et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus sicut Dominicos reditus suos Et cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiam debet Dominus Rex mandare poâ—iores personas Ecclesiae et in Capella ipsius Regis debet fieri electio assensu ipsius Regis et Concilio personarum regni quas ad haec faciendum advocaverit et IBIDEM FACIET ELECTUS HOMAGIVM FIDELITATEM REGI SICVT LIGIO DO MINO SVO de vita sua et de membris et de honore terreno salvo ordine suo priusquam consecretur Indeed Angelus de Clavasio in his Summa Angelica Tit. Homagium and other Canonists hold it to be Symonie and unlawfull prore ' spirituali puia Beneficio Ecclesiastico HOMAGIUM EXIGERE But our Lawes resolve it an antient Legal duty and Service Of which see more in Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium in William Somners Glossarium Tit. Homagium and in Bracton Britton and Fleta 4. That this clause in the writs to the Temporal Lords in fide homagio implies they were all or most Barons by tenure And whereas Sir Ed. Cook and Sir Henry Spelman assert That of antient time the temporal Lords were commanded by the Kings writ thus to appear In fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini and in the reign of Edward 3. in fide et ligeantia and sometimes in fide et homagio but at this day constantly in fide et ligeantia because at this day there are no feudal Baronies in respect whereof Homage is to be done which in 21 E. 3. was the true cause of this alteration If this observation of theirs That in fide et homagio feodales propriè respiciat Barones denoting only such Barons who were Barons by tenure or Barony for which they did their Homage and swore Fealty and Allegiance to the King then this is a most convincing argument that all the Lords and Barons summoned before 11 E. 3. were Barons only by tenure not by writ alone because they were all regularly summoned to appear in fide et homagio not in fide et ligeantia 2ly It is a clear mistake that this alteration of homagio into ligeantia was made in 21 E 3. for it was not till 25 E. 3. pars 1. dors 5. in fide et homagio being used both in the writs of 21 22 23 24 E. 3. 3ly The reason of this alteration could not be this they rendâ—r because all or most of the Lords and Barons then summoned did not hold of the King by Barony but were Barons only by writ not tenure First because all the writs to the Prince of Wales â—and Earls then summoned who held of the King by Homage and Barony issued in this form in fide et ligeantia to them as well as to the inferiour Lords and Barons 2ly Because the self-same Prince Earls Lords summoned in this form in 25 E. 3. in the very next years of 26 E. 3. d. 14. and 27 E. 3. d. 12. were twice summoned again iâ— fide homagio et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini and 28 E. 3. d. 26. in fide et homagio after in 29 E. 3. d. 8. 7. 31 E. 3. d. 21. 1. they are summoned in fide et ligeantia but yet in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 36 E. 3. d. 16. 37 E. 3. d. 22. 38 E. 3. d. 3. 39 E. 3. d. 2. 42 E. 3. d. 22. 43 E. 3. d. 24. 46 E. 3. d. 9. all the writs to the Prince Earls Lords and Barons run again in fide et homagio only and some between and after them in fide et ligeantia only though issued to the self-same persons or their heirs Therefore ligeantia in these and subsequent writs is put only as a Synonima signifying only Homagium as the coupling them together in two writs in fide homagio et ligeantia and the placing of Homagio thus interchangeably for ligeantia and ligeancia for homagio evidence beyond contradiction The rather because there is the highest promise and bond of Allegiance expressed in the very words and form of homage done to the King as the words I become your man from this day forwards of life and member and of earthly worship and unto you shall be true and faithfull and bear you faith and this clause saving the faith that I owe unto our Soveraign Lord the King when done to a common person import and Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. Bracton l. 2. c. 35. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Sir Edward Cook in his 1 Institutes on Littletons Chapter of Homage Sir Hen. Spelman and Somner in their Glossaries Tit. Homagium Fidelitas at large demonstrate Therefore homage may be properly stiled ligeantia and be put in lien of homagio as doubtless it is in all those writs that use it 3ly I find sundry Homages for Dutchies Earldoms and Baronies done to our Kings by the Duke of Aquitain the Dâ—ke of Hereford Henry Percy the Duke of Norfolk and other Peers who were then and afterwards summoned in fide et ligeantia not homagio and I doubt Sir Edward Cooke and those of his opinion can hardly name any Dukes Earls Vicounts Lords or Barons summoned to Parliament under Henry the 3. R. 2. H. 4 5 9. or E. 4. who was not a Lord by Tenure or Barony as well as by Patent or a special writ of creation the very names of their Baronies as Sir Edward Cooke and Mr. Selden inform us being usually expressed in all later writs of Summonâ— Therefore this their conjecture of altering the writs from homagio to ligeantia because they held not by homage must needs be erronious and groundless in my judgemenâ— and the assertions of such who hold that the Kings bare general writs of summons issued to those who held not by Barony did create them and their issues Barons if they sate in Parliament without any special creation by some Clauses in the writs or by Paâ—ent grounded on this mistake must vanish into smoke else that Clause of creation in the writ to Sir Henry Bromfleet Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. would have been both superfluous and ridiculous 5ly That this clause in fide et homagio or in fide ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini is sometimes omitted out of the writs of Summons to the Prince of Wales and other times inserted into them 6ly That the Prince of Wales in the writs of Summons and adjournment is sometimes stiled Princeps Walliae only sometimes Princeps Aquitaniae et Walliae other times Princeps Walliae Dux Cornubiae et Comes Câ—striae when all these titles were conferred on him by the King 7ly That in the writs issued to Dukes Earls and Temporal Lords of the Kings Progeny royal bloud and alliance they are usually stiled Carissimo filio nostro Fratri Regis Fratri nostro Avunculo Regis Avunculo nostro Nepoti nostro Consanguineo nostro c. and the other Earls and Temporal Lords
Nolentes ipsum Abbatem indebirè sic vexari concessimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris quod idem Abbas et successores sui de veniendo ad Parliamenta et Consilia nostra vel haeredum nostrorum de caetero quieti sint exonerati imperpetuum Ita semper quod dictus Abbas succeâ—â—ores sui in Procuratores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta Consilia per Clerum mittendos consentiant ut moris est expensis contribuant eorundem In cujus c. Teste Rege apud West monasterium XV. die Februar Per petitionem de Parliamento After which Patent and entry this Abbot being summoned again in the lists of 27. 29 E. 3. upon complaint thereof there was this Memorandum made in the Clause Roll of 29 E. 3. Cancellaâ—ur Abbas Leycestriae quia habâ—â— Cartam Regis quod Non Compellatur vâ—nirâ— ad Parliamâ—ntum The Abbot of Tavistock was summoned to 5 Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils under H. 3. Ed. 1. and Ed. 3. the last whereof was in 23 E. 3. but never after yet King Henry the 8. in the 5. year of his reign created Richard Banham Abbot of Tavistocke and his successors to be one of the Spiritual and Religious Lords of the Parliament of himself his heirs and successors yet withall pardoned their absence at any time from Parliament by reason of their great distance from it paying only the fine of 5. marks for every time they should be personally absent into the Kings Exchequer as this Patent manifests Henricus c. Sciatis quod certis considerationibuâ— nos specialitè◠moventibus oâ— specialem devotionem quam ad Beatam Virginem Mariam matrem Christi sanctumque Rumonum in quorum Honore Abbatia de Tavistocke quae de fundatione nobilium progenitorum nostroum quondam Regum Angliae nostro patronatu dedicata existir gerimus et habemus hinc est quod de gratia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia mero motu nostris volumus candem Abbatiam sive Monasterium nostrum gaudere honore priuilegio ac liberratibus spiritualium Dominorum Parliamenti nostri Haeredum successorum nostrorum Ideo concessimus per praesentes concedimus pro nobis haeredibus successoribus nostris quantum in nobis est dilecto nobis in Christo Richardo Banhaâ— Abbati de Tavistocke praedicto successoribus suis ut eorum quilibet qui pro tempore ibidem fuerit Abbas sit et erit unus de spiritualibus Religiosis Dominis Parliamenti nostri Haeredum successorum nostrorum gaudendo honore privilegio ac libertatibus ejusdem Et insuper de uberiori gratia nostra aâ—â—â—ctando utilitatem dicti nostri Monasterii considerando ejus distantiam Ita quod si contingat aliquem Abbatem qui pro tempore fuerit fore vel esse absentem propter praedicti Monasterii utilitatem in non veniendo ad Parliamentum praedictum Haeredum vel successorum nostrum quam quidem absentiam eidem Abbati perdonamus per praesentes Ita tamen quod tune solveâ— pro hujusmodi abâ—entia cujuslibet Parliamenti integri in nostro Scaccario suum per Attornatum quinque Marcas nobis haeredibus sive succeâ—â—oribus nostris totiens quotiens hoâ— infuturum contigerit In cujus c. Teste c. Vicesimo terâ—io die Ianuarii c. Sir Edward Cooke in his 4. Institutes p. 45. affirms this Patent to be void in Law but upon such a poor reason as will made all Temporal Lords Barons Earles and Dukes Patents likewise void if they hold not by Barony and I conceive it to be good in Law upon consideration of the premises that our Kings did at their pleasure without any special Patents of Creation summon what Abbots and Priors they thought meet to their Parliaments and omitted discharged them at their pleasures as the premises plentifully manifest beyond contradiction 5. It is most demonstratively and experimentally evident by this Table That the Kings bare writs of summons of Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders Deans and other Clergymen not holding by Barony and their sitting in Parliaments and Great Councils and debating consulting advising with the King and the rest of the Abbots Priors Bishops Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm in Parliament according to the tenor of the writs of Summons issued to them all in the self-same form did neither really or actually ennoble either them nor their successors for then by Sir Edward Cooks own doctrine they ought ex debito justitiae to have been summoned constantly during life and their Successors after them when they had been called by writ actually sate in one two much more if in three or four Parliaments when most of them who were summoned sate only in 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 or 8. Parliaments and no more and neither they nor their Successors were ever after summoned yea some of â—hem after above 20 30 40 50 and 60. summons to and Sessions in Parliaments under several Kings have been afterwards discharged or left out of the writs of Summons as no Barons nor Peers of the Realm because they held not by Barony of the King Therefore their writs of Summons and Session did only make them but momentany and quasi temporary Peers or Spiritual Lords pro hac vice only when and whiles they were summoned to and sate in any particular Parliament or great Coâ—ncil amongst the rest of the Prelates and Lords not after they were dissolved when both their temporaâ—ie Peâ—â—â—ge and Lordships if their writâ— and Sessionâ— made them Lords or Peerâ— pro tempore expired with the Parliaments And by the self-same ground reason the Kings summons of any Knights Esquires or other Laymen to Parliament by a general wriâ—â— who held not by Barony without any special Clause creating them Barons by writs or Parents and their actual sitting in Parliament can neither ennoble themselves nor make them Lords Barons or Peers of the Realm for life much lesse their heirs males in fee or for perpetâ—ity after their deceases but onely make them quasi Peers or Great men or rather Assistants to and joynt Coâ—nsellors with the Lords in Parliament pro tempore so long as the Parliaments to which they are summoned and in which they sit continue but no longer as I have elsewherâ— proved and shall further demonstratively evidence in the next Section against Sir Edward Cookes and others mistakes therein 8. That our Kings by their Prerogative and royall Authority alone did upon all extraordinary occasions summon what Abbots Priors Religious and Ecclesiastical persons they thought meet in the self same manner and by the self same forms of writs as they summoned the Bishops Abbots Peers and other Lords who were actual Peers and Barons of the Realm in greater or smaller numbers as they and their Council thought meeâ—est who sate consulted advised in Parliament together with the King and the rest of the Lords which royal Prerogative and Jurisdiction was never questioned
