kyng and of the Lordsship contened in the Renunciation and Cession forsayd and of all the Dignite and Wyrsship and of all the administration that longed thereto And we Procuratours to all these States and people forsayd os we be charged by hem and by her auctorite giffen us and in her name yelde yowe uppe for all the States and people forsayd Homage Liege and Feaute and all Ligeance and all other Bondes Charges and Services that longe therto and that non of all tbes States and people fro this tyme forward ne here yowe feyth ne do yowe obeisance â—s to thar Kyng And he answered and sayd that he looked not therafter but he sayde that after all this he hoped that is Cosyn wolde bee good Lord to hym Joesdy le â—xiiij Doctober Lerecuesque de Canterbire chargea deper le Roy touz les Seigneurs Espirituales temporales toutz antres y estantz sur Leur Ligeance que ceo que lors serroit monstres on parlez illoeqe serroit tenuv consâ—il qil ne serroit ascunement discoverez a nully vivant Et pius apres demandez feust per le Count de Northumbr pur la seurte du Roy de touz Lestatz du Roialme Coment leure semble que serroit erdeignez de Richard nadgaires Roy pur Luy mettre saufegard Sauvant su vie quele le Roy voet que luy soit sauvez touz maners Surquoi responduz feust per toutz Les Signiars severalment examines dont les nomes si ensuent que leur semble qil serroit mys en sauso secregard en tiel Lien on nul concours dos gâ—ntz yad qil soit gardez perseures sufficientz persone que nul que este familier du dit nadgairs Roy soit ascunement entour sa persone que ceo soit fait en le pluis seâ—re manere que faire sa purra Les nomes des Seigneurs demandez assentez en La question suisditz cy ensuent Cestassavoir Lerceuesque de Canterbrie Lerceuesque Deuerwyck Leuesque de Londres Leuesque Dely. Leuesque de Nicholl Leuesque de Norwich Leuesque de Roucestre Leuesque de Sar. Leuesque Dexcestr Leuesque de Cicestr Leuesque de St. Asaph Leuesque de Cestr Leuesque de St. Davids Leuesque de Landafe Leuesque de Duresme Labbe de Westminster Labbe de St. Albon Labbe de St. Austyn Labbe de Bury Labbe de St. Doverwycke Labbe de Glocestr Labbe de Battaill Le Prince Le Duc de Nerwyck Le Count Darundell Le Count de Warr. Le Count de Staff Le Count de Northumbr Le Count de Suff. Le Count de Wircestr Le Sgr. de Roos Le Sgr. de Grey de Ruthin Le Sgr. de Cherleton Le Sgr. de Bardolf Le Sgr. de Willughby Le Sgr. de Furnival Le Sgr. de Ferrers Le Sgr. de Beaumont Le Sgr. de Berkeley Le Sgr. de Fitz Wauters Le Sgr. de Manley Le Sgr. de Scales Le Sgr. de Morley Le Sgr. de Burnell Le Sgr. de Lovell Le Sgr. de Camoi Le Sgr. de Seymore Le Sgr. de Crombwell Le Sgr. de Cobham Monsr Henr. Peircy Monsr Richard Scroop Le Sgr. Fitz Hugh Le Sgr. de Bergeueny Le Sgr. de Lomley Le Baron de Greystocks Le Baron de Hilton Monsr Thomas Erpingham Chambr Monsr Mayhew Gowinay Mr. Hall in his Chronicle fol. 10. and others relate that in this Parliament when it was demanded by the Kings friends what should be done with King Richard Thomas Menkes Bishop of Carlile which was a man both well learned and well stomacked rose up and said My Lords I require you take heed what answer you make to this question For think there is none of you worthy or meet to give judgement on so noble a Prince as King Richard is whom we haven taken for our Sovereigne and Liege Lord by the space of two and twenty years and I assure you there is not so ranck a traitour nor so arrant a theef nor so cruel a murderer which is apprehended and deteined in prison for his offence but hee shall be brought before the Justice to hear his judgement and yet you will proceed to the judgement of an annointed King and hear neither his answer nor excuse And I say that the Duke of Lancaster whom you call King hath more offended and more trespassed to King Richard and this Realme than the King hath either done to him or to us For it is manifestly known that the Duke was banished the Realme by King Richard and his council and by the judgement of his own Father for the space of ten years for what cause all you know and yet without license of King Richard hee is returned again into the Realme yea and that is worse hath taken upon him the name title and preheminence of a King And therefore I say and affirm that you do apparently wrong and manifest injury to proceed in any thing against King Richard without calling him openly to his answer and defence When the Bishop had ended he was incontinent by the Earl Marshal attached and committed to ward in the Abbey of S. Albanes And then it was concluded that King Richard should continue in a large prison and should be plentifully served of all things necessary both for viands apparel From the proceedings against
these 2. deposed Kings these 2. inferences have been made 1. That the Commons have a joynt interest with the Lords in the Judicature and Jugements in Parliament 2. That the Proceedings against our late condemned beheaded King are justifiable and warranted by them I answer that neiâ—her of these 2. Consequences are proved by them For 1. The Commons themselves in this Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. immediately after King Râ—chards deposition confess That the Judicature and Judgements of Parliament belong only to the King and Lords not to the Commons 2ly The Commons neither in nor out of Parliament are may or ought to be the Judges of the meanest Lord or Peer of the Realm who are to be judged tried by their Peers alone as I have abundantly evidenced in the premises Much less then can they be lawful Judges of their Soveraign Lord and King who is a degree above all the Peers of highest dignity In the Parliament An 1260. Prince Edward as I have proved before would be tried only by 2. Kings because all the rest of the Earls and Barons were not his Peers neither could they be his Judges much less then can Peers or Commons be their Kings Judges Peers to ondemn or try him 3ly Our Law-books resolve That the King hath no Peers in his own Realm and Therefore he can neither be legally tried nor judged by the Peers themselves much less by the Commons in Parliament 4ly The Lawes of Hoel Dha King of Wales about the year 940. Lex 20. resolve Rex non poterit secundum legem in lite stare coram Judice suo agendo vel respondendo per dignitatem naturalem yea all the Lords and Commons of England in the Parliament of Lincoln Anno 29. E. 1. in their forecited Letter to the Pope p. 128. resolve That the Kings of England Ex praeeminentia status suae Regiae dignitatis ex consuetudine cunctis temporibus observata neque responderunt neque respondere debebant coram aliquo Iudice Ecclesiastico vel seculari supâ—r juribus suis in regno c. Much less then may or ought they to be put to answer criminally for their lives or Crowns before any Ecclesiastical or Temporal Judge Peers or Commons House or High Court of COMMONS 5ly The Statutes of 16 R. 2. c. 5. and of 25 H. 8. c. 19.21 thus declare resolve and the Archbishop of Canterbury in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. n. 20. protested against the Popes pretended Supremacy That the Crown of England hath been so free at all times that it hath been in subjection to no Realm or Person but immediatly subject to God and to none other in all things touching the Regality of the said Crown And the Statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 19 21 22. 26 H. 8 c. 1.3 27 H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7.10 31 H. 8. c. 10.15 32 H. 8. c. 22.24 26. 33 H. 8. c. 29. 35 H. 8. c. 1.3.17 19. 37 H. 8. c. 17. 1 E. 6. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 8 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Jac. c. 3 4. declare and enact The King to be the only Supreme Head Governor upon Earth both of the Church Realm of Engl. both of which recognize no Super or under God but only the King To affirm then that the Lords or Commons in Parliament may lawfully judge depose the King and deprive him of his Crown Regalities Head Life is to contradict repeal all these Statutes since the inferior Members can no more legally judge the Supreme head of the body politick than the head of the body natural or the Courrs in Westminster hall or Hundred Courts judge the High Court of Parliament and condemn repeal their Acts or Judgements 6ly Though Articles were drawn up against these two Kings pro forma yet neither of them was ever required or judicially summoned to make answer to them or heard or brought to trial before the Lords or Commons Barr or any other Tribunal or Court of Justice Whence the Bishop of Carlisle protested against it as most illegal unjust and trayterous Therefore neither the Lords nor Commons could be properly said their Iudges in this case and their Judgement without hearing or trial of them must needs be most erronious as well as Mortimers and the Earl of Arundels forecited 7ly The Lords and Commons resignation of their Homage to these 2. Kings when deposed shew that even then they esteâ—med them their Superiors Lords Homage being the most honourable and humble service that a franktenant may do to his Lord the tenant being ungirt his head uncovered kneeling down on both his knees before his Lord sitting covered and holding up his hands joyntly together between his Lords and the Kings hands when he doth his homage saying I become your man from this day forward of limb and of earthly worship and unto you shall be true and faithfull and bear faith for the tenements I hold of you And when done to any other Lord it is with a Saving the faith I owe unto our Soveraign Lord the King and his Heirs 8ly The Sentences of Deposition against them were given only by the Legislative power not JUDICIAL by way of Bill consented unto in the Parliament house by the Lords and Commons then sent to these Kings to their prisons and there read unto them by Committees and Proxies representing all the Estates in Parliament Therefore the reading of them to these Kings in their prisons was not properly a judgement neither did it constitute them who read it to them their Judges much less create the Commons Judges of these Kings 9ly All the Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons concurred joyntly in this Act of resigning their Homage to these Kings to whom they were all joyntly obliged and in whom they had all a common interest Et quod tangit omnes ab omnibus debet approbari Therefore it is no warrant for the proceedings against our late King without the consents and against the Express Votes of the whole House of Lords and of the Majority of the Commons house 10ly The Lords alone without the Commons gave Judgement for the close and perpetual imprisonment of King Richard the 2. therefore they were his sole and proper Judges by way of Sentence his deposition being by the Legislative not Judicial power 11ly These Kings especially the later of them had no sentence of deposition nor proceedings against them til they had through fear or pusillanimity first resigned their Crowns and kingship as unfit to reign or govern any longer which was made the principal ground of their subsequent declaratory depositions by the Lords and Commons when they had reduced themselves into the condition of private men by their resignations These presidents therefore cannot justifie the late proceedings against an actual lawful hereditary King by a small party of the Commons house alone without the House of Peers or the Majority of their fellow-Members who never resigned his
Gulielmus Nubrigensis relates Qâ—cunque Rege tyrannice occiderat eo ipso personam et potestatem Regiam induens suo quoque occisori tandem post modicum fortunam inveteratae consuetudinis lege relicturus Quippe ut dicitur à centum retrò annis et eo amplius cum Regum ibidem numerosa successio fuerit Nullus eorum senio aut morbo vitam finivit fed omnes ferro interiere suis interfectoribus tanquam legitimis successoribus regni fastigium relinquentes ut scilicet omnes qui tanto tempore ibidem imperasse noscuntur illud quod Scriptum est respicere videatur OCCIDISTI INSUPER ET POS SEDISTI Wherefore to prevent the dangerous Consequences of these false Glosses on the Statutes of 25 E. 3. c. 2. 11 H. 7. c. 1. I shall lay down these infallible grounds 1. That all publike Laws are and ought to be founded in Justice righteousnes and common honesty for the preserving securing the lives persons estates of all men especially of lawful Kings and Supreme Magistrates from all violence invasion force disseisins usurpations conspiracies assassinations being against all rules of Law and Justice Exod. 20.12 to 18. c. 21 22. 23. Mat. 5.17 to 48. c. 7. 12. Deut. 4.18 Psal 19.8.9 Ps 119.7.106 137 138·160 167. Rom. 7.12 Deut. 6.25 Ps 33.5 Ps 45.7 Ps 72.2 Ps 74.15 Prov. 8.18 Prov. 24.21 Rom. 13.1 to 7. Lu. 20.25 Tit. 3.1 2 3. 1 Tim 1.9 10. Job 20.19 c. 24.2 Mich. 2.1 2 3 4. Jer. 6.7 c. 20.8 c. 22.3.17 Ezech. 45. c. Hab. 1 2. to 10. Lu. 3.14 Whence Cicero thus defines Law Lex est ratio summa insita in natura quae jubet ea justa quae facienda sunt prohibe que contraria Therefore these 2. Statutes were purposely made for those great ends and ought to be interpreted onely for the best advantage of Lawfull Kings and their adherents not for the indemnity impunity encouragement of Traytors Rebels Intruders Usurpers 2ly What Tully writes of the Roman Senators we ought to doe the same of our English Parliaments and Legislators Ea virtute et sapientia majores nostri fuerunt ut legibus scribendis nihil sibi aliud quam salutem atque utilitatem reipublicae proponerent Whence he there inferrs A Legibus nihil convenit arbitrari nisi quod reipublicae conducat proficisci quoniam ejus causa sunt comparatae Therefore these Laws are to be interpreted for the best security safety preservation of the lawfull heads of the Commonwealth and their rightfull heirs and loyal dutifull subjects not for their destruction and the indemnity security of Usurpers Traytors Rebels aspiring after their Crowns Thrones Assassinations to the publike ruine 3ly All the branches of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. made at the special request of the Lords and Commons and that by a lawful King at that season declare this Statute to be meant only of a lawful King whiles living whether in or out of actual possession of the Realm not of a bare Usurper in possession without right as Sir Edward Cooke expounds it else it will necessarily follow That it shall be no Treason at all to compasse or imagine the death of the King de jure if once dispossessed for a time by Violence and Treason or of his Queen or eldest son and heir or to violate his Queen or eldest daughter not married or to levy war against the lawfull King in his Realm or to be adherent to his Enemies within the Realm or elsewhere or to counterfeit his Great or Privy Seal or mony c. But high Treason in all these particulars in relation only to the Vsurper in possession without and against all right and Title which would put all our rightful Kings and Supreme Governors into a farr worser sadder condition than their Trayterous Vsurpers and into a worse plight than every Disseisee or lawfull heir intruded upon by abatement or dispossessed by torcions unjust or forcible entries for which our Common and Statute Laws have provided many speedy and effectual means of recovering their possessions and Damages too against Disseisorâ— Abators Intruders on their Inheritances Freeholds for exemplary punishment fining imprisonment of the Disseisors Abaters but no means of recovery at all for our dishinherited disposseâ—ed Kings or their heirs against Intruders Vsurpers of their Crowns nor punishments against them their Confederates or Adherents if our Laws concerning Treasons extend not unto them though Kings de jure but only to Usurpers de facto et non de jure and if the Statute of 11 H. 7. exempt them from all kinds of penalties forfeitures by the lawfull King when he regains possession of the Crown as some now expound them 4ly It is resolved both by our Statutes Judges Law-books over and over That there is no Inter-regnum in our hereditary kingdom or any other That so soon as the rightfull hereditary King dies the Crown and Realm immediatly descend unto and are actually vested in the person and possession of the right heir before either he be actually proclaimed or crowned King and that it is high Treason to attempt any thing against his Person or royal authority before his Coronation because he is both King de jure de facto too as was adjudged in Watsons and Clerks case Hill 1. Jacobi Hence upon the death of King Henry the 3. though Prince Edward his heir was absent out of the Realm in the holy wars where he received a dangerous wound by an assassinate and was not certainly known to be alive yet all the Nobility Clergy and people going to the high Altar at Westminster swore fealty and allegeance to him as their King appointed a New Seal and Officers under him qui thesauram Regis pacem regni fideliter custodirent Sicque pax Novi Regis Edwardi in cunctis finibus regni proclamatur Edwardo fidelitatem Jurantes qui si viveret penitus ignorarunt Besides it is both enacted resolved in our Statutes Lawbooks That Nullum tempus occurrit Regi and that when the King is once in legal possession of his Crown Lands or any Lands holden of him by reason of his Praerogative he who enters or intrudes uppon them shall gain no freehold thereby yea if the Kings Tenant dieth and his heir enter into the lands his ancestors held of the King before that he hath done his homage and received seisin of the King though he hath a right of inheritance to the Lands by Law yet he shall gain no freehold and if he die yet his wife shall not be indowed because he gained no freehold by his entry but only a naked possessioÌ„ much les then shal a meer Intruder gain any Freeheld or interest in the Crown or Crown lands it self to the prejudice of the rightfull King or his heirs This is most evident by the sacred presidents of K. David still King when unjustly dispossessed driven out of his