Earls 34 Lords and Great men Cl. 12 R. 2. d. 42. to him Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 9 Earls 42 Lords and Great men Cl. 13 R. 2. d. 5. the first writ entred is Iohanni Duce Lancastr Cons. Lit. to a Dukes 9 Earls 46 Lords and Grandees Claus. 14 R. 2. d. 42. the first writ is to the same Duke Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 4â— Lords and Great men Cl. 15 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ entred is Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae et Lancastriae c. Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 41 Lords and Grandees Cl. 16 R. 2. d. 23. the writ is to him Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 42 Lords and Great men Cl. 17 R. 2. d. 30. to him Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 11 Earls 40 Lords and Grandees Cl. 18 R. 2 d. 23. the first writ entred is Hen. Com. Darbiâ— Cons. Lit. to 6 Earls 29 Lords and Great men Cl. 20 R. 2. pars 1. dors 15. the first writ issued Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae Lancastriae Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 11 Earls 38 Lords and Great men Cl. 21 R. 2. parte 1. d. 27. the writ entred is to him Conâ—im Lit. to 3 Dukes 1 Marquess 6 Earls 33 Lords and Great men Cl. 23 R. 2. dors 3. the writ entred issued Henrico Duci Lancast. c. Cons. Lit. to 4 Dukes one Marquess 10 Earls 34 Lords and Great men The writs of Summons to the Temporal Lords all the reign of Henry the 4th are entred next after those to the Spiritual Lords having the same recitals and dates with them forecited in the 1. Section Of which take this ensuing short account Cl. â— H. 4. dorso 37. the writ entred issued Henrico Duci Lancastriae Cons. Lit. to 4 Dukes 1 Marquess 10 Earls 34 Lords and Nobles Cl. 1 H. 4. d. Claus. 2 H. 4. parte 1. d. 3. the first writ entred is Carissimo filio suo Henricâ— Principi Walliae et Duci Cornubiae c. 1 Duke 10 Earls 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 3 H. 4 d. 17. the like writ to the Prince of Wales 1 Duke 8 Earls 32 Lords and Grandees Cl. 5 H. 4. part 1. d. 28. parte 2. d. 4. the first writ issued to the same Prâ—nce Cons. Lit. to 1. Duke 7 Earls 3â— Lords and Great men Cl. 7 H. 4. d. 30. tâ— the Prince 1 Duke 7 Earls 33 Lords Barons and Great men Cl. 8 H. 4. d. 2. the like writ to the Prince 1 Duke 8 Earls 33 Lords and Grandees Cl. 9. 11 H. 4. d. 32. the writ entred issued to the Prince of Wales Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 8 Eaâ—ls 32 Lords and Great men Cl. 13. H. 4. d. 2. the writ is to the Prince of Walâ—s 1 Duke 6 Earls 32 Lords and Great Persons Cl. 14 H. 4. dors 22. the writ issued to Henry Prince of Wales 5 Earls 35 Lords and Great men The writs of Summâ—ns under King Henry the 5th to the Temporal Lords have the self-â—ame recitals Prologues dates with those to the Archbishops and other Prelates forecited Section 1. The first writ entred Cl. 1 H. 5. dorse 9. issued Carissimo fratri Regis Thomae Duci Clarentiae Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 9 Earls 29 Lords and Grandees Cl. 1 H. 5. d. 37. the writ entred issued Edwardâ— Courteney Com. Devon 6 Earls 32 Lords and Nobles Cl. 2 H. 5. d. 16. the writ recorded at large is directed Thomae Duci Clarentiae Com. Albemarliae Cons. Lit. to 3 Dukes 11 Earls 28 Lords and Great men Cl. 3 H 5. d. 15. the first writ entred issued Radulpho Com. Westmerland 1 Earl 17 Lords and Great men Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. the writ recorded is directed Carissimo fratri suo Thomae Duci Clarentiae c. Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 24 Lords and Great men Cl. 5 H. 5. d. 11. the writ registred is directed Carissimo Avunculo suo Thomae Duci Exon. Cons. Lit. to 3. Earls 14 Lords and Great men 7 H. 5. d. 9. the writ recorded is Carissimo Avunoulo suo Henrico Percy Com. Northumb. Cons. Lit. to 2 Earls 13 Lords and Great men Cl. 8. H. 5. d. 2. the writ entred issued Carissimo fratri suo Johanni Duci Bedford c. Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 6 Earls 20 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 H. 5. d. 13. the writ registred issued Carissimo Consanguineâ— suo Henrico de Percy Com. Northumb 2 Earls and but 13 Lords and Great men All the writs to the temporal Lords during the reign of Henry the 6. are the same in the Prefaces and dates with those to the Bishops and Spiritual Lords and entred after them being thus directed Cl. 1 H. 6. dors 22. Carissimo Avunoulo suo Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae Cons. lit to 1 Duke 5 Earls 16 Lords and Great men Cl. 2 H. 6. d. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestr 1 1 Duke 5 Earls 15 Lords and Grandees Cl. 3 H 6. d. 9. Carissimo Avunculâ— suo Thomae Duci Exon. 1 Duke 6 Earls 22 Lordâ— and Grandees Cl. 4 H. 6. d. 15. Carissimo Avunculo suo Johaâ—ni Duci Bedfordiae to 3 Dukes more 2 Elarls 23 Lords and Great men Cl. 5 H. 6. d. 4. Carissimo Aâ—â—nculo suâ— Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 1 Duke more 4 Earls 22 Lords and Great men Cl. 7 H. 6. d. 2 Humfrido Duci Gloucestr 1 Duke besides 7 Earls 26 Lords and Grandees Cl. 9 H. 6. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestr 5 Earls 21 Lords and Great men Cl. 10 H. 6. d. 10. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 1 Duke 6 Earls 25 Lords aâ—d Grandees Cl 11 H. 6. d. 10. Johanni Duci Bedfordiae 2 Dukes more 6 Earls 26 Lords and Great men Cl. 13 H. 6. d. 2. Caris Avunculo suo Johanni Duci Bedfordiae 2 other Dukes 8 Earls 26 Lords and Great men Cl. 15 H. 6. d. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 1 Duke more 7 Earls 27 Lords and Great men Cl. 18 H. 6. d. 33. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 2 other Dukes 6 Earls 26 Lords and Great men Cl. 20 H. 6. d. 27. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 2 Dukes more 11 Earls 28 Lords and Great men Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 2 Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 4 Dukes besides 2 Marquesses 7 Earles 1 Vicount 30 Lords and Noblemen Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. 26. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 4 other Dukes 2 Marquesses 7 Earls â— Vicount 32 Lords and Great men Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. Ricardo Duci Ebor. 3 other Dukes 6 Earls 1 Vicount 39 Lords and Great men Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. Willielmo Duci Suffolciae 3 Dukes more 7 Earles 1 Vicount 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 29 H. 6. dors 41. Ricardo Duci Eborum 4 Dukes more 9 Earls 1 Vicount 40 Lords and Great men Cl. 31 H. 6. d. 36. Edwardo Duci Eborum 4 Dukes besides 12 Earls 3 Vicounts 36 Lords and Great men Cl. 33 H. 6. d. 36. Ricardo Duci Eborum 3 Dukes more 11 Earls 2 Vicounts
mercenary Guards and Soldiers for their defence hath been unexpectedly affronted assaulted forced dissipated yea destroyed by them and made their basest Slaves and Captives may learn to avoid all such extravagances and oversights in succeeding ages 22. It is observable and most evident by comparing the births of our Princes of Wales and Earls of Chester recorded in our Histories wiâ—h the dates of their first wâ—its of Summons to Parliamâ—ntâ— that Edward of Carnarvan the first Prince of Wales was first summoned by writ to Parliament when he was but 19. years old that Edward the eldest Son of King Edward the second as Earl of ChesteÌ„r was first summoned by writ to Parliament when he was scarce 9. years of age that Edward the black Prince of Wales was summoned when he was not 20. and Richard his Son Prince of Wales called by writ to Parliament when he was not full 9. years old The Kings eldest and youngest â—ons being usually summoned to Parliaments during their Minorities though others are seldom summoned till their full age even as King Henry the 6. rode triumphantly to and sate in State in Parliament in his Queen-mothers lap before he was full 12. months old 23. I observe that in Claus. 27 E. 1. d. 6. 16. Adomarus de Valencia was summoned and listed among the Earls without the Title of Earl annexed to his name being then as I conceive Earl of Pâ—mbroc and so stiled in succeeding Summons And in Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. d. 6. Thomas de Wodestoke Constabularius Angliae and Henry de Percy Marescallus Angliae are listed amongst the Earls without any Title of Earls yet in the next writ of Summons Claus. 1. R. 2. d. 31. 37. Thomas de Wodestoke is stiled Com de Buck et Constab. Angliae and Henry de Percy Com. Northumb. in the list of the Earls and therefore I apprehend they were Earls in 50 E. 3. as our Histories Heraulds report them though not so stiled â—n-the Roll of Summons 24. That the names of the Kings Counsil Justices and other Officers â—ummoned to Parliaments only as Assistants are sometimes inserted into the Eodem modo mandatum est and Confimiles literae next after the the Lords and Barons name without any space line or distinction between them sometimes with a lines distance or small space only from them sometimes they are distinguished from the Lords and Barons by the words Milites or Clâ—ricis Consilii Iâ—stâ—â—iar added in the Margin and a small space between them as in Claus. 5 E. 2. d. 17. Cl. 2 E. 1. and sometimes they are inâ—exmixed with the Lords and Barons names and listed amongst themâ— as in Claus. 8 E. 2. d. 35. Roger de Brabazon and 7 others of them areâ— named amongsâ—â—th Lords and Barons and so in Claus. 3 E. 3. d. 19. Claus. â— E. 3. p. 2. d. 7. In the Clause Roll of 25 E. 1. d. 25. the word Milites is inserted in the Margin over aâ—ainst the Names of the Judges and Kings Counsil in the Eodem modo and in Claus. 5 E. 2. d. 17. Clericis consilii Iusticiar is written in the Margin to distinguish them from the Lords and Barons but in no Rolls besides without the word Barones superadded to the Barons and Greatmen in the catalogue of their names 24. That although the word BARO and BARONES in the Clause Rolls of King Iohn Henry the 3dâ— Edward 1. 2. Histories Great Charters and Statutes in their reigns be frequently used applied to all the Temporal Lords of Parliament yet in all the Clause Rolls and Writs of Summons I have seen no particular persons amongst them are summoned by the Title of Barons but only the Barons of Greystok Graystoke or Craystoke and the Barons of Stafford In the Clause Rolls of Ed. 1 3 so of Rich. 2. H. 4. 5. and 6. writs are frequently issued Iohanni BARONI de Greystoke Willo BARONI de Greystoke Rado BARONI de Greystoke as they are sâ—iled in the Eodem modo yet in other writs lists rolls in the Eodem modo the direction to these very Barons is many times Iohanni de Craystoke or Greystoke Willo Rado de Greystoke without the addition of BARONI annexed to them which Title is totally omitted in all the Roâ—â—s of Edw. the 4th as the ensuing Alphabetical and Chronological Table with my Table to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower will more particularly inform you So in the Rolls of King E. 1. 3. mentioned in the following Table the directions in sundry writs in the â—odâ—m modo are Edmundo Rado BARONI de Stafford and in other writs to the one of them he is stiled only Rado de Stafford BARONI being omitted in his Title BARO being given â—o none for ought I can find in any lists of summons but to these 2. Barons of Greystoke and Stafford alone 25. That in my best observation â— the Title or Addition of MILES or CHIVALER was not given to any Temporal Lords or Barons in any writs or lists of Summons to Parliament before Claus. 49 E. 3. dorse 4. 6. 50 E. 3. pars 2. d. 6. wherein summons issued Willielmo le Morle Chivaler Willielmo de Aldeburgh Chivaler Iohanni de Well Chivaler Hugoni de Dacre Chivaler after which it grew more common under King Rich. the 2. Henry 4. and 5. when many of the Temporal Lords and Baâ—ons had this addition given them sooner or later those who wanted it in one two three four or more writs of Summons at first before they were Knighted receiving it in subsequent writs after they were Knighted After the beginning of King Henry the 6. and during the reign of Edw. the 4th there was scarce any Temporal Lord in the lists of summons but was stiled Chivaler or Miles being all genetally Knighted for their greater honour Of all the Temporal Lords I find onely one namely Tho. de la Ware constantly stiled MAGISTER Tho. de la Ware in all writs of summons to him from 23 R. 2. â—05 H. 6. as the enâ—uing Table will inform you the true and only reason whereof I apprehend to be this that before the temporal Dignity of a Lord or Baron descended to him he had been a Clergyman in sacred Orders this Title Magister being alwayes prefixed before the Names of all of the Kings Council who were Clergy-men in their summons to Parliament as Assistaâ—ts to the Lords House as the writs and Table in the next Section will inform youâ— not to distinguish him from the Lords who were Knights as some mistake because none of the other Lords who were not Knights had this Title Magister given to them but he alone Now whereas in the summons of 1 E. 4. Iohn de Audley is stiled Armiger I conceive it mistaken by the Clerks for Chlr. he being ever â—â—iled Chivaler not Armiger in the summons of 49 H. 6. d. 6. 2 E. 4. d. 3. 6 E. 4.