kingdom by his unnatural Son Absolon who made himself King de facto who was yet a traytor with all his Adherents and came to a tragical end 2. Sam. c. 15. to c. 20. by the case of Adonijah the Vsurper and his Adherents slain and degraded as Traytors and of the Usurper Athaliah who had near 7. years possession of the Throne and slew all the bloud royal but Ioash yet was shee dispossessed slain as a murderer traytor usurper and Ioash the right heir set upon the Throne and crowned King by Jehoiada the high Priest the Captains and Rulers of the host and Officers people of the Land who all rejoyced and the City was quiet after that they had slain Athaliah with the sword 2 Kings 11. 2 Chro. c. 23. And as this was Gods Law amongst the Jews So it was the antient Law of England under the antient Britons as is evident by the case of the Usurper Vortigern who afâ—er his Usurpation of the Crown by the murther of two rightfull Kings Constantine and Constance and near 20 years possession by usurpation the Britons calling in and crowning Aurelius Ambrosius the right heir for their lawfull King he was prosecuted by him as a Traytor both to his Father and Brother whom he caused to be murdered to gain the Crown besieged assaulied and burnt to death in the Castle of Genorium in Wales with all his adherents that were in it This Law continued not onely under our Saxon Kings but English too as is evident by the case of Qu. Maud reputed a lawfull Queen notwithstanding the usurpation Coronation and actual possession of King Stephen in her absence all whose grants of the Crown lands were resumed by her Son King Henry the 2. and King Stephens Charters and Grants of them resolved null and void against King Henry because made by a Usurper and Invader of the Crown King John in the year 1216. was renounced by most of his Nobles Barons people who elected crowned and swore allegeance to Lewes as their King and dispossessed King John of all or most of the Realm who thereupon at his death cum summa mentis amaritudine maledicens non valedicens omnibus Baronibus suis pauper omni thesauro destitutus nec etiam tantillum terrae in pace â—inens ut vere JOHANNIS EXTORRIS diceretur ex hac vita miserrime transmigravit Henricum primogenitum suum REGNI CONSTITUENS HAEREDEM Yet no sooner was he dead though Lewes was K. de facto and that by the Barons own election who called him in and crowned him but Gualo the Popes Legat and many of the Nobles and People asâ—embling at Glocester there crowned Henry his Son for their true and lawfull King at Glocester cogente necessitate quoniam Westmonasterium ubi locus est ex consuetudine regiae consecrationis deputatus tunc ab inimicis suis suit obsessum After his Coronation he received the homages and fealties of all the Bishops Earls Barons and others present at his Coronation Sicque Nobiles Universi Castellani eo multo fidelius quam regi Johanni adhaeserunt quia propria patris iniquitas UT CUNCTIS VIDEBATUR filio non debuit imputari After which most of the Nobles and English deserting Lewes submitted themselves to Henry as their lawfull Soveraign routed the French forces besieged Lewes in London forced him to swear that he would depart the Realm and never to return more into it during his life and presently restore all the Lands and Castles he had taken in England by warr and resign them to King Henry Which he accordingly performed Most of the Barons who adhered to Lewes and submitted themselves to King Henry were by agreement restored to all their rights inheritances and Liberties But some Bishops Abbots Priors Secular Canons and many Clergy-men qui Ludovico Baronibus consilium praestuerant et favorem and continued obstinare were excepted out of the composition between King Henry and Lewes and thereupon deprived of their livings goods and forced to make fines and compositions for adhering to the Usurper Lewes though King de facto for a season Therefore a King de facto gets neither a legal freehold against the King de Jure or his heirs nor can he indemnify his adherents against his Justice who are still Traytors by adhering to him though crowned and the King de jure may punish them as such 5ly Since the Statute of 25 E. 3. which altered not the Law in this point before it in the Parliaments of 1 E. 4. roâ— Parl. n. 8. to 37.4 E. 3. n. 28. to 41.14 E. 4. n. 34 35 36. King Henry the 6. himself though king de facto for 39. years and that by Act of Parliament and a double descent from Henry the 4th and 5th Usurpers and Intruders together with his Queen and sundry Dukes Earls Barons Nobles Knights Gentlemen who adhered to him in his wars against Richard Duke of Yorke and Edward the 4th King de jure were all attainted of high Treason all their lands goods chattels forfeited some of them executed as Traytors for adhering to Henry the 6. and assisting him in his wars against Edward the 4th king only de jure it being adjudged High Treason within the Statute of 25 E. 3. against Sir Edward Cooks fond opinion to the contrary As for the Year-book of 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. that the King de jure when restored to the Crown may punish Treason against the king de facto who usurped on him either by levying warr against him or compassing his death it was so farr from being reputed Law in any age being without and against all Presidents or in King Edward the fourths reign that those who levied war against Henry the 6. were advanced rewarded as loyal Subjects not punished as Traytors for it by King Edward the 4th when actually King It being not only a disparagement contradiction to the Justice Wisdom Title Policy and dangerous to the person safety of any King de jure to punish any of his Lieges Subjects for attempting the destroying deposing of an Vsuper of his Crown and Archtraytor to his person but an owning of that Usurper as a lawfull King against whom high Treason might be legally committed and a great discouragement to all loyal Subjects for the future to aid him against any Intruders that should attempt or invade his Throne for fear of being punished as Traytors for this their very loyalty and zeal unto his safety Moreover all the gifts grants made by Henry the 4 5 6. themselves or in and by any pretenced Parliaments under them were nulled declared void and resumed they being but meer Usurpers and kings de facto not de jure 6ly It is the judgement resolution of learned Polititians Historians Civilians Canonists Divines as well Protestants as Papists Jesuites and of some Levellers in this age that it is no Offence Murther Treason at all by the Laws of God
or men but a just lawfull commendable heroick righteous and meritorious action to kill destroy dethrone or wage warr against a professed Tyrant especially such a one who invades his lawfull Soveraigns Throne Crown by perjury treason force regicide expulsion deposition or assassination of his rightfull undoubted Soveraign against his duty and allegiance without any colour of just Title to the Crown And this they hold unquestionable when done either by command or commission from the King de jureâ— or his rightfull heir or successor though out of actual possession or out of meer loyalty and duty to restore them to the just possession of their Thrones or to free their Native Country from the miseries oppressions wars murders bloudsheds and apparent destruction occasioned by his Usurpation of the Crown which is warranted by the presidents of Athaliah 2 Kings 11. 2 Chron. 23. and of Zimri 1 Kings 16.8 to 23. recorded in Scripture with hundreds of examples in other Histories of all antient and modern Empires kingdomâ— Besides when the usurping King de facto is removed dead destroyed and the king de jure or his right heir restored by way of remitter to the actual possession of the Crown in disaffirmance of the usurpers right and possession they are in the selfsame plight and condition in Law as if they had never been usurped upon or dispossessed of the Throne Therefore the King de jure can neither in Law nor Justice when remitted punish any such attempt against the king de facto as Treason it being no Treason in it self and the Usurper no lawfull king at all but the very worst and greatest of Traytors whiles a Usurper So that 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. can be no Law at all but a most gross absurdity 7ly It is a Principle in Law that no Disseisor Trespassor or Wrong-doer shall apportion or take advantage of his own wrong in the case of a common person much less then shall the Usurper of the actual possession of his lawfull Soveraigns Crown being the highest Offender Traytor Wrong-doer take advantage to secure himself or his adherents by his wrongfull trayterous possession against the Statute of 25. E. 3. or the ax of Justice The rather because this Statute was made and the Treasons therein specified declared and enacted to be Treason by King Edward the 3. and most of of those Lords who in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. but 21. years before at this Kings request and by his assent declared adjudged condemned executed Roger Mortimer and his Complices as Traytors guilty of HIGH TREASON for murdering King Edward the 2. his father after he was deposed in Parliament because he was still king de jure though not de facto Therefore they most undoubtedly resolved the king de jure though not regnant to be a King within that Act not the king de facto without right or title as Sir Edward Cooke erroniously asserts 8ly If the imagining or compassing the death or deposing or imprisoning of the King declared by overt act or rearing war against him or adhering to his enemies by any ambitious Usurper be High Treason within this Act for which he and his adherents shall lose their lives lands estates and suffer as Traytors though he never actually kill depose imprison or dispossess the King of his actual Regal power as the Council of Calchuth An. 787. cap. 3. The Council of Aenham An. 1009. cap. 26. with all our antient Laws Lawbooks Lawyers cited by Sir Edw Cook in his 3. Instit c. 1 2. the Statutes of 25 E. 3. all our other Acts concerning Treason and the forecited Judgements Presidents in Parliament with others in Queen Elizabeths reign abundantly evidence Then it is much more High Treason in the highest degree within the letter intention of all these Laws actually to usurp and get possession of the Crown by levying warr against and imprisoning degrading expelling banishing or murdering the lawful King himself and depriving him or his right heir of the possession of the Crown there being a complication of all the highest Treasons involved in an actual usurpation and a greater damage prejudice to the King kingdom than in a successless attempt alone which proves abortive and is quickly ended And if so then such an Arch-Traytors actual usurpation of the Crown must by consequence be so far from indemnifying him or mitigating or expiating his Treasons that it doth aggravate them to the highest pitch and expose him and his adherents to the highest penalties though king de facto and that both by the Law of God himself as is evident by the cases of Athaliah and of Baasha who conspiring against and slaying his Soveraign Nadab son of Jeroboam and then reigning in his stead smote all the House of Jeroboam not leaving to him any that breathed according to the saying of the Lord yet because he provoked God to aâ—ger with the works of his hands in being like the House of Jeroboam and BECAUSE HE KILLED HIM his son Elah who reigned in his stead two years was by Gods retaliating Justice slain by Zimri who reigning in his stead assoon as he sat on the Throne slew all the house of Baasha so that he left him not one that pissed against the wall neither of his kinsfolks nor of his Friends according to the word of the Lord which he spake against Baasha by Jehu the prophet When Zimri had thus reigned by Usurpation bloudshed but 7. days all the people of Israel that were incamped against Gibethon hearing that Zimri had conspired and also slain the King made Omri Captain of the host king over Israel that day in the camp who presently all marched from Gibethon to Tirzah besieged Zimri in it where he was burnt with fire in the Kings house and died for his sins and THE TREASON which he wrought All these Usurpers though kings de facto and Gods special instruments to punish and cut off other evil Kings and their families who usurped the Crown of Israel and kept the 10. revolting Tribes from the house of David to whom God had annexed them at first till rent from it by Jeroboams rebellion for Solomons sin were yet Traytors still in Gods and mens account and thus exemplarily slain and punished as such The like Examples we find in the Gothish and Spanish Histories every such actual Invader of the Crown qui regem nece attractaverit aut potestate Regni exuerit aut praesumptione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit being condemned and for ever accursed excommunicated with the highest Anathema that can be inflicted by the 4. Council of Toledo can 74. and also by the 5. Can. 2 3 4 5 6. The like presidents we find in the Histories of the Roman Emperors of the kings of Denmark Poland France Scotland and other Realmes where Usurpers of the Crown though in actual possession have been oft times slain and executed as the archest Traytors by the
rightfull Kings or their heirs or the Nobles and people of thâ—se Realm their possessions of the Crown being no expiation of their Treasons Regicides but an aggravation of them both in Law and Gospel account unable to secure their heads lives by their own Law and concession since the actual coronation unction and possession of the kings de Jure whom they murdered deposed against their Oaths allegeance duties could neither preserve their crowns persons nor lives from their violence and intrusion To omit he hanging up of Iohn of Leyden who crowned himself a king with his companions for Traytors at Munster An. 1535. with all antient domestick presidents of this kind among our British and Saxon kings it is very observable that in the Parliament of 1 E. 4. n. 17 18. Henry the 6. though king de facto together with his Queen Son Edward Prince of Wales the Duke of Somerset and sundry others were attainted of high Treason for killing Rich. Duke of York at Wakefield being only king de jure and declared heir and successor to the Crown after King Henry his death in the Pâ—rliament of 39 H. 6. n. 18. though never crowned and not to enjoy the possession of it during the reign of King Henry yet Henry the 6. his murder after his deposition was never inquired after though king de facto for sundry years and that by descent from 2. usurping ancestors nor yet reputed Treason After this king Richard the 3d. usurping the Crown and enjoying it as king de facto for 2. years 2. moneths and one day was yet slain in Bosworth field as an usurping bloudy Traytor stript naked to the skin without so much as a clout to cover his privy members all sprinkled over with mire and bloud then trussed like a Hogg or Calf behind a pursuivant and ignobly buried Sir William Catesby a Lawyer one of his Chief Counsellors with divers others were two dayes after beheaded at Leicester as Traytors notwithstanding he was king de facto and no doubt had not king Richard been slain in the field but taken alive he had been beheaded for a Traytor as well as his adherents being the principal Malefactor and they but his instruments So that his kingship and actual possession of the Crown by intrusion did neither secure himself nor his adherents from the guilt or punishment of High Treason nor yet the Act of Parliament which declared him true and lawfull King as well by inheritance and descent as election it being made by a packed Parliament of his own summoning and ratified only by his own royal assent which was so far from justifying that it did make his Treason more heinous in Gods and mens esteem it being a framing of mischief and acting Treason by a Law Psal 94.20 21. which God so much abhors that the Psalmist thence infers v. 23. And the Lord shall bring upon them their own iniquity and shall cut them off in their own wickedness yea the Lord our God shall cut them off as he did this Arch bloudy Traytor and his Complices though king de facto by a Law 9ly Since the Statute of 11 H. 7. c. 1. some clauses whereof making void any Act or Acts of future Parliaments and Legal process against it are meerly void unreasonable and nugatory as Sir Cook himself affirms of Statutes of the like nature there have been memorable Presidents Judgements in point against his and others false glosses on it in favour of Usurpers though King or Queen de facto and their Adherents against the lawfull Queen and heir to the Crown which I admire Sir Edward Cooke and other Grandees of the Law forgot or never took notice of though so late and memorable King Edward the 6. being sick and like to dye taking notice that his Sister Queen Mary was an obstinate Papist very likely to extirpate the Protestant Religion destroy that Reformation which he had established and usher in the Pope and Popery which he had totally abandoned by advice of his Council instituted and declared by his last will in writing and Charter under the Great Seal of England the Lady Jane of the bloud royal eldest Neice to King Henry the 8. a virtuous Lady and zealous Protestant without her privity or seeking to be his heir and Successor to the Crown immediately after his death for the better confirmation whereof all the Lords of his Privy Council most of the Bishops Great Officers Dukes Earls Nobles of the Realm all his Judges and Barons exept Hales the Serjeants and great Lawyers with the Mayor and Aldermen of London subscribed their Names and gave their full and free assents thereto wherupon immediately after King Edwards death July 9. 1553. Iane was publikely proclamed Qu. of this Realm with sound of trumpet by the Lords of the Council Bishops Judges Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London So as now she was a Queen de facto backed with a very colourable Title from King Edward himself his Council Nobles Judges and the other subscribers to it being likewise eldest Neece to King Henry the 8. of the bloud-royal For defence of her person and Title when proclamed Queen and to suppress Mary the right heir the Council speedily raised a great power of 8000 foot and 2000 horse of which the Duke of Suffolk was first made General being her Father but soon after the Duke of Northmberland by Commission from the whole Council in Queen Janes Name who marched with them to Cambridge and from thence to St. Edmunds Bury against the Lady Mary Queen only de jure not de facto But many of the Nobles and the generality of the people inclining to Queen Mary the right heir and resorting to her ayd to Fotheringham Castle thereupon the Council at London repenting their former doings to provide for their own safety on the 20. of June 1553. proclamed Mary Queen and the Duke of Northumberland hearing of it did the like in his Army who thereupon deserted him From which sodain alteration the Author of Rerum AnglicanaruÌ„ Annales printed Lond. 1616. l. 3. p. 106. hath this memorable observation Tali tamen constanti veneratione nos Angli legitimos Reges prosequimur ut ab eorum debito obsequio nullis fucis aut coloribus imo ne Religionis quidem obtentu nos divelli patiamur cujus rei Janae hic casus indicium poterit esse plane memorabile Quamvis enim Dominationis illius fundamenta validissima jacta fuissent cui et summa arte superstructum est quam primum tamen Regni vera et indubitata haeres se Civibus ostendit omnis haec accurata structura concidit illico quasi in ictu oculi dissipata est idque eorum praecipue opera quorum propter Religionis causam propensissimus favor Janae adfuturus sperabatur c. All the Martyrs Protestant Bishops and Ministers imprisoned and burnt by her humbly requiring and in the bowels of our Lord Jesus
Christ beseeching all that fear God to behave themselves as obedient Subjects to the Queens Highness and the superiour powers which are ordained under her rather after their example to give their heads to the block than in any point to rebell against the Lords anointed Queen Mary in no point consenting to any Rebellion or sedition against her Highness but where they cannot obey but must disobey God there to submit themselves with all patience and humility to suffer as the will and pleasure of the higher powers shall adjudge Against the doctrine practice of some new Saints of this iron age who will ward off Christs wooden Cross with their iron swords and rather bring their Soveraigns heads to the block than submit their own heads unto it for their very Treasons and Rebellions against them So farr are they from believing practising the very first Alphabetical Lesson of our Saviours prescription and real Christanity Mat. 16.24 If any man will come after me let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me The Duke of Northumberland for that he was appointed General of the Army in this Quarrel of the Lady Jane though Queen de facto was arrested of High Treason together with 3. of his Sons the Marquess of Northampton the Earl of Huntindon with sundry Knights Gentlemen and sent prisoners to the Tower of London The 16. of August next following the said Duke and Nobles were publikely arraigned of High Treason in Westminster hall before Thomas Duke of Norfolk High Steward of England being brought to the bar the D. used great reverence to his Judges professing his faith and allegiance to the Queens Majesty whom he confessed he had grievously offeâ—ded saying that he meant not to speak any thing in defence of his face but would first understand the opinion of the Court in 2. points 1. Whether a man doing any Act or thing by authority of the Princes Councel and by Warrant of the Great Seal of England and nothing doing without the same may be charged with TREASON for doing any thing by such Warrant Which question was grounded on this very Statute of 11 H. 7. c. 1. 2. Whether any such persons as were equally culpable in that crime and those by whose Letters and Commandment he was directed in all his doings might be his Iudges or passe upon his Tryal as his PEERS To the 1. was answered mark it That the Great Seal he had for his Wâ—rrant was not the Seal of the Lawfull Qu. of the Realm nor pâ—ssed by her Authority but the Seal of an Vsurper and therefore could be no Warrant to him To the 2. That if any were as deeply to be touched in that Case as himself yet so long as no attainder was of Record against them they were nevertheless persons able in Law to pass upon any tryal and not to be challenged therefore but at the Princes pleasure After which the Duke and the rest of the Lords using but few words declaring their earnest repentance and imploring the Queens mercy confessed this Indictment of Treason and thereupon had Iudgement passed upon them as Traytors And the Duke with Sir Iohn Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer were accordingly executed on Tower Hill August 22. confessing the Iustice both of their Iudgement and Execution as TRAYTORS and not justifying themselves by the Act of 11 H. 7. After this Archbishop Cranmer though at first he refused to subscribe K. Eds. will to dis-inherit Queen Mary alleging many reasons against it yet was committed Prisoner to the Tower indicted arraigned condemned of High Treason in November following for aiding the Earl of Northumb. with Horse and Men against Queen Mary And Queen Jane herself though Queen de facto meerly passive not active in this case never aspiring after the Crown being proclaimed Queen against her will with the Lord Guyldsord her husband were both indicted arraigned condemned of High Treason and accordingly executed as Traytors Feb. 12. 1 Mariae the one for usurpation of the royal Estate AS QVEEN OF ENGLAND the other as principal adherent to her in that case both of them confessing that BY THE LAW THEY WERE JUSTLY CONDEMNED After which the Duke of Suffolk her father and sundry others were condemned of High Treason executed upon the same account and that by the judgement of all the several Peers Nobles Judges Lawyers and Great Officers of Engl. though guilty of the same crime seconded with the Judgement of the whole Parl. of 1 Mar. c. 16. which confirmed their Attainders as JUST and LEGAL notwithstanding the Statute of 11 H. 7. c. 1. which extends only to indemnifie those Subjects who doe their true duty and service of allegiance to their King and Soveraign Lord which none certainly do who adhere and joyn with an apparent Usurper in possession against their lawfull undoubted King and Soveraign Lord as they here adjudged and the Parliaments of 1 4 and 14 of King Edward the 4th long before no Acts of Parliament whatsoever being able to secure Usurpers Titles though Kings de facto to themselves or their posterity or to save their own or their adherents Heads from the block or their estates from confiscation as the recited tragical Presidents and Judgements prove against the absurd opinions of many Grandees of the Law in great reputation who take all Sir Edward Cooks and others Dotages for Oracles and well deserve a part in Ignoramus for being ignorant of these late notorious Judgements and authorities against their erronious opinions wherewith they seduce their silly Clyents and young Students of the Law to their great peril for whose better information I have the larger insisted on this point to rectifie this dangerous capital mistake which may hazard both their lives estates and souls to boot And so much in answer to the objected Presidents of Edward and Richard the 2d to prove the Commons Right of Judicature in Parliaments c. As good an evidence as that grave Sir E. Cook produceth to prove this House of Commons who had no Journal Book till â— Ed. 6. to be a distinct Court of Iudicature because upon signification of the Kings pleasure to the Speaker they do and may prorogue or adjourn themselves and are not prorogued adjourned by the House of Lords By which reason he might prove every Committee of the Lords or Commons House to be a distinct Court because they may adjourn and prorogue themselves without the House and all Commissioners for examination of Witnesses Charitable uses the petty Sessions of Justices of Peace all Country Committees Archdeacons and other visitors all Auditors of Accounts Arbitrators Referrees c. to be Courts because they may all adjourn themselves from one day and place to another when as their presenting of their own Speakers in and the Kings calling them into the Lords House at the beginning and end of every Parliament or Session and at the passing of Bills and their dissolution in the Lords
should be holden once every year or more often if need be to redress divers mischiefs and grievances which daily happen especially delayes in Judgements and sutes at Law through difficulty or diversity of Opinions among the Judges To prevent which the Statute of 14 E. 3. c. 5. enacts that from henceforth at every Parliament shall be chosen a Prelate two Earls and two Barons which shall have Commission and power of the King to hear by Petition delivered to them the complaints of them that will complain of such delayes and grievances and to cause the records of such Judgements to be brought before them and to hear the cause and reasons of such delayes and by the assistance and advice of the Chancellor Treasurer Justices of both Benches and as many other of the Kings Council as shall seem convenient shall proceed to take a good award and make a good judgement therein And that the Judges shall proceed hastily to give Judgement according to their determination And in case it seemeth to them the difficulty be so great that it may not well be determined without the assent of the Parliament that the said Prelate Earls and Barons shall present the tenor or tenors of the said record or cause to the next Parliament and there shall be a final accord taken what judgement ought to be given in his case And according to this award shall be commanded to the Judges before whom the plea did depend that they shall proceed to give Judgement without delay And to begin to give remedy upon this Ordinance it was assented that a Commission and power be made to the Archbishop of Canterbury the Earls of Arundel and Huntington the Lord of Wake and the Lord Raufe Basset to endure till the next Parliament After which I find this Commission made in pursuance of this Ordinance Edwardus Dei gratia c. authorizing the Bishop of Chichester the Earls of Huntingdon and Devonshire and Tho. Wake of Lidell and Thomas de Berkley Barons assigned to hear querelas omnium qui se de gravaminibus dilationibus sibi factis coram Iustic et aliis conqueri voluerint per avisamentum Cancell Thes Iustic de atroque Banco aliis dâ— Consilio Regis according to the Ordinance made in Parliament 14 Ed. 3. c. 5. that Unus Praelatus Duo Comites et Duo Barones should have Commission and power to hear and determine such complaints Test Rege apud Westm nono die Iunii There is this Petition of the Commons to the King for declaring Treasons in 25 E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 17. Item come les Iustices nostre Seignior le Roy assignez en diversâ—es Countees ajuggent les gentz que sont empeschez devant eux come Traiteurs pur diverses Causes desconues a la Comune estre Treason que please a nostre Seignior le Roy per son Counseâ—l eâ— per les Grantz et sâ—ges de la terre declarer les pointz de Treason en cest present Parlament Quant aâ—la Petition touchant Treason nostre Seignior le Roy ad Fait declarer les Articles de Y celle en maneâ— que ensuit as in the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. â— By which Petition Act and the like Petition in 21 E. 3. n. 15. it is apparent That the Right of declaring Judging what is High Treason in Parliament belongs originally to the King himself by the advise of his Councel Great men and Sages of the Land and not unto the Commons House at whose request the KING then made a Declaration of the Articles of Treason as in this Statute by his Nobles Councils and Iudges advice Therefore the Declaration of all other Treasons in particular cases not within this Statute belongs wholly to the King Lords Council and Judges in the Lords House not to the Commons alone or joyntly with them within the later branch of this Act as well as the Treasons within the body thereof viz. Because that many other like cases of Treason may happen in time to come which a man cannot imagin nor declare at this present time it is accorded that if any other case supposed Treason which is not before specified shall happen de novel before any Iustice the Iustice shall demurâ— without going to Iudgement of the Treason tanque per devant le ROY EN SON PARLEMENT soit le case monstre et declare de que leceo doit estre a jugge Treason ou autre Felony Against the Opinion of Sir Edward Cooks 3 Institutes p. 22. The Commons having no power at all to declare and judge what shall be Treason in such new particular cases but only when a New Treason is made or declared for the future by Bill or Act of Parliament wherein their concurrence is necessary as in all new Acts concerning Treasons since 25 E. 3. as is evident by Mr. Sr. Iohns Argument at Law this very last Parliament at the Attainder of Thomas Earl of Strafford and Mr. Samuel Browns Argument at the Lords House Bar to prove and satisfie the Lords House that he and Archbishop Laud were guilty of High Treason upon the Articles of their several Impeachments exhibited and proved against them of which the Lords and King alone were the proper Iudges but the Commons only their Impeachers and Prosecutors in the Iudicial way of Parliamentary Proceedings as I have formerly evidenced Therefore all the late Votes knacks Declarations of the Commons House alone before or without the Kings House of Lords Declarations Resolutions of sundry things to be high Treason and divers persons to be Traytors upon bare informations suggestions though not within the Letter of 25 E. 3. c. 2. are but meer illegal innovations extravagancies yea Nullities in Law fit to be eternally exploded especially by Lawyers the chiefest Innovators Promoters of them rather out of ignorance or rashnesse than Prudence Law or solid Iudgement for which they can produce no presidents in former ages In the year 1392. the 15 of King Rich. the 2. we have this memorable President of the Lords Iudicature together with the King assembled in a Great Councel without the Commons in the case of the Mayor Sherifs Citizens and City of London thus related by Walsingham at large Misit Rex ad Cives Londoniarum petens ab eis mutuo mille libras cui procaciter et ultra quam decuit restiterunt Sed quendam Lumbardom volentem accommodare regi dictam summam male tractaveâ—unt veâ—beraverunt er paulominus occiderunt Quae cum Rex â—udisset iâ—aâ—us est valde et convocaas omnes regnipene Majorâ—s apperuit proterviam civium Londoniarum et de praesumptione conqueritur eorundem Qui omnes infesti Civibus propter diversas causas consulunt ut reprimatur citius eorum insolentia et superbia destruatur Eranc quippe tunc inter omnes fere nationes gentium clarissimi arrogantissimi et avarissimi ac male creduli in deum traditiones avitas Lolardorum sustentatores
E. 3. n. 1.10 R. 2.17 R. 2. n. 6.7 8 H. 4. n. 66 67. some of the valiantest wisest discreetest Spiritual and Temporal LORDS were by Petition of the Commons and special Order of the Lords in Parl. placed about these Kings to BE THEIR PRIVY COVNSELLORS to advise counsel them and manage all the Great affairs of the Realm under them so in this Parliament they exhibited this Petition to the like eâ—â—ect Primerement que plese a nostre dit Seigniour le Roy ordeigner et assigner en cest present Parlement les pluis vaillantz sages et discretes Seigniours espirituelx et temporelx de son roialme pur estre de son counseil en eid et supportation del bone et substancial gouvernance et la bien de Roy et de Roialme et que les ditz Seigniours de counseill et les Justices de Roi soient overtement jurez eny cest present parlement de eux bien et loialment en lour counseill et faitz acquiter pur le bien de Roy et de Royalm en toutz pointz saunz favour pur affection ou affinite faire a ascune manere de persone Et que plese nostre dit Seigniour le Roy en presence de toutz les Estates de parlement comander les ditz Seigniours et Justices sur lour foy et ligeance que lui devont qils feront pleyne justice et droit ouelment a chescuny sanz tarians si bonement come ils purront sanz ascun commandement on charge de queconque persone a contrarie Le Roy le voet was the answer which was answered See the like Petitions afterwards in 1 H. 6. n. 26.2 H. 6. n. 15 16.8 H. 6. n. 27 28.11 H. 6. n. 41. I shall conclude with these 2. memorable late presidents In the Parliament of 8 Eliz. upon the death of Thomas Williams Esquire Speaker of the Commons house Richard Onstoe Esquire the Quâ—ens Sollicitor first chosen a Member of the Commons house and after called by Writ to attend the Lordâ— House as an Assistant at the request of the Commons to the Queen and Lords was sent down again to the Commons house without any new election and there chosen and presented by them for their Speaker and allowed of by the Queen and Lords So in the Parliâ—ment of 23 Eliz. upon the Queens making John Bell Esq then Speaker chief Baron of the Exchequer Iohn Popham Esq then Queens Sollicitor called from the Commons house to the Lords as an Assistant by writ at the Commons request to the Queen and Lords was remitted to them again upon his old without any new election and thâ— chosen presented accepted for their Speaker Which 2. late presidents infallibly prove 1. That the King hath an absolute power over any Members of the Commons house upon a just occasion to call them thence by writ to be Assistants to the Lords house or else to create them Peers and call them to be Members of the Lords house as he did Sir Francis Seymore Mr. Arthur Capell and others created Lords the last long Parliament 2ly That the calling of any to the Lords house from the Commons by writ as Assistants only doth not totally disable them to be Members of the Commons house again the self-same or the next Parliament but that upon the Commons Petion and assent of the King and Lords they may be remanded to the Commons house and be Members and Speakers thereof again but not by the Commons votes or order but only by the Kings with the Lords assent who may refuse to remand them if they please A very pregnant argument chat the power of removing judging suspending approving readmitting Members of the Commons house upon Elections or Misdemeanors belongs not of right to the Commons house but to the King and House of Peers as I have formerly evidenced Admitâ—ing then that the Commons have de facto gained exercised this privilege of late years to judge suspend or eject their own Members in such cases without the King and House of Peers yet having most grosly abused it of late to the ruine subversion of Parliaments I must conclude with the Canonists Privilegium meretur amittere qui abutitur potestate Jer. 6.16 Thus saith the Lord Stand ye in the wayes and see and ask for the old pathes where is the good way and walk therein and ye shall find rest for your souls But they said We will not walk therein Prov. 24.21 22. My son fear thou the Lord and the King and meddle not with those who are given to change For their Calamity shall rise suddenly and who knoweth the ruine of them both Jer. 21.3 4. c. 17.25 27. Thus saith the Lord Execute ye judgement and deliver the spoiled out of the hands of the Oppressor and do no wrong do no violence to the stranger the fatherless nor the widdow neither shed innocent bloud in this place For if ye do this thing indeed then shall there enter into the Gates of this House KINGS PRINCES sitting upon the Throne of David riding in chariots and on horses they and their PRINCES the men of Iudah and the inhabitants of Ierusalem and this City shall remain for ever But if you will not hearken unto me c. then will I kindle a fire in the gates thereof and it shall devour the PALACES of Ierusalem and it shall not be quenched FINIS An Omission in pag. 30 l. 7. RAnulph de Glanvil Chief Justice under King Henry the 2. In his Tractatus de Legibus et Consuetudinibus Regni Angliae written in the 33 year of his reign hath this memorable passage relating to the Parliamentary Councils in that age l. 2. c. 7. Est autem magna Assisa REGALE QVODDAM BENEFICIUM CLEMENTIA PRINCIPIS DE CONSILIO PROCERUM POPVLIS INDVLTUM to wit in a Parliamentary Council of the King and Lords without any Commons quo vitae hominum et status integritati tam salubriter consulitur ut in jure quod quis de libero soli tenemento possidet retinendo duellâ— casum declinare possunt homines ambiguum c. Ex aequitate autem maxiâ— prodita est LEGALIS ISTA INSTITUTIO Jus enim quod post multas longas dilationes vix evincitur per duellum per beneficium ISTIUS CONSTITUTIONIS commodius et acceleratius expeditur By which it is evident that the Grand Assize was no original Processe or Trial at the Common Law but a legal institution and beneficial constitution proceeding from the Grace of the Prince and indulged to the People BY THE COUNSEL OF THE LORDS assembled together in a Parliamentary Council which Lib. 2. c. 9. Glanvil stiles Recordum per Assisam DE CONSILIO REGNI inde factum for the speedier and better recovery of their freeholds without endangering their lives by a Duel to recover them which was fuller of delays but less certain and more unjust than a recovery by verdict in this new
p. 30 31 33 34. (Å¿) See Modus tenendi Parliamentum Vowel Cowel Crompton Sir Thomas Smith Coke others 17 E. 3. n. 23. 21 E. 3. n. 7. 7 R. 2. n. 30 31. 9 R. 2. n. 13. 2 R. 1. pt 2. n. 27. 31 H. 6. n. 26 27 28. 28 H. 6. n. 6. * 1 H. 4. n. 79. See the Freeholders Grand Inquest p. 25. Cokes 4 Instit c. 1 5 6 7 8 10 11. * An exact abridgment p. 377.399 * 7 R. 2. par 2. n. 14. 1 R. 2. n. 31 32. * Littleton sect 21â— Coke ibid. 4 E. 3.7 2 H. 6.10 14 H. 4 8. 2 R. 2.29 5 H. 7 8. Bro. Challeng 23 42 71. (t) Cokes 4. Instit p. 24. * 50 E. 3. n. 5. to 37. 21 R. 2. n. 14 15 16. 28 H 6. n. 14 to 52. 31 H. 6. n. 45 64. 38 H. 6. n. 38. * 25 E. 3. c. 2. 20 R. 2. c. 3. 6 R. 2. c. 5. 14 H. 6. c. 3. 8 R. 2. c. 3. 2 R. 2. c. 10. (u) Coke 4 Instit p. 24. * See an Exact Abridgement of the Records of the Tower the Table to to it Tit. Commons Lords Parliaments Petitions Cooks 4. Inst p. 16. * See here p. 46 47. * Exact abridgement p. 66.85 86 123 156 164 176 177 168 169 282 300 301 304 305 331 543 344 348 352 353 359 363 369 372 373 393 408 418 429 440 535 539 546. (a) Cooks 1 Instit f. 110 a. (b) Cooks 3 Instit p. 224. (c) Walsingham Ypodig Neustr p. 93 94. Here p. 213. (d) Mat. Paris Hist Angl. p. 101. (e) Rerum Anglic. Hist l. 2. c. 13. See my Sword of Christian Magistracy supported p. 51 52. (f) Mat. Paris p. 308 309 310 318. Mat. Westm Ann. 1224. p. 119 127. * Querelas (g) Mat. Par. p. 785 788 793 794. (f) Mat. West anno 1265 p. 34. Mat. Paris p. 967. (k) Walsingh Ypodig Neust p. 72. Hist Angl. p. 15. Parl. 20 E. 1. f. 5. Cooks 3. Instit p. 145. Holinshed p. 284 285. (l) See An Exact abridgment of the Records in Tower title Petitions Commons Parliment in the Table Petitions of the Commons in the Abridgment it self (1) Walsingham Ypodig Neustr p. 102. (2) Polychro l. 7. c. 42. f. 312. Henry de Knyghton de Event Angliae l. 3. c. 14. col 2535. * Placita Parl. An. 18 Edw. 1. in the Parchment bnok in the Tower f. 2. b. 50 51. * 2 Instit p. 50. †The Earl of Kent King Edwards Brother †Cook 2 Instit p. 50. †Magn. Char. c. â—9 15 E. 3. c. 2.4 28 E. 3. c 3.37 E. 3. c. 8.42 E. 3. c 3. Cook 2 Instit p. 50 51. (1) Exact abridgement p. 8. (m) Exact abridgement p 10. (n) Rot. Parâ— 24 E. 3. pars 3. m. 2. dors Rot. Pat. 25 E. 3. part 1. m. 17. Cooks 3 Inst p. 223 224. Mr. S. â—0 argument against the Shipmony Iudges p. 22 23 14. (o) Exact abridgement p. 74. (t) Exact abridgement p. 67. (u) Exact abridgement p. 120. Henry de Knyghton de Event Angl. l. 5. col 2636. (x) Exact abridgement p. 122 123. (y) Exact abridgement p. 158. (y) Exact abridgement p. 157. (e) An Exact abridgement p. 157 158. And my Doom of Cowardise and Treachery p. 2 3 4 5. (1) An exact abridgment p. 176.177 (2) Walsingh Hist Angliae p. 245 246 247. Ypodig Neust p. 138. (3) An Exact abridgement p. 189 190. Walsingham Hist Angliae p. 154 155. (4) See an Exact abridgment p. 199.200 (5) Hist Angliae p. 328. (6) Walsingh Hist Angl. p 316. (7) An Exact abridgement p. 292 293 294. See nay Doom of Cowardise p. 14 15. Walsingham Hist Angl. p. 3â—3 (8) Walsingham Hist Angl. p. 337. (9) An Exact abridgement p. 299 300. (11) An Exact abridgement p. 304. (11) Henry de Knyghton de Eventib. Angliae l. 5. col 2535. to 2577. Walsingham Hist Angl. p. 364 365 366. Ypodig Neustr p. 146 147. (m) Exact abridgement p. 330 331. (n) Exact abridgement p. 342 343. (o) Exact abridgement p. 346 347 35â— 354 Cooks 3 Inwit p. 22. (p) Exact abridgement p. 361 362. (q) Exact abridgement p. 369 379 381. * Exact Col. p. 381. * See here p. 196 197. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 4. n. 90. * 1 H. 4. n. 104. * 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 93. * Exact abridgement p. 400 401. * See this case abridg'd in an exact abridgement p. 406. (z) Fox Acts Monum Vol. 1. p. 875. Fitz. Natur. Brev. f. 269. my Sword of Christian Magistracy supported p. 55 56. An Exact abridgement p. 407. (a) An Exact abridgement p. 407. (b) Walsingh Hist Angl. p. 404 405. (c) An Exact abridgment p. 407. (c) Walsingham Hist pâ— 409 410 411. See Holinshed Grafton Speed (e) An Exact abridgment p. 426 427. (f) An Exact abridgment p. 479. (g) An Exact abridgment p. 553 554. Waâ—singham Ypodig p. 181 to 184. Fox Acts Mon. Vol. 1. p. 726. to 772. (h) An Exact abridgment p. 568. (i) An Exact abridgment p. 662 663 670 671 677 679. (k) Cooks 4 Instâ— p. 23. (l) See the Lords and Commons Journals Diurnal Occurrences p. 15 16.19 39 191 to 264. Mr. St. Johns Speech and Declaration against them at a conference of both Houses The Speeches of Mr. Hide Mr. Waller Mr. Perpoint Mr. Hollis at their impeachments The 1 part of my legal and historical Vindication c. p. 36 37. (m) See here p. 36 37. (n) Cooks 4 Instit p. 15. (o) See Brook Ashes Tables Tit. Contempts Fines pur Contempt Imprisonment (p) In Cottoni Posthuma p. 348. (q) Hist Angl. P. 943 959. (r) Maâ— Paris Auctuarium Additamentorum Londini 1639. p. 222. (Å¿) Page 947. (11) An Exact abridgement of the Records in Tower p. 12 151. (u) Pag. 941 * See the Free-holders Grand Inquest p. 39 40 41 42. * See the Freeholders grand Inquest p. 39 40 41 42. †4 Inst p. 23. 3 Inst p. 7. 22. †Flores Hist pars 2. Anno 1305. p. 449 450. * offerentibus †The first Writ of summons now extant is but in 49 H. 3. Seld. Titles of Honour patt 2. c. 5. (e) Cook 4 Inst p. 21. Cottoni Posthuma p. 347. Sir Robert cottons Posthuma p. 348 349 (m) Walsingham Hist Angl. p. 98. to 106. Ypopig An. 1326 1327. Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 227 228. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops p. 129 130. Fox acts and Monuments p. 342 p. 339 340. and Speeds Hist p. 679 680.681 685 686. See my Antipathy of the English Lordly Prelates c. p. 54 55 56 265 266 267. * Claus 1 E. 3. m. 13. Cottoni Posthuma p. 349. The Freeholders Grand Inquest p. 13 14 15. (n) See the Freeholders Grand Inquest p. 13 14 15. (o) Cooks 4. Instit p. 23. Cottoni Posthuma p. 249. (p) Cooks 3. Instit p. 23. Sir Robert Cottons Posthuma p. 249. (q) Cooks 3. Instit c. 1. p. 8. Mr. Sr Johns Argument sat Law at the
ever violated in oppugning all arbitrary tyrannical Proceedings Taxes Oppressions Encroachments ill Counsellors and bad Instruments both of Kings and Popes themselves in inflicting exemplary punishments upon all Traytors Enemies to the publike both in our Parliaments and the Field too when there was occasion the principal whereof I have here presented to your view in a Chronical method will be a great accession to your Honour the best vindication of your antient undoubted Parliamentary Jurisdiction Right Power Judicature against all Opposites till the accomplishment whereof I shall humbly recommend this enlarged Plea in your Honors defence to your Noble Patronage who can pitch upon no better nor readier means to support your declining Honor and Authority or to re-indear your selves in the Peoples affections than in these distracted dangerous stormy times to ingage all your interest power activity speedily to settle secure Gods Glory Truth Worship the publike Laws Peace Liberty Safety of the Kingdom against all open Opposers and secret Underminers of them to unburthen the people of their long-continued heavy Taxes the Souldiers insolencies free-quarters to redress all pressing grievances all oppressing arbitrary Committees proceedings contrary to the rules of Law and Iustice to right all grieved Petitioners especially such who have waited at least seven years space at your doors for reparations to relieve poor starved Ireland raise up the almost lost honor power freedom reputation of Parliaments by acting honourably heroically like your selves without any fear favour hatred or self-ends by confining your selves with the Commons House to the antient bounds rules of Parliamentary Jurisdiction proceedings and by endeavouring to excel all others as farr in Iustice Goodness and publike resolutions as you do in Greatness and Authority Which that you may effectually perform as it is the principal scope of this Plea for your Lordships which whether you stand fall or by way of Remitter recover your antient rights again after a violent discontinuance of them for a season will remain as a lasting Monument to all Posterity of your undubitable just Right to sit and judge in all English Parliaments So it shall be the constant prayer of Your Lordships devoted Servant WILLIAM PRYNNE From my Study in Lincolns Inne 7. Junii 1647. To the Ingenuous READER THis Plea for the LORDS and House of PEERS was first suddenly compiled and published by me in the year 1647 when Lilburn Overton with their Iesuitical and Anabaptistical levelling Confederates endeavoured by sundry seditious Pamphlets libels Petitions then printed dispersed in the City Army Country to extirpate the Lords and House of Peers together with the King and Monarchy by engaging the vulgar Rabble Souldiers and Commons to suppresse pull down or cast off their superiour just antient legal authority over them not only against the expresse Laws of God and the Realm their own Oaths of Supremacy Allegiance Protestation Covenant but the very Law of Nature it self universally received amongst all Nations whatsoever Haec enim lex Naturae apud omnes Gentes recepta est quam nullum tempus delebit UT SUPERIORES INFERIORIBUS IMPERENT Which Law these unnatural Bedlams would now quite obliterate endeavouring to set up that Aâ—axy disorder in Government which Solomon and God himself by him so much complain of Eccles 10.5 6 7. There is AN EVIL I have seen under the Sun as AN ERROR that proceedeth from the Ruler Folly or persons of mean fortune parts birth is set in high dignity and the rich set in low place I have seen Servants upon Horses and Princes walking as Servants upon the earth Which disorder he thus censures Prov. 19.10 Delight is not seemlâ— for a fool much lesse for a Servant to have rule over Princes The sad effects whereof he thus relates Prov. 30.21 22. For three things the Earth is disquieted and for a fourth which it cannot bear the 〈◊〉 and chief whereof is this For a Servant when he reigneth To which David subjoyns another ill consequence Psal 12.8 The ungodly walk on every side when the vilest of the Sons of men are exalted which the Chaldâ— paraphrase thus glosseth In circuitu improbi ambulant tanquam sanguisugae qui sugunt sanguinem filiorum hominum the peasantry when exalted above the antient Nobility and Gentry being usually both intollerably proud insolent cruel bloâ—dy according to the old observation of Claudians and others Asperius humili nihil est cum surgit in altum Cuncta ferit dum cuncta timet desaevit in omnes Vt se posse putent nec bellua tetrior ulla Quam servi rabies in libera collâ— furentis Agnoscit gemitus et paenae parcere nescit This was experimentally verified not only in Wil. Langhamp heretofore and other particular persons advanced from low degree to places of greatest honour but in the popular insurrections of John Cade Jack Straw Wat Tyler and others who intended to murther the King destroy the Nobles Judges Prelates Lawyers and chief Gent. they could meet with than to seise upon their lands estates and make themselves Kings Lords in their steads and share the Kingdom Government between them and by the Anabaptists proceedings of like Nature at Munster and other places in Germany whom the present Levellers of this sect would doubtlesse imitate could they get but sufficient power into their hands My absence in the Country whiles this Plea was printing caused many material mistakes of words and one grosse mutilated transposition in Cheddars case in its first Edition p. 48 52. which I could not correct most of the Books being dispersed before I could get an Errata printed and the small time I had to compile it necessitated me to omit many material Records Presidents Histories pertinent to this Argument Whereupon to right my self with the Lords whose cause I pleaded and the Readers I soon after resolved to publish a corrected much inlarged Impression thereof but other publike Imployments and publications retarding it and the whole House of Lords some few Months after being forcibly suppressed my self with sundry other Members of the Comunions House secured secluded and after that dispersed and sent close prisoners by Mr. Bradshaws illegal Warrants unto several remote Castles without any hearing or cause expressed or recompence for the Injuries damages thereby sustained this much augmented Plea hath lyen dormant ever since and had never been awaked to walk abroad in publike had not the late loud unexpected Votes at Westm of a NEW KING AND HOUSE OF LORDS under the Name Notion of ANOTHER HOUSE passed by some who had lately c suppressed decryed engaged against them both as uselesse dangerous oppressive burthensom tyrannical c. revived and raised it out of the Grave of Oblivion The Subject matters principally debated and vindicated in it are only two First That all the Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Barons Lords of England have an undoubted antient just Right Privilege to sit vote in all Parliaments