of which we have a late memorable president in m Thomas Arundel of Wardour who being created by the Charter of the Emperour Rodolph the 2. COMES SACRI IMPERII una cum universa prole atque posteritate legitima mascula et faeminea in infinitum both for his eminent service in the wars against the Turks and the Nobleness of his Family yet it was with this special saving in his Paten Serenissimae tamen Principis et Dominae Elizabethae Reginae Angliae c. IURIBUS AC SVPERIORIT ATIBUS SEMPER ILLAESIS ET SALVIS yet the Queen with the English Barons would not acknowledg him for an Earl nor Baron in England upon any terms the Queen resolving That she would by no means permit any of her sheep or subjects to wear the badge or follow the whistle of any forein Shepherd or Prince but only her own In the dâ—bate of which case it was alleged by the English Peers Soâ—ius Principis esse NON ALTEâ—RIUS CUIUSCUNQUE suis Subditis dignitates destribuere juxta illud Valeriani Imperatoris Ea sit tantum dignitas quae nobis jubentibus sustinetur Ejusmodi titulos honorarios nec à Subditis accipiendos nec à Principe admittendos Principis enim Majestati et Subditorum obsequio multum detrahi si honores ab exteris accipere permittantur tacitum enim sidei pactum inter honorantem et honoratum intercedere videri Hujusmodi titulos illecebras esse occultas ad animos subditorum à suis principibus abstrahendos c. That Reginald Mohun created Earl of Somerset by the Pope in the reign of Henry the 3. was never acknowledged to be an Earl by the King and Lords nor Robert Curson created a Baron of the sacred Empire by Maximilian the Emperor acknowledged to be a Baron in England by King Henry the 8. or his Nobles till he created him a Baron himself by his Charter without giving him a voice in Parliament as King Iames created this Thomas Arundel such a Baron by Patent ut unbratâ—lem Baronis et Comitis Sacri Imperii titulum maturè obrueret Some say the Queen committed Arundel for receiving this dignity from the Emperor but William Marâ—yn assures us that Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anth Shirley whom the French King for their Service in the wars received into the Order of S. Michael were laid in prison at their coming home charged to resign their robes and see that their names were blotted out of the French Commentaries It is the general received opinion of all Lawyers Civil Canon Commonâ— Heraulds and others who have written of Nobility that none but Emperors or Kings can create Dukes Earls Marquesses Lords Barons and Peers and that only within their own Dominions A Rege enimemanâ—â— it origo Dâ—gâ—itaâ—um Temporalium A Rege et Principe prostâ—uâ—t â—t derivantur tanquam a fonte omâ— es Magistratus et Dignitates qâ—ia in eo sunt omnes dignitatum thesauri recondâ—i Ad Regem solum spect at creare Comites Barones Princeps solus magnas Dignitates confer at Non dicâ—ur vera Nobilitas vel Baro ex infâ—udationâ— nisi â— Principe as they all unanimously resolve Hence Baldus and Alciat define a Baron to be one who hath merum justumquâ— imperium in aliquo Castro Oppidione CONCESSIONE PRINCIPIS In Bâ—hâ—mia Moravia â—ilesia Lusatia and other Provinces iâ—corporated to it Summam pâ—testâ—em obtinet Rex et non solum NOBILES 〈…〉 ET BARONES CREAT quemadmodum in Silesia ad quatuor primarios BARONATUS nâ—mo admittitur nisi vel ab IMPERATORE VEL REGE BOHEMIAE BARO CREATUS â—VERIT writes Nolden and Dubravius informs as that one Honora primum inter BARONES autoritate Caesaris Henâ—ici H. the 1. adâ—um PROCERUM gradum proveb batur quae nunc BARONES a quercu in Bohemia appellantur Franciscus Capiblancus resolves BARONUM nomine Comites aliâ—sque Titularios compraehendi nos dicimus Nam istud verbum BARO est scala et caput DIGNITAIV MREGALIUM And thence he inferrs Dignitas BARONALIS cum sit Dignitas et caput dignitatum sp cificè est tribuenda A PRINCIPE cujus est eas confâ—â—re cum ab eo fluant et refluant In France such Feiffs as are at the Kings pleasure and by his license erected into Baronies are the only Territories that give the Title of a BARON and the Lord thereof is stiled A BARON per le Conge du Prince as Mr. Selden proves out of Simon Marion Pâ—oydey 9â— who addes That when A BARONY came to the King of France by escheat or otherwise the Kings giâ—t of the BARONY by Charter made the Patentee A BARON without other Rules of Creation After which he proves by the Code of King Henry the 4. that the Titles and Honours of a Duke Marquess Earls and BARONY and their prerogatâ—ve A SOLO REGE TRIâ—â—I POSSVNT And in Spain all their great Dignitie and Titles of Nobility are not only originally derived from the King but most of them upon every death are received again FROM THE KING though not by any Charter of new Creation yet by the Kings acknowledgement of them by adding the titular Name to the heir who by his own name only without the addition of his Title signifies to the King the death of his Ancestor Therefore doubtless none but our Kings and Queens alone can create Earls Lords or Baronâ— of Parliament in England there being no one presidâ—nt in Anâ—iquity nor in any Emâ—ire or Kingdom in the world that I remember to the contrary and this I conceive to be most clearly resolved in and by the Statuâ—es â—f 27 H. c. 24 31 H. 8. c. 10. 28. That one of the first Bâ—rons created by Patent whose Patent is yet exâ—ant waâ— Iâ—hn de Beauchamp Stewâ—rd of the Houshold to King Râ—chard the 2. whose Patent runs in this form Richardus c. Sciatis quod pro bonis et gratuitis servitiis quae dilectus et fidelis Mâ—les noster Iohannes de Beauchamp de HOLT Senescallus hospitii nostri nobis impendit ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae hucusque impensis et quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in fururum IN NOSTRIS CONSILIIS PARLIAMENTIS necnon pro Nobili et fideli genere unde dâ—scendiâ— et pro suis magnisicis sensu et circumspectione ipsum Iohannem INUNUM PARIUM Aâ— BARONVM REGNI NOSTRI ANGLIAE PRAEFECIMUS Volentes quod IDEM IOHANNES HAEREDES MASCULI DE CORPORE SUO EXEUNTES STATVM BARONIS SVSTINEANT DOMINI DE BEAUCHAMP BARONES DE KIDERMINSTER NUNCUPENTUR In cujus c. datum 10 Octobris I finde this Iohn Beauchamp only once mentioned in the List of Summons in Claus. 11 R. 2. dors 24. dated 27 die Decembris within 3. moneths of his creation where he is stiled only Iohanni Beauchamp de Kiderminster but neither Dominus de Beauchamp nor
BARO de Kiderminster After which in the summons of 27 H. 6. till 12 E. 4. one of his posterity was summoned by the stile of Iohn Beauchamp Miles DOMINUS DE BEAUCHAMP without the Title of BARO de Kiderminster expressed in any of the Rolls For the various significations of the word Baro and the several kinds or degrees of Barons you may at leisure consult Bartholomeus Cassanaeus his Catalogus Gloriae mundi pars 8. Consid. 15. Calvini Lexicon Juridicum tit Baro Sir Henry Spelmans Glossarium De Baronibus Diatribe William Somners Glossarium tit Baro Baronia and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. sect 51 52 ch 2. sect 4 5 6 7 8. ch 1. sect 21 22. ch 4. sect 6 7. ch 5. sect 5. ch 6. sect 2. ch 7. sect 2. and the several Authors there quoted 29. That I finde no president of any person created a Baron by special writ but only one whereby Henry Bromfleet Knight and the heir males of his body were created Barons of Vescy by this writ entred after the Names of the Temporal Lords in the summons of Claus. 27 H. 6. m. 26. dorso Rex dilecto et fidelissimo Henrico Bromsâ—eet Miliâ—i salutem Cum c. ut supra usque ibi Tractatum et tum sic Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini c. ut supra nullatenus omittatis Volumus enim VOS HAEREDES VESTROS MASCULOS de corpore vestro legitimè exeuntes BARONES DE VESCEY EXISTERE T. â—ege apud Westm. vicesimo quarto die Januarii of a different date from that in the other summons This special writ and clause of creation had been meerly void and nugatory had the general writ alone ennobled him and his Posteritie and them Lords and Barons of Parliament Yet notwiâ—hstanding this special writ creating him BARON of Vescy it is observable that in all the subsequent writs of summons of 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. nd 1 3 7 E 4. he is alwaies stiled DOMINUS but never BARO de VESCY in any one List or Roll. I find in the Cl. Rolls of 49 H. 3. 23 E. 1. 6. 7. 8 E. 2. Iohn de Vescy first and after him William de Vescy summoned amongst other temporal Lords By which it is evident that there were Lords and Barons of Vescy though not so stiled in the Rolls under these 3. Kings who were summoned to Parliaments But after the summons of 8 E. 2. there is no mention of them in any Rolls the Barony escheating for want of issue male or by attainder as is probable till Sir Henry Bromfleet and his issuâ— males were created Barons thereof by the premised writ A sufficient evidence thâ—t no general writ of summons created any Gentlemen who were summoned to Parliaments Barons unless they held Lands by Barony and were Barons by Tenure there being no Clause or words in the general ordinary writs of Summons creating any persons summoned Earls Lords or Barons or giving them these Titles unless they were Earls Lords and Barons by Patent or Tenure before their Summons the writs fliâ—ing them onely such as they were when issued to them and conferring no new Dignity or Title on them as I have 1 elswhere proved at large 30. That the most ordinary writs of Summons boâ—h to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords Sherifs and others use only the words Magnates or Proceres Magna ibus Proceribus jointly or one of them alone without the other to expresse the Temporal Lords and Nobles without the word Barones or Baronibus which very rarely occurâ— in any writs except only in the wâ—its to the Sherifs Câ—aus 24 E. 3. d. 7. and the writs of Cl. 28 E. 1. d. 3. Claus. 5 E. 3. d. 25. 12 E. 3. pars 2. d. 32. wherein the word BARONES is mentioned in some of them and this Clause Cum Comitibus BARONIBUS caeteris Proceribus or Magnatibus Regni nostri used in others of them upon extraordinary occasions buâ— in no writs besides to my best remembrance which run usually Cum Praelatis et caeteris Proceribus or Magnatibus or Proceribus et Magnatibus dicti regni tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri without the word BARONIBUS Which being not so much as once mentioned in these ordinary but only in 2. or 3. extraordinary writs it is most evident to all that the issuing of such writs to any Knights Esquires or Gentlemen to summon them to Parliaments can neither create nor constitute them Barons by writ because they neither stile them nor any of the Lords and Nobles but those two forementioned â—arons nor use the word BARO at all but only Proceres or Magnates 31. It is evident by all these writs That the antient temporal Earls Lords Barons are most essential necessary constitutive Members of our English Parliaments and Great Councils to which they alwaies were and ought of right to be summoned and that no Parliament may or ought to be summoned or held without them since both the writs to themselves as likewise to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Sherifs of Counties and Particular Cities and Corporations which are Counties within themselves the Wardens of the Cinque Ports Justices and other Assistants in the bodies and essential parts of them at least once twice or more frequently thus recite Quia c. ordinayimus quoddam Parliamentum apud Weâ—â—m c. CUM PROCERIBUS or MAGNATIBUS or MAGNATIBUS ET PROCERIBUS dicti regni nostri tenere c. personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris or cum PROCERIBUS MAGNATIBUS or MAGNATIBUS PROCERIBUS praedictis super dictis negoâ—iis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri Which I having more largely evidenced in my Plea for the Lords and House of Peers shall here no further insist on 32. That sometimes the King summoned some particular Bishops and Lords to treat with him about publike businesses by writ much like to a summons to Parliament without summoning other Lords for which take this president in lieu of more Cl. 6 E. 2. d. 5. Rex venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Bathon et Wellen. Episcopo salutem Quia pro diversis arduis negotiis Nos et terram Vasconiae tangentibus in brevie ad partes Franciae concedente Domino sumus profecturi ac vobiscum super aliquibus quae Nos tangunt ante passagium nostruÌ„ ad partes praedictas habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum Vobis mandamus in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis sitis ad Nos apud Cant. die Jovis prox ante festum Ascensionis Domini prox futur super praemissis Nobiscum tractaturi Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum diligitis et indignationem nostram vitare volueritis nullatenus omittatis T. Rege apud Westm. 3. die Maii. Consim Breve dirigitur Dom. H. Wynton Episcopo The like Episcopo
of law or right either Peers Lords or Barons of the Realm for life or inheritance nor give them much lesse their issues after them a right of summons to or voice amongst those who are reall Peers and Lords by Tenure Creation or Descent in all succeeding Parliaments but only a temporary right to treat and advise with the King and other Lords in those Parliaments and Councills to which they are particularly summoned and not in any others as it did in the cases of Abbots Priors and other ecclesiastical persons thus summoned to and sitting now and then in the Lords House but holding no Lands by Barony whose general Writs of summons to and session in Parliaments and Councils made neither themselves during their lives nor their successors after them actuall Peers or Barons of the Realm as Sr Ed Cook others acknowleg and I have elsewhere proved there being the self same reason and by consequence the self same Law in both cases Else our Kings by Sir Edwards own doctrin had been and should be bound Ex debito Iustitiae to summon every one of those Knights and Laymen once summoned to and sitting in any of their Parliaments and Great Councils by vertue of their general Writs without any other creation during their natural lives and their beires males being of full age after their deaths to all succeeding Parliaments and Councils and ought not to have omitted them out of the lists of summons at their pleasures and their posterities after them in all succeeding Parliaments as we experimentally find they did without the least question claim or complaint made by them or their heirs for ought I find in Records or Histories Whereas not only the Earles and Barons in the Parliamentary Great Council at London under King Henry the 3. Ann. 1255. refused to grant any aid or act any thing therein because All the Barons were not at that time summoned to Parliament as they ought to be by the tenour of Magna Charta but even other succeeding Parliaments have done the like And in the Parliament of 2. Caroli An. 1626. the Earle of Bristoll being a Peer of this Realme and not receiving a summons to Parliament according to the Priviledge of his Peerage thereupon compiained thereof to the Lords House who referring the buisnesse to their Committee of Priviledges Vpon the Earl of Hertfords report from the Committee The Lords resolved it necessary for them to beseech his Majesty that a Writ of Summons might be sent to this Earl and also TO SUCH OTHER LORDS WHOSE WRITS ARE STOPPED except such as are made uncapable BY JUDGMENT OF PARLIAMENT or some other legal judgment Whereupon writs were issued to them It being a great intrenchment upon the Liberty Priviledges and Safety of the Peers of the Land and of dangerous consequence for the King at his pleasure to omit any of them out of the Writs of summons keep back their Writs or restrain them from the Parliament after their receit as they then resolved in his case and the Earl of Arundels likewise the same Parliament 5. From this Table we may discern the observation of learned Sir Heâ—ry Spelman in his Glossary touching the summons of the Greater English Barons to Parliaments to be in a great measure justifiable Denuo autem crebra bella simultates quas Reges veteres aliquando habuere cum his ipsis MAIORIBVS SVIS BARONIBVS alios etiam eorum interdum omitterent alios vero NON BARONES ad Parliamenta evocarent habitique sunt deinceps PERPETVO OMISSI PRO NON BARONIBVS evocati contra BARONVM Titulo salutantur Aegrè hoc ferentes Proceres Johannem adigere sub magno sigillo Angliae pacisci Vt Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates MAJORES BARONES REGNI sigillatim per literas sommoniri faceret Quod autem adeo neglexit Henricus 3. Vt cum ipsemet Anno Regni sui 41. ducentas quinquaginta Baronias in Anglia Numerasset vocaretque ad Parliamentum Anâ—o 49. regni sui 120. Praelatos Ecclesiae Laicos tantum Barones 29. accersivit the rest were newly slain in the Battle of Evesham or in actual rebellion which was the true cause hereof ut â—è Schedis constat ejusdem Parliamenti Neglexit utique Edovardus I. multos quos vocassâ—t Hen. 3. etiam silios plures quorum ipse partes 1 admisissit aliis interim introductis Sic antiqua illa Baronum dignitas secessit sensim in titularem arbitrariam REGIOQUE TANDEM DIPLOMATE IDâ—IRCO DISPENSATA EST to wit by his speciall Patents of creation with particular Clauses granting them and their heires Males ut eorum quilibet Sedem et Locum in Parliamentis Nostris et Hâ—redum et Successorum Nostrorum infra Regnum nostrum Angliae tenendis inter ALIOS BARONES VT BARO c. not by any generall Writs of Summons which have not the word BARO in them 6. That although some of our ancienter Kings as Henry the third to settle Peace after the battle of Lewes and Barons Wars Claus. 49. H. 3. d. 10. 11. Cedula King Edward the 1. and 2. in some of their Parliaments and King Edward the 3d. in his Great Councill cl 32. E. 3. d. 1 4. did upon extraordinary Occasions and Necessities summon not only sundry Abbots Priors and Ecclesiasticall Persons but likewise divers Laymen of Great estates Wisdome Parts and abilities who were no Peers Lords nor Barons of the Realme by Tenure Patent or Descent by the self same form of generall Writs as they summoned the Bishops Abbotis Spiritual and Temporal Lords who were reall Peers and Barons of the Realme Vobiscum c. Nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus super dictis negotiis â—ractaturi Vestrumque Consilium impensuri c. and that only once twice thrice or perchance oftener never summoning them nor their heires or successors afterwards or very rarely so it is observable 1. That they did it very seldome upon extraordinary emergent necessities not customarily or frequently 2ly That they did it not out of any affront or opposition to the antient Hereditary reall spiritual or temporal Lords Peers and Barons of the Realm to seclude overvote baffle disparage all or any of them but by their advise consents and approbation as the Writs Rolls attest 3ly That their numbers usually except in 49 H. 3. when most of the Barons were slain at Evesham or in actual armes against the King or when some extraordinary aid advise or assistance was required of them were not very great nor considerable the antient spiritual and temporal Lords and Barons being usually double treble quadruple to them and for the most part six or ten to one as you may easily discerne by comparing their names in every list of summons 4ly That there are very few Presidents under King Edward the 3. of anâ— conâ—iderable numbers of such spiritual or temporal persons called to his Parliaments but only to
the truth alone I have upon all just occasions both detected and corrected his formerly undiscerned Errors and this here insisted on I hope without just offence to any of his surviving Friends or Progeny if they consider the duty and protestation of every ingenuous Christian and Chronographer thus briefly expressed by St. Paul 2 Cor. 13. 8. We can do nothing against the truth but for the truth Secondly It is observable that the word Parliamentum is but once used or mentioned in any Writ of Sommons Act Statute Charter Patent or other Record that I have yet seen either before or during the Reigns of King Iohn or Henry the 3d. but only the word Concilium Commune Concilium Colloquium Tractatum placitum magnum c. which frequently occur and are alwayes used in them to expresse that Assembly of the States by which in after times and now is usually called Parliamentum The very first mention and use of this word in any Writ or Record I have perused is in the Writ of Sommons to the Cinqueports Cl. 49. H. 3. d. 11. soÌ„moning theÌ„ ad instans Parliamentum nostrum The next is in the Writ of Prorogation of the Parliament Cl. 3. E. 1. 20. in dor where it is twice thus meÌ„tioned in the Writ Generale Parliamentum nostrum eodem Parliamento and once in the Margin Do veniendo ad Parliamentum And this Writ assures us that it was used in the Original Writs of Sommons to this Parliament though not extant compared with the printed Prologue to the Acts therin established The Writs of Sommons from 3. to 23. E. 1. being not extant in the Rolls the next use of this word I find is in the Writâ— of Sommons Prorogation in Clauâ— 23. E. 1. dorse 9. Cl. 28. E. 1. d. 3. 17. Cl. 30. E. 1d 7. 9. Cl. 32. E. 1. d. 1. Cl. 33. E. 1. d. 9. 10. 21. Claus. 34. E. 1. d. 2. and Claus. 35. E. 1. d. 13. In all which Writs under King Edward the first not onely Colloquium Tractatum but also the word Parliamentum is mentioned and also thus expressed in the Margin of the Rolls De Parliamento tenendo Deveniendo ad Parliamentum De Parliamento Prorogando And so is it likewise in the Writs de expensis Militum qui venerunt ad Parliamentum Regis clau 28. E. 1. dors 12. cl 29. E. 1. d. 17. cl 33. E. 1. d. 15. cl 34. E. E. 1. d. 11. and cl 35. E. 1. d. 14. In the Writs and Rolls of Sommons and De expensis Militum Burgensium under Edward the 2d it is commonly used and mentioned as the premises evidence Yet I find Parliamentum totally omitted again in sundry other Writs of Sommons and Prorogations and the words Colloquium Tractatum Commune Consilium only made use of in them as in cl 23. E. 1. d. 2. 4. cl 24. E. 1. d. 7. cl 25. E. 1. d. 25. cl 27. E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28. cl 28. E. 1. d. 3. cl 1. E. 2. d. 11. 19. cl 2. E. 2. d. 11. 13. 14. 20. cl 9. E. 2. d. 17. and in some other succeeding Rolls yet in the Margin over against these Writs I find in divers of these Rolls De Parliamento tenendo De veniendo ad Parliamentum Summonitio Prorogatio Parliamenti written though the words Parliamentum be not extant in the Writs themselves The first use of the word Parliamentum in any Act or Statute in my Observation is in the Prologuâ— to the Statutes of Westminster 1. An. 3. E. 1. which it stiles Son Primer Parliament general apres Son coronement The next usage of it is in 7. E. 1. Rastal Armour 1. Wherein it is twice mentioned After which I find it used in the Prologue of Westminster 2. 13. E. 1. and c. 24. In the Statute of Merchants 13. E. 1. The Statutes De Quo warranto De terris vendendis emendis 18. E. 1. The Statute of Waste for Heirs end of Defending Rights 20. E. 1. The Statutes De non ponendis in Assisis and De Malefactoribus iâ— parcis 21. E. 1. The Statute of Persons appealed 28. E. 1. And the Prologue to Articuli super cartas the same year The Statutes De Escheatoribus 29. E. 1. The New Statutes of Quo warranto 30. E. 1. Ordinatio Forestae 33. E. 1. De asportatis Religiosorum c. 1. In most succeeding Prologues to all Statutes and divers Acts ever since King Edward the 1. it is commonly and frequently used as also in our Historians in that age In the Prologue to Articuli Cleri An. 9. E. 2. there is this observable Recital Sciatis quod cum Dubum temporibus Progenitorum nostrorum Regum Angliae in diver sis Parliamentis suis similiter postquam Regni gubernacula suscipimus In Parliamentis nostris c. Ac nuper in Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln c. Attributing this title of Parliamentum not only to the Parliamentâ— held under Edward the 2d and first but to General Councils of State and Conferences held by our Kings Lords great Men in the Reigns of their Progenitors who were totally unacquainted with this Word and never used it for ought I can yet discover It is agreed by all who have written of the Antiquity or use of our English Parliaments that the word Parliamentum is no proper Latin word for that we call a Parliament but Colloquium Tractatus commune Concilium Regni nostri still reteined in the Writs of Sommonâ— as well since the use of the word Parliamentum grew common as before in was inserted into such Writs That it is originally a meer French Word first introduced amongst us by the Norman Monkes or being taken from the French who stiled the publick conventions of their Kings and Princes a Parliament in their own Language and coyned this new Latin word Parliamentâ—m out of it But when and by whom it was first introduced and used in England is a great dispute amongst truly judicious Antiquaries Many there are who conceive it to be used in the Sâ—xons time and long before the reign of King Henry the 3d because many Latin and English Historians and Chronologers who have written since the Reign of King Henry the 3d. do sometimes give the title of Parliamentum Parliament to our great Councils and Assemblies of the King and of the spiritual and temporal Lords in those ancient times in their relations of them But this questionless is a gross mistake since not one of all their great Councils in any of their Titles Prologues Laws Cannons Edicts Acts recorded by Brompton Lambard Sir Henry Spelman Wheâ—lock Fox and others nor any of our Historians living and writing in those times before the later end of King Henry the 3d. as Gildas Beda Aâ—helwerdus Asser Menevensis Ingulphus Willielmus Malmes buriensis Eadmerus Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunâ—lmensis Aelredus Abbas Henry de Huntindon Sylvester Gyraldhes Gulielmus
Burgensium levandis mentioned in the Modus tenendi Parlamentum though in no Records before Claus. 28. E. 1. it indeniably appears that this absurd ridiculous Modus so much magnified followed relied upon by Sir Edward Cook in sundry of his Books as a most ancient authentick Record both known and used in Edward the Confessors time For Certain rehearsed before William the Conqueror by the discreet men of the Realm and by him approved and used who kept a Parliament according to its Prescription which the Book of 21. E. 3. f. 60. hee cites to prove it directly contradicts After which King H. the 2. fitted and transcribed this Modus into Ireland in a Parchment Roll for the holding of Parliaments there Which no doubt hee did by the advice of his Iudges c. That this Modus was seen by the makers of Magna Charta Anno 9. H. 3. c. 2. concerning the reducing of ancient Reliefs of intire Earldemos Baronies Knights fees according to such proportions as is contained in the Modus which they could not have done so punctually if they had not seen the same all which hee asserts with so much confidence as if hee had been an eye-witness thereof himself though most gross untruths is in verity a late spurious Imposture written long after the Reign of King Henry the 3. and Edward the 1. himself confessing that some part thereof is cited in he should have said taken out of the Parliament Roll of Anno 11. R. 2. and other Records of Parliament and not compiled before the latter end of King R. the 2. The word Parliamentum being not onely used many hundred times almost in every line throughout this Modus and not the words Concilium or Collequium but likewise intituling and denominating the very Treatise it self which grew not into such Vulgar use till after the Reign of King Henry the 3. under King Edward the 3. and succeeding Kings as appears by Thomas Walsingham Hist Angliae p. 5 8 12 13 17 25 28 32 34 35 36 37 38 40 41 42 44 45 46 70 71 76 77 78 81 82 83 88 96 105 110. Ypodigma Neustriae p. 68 69 71 72 73 82 83 87 88 98. Henry de Knyghton and was totally unknown to and not used by any Lawyers States-men Clerks Writers of our English Annals before the Reign of King Henry the 3. Which I much wonder Sir Edward Cook who writes that after diligent search hee could finde nothing against this Modus and demands Quis vituperaâ—it and some others of ou Antiquaries observed not being so palpable an Imposture as Mr. Selden Archbishop usher and others have discovered it to be Indeed I found one Roll in the Tower Anno 9. E. 2. stiled Modus Parliamenti which upon its first view I conceited might have some affinity with or at least give some colour to this forged Modus but upon perusal it proved onely a Roll of the Proceedings in the Parliament of 9. E. 2. farre different from this Modus and having no affinity with it yet peradventure the Author of this Imposture borrowed his Title from it Besides the late introduction of the word Parliamentum into England doth likewise discover Sir Edward Cooks other pretended ancient Manuscript of the Monastery of St. Edmonds which hee much cried up yet never would send judicious Sr. Henry Spelman to peruse perchance lest hee should detect its Novelty and Imposture to be of no such Antiquity as hee conceited it to be written in King Cnutes Reign or not long after it but after Henry the 3. his Reign since the words Parliamentum in suo publicâ— Parliamento tunc in eodem Parliamento personaliter existentibus were not grown in use till Edward the 1 2 3. and the whole clause hee prints out of it in his Preface to his 9. Reports prove it to be written under one of these three Kings Reigns if not after them as the Modus was By both which you may easily discern how little insight this great Lawyer had in Histories Antiquities or Records as to be cheated besotted with such Impostures and bottom his Discourses of our Parliaments upon such spurious rotten Foundations as these 3. That no Oath nor Engagement whatsoever was antiently imposed on the Members of the Lords or Commons House to debar or seclude any of them from sitting or voting much less were any of them suspended or forcibly kept out of either House till they had taken any new-invented Oath prescribed them onely by a prevailing party without a Legal Act of Parliament ratified both by the Kings Lords and Commons in an orderly manner such inforced seclusive Oaths being inconsistent both with the Freedome Priviledges Rights of old English Parliaments The Parliament of 1. Eliz. c. 1. upon the abolishing of Popery and restitution of the Protestant Religion having by unanimous consent of the three States made and prescribed an Oath of supremacy for the preservation of the ancient Rights and Royalties of the Crown of England and of the persons of the Queen her heirs and successors against the usurpations claimes practices of the Bishop of Rome and his confederates on all Arch-Bishops Bishops Arch-Deacons Clergy-men and temporal officers By reason of the manifold Plots and Treasons of the Pope and Papists against the Queens person Crown and Realm the Parliament of 5. Eliz. c. 1. thought fit to prescribe this Oath for the better detection of persons popishly affected not onely to all Readers Barresters Graduates in the Universities Schoolmasters Sheriffs and other inferiour Officers but likewise to all future Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament enacting That every person who shall bee hereafter elected or appointed a Knight Citizen Burgess or Baron of the five Ports for any Parliament or Parliaments hereafter to be holden shall from henceforth before hee shall enter into the Parliament House or have any voice there openly receive and pronounce the said Oath before the Lord Steward for the time being or his Deputy or Deputies for that time to be appointed And that hee which shall enter into the Parliament House without taking the said Oath shall be deemed no Knight Citizen Burgess nor Baron for that Parliament nor shall have any voice but shall be to all intents constructions and purposes as if hee had never been returned or elected Knight Citizen Burgess or Baron for the Parliament and shall suffer such pains and penalties as if hee had presumed to sit in the same without Election return or authority Provided that this Act nor any thing therein shall not extend to compel any temporal person of or above the degree of A Baron of the Realm to take or pronounce the Oath abovesaid nor to incur any penalty limited by this Act for not taking or refusing the same This is the first Act ever imposing an Oath upon any Members before their sitting and voting in the Parliament House wherein five things are observable 1.
only Basis whereon Parliaments are founded by which they are supported directed as well as convened and by my usefull Observations on them more compleatly to supply the 5. deâ—ect than any of the former so farr as my present leisure and ability will extend without supplies from others wherein I have with no little pains and diligence given you a most exact and faithfull Account of all the Writs of Summons to Parliaments Great Councils and most Convocations in England extant in the Clause Rolls and Records of the Tower from the 5. year of King Iohn till the 23. of Edward the 4th that I have hitherto met with upon my best search after them digested into several Sections in a Chronological method with usefull Observations on them Wherein you have a compendious yet full and satisfactory Account of all the several Forms and Varieties of writs of Summons during all this tract of time issued to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders and all Spiritual Lords to the Prince of Wales Forein Kings Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Barons Temporal Lords and Great men to the Kings Counsil Judges and other Assistants to the House of Lords the Sheriffs of Counties and particular Corporations made Counties for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses to serve in Parliament and to the Constable of Dover Castle Warden of the Cinque-ports and Ports themselves for electing Barons of those Ports with the particular Rolls membranaes dorses wherein every of these summons are recorded Together with a general Account in gross summâ— how many Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons Great men and Assistants of the Kings Counsil were summoned to every of these Parliaments and Great Councils 4 most usefull acurate short Alphabetical Chronological â—ables inserted into my Observations on the 3. first Sections of these Different writs 1. Of the Names of all the Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders and other Clergymen except Bishops summoned to any Parliament or Great Council from 49 H. 3. till 23 E. 4. with the years rolls dorses in each Kings reign wherein you shall find them summoned and how oft any of them were summoned and consequently when omitted out of the lists of summons 2ly Of the Names of all the Dukes Earls Marquesses and Princes of Wales 3ly Of all the Temporal Viscounts Lords Barons Peers and Great men 4ly Of all the Kings Counsil Judges Justices and other Great Officers summoned as Assistants to the Lords in every Parliament and Great Council held in England from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the particular Roll year dorse in every Kings reign wherein you may find their names and summons entred and when and how oft any of them or their posterity were thus summoned Which Tables as they were very painfull and troublesom to me exactly to collect being inforced to transcribe most of them three times over before I could digest them into that form as here you find them consisting of very many figures which I examined near five times over to prevent mistakes in any of them so being thus compleated will be the most usefull and delightfull Kalender to all Antiquaries Heraulds Lawâ—ers Noblemen Gentlemen and others delighting in Antiquities or Pedegrees ever yet communicated to the English Nation rectifying all those mistakes in names supplying those manifold defects in my Table of this nature to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower If any Noblemen Lawyers Gentlemen or others would find out and know in a moment when or how often or in what Roll and dorse any of their Ancestors Family Name were summoned to any Parliament or Great Council or when or how often any Abbot or Prior whose lands they or their Clients now enjoy were summoned to Parliaments or of what Order they were these Tables compared with the printed Lists before them will presently resolve them better than all the Tables and Kalendars to the Records in the Tower which are very defective and if they have cause to make use of the Records upon any occasion these Tables will punctually direct them both to the Number Roll and Dorse too wherein they are recorded without further search So as I may conclude them to be greatly beneficial as well to the Keepers of those Records as to all those who shall have future occasion to make use of them in any kind For the extraordinary writs of summons and others here published at large I dare averr that most of the Nobility Gentry Lawyers and Parliament men of the English Nation never so much as once saw or heard of most of them before this publication and those few Antiquaries Lawyers Gentlemen who have gottenauy transcripts and Collections of the writs of summons in the Tower shall meet with many memorable rare writs in this Abridgement which are totally omitted out of their Folio Volumes collected to their hands by others which I have here supplied by my own industry and likewise digested into method all those large Collâ—ctions of writs which I have yet seen being both defective confused fraught with a tedious repetition of those names of Abbots Priors Dukes Earls Lords Barons which I have contracted into four short Tables in an orderly method So as I may justly stile this Register Kalendar and Survey a rich Cabinet and Compendious Treasury of the chiefest and most precious Parliamentary Iewels Rarities Records ever yet presented to the world in print As for my Observations on and Collections from these writs I dare affirm without vain-glory they are for the most part such as were never yet known nor communicated to the world and will be of excellent use not only for the searching but understanding of Records and of the true constitution proceedings Privileges Affairs Ends of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England and duties of their respective Members wherein I have discovered refuted many oversights and mistakes in Sir Edward Cook and other pretended Antiquaries who have written of our English Parliaments and given clearer evidences of the original beginning use of the name Parliament in England of the Authority Power use of the Kings Counsil Iudges in Parliaments of the Kings general writs of Summons to Temporal as well as Spiritual persons who held not by Barony not making themselves nor their Successors nor posterities Lords or Barons and of sundry other materiall particulars relating to the Freedom Fulness Summons Affairs Proceedings of our Parliaments than any hitherto have done out of an unfeigned desire of communicating more knowledg to the present succeeding Generations touching our Parliaments and their affairs than former times have been publikely acquainted with that thereby I might restore our Parliaments to their primitive institution use splendor freedom Honor that so theâ— may be made medicinal Restoratives Blessing not Grievances or Diseases to our 〈◊〉 Church and State or Physicians of no value We read of a woman in the Gospel which had aâ— issue of bloud for 12 years and had suffâ—ed many thiâ—gs
to the Sheriffs hands I shall adde this memorable exposition of the Statute of Magna Charta c. 35. made by the King and greater part of the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Realm without the Commons touching the holding of Hundred Courts Wapentakes Court Leets omitted by Sir Edward Cook in his Commentary thereon which it better explains than his Annotations upon it Claus. 18. H. 3. m. 10. Rex Vic. Linc. salutem Quia audivimus quod tu Ballivi tui Ballivi aliorum qui Hundredum habent in Comitatu tuo non intelligitis qualiter Hundreda Wapentake teneri debeant in Com. tuo postquam concessimus omnibus de Regno nostro Libertates in cartis nostris quas indo fecimus dum fâ—imus infra aetatem Nos eandem Caâ—â—am nuper legi fecimus in praesentia Dom. CANIUAR ARCHIEP MAJORIS SANIORIS PARTIS OMNIUM EPISCOPORUM COMITUM ET BARONUM TO TIUS REGNI NOSTRI UT CORAM EIS ET PER EOS EXPONERETUR haec clausula contenta in Carta nostra de Libertatibus viz. Quod nullus Vicecomes vel Ballivus faciat Turnum suum per Hundredum nisi â—is in anno non nisi loco debito consueto viz. semel post Pascham iterum post festum sancti Michaelis Ita scilicet quod qui libet habeat â—ibertates suas quas habuit habere consuevit tempore H. Regis avi nostri vel quas postea perquisivit Unde à multis ibi dictum suit quod tâ—â—pore H. Regis avi nostri tam Hundreda et Wapentac quam curiâ—â— Magnatum Angliae solebant teneri de Quindena in Quindenam Et licet multum placeret communi utilitati totius regni indempnitati pauperum providere quia tamen illi duo Turnii plene non sufficient ad pacem regni nostri conservandam ad excessus tam divitibus quam pauperibus illatis corrigendos quae ad Hundredum pertinent De COMMVNI CONSILIO praedict Dom. CANTUAR OMNIUM praedict EPISCOPORUM COMITUM ET BARONUM ET ALIORUM ITA PROVISUM EST. Quod inter praedictos duos Turnos teneantur Hundredum Wapentakia etiam curiae Magnatum de Tribus septimanis in Tres septimanas ubi prius teneri solent de Quindena in Quindenam Ita tamen quod ad illa Hundred a VVapentakia Curias non fiat generalis summonitio siâ—ut ad Turnos praedictos set ad hujusmodi illa VVapentakia Curias convenient conquerentes adversarii sui illi qui sectas debent per quos teneantur placita fiant judicia nisi ita sit quod ad Hundreda illa VVapentakia fieri debeat Inquisitio de placitis Coronae sicut de morte hominis Thesauro invento hujusmodi ad quae inquirenda conveniant cum praedictis sectariis quatuor villatae proximae scilicet omnes de illis villis qui necessarii fuerint ad Inquisitiones illas faciendas Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod praedicta Hundreda VVapentakia Curias tam Nostras quam aliorum teneri facias de cetero secundum quod praedictum eâ—t de tribus sepeimanis in tres septimanas exceptis praedictis duobus Turnit qui de caetero teneantur secundum quod prius teneri solebant T. R. apud VVestm 11. Octobris I shall only adde this one Record more proving that matters concerning Truces were resolved by King H. 3. the Spiritual and Temporal Lords in Parliamentary Councils without any Knights Citizens or Burgesses Claus. 19. H. 3. m. 20. Rex Roberto de Langeton Archidiacono Cant. Abbati de sancta Radegunda saluteâ— Super sollicitudine diligentia laudabili simul laboribus sumptuosis quas circa negotium nostrum expediendum quod vobis injunximus apposuistis urrique vestrum copiosas referrimus gratiarum actiones vobis quidem magister S. praecipuas speciales utpote ei cujus fidelitatem prudentiam plurimum commendamus Sciatis autem quod CONGREGATIS apud VVestmon in octabis sancti Hillarii vener patribus G. Cantuar Archiepiscopo EPISCOPIS COMITIBUS ET ALIIS FIDELIBUS NOSTRIS to wit the Barons and Great men not Commons as the subsequent clause attests Post diligentem tractatum habitum CUM IPSIS DE NEGOTIO TREVGARVM inter Nos Regem Franciae aliis agendis nostris visum fuit iisdem fidelibus nostris quod nullo modo sine verecundia opprobrio nostris Insulam de Olerone 〈◊〉 potuimus Comiti Marchiae pro coÌ„sensu suo adhibendo ad treugas inter nos ineundas nec in co consilium Nobis praestare vel consentire voluerint Sic enim praeter verecundiam quam inde consequeremus ab omnibus quibus factum nostrum innotesceret teneremur et pro remissis et minus valentibus haberemur et etiam pessimum perniciosum exemplum aliis qui in casu consimili ad similia petenda per hoc moverentur Vnde si per dâ—centas libras annuas Treugis durantibus ad consensum Treugarum possitâ—idem Comes induci pro Insula praedicta sicut alias locutum suit bene placeret tam Nobis quam praedictis MAGNATIBVS NOSTRIS et ad hoc laborare velitis quia priori conditioni consentire non esset honestum vel expediens c. T. Rege apud Westm. 27. Januarii I shall trouble you with no more Presidents or Records of this nature by way of Preface to this first part of my Register Kalender and Survey of Parliamentary Writs In which I have presented you onely with the several Writs of Summons directed to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords and Kings Counsil their ordinary Assistants intermixed with some other Writs and several forms of Procurations in my Observations on them which relate wholly or principally to the House of Lords Convocations and Clergy amounting to a just vendible Volume The several forms varieties of Writs issued to Sheriffs of Counties Wardens or Officers of the Cinque-Ports Dukes of Lancaster their Lieutenants or Chancellors and Sheriffs of particular Boroughsâ—made â—made Counties within â—emselves for electing Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of the Ports peculiar to the House of Commons with all sorts of Writs for proroguing continuing adjourning Parliaments or superseding them after summons to them upon extraordinary occasions relating equally to both Houses of Parliament and their Members together with some special Writs of Summons to the Kings Prelates Nobles Barons Great Officers and others of the Realms Lands of Scotland and Ireland to appear in at or before the Parliaments Great Councils Kings or Privy Counsil in England concerning the affairs or defence of Scotland and Ireland onely as likewise to particular Merchants Masters of Ships Forresters Lawyers learned men of both Universities and other Persons upon special occasions to attend the Parliament King Counsil with my particular Observations on them which I at first intended to have published in this Piece I shall if God send health life oportunity and incouragement by a
audiri volumus rationes et de quorum Consilio in eodem negotio prout alias diximus intendimus operari maxime cum ipâ—â— ad observandum et manutenendum â—ura Regis et Coronae nostrae praedictae una Nobiscum â—uramenti vinculo sint astricti aâ— laâ—â—â— nostâ—um tunc ten pâ—â—â—is non fuerunt ac pro eo scilicet quod illi qui suas rationes quaâ—enus illud negotium illos â—ang it proponere habeant inde praemunâ—â—i non erant eidem negotio sine ipsorum Consilio-â—inem imponere non potuimus BONO MODO Et quia negotium illud quantum possumus cupâ—mus maturare ita quod per Nos non foret quin absque ulterioris dilationis incommodo effectum debitum sortiâ—ri posset Volentes cum Praelatis Comitibus Baronibus ac Magnatibus supradictis ac aliis â—e Communitate dicti Regni super hoc et quibuâ—dam aliis negotiis Nos et Statum regni praedicti tangentibus habere colloquium et tractatum Vobis mandamus in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod sitis ad Nos ad PARLIAMENTUM NOSTRUM apud Lincoln in Octabis sancti Hillarii prox futur Nobiscum ibidem una cum caeâ—eris Praelatis et Proceribus praedictis super praemissis tractaturi vestrumque consilium imâ—ensuri Et hoc sicut Nos commodum regni nostri praedicti diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste Rege apud le Rose 26 die Septembris The like writs were sent to the Archbishop of York Angliae Primati and to 17 Bishops more to 80 Abbots but no Prior except Prior Hospitalis Sancti Johannis Ierusalem in Anglia Magistro Ordinis de Semplingham Magistro Milit. Templi in Anglia The 13. and 14. writs are of this form registred in Clauso Ann. 30 E. 1. m. 〈◊〉 9. dorsi Rex c. R. c. Canâ—uar Archiepisc. c. Quia super quibuâ—dam arduis negotiis Nos vos totumque regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus quae sine vobis et caeteris Praelatis ac Proceribus dicti regni nostri nolumus expediri vobiscum et cum eisdem Praelatis ac Procetibus habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum Vobis mandamus c. quod in Octabis Nativ Sancti Iohannis Baptiâ—tae prox futur ad ultimum apud Westm. modis omnibus personaliter intersit is Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis ac Proceribus supradictis super dictâ—s negoâ—iis tractaturi c. T. Rege apud Thurrock Grey 2. die Iunii Rex c. R. Archiepise Cantuar. c. Licet vos non lateat quod in Parliamento nostro habito London hiis diebus extitit ordinatum ut ad providendum consulcius salubrius ordinandum super negotiis de quibus tract atum fuit in eodem Parliamento et aliis super quibus pro commodo et securitate râ—gni â—ostrs et â—â—colarum ejusdem tractandum videâ—itur Parliamentum iteratum in prox festo sancti Mïchaelis London habeatur ex habundanti tamen vobis in fide et dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus quod eâ—dem futuro Parliamento aliis quibuscunque negotiis praetermissis personaliter intersitis T. Rege apud Westm. 24 die Julii Consimiles literae dirigunâ—ur subscriptis viz. I. Karliol Episcopo c. with 〈◊〉 more names of Bishops 〈◊〉 Abbots 〈…〉 temporal Lords is written under both these writs The 15. writ of Summons is thus framed Claus. An. 33 E. 1. m. 8. dorso Rex c. W. eadem gratia Episcopo Wigorniae salutem Licet hactenus vobis mandavimus quod esseâ—is ad Noâ— apud Westm. ad Parliamentum nostrum quod in Octabis nativitatis beatae Mariae virginis prox futur tenere volumus Deo dante Vobis nihilominus iterato mandamus in fide c. quod die dictarum Octab. vel in crastino earundem ad vltimum aliis omnibus praetermissis intersitis Et hoc nullatenus omittatis T. Rege apud Rothing 27 die Augusti Per Breve de privato sigillo Consimiles literae dirigunâ—ur subscriptis mutatis mutandis W Coventr Lichf Episcopo Abbati Wâ— stm Abbati de Waverle and to 2. Earls and 9. more there named The 16. writ varying in its recital from all the former in regard of the death of E. 1. and the new government espousals and coronation of King Edw. 2. is this Edwardus Deigratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Aquitaniae Ven. in Christo patri W. eadem gratia Eborum Archiepiscopo Angliae Primati salutem Quia super quibusdam Negotiis nos in ista recenti susceptione regiminis regni nostri tam videlicet super humatione corporis celebris memoriae Domini Edwardi quondam Regis Angliae genitoris nostri cujus animae propitietur Dâ—us quam super solempnitate nostrorum Sponsalium et Coronationis nostrae auctore Deo celebr and. aliisque arduis negotiis statum ejusdem regni contingentibus vobiscum et cum caeâ—eris Praelatis Magnatibus de eodem regno habere volumus Colloquium speciale et tractatum Vobis mandamus c. quod in Quindena sancti Michaelis prox futur c. apud Northampton personaliter intersitis Nobiscum cum aliisâ— Praelatis Magnatibus c. Praemunientes Decanum et Archidiaconos c. as in former writs ad faciend consentiend c. T. meipso aqud Comenok 26 die Augusti Anno regni nostri primo Eodem modo scribitur to 18 Bishops there named 〈…〉 Abbots with other Ecclesiastical Barons The 17. writ is this Claus. Anno 1 E. 2. m. 11. dorso Rex venerabili in Christo Patri W. Archiepiscopo Eborum Angliae Primati salutem Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis Noâ— et statum regni nostri tangentibus c cum caeteris Praelatis Proceribus et aliis fidelibus nostris de eodem regno Colloquium et tractatum habere et PARLIAMENTUM tenere proponimus Domino concedente Vobis mandamus c. quod prima Dominica Quadrag simae prox futur apud Westm. c. intersitis Nobiscum ibidem et cum caeteris Praelatis et Magnatibus c. as before T. Rege apud Douorr 19 die Januar. Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. A. Patriarch Jerusalem et Episcopo Dunelm and 〈◊〉 Bishops more the rest 〈…〉 Abbots 〈…〉 in the Roll. The 18. writ is in Claus. Anno 1 E. 2. m. â— â— dorso Rex ven c. W. eadem gratia Archiepisc. Eborum c. Quia super diversis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri tangentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica in Quindena Paschae prox futur tenere proponimus Dâ—o concedente Vobis mandamus c. ibidem Nobiscum et cum Praelatis caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus de regno praedicto c. T. Rege apud West 10 die Martii Eodem modo mandatum est toâ—â— Bishops with 〈…〉
Regem Edoem modo mandatum est Archiepisc. Eborum et Episcopis ac Comitibus et Magnatibus et aliis subscriptis DE CONSILIO REGIS existentibus mutatis mutandis there being only the names of 8. Bishops subscribed without any Abbots or Priors and 10 Earls 23 Lords and Barons 5. Justices and 3. others of the Kings Council but no writs at all for electing Knights Citizens or Burgesses So as this was no Summons to a Parliament but rather to a Privy Council or Consultation The 67. writ is extant in Claus. 11. E. 3. pars 1. m. 8. dorso Rex c. I. c. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia super quibusdam arduis et urgentissimis negotiis quae per solempnes Nuncios nostros quos ad partes transmarinas transmissimus Nobis jam sunt plenius intimata et quae Nos et statum regni nostri Coronaeque jura specialiter et intimis contingent vobiscum et cum aliis Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus ipsius regni nostri Westm. die Lunae prox post festum Sanctae Margaretae Virginis prox futur Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum Vobis in fide et dilectione c. mandamus quod cessante excusatione quacunque dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotris tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et tranquillitatem et salvationem regni Coronaeque nostrorum diligitis nullatenus omucatis Scientes quod propter arduitatem et magnitudinem negotiorum praedictorum absentiam vestram ad diem illum nequimus nec volumus aliqualiter excusare Teste Rege apud Staunford 21 die Iunii Per ipsum Regem Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopis Abbatibus et Prioribus subscriptis vâ—z 15 Bishops 25 Abbots 4 Priors the last of Sempyngham oft omitted before 10. Earls 38 Nobles and great men The 68. is this Notable writ in Claus. 11 E. 3. part 2. m. 40. dorso Rex c. I. Archiepisc. Cantuar. c. Cum de assensu Praelatorum Magnatum Procerum regni nostri ac aliorum de Consilio nostro ad partes transmarinas una cum nonâ—ullis Magnatibus et Proceribus et aliis Pidelibus nostris ex câ—rtis et legitimis causis infra breve Domino duce ordinavimus Nos transfretare et prae caeteris insideat Nobis cordi quod pax nostra in regno nostro in nostra absenâ—ia inviolabiliter observetur et idem regnum nostrum ab hostium incursibus tueatur Nos autem passagium nostrum praedictum ad dictas partes super custodia dicti regni nostri et conservatione pacis nostrae in codem regno dum sic absentes fuerâ—mus ct aliis arduis et urgentissimis negotiis tam Nos et Statum ejusdem regni altarumque terrarum nostrarum quam eundem transitum nostrum spcialiter contingentibus vobiscum et cum caeâ—eris Praelatis et Magnatibus ipsius regni apud Westm. die Veneris prox ante festum Sancti Michâ—elis prox futur habore volumus Colloquium et tractatum Et ideo vobis in fide et dilectione quibus nobis tenemini sirmiter injungendo mandamus quod pensatis tanta nostrorum et dictâ— regni negotiorum arduitate et periculis imminentibus absque excâ—satione qu â—cunque dictis die et loco personaliter inter sitis Nâ—biscum et cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaâ—uri vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc sicut honorem nostrum ac salvationem et tranquillitatâ—m dicti regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae diligitis modis omnibus faciatis Ne quod absit per vestri absentiam expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur seu quomodolibet differetur Et praemunientes Priorem c. Teste Roge apud Westm. 18 die Augusti Per ipsum Regem Eodem modo mandatum est W. Arch. Eborum to 15. Bishops more Custod Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Cicestr sede vacante 29. Abbots and 3. Priors The 69. is the writ in the same Roll and membrana to summon a Convocation of the Clergy at Pauls Rex c. J. c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. c. Cum de assensu Praelatorum c. usque imparturi ut supra et tunc sic Et quia negotia praedicta salvationem et quictem regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae â—c universorum ac singulorum ipsius regni specialiter contingunt Vobis mandamus rogantes quod Episcopos Praelatos Clerum vestrae Provinciae apud Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli London in crastino S. Michaelis prox futur convocari fac Ita quod tam dicti Episcopi quam Decani et Priores Ecclesiarum Catâ—edralium Archidi aconi et Abbates exempti et non exempti quos expedire videritis personaliter et quodlibet Capitulorum praedictarum Ecclesiarum Cathedralium per unum et lerici cuâ—uslibet Dioc. per duos Procuratores sufficientem potestatem habentes apud dictam Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli in praedicto crastino Sancti Michaelis intersint ad tractandum et consulendum super praemissis una vobiscum et aliis per Nos tunc mittendis et ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem pro communi defensione et utilitate divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari Teste ut supra Per ipsum Regem Consimile Breve dirigitur W. Archiepiscopo Eborum Angliae Primati quod convocare fac Praelatos c. de Provincia sua apud Eâ—orum die Iovis prox post Octabis S. Michaelis prox futur Teste uâ— supra The 70. is this Notable writ in Claus. Anno 11 E. 3. pars 2. m 11. dorso Rex c. J. c. Archiep Cantuar. c. Quia tam super urgentissimis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri ac aliarum terrarum nostrraum ac jura nostra et Coronae nostrae tangenâ—ibus quam etiam super expeditione quorundam altorum arduorum negotiorum quae venerabiles Patres Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales ad Nos jam in Angliam per Domiâ—um Summum Pontificem transmissi Nobis ex parte ejusdem Summi Pontificis et dictae sedis specialiter nunciarunt PARLIAMENTUM nostrum apud Westm. in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae virginis prox futur tenere ac ibidem vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et tranquillitatem et quietem dictorum regni et terrarum diligitis nullatenus omittatis Praemunientes Priorem c. Scientes insuper quod tam propâ—er dictorum negotiorum arduitatem quam pro co quod nonnulla alia nostri et regni nostri negotia in diversis Parliamentis nostris ante haec tempora tentis propter absentiam Praelatorum et Magnatum ejusdem regni qui eisdem Parliamentis una cum aliis ipsius
Archbishoprick of York wherewith I shall close up this Section and my Observations on it Claus. 9 E. 2. m. 17. Rex venerabilâ— in Christo Patri W. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. c. salutem Pro firmo credimus et tenemus quod ad ea quae regni nostri salva ionem et â—opulâ— Nobis commissi tranquillitatem et quietem respiâ—iunt cum Dei adjutorio feliciter promovenda mauus velitis extendere liberalitâ—r adjuvantes Quidam itaque Praelati et alii de Clero Provinciae vestre convocaâ—i quos ad interessendum Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln fâ—â—imus summoneri ibidem ex parte nostra super Subsidio nobis pro guerra nostra Scotiae faâ—â—â—nda requisiti ad urgentem necessitatem in hac parte inevitabile periculum quod tam Ecclesiae Anglicanae quam Nobis et toti poputo nostro ex Scotorum inimicorum et rebellium nostrorum qui pluries Râ—gnum nostrum hostiliter sunt ingressi depraedationes inoâ—ndia homicidia at alla dampna quamplunima intulâ—runt perpetrando obstinat a malitia potâ—rit imminere nisi â—orum nequitiae citius et potenâ—â—cus cum Dei adjutorio resistatur suae considerationis intuitum dirigentes ad Subsidium Nobis ex causa praedictâ—s faciendum quatenus voâ—is absentibus cui subsuâ— â—t in quorundam aliorum tam Praelatorum quam Religiosorum et caeterorum de Clero dictae Provinciae absentia potuerunt unanimiter consenserunt Ita tamen quod tam ipsi quam alii de Clero vestrae Provinciae qui in dicto Parliamento praâ—entes non fuerunt coram vobis ad tractandum et consentiendum vestra auctoritate interveniente de certo Subsidio Nobis ut praemittitur faciendo in loco debito convocentur Vestram igâ—â—ur Paternitatem reverendam de qua fiduciam gerimus plâ—niâ—rem requirimus et rogamus quatinus omnes Pralatos tam Religiosos quam alios caterosque de Clero Provinciae vestrae supradictae quod sint coram Vobis apud Londâ—n die Mâ—rcurii prox post Quindenam Pasch. prox futur ad ultimum ad tractand in vestra praesentia et una vobiscum consentiend super Subsidio memorato convocari faciatis 〈…〉 Subsidio nomine nostro audiendam it nobis post moduÌ„ reportandam Teste Rege apud Lincoln 17 die Febr. Eodem modo mandatum est Custodi Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum sede vacante mutatis competenter mutandis excepto quod Clerum Eborae Provinciae venir◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipso apud Eborum à diâ— Paschae in unâ—m mensem c. Teste ut supra What ever else concerns the Prelates Abbots Priors Convocation and Clâ—ry is reserved for its proper placâ— in subsequent Sections SECTION II. Of the several writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils directed to the Temporal Lords as The King of Castel the Prince of Wales Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Lords Barons and other Great men of the Lords House whereof there are several forms and varieties with Observations on them SOme pretended Antiquaries not well versed in our Records in their late printed Discourses of The Antiquity of the Parliaments of England p. 22. 24. 88. 89. meeting with a Transcript of ancient writs issued to Earls Barons and Great men holding lands of the King by Knight service to repair to him at a certain time and place cum equis et armis for his defence against Enemies or Rebels in times of warrs insurrection or danger have injudiciously conceived these writs to be Writs of Summons to Parliaments or confounded them promiscuously with them affirming That they find these writs recorded AMONG THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS of 14. or 15. E. 3. and therefore thought good to remember them When as there are â—o such writs extant in any Parliament Rolls in the Tower nor any Writs of Summons to Parliaments or Great Councils entred in our Parliament Rolls as they ignorantly publish but only in the Dorse of the Clause Rolls quite different and distinct from the Rolls of our Parliaments as the meanest Novice in Records can ascertain them Upon the like mistake some have conceited these ensuing writs of Claus. 45 47 H. 3. to be writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils when as the writs themselves declare the contrary that they were only Summons to assist the King against Enemies and Rebells with horses and arms and all their power not to counsel advise or grant any aydes of money to him in Parliament Rex Willielmo de Bello Campo de Aumel salutem Mandamus Vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad Nos sitis London in craftino Apostolorum Simonis et Iudae absque dilatione ulteriori CUM EQUIS ET ARMIS ET CUM POSSE VESTRO tam de servitio vestro Nobis dâ—bito quam de subventione amicorum vestrorum pro quibusdam urgentibus â—â—egotiis personam nostram specialiter et Statum Coronae nostrae tangentibus Et hoc sicut de vestra fidâ—litate et dilectione confidentiam gerimus specialeâ—â—ullatenus omittatis Quia SUBVENTIONEM quâ—m Nobis et Coronae nostrae praeter servicium Nobis debitum ad praesens feceritis in consequentiam trahi nolumus nec vobis per hoc ullo tempore derogari Taliter vos habeatis in hac parte quod dicto die absque defalta ad Nos sitis ita quod vobis exinde in perpetuo teneamus ad grates Teste Rege apud Turrim London 18 die Octobris Eodem modo mandatum est Phil Basset and 107. Barons and great men holding by knights service there registred by name After which this writ ensues in the same Dorse Rex Abbati de Burgo Sancti Petri salutem Mandamus vobis in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis mittaris Nobis Servitium vestrum quod Nobis debetis ita quod sitis ad Nos in crastino Sancti Martini absque defalto pro quibusdam urgentibus negotiis personam nostram specialiter et statum regni nostri tangentibus Et hoc sub debito fidelitatis qua Nobis â—enemini nullatenus omittatis Teste ut supra Eodem modo mandatum est to 36 Abbots more whose names are there listed in the Roll Then follows this entry Isti subscripti vocati sunt ad crastinum Apostolorum Simonis Iudae CUM EQUIS ET ARMIS Thomas de Chauro with 16. more there named after him Mandatnm est Vicecomiti Essex quod summoneri faciat omnes illos de Honoribus de Redleg et Castro Baynard et de Hundredo de Rochford quod veniant ad Regem ad â—undem diem cum servicio suo Regi debito The like writs issued to divers others in this and other Membranaâ—s of this Roll of 45 H. 3. to ayde the King against the Barons then in rebellion against him and reduce them to their obedience as is evident by this writ
quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod die Dominica prox post festum Sancti Martini in hieme prox futur apud Westm personaliter intersitis ad tractâ—nd ordinand et faciend Nobiscum et cum Praelatis et caeteris Proceribus et aliis Incolis Regni nostri qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis obviand Teste rege apud Cantuar. primo die Octobris Consimiles Literae diriguntur subscriptis viz. 8 Earls and 41 Barons and others Great men of the Laity This writ differs in the Prologue and date from that to the Archbishop Bishops Abbots and Priors Claus. 23 E. 1. dors 4. summoned to the same Parliament Hâ—re p. 6 7. as you may discern by comparing them The 4. writ is recorded in Clause 24 E. 1. m. 7. dorso Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Edmundo Comiti Cornub. salutem Quia super remediis contra pericula c. as before writ 3. Vobis c. injungentes quod in crastino Animarum prox â—utur apud S. Edmundum personaliter intersitis ad tractand ordinand et faciend Nobiscum et cum aliis Regni nostri Magnatibus c. qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis obviand et sâ—atui ejusdem Regni tutius et utilius consulend Teste Rege apud Berewic super Twede 26 die Augusti Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis viz. 5. Earls and 37 Barons and Great men The 5. writ is thus registred Claus. 25 E. 1. m. 25. dorso Rex c. Edmundo Comiti Cornub salutem Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et Vos ac Regnum nostrum contingentibus vobiscum una cum quibusdam aliis Proceribus et Magnatibus ejusdem Regni habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum Vobis mandamus in homagio fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod modis omnibus sitisâ—ad Nos apud Sarum die Dominica in festo Sancti Matthaei Apostoli prox sutur ad ultimum Nobiscum super dictis Negotiis Colloquium et Tractatum specialiter habituri vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem Regni nostri et incolarum ejusdem diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste Rege apud Wetings 26 die Januarii Consimile mandatum habent siuguli Comites Barones et MILITES subscripti viz. 5 Earls 65 Barons 13 Knights The word Milites being written over against the Judges and those of the Kings Council in the Margin of the Roll. The 6. writ I finde extant in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 18. dorso Rex c. Edmundo Comiti Cornub salutem Quia super negotiis nostris ultramarinis c. ut supra p. 9. 10. in the writ to the Archbishop Vobis mandamus in fide et homâ—gio quibus Nobis tenemini c. ut supra Teste ut supra Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. 10 Comitibus After which followes the beginning of a writ Henrico Percy c. and then Consimiles literae diriguntur BARONIBUS subscriptis being 79 more in particular The 7. writ is entred in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 16. dorso Rex c. Edmundo Comiti Cornub salurem Propter quaedam specialia et ardua negotia Nos et statum regni nostri tangent ia c. as in the writ to the Archbishop p. 10. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmitet injungentes quatinus sitis ad Nos apud Westm. in quindena Paschae prox nunc ventur omnibus praetermissis â—d tractand c. Teste ut supra Consâ—miles literae diriguntur viz. 10. Comitibus et Baronibus et Militibus subscriptis viz. Iohanni de Hastings and 45. more The 8. is in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 9. dorso the same verbatim with that to the Archbishop p. 10 11. directed onely to 3 Earls and 5 Barons entred on the Roll. The 9. is recorded in Clause 28 E. 1. m. 16. 17. dorsâ— Rex c. dilecto Consangnineo et fratri suo Edmundo Comiti Cornub salutem Quia ad salvationem Coronae nosâ—rae et communem â—tilitatem populi Regni nostri Sancta die Dominica Quadragesimae prox futur Lâ—ndon Parliamentum â—enere et vobiscum ac cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus ejusdem Regni super negotiis Noâ— et idem Regnum contingentibus speciale Colioquium habere volumus et tractatum Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod ad praedictos diem et locum personaliter intersiâ—is Nobiscum ac cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaâ—uri et vestrum consilium impensuri Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste Rege apud Barwicum super Twede 29 die Decembris Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis viz. 10 Comitibus 99 other Barons and Great men entred on the Roll before the writs to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots and their lists of names The 10. is registred in Clause 28 E. 1. m. 2. 3 dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Iohanni de Warrena Comiti Surr salutem Cum nuper pro communi utilitate c. as in the writ to the Archbishop p. 12 13. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini c. Teste ut supra Consimiles Literae diriguntur Comitibus Baronibus et Milâ—ibus subscriptis viz. 8 Earls and 80 others The 11. is thus filed in Claus. Anno 30. E. 1. m. 7. 9. dorso Rex Edwardo Principâ— Walliae et Comiti Cestriae filio suo carissimo salutem Licet vos non lateat qualiter in Parliamento nostro habito London his diebus extitit ordinatum ut ad providendum consultius et salubrius ordinand c. as in the writ to the Archbishop p. 13. Ex abundanti tamen vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus quod eidem futuro Parliamento aliis quibuscunque negotiis omissis personaliter intersitis Teste ut supra Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis viz. 9 Comitibus and 88 Lords and Great men The 12. is that in Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 12. dorso Rex Edwardo Principi Walliae c. ut supra Quia super quibusdam ardnis negotiis nos et vos totumque Regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus quae fine vobis et Praelatis ac caeteris Magnatibus dicti Regni nostri nolumus expediri vobiscum et cum Praelatis et Magnatibus habere volumus colloquium et tractatum Vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini mandamus firmiter injungentes quod in Octabis Nativitatis S. Johannis Baptistae prox futur ad ultimum apud Westm. modis omnibus personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum Praelatis aâ— Magnatibus supradictis super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri Et hoc nullatenus omittatis Teste Rege
pars 1. d. 37. 7 Earls more and 45 others In Claus. 16 E. 3. pars 1. dors 39. the first writ to the Temporal Lords entred in the roll issued Dilecto fideli suo Laurentio de Hastings Com. Pembroch c. Eodem modo c. to 9 Earls more and 94 others Claus. 16 E. 3. pars 2. dors 22. and so following the first writ to the Nobility issued Henr. Com. Lancastr 2 Earls more and 20 others Dors. 13. 4 Earls more and 17. others Claus. 17 E. 3. pars 1. dors 25. 11 Earls more and 40 others Cl. 18 E. 3. pars 1. dors 14. 13 Earls more and 40 others Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. dors 22. Iohanni de Warenna Com. Surr. 4 Earls more and 12. others Dors. 28. to him and 7 Earls more and 9 others Dors. 9. Henr. Com. Lancastr 10 Earls more and 30 others Cl. 22 E. 3. pars 1. dors 32. 10 Earls more and 30 others Claus. 22 E. 3. pars 2. dors 7. 9 Earls more and 56 others Claus. 24 E. 3. pars 2. d. â— Henr. Comiti Lancastr Edwardo Principi Walliae Duci Cornubiae et Comiti Cestriae 10 Earls more and 50 others whereof the 16 last are Assistants and 4 of them stiled the Kings Serjeants The writ Claus. 25. pars 1. dors 5. is Rex dilecto et fideli suo Edwardo Principi Walliae Duci Cornubiae Comiti Cestriae c. Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini c. Eodem modo c Henrico Duci Lancastr 11 Earls 52 others Claus. 26. E. 3. dors 14. Edwardo Principi Walliae c. Henrico Duci Lanc. 11 Earls 24 others Cl. 27. E. 3. d. 32. to them 11 Earls more 43 other Great men Cl. 28 E. 3. dors 26 Edwardo Principi Walliae c. Henrico Duci Lancast. 11 Earls 48 others Claus. 29 E. 3. dors 8. Henrico Duci Lancast. 7 Earls and 41 others Claus. 31 E. 3. dors 21. Dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Humfrido de Bohun Com Hereford Vobis mandamus in fide et ligeantia c. 6 Earls more and 38 others Claus. 31 E. 3. dors 2. Edwardo Principi Walliae filio suo carissimo c. in fide et ligeantia c Consimilia Brevia Henrico Duci Lancastr 11 Comitibus and 50 others Claus. 32 E. 3. dors 14. Dilecto fideli suo Thomae de Bello Campo Comiti Warr. in fide et homagio 6 Earls more and 101 others Cl. 33 〈◊〉 d. 7. Ricardo Comiti Arundel 3 Earls more and 19 others Claus. 34 E. 3. d. 35. Humfrido de Bohun Com. Hertf. et Essex 3 Earls more and 20 others Dors. 4. Edwardo Principi Walliae â—ilio suo carissimo in fide et ligeantia Henrico Duci Lancastâ— 11 Earls more Leonel Com. Uâ—ton the Kings Son not an Irish Lord being one of them and 48 others Claus. 36 E. 3. dors 16. Carissimo filio suo Johan Com Lancastr in fide et homagio c. 8 Earls more and 29 others Claus. 37 E. 3. d. 22. Carissimo Filio suo Johanni c. as next before 9 Earls more and 40 others Claus. 38 E. 3. dors 3. Caâ—issimo filio suo Johanni c. 5 Earls more and 41 others Claus. 39 E. 3. d. 2. Carissimo filio suo Johanni c. 10 Earls more and 41 others In Claus. 42 E. 3. d. 22. the first writ to the Temporal Lords issued Carissimo Primogenito filio suo Edwardo Principi Aquitaniae Walliae Vobis in fide et homagio c Consimilia Beâ—via Johanni Duci Lancastriae 10 Comitibus and 41 others Claus. 43 E. 3. dors 24. Carissimo filio suo Johanni Duci Lancast. in fide et homagio c. 10 Comitibus and 35 others Claus. 44 E. 3. dors â— Carissimo Primogenito nostro Edwardo Principi Aquitaniae et Walliae in fide et ligeantia 11 Comitibus and 49 others Claus. 46 E. 3. dors 11. Dilecto et fideli suo Ricardo Com Arundel in fide et ligeantia 1 Earl more and 18 others But in the writs of Prorogation and Resummons dors 9 10. writs issued to Edward Prince of Wales Iohanni Regi Castellae et Legionis Duci Lancastr 7 Earls more 18 others besides those in the first summons Claus. 47 E. 3. dors 13. Ricardo Com. Aâ—undell in fide at ligeantia 5 Earls more and 33 others Claus. 49 E. 3. dors 6. Carissimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae Legionis Duci Lancastr in fide ligeantia 9 Earls and 38 others after which follows a writ to the Prince of Wales Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. dors 6. Carissimo filio suo stiled his Son though in truth his Grandchild only not Son Ricardo Principi Walliae Duci Cornub. et Comiti Cestriae in fide et ligeantia Consimilia Brevia Johannni Regi Castellae Legionis Duci Lancastr 10 Comitibus and 35 others whereof Michaeli de la Pole Admirallo Flâ—te Navium versus partes Bâ—riales is one All the Writs of Summons to Parliament issued to the Temporal Lords under King Richard the 2. have the self-same Prologues recitals dates with those to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors in the precedent Section being entred next after them of which I shall give you this brief Epitome In Claus. â— R. 2. dors 37. the first writs to the Temporal Lords issued Carissimo Avunculâ— suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Legionis Duci Lancastriae c Consimiles Literae to 12 Earls 47 Lords Barons and Great men Cl. 2 R. 2. dors 3. 29. The first writs issued to him and Consim Literae to 14 Earls 48 Lords Barons and Great men Cl. 3 R. 2. d. 32. the first writ was directed to him Consim lit to 13 Earls 47 Lords and Great men Cl. 4 R. 2. d. 32. the first writ is to him Cons. Lit. to 〈◊〉 Earls 44 Lords and Great men Cl. 5 R. 2. d. 32. 40. the first writs issued to him Cons. Lit. to 10 Earls 47 Lords and Great men Cl. 6 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ issued to him Cons. Lit. to 9 Earls and 45 Lords and Great men Cl. 7 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ is directed to him Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls 48 Lords and Great men Cl. 7 R. 2. d. 10. the first writ is to him Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls and 48 Lords and Grandees Cl. 8 R. 2. d. 35. is to him Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls and 50 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 R. 2. d. 45. is to him Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 11 Earls and 46 Lords and Great men Cl. 10 R. 2. d. 42. the first writ issued Carissimo Avunculo suo Edwardo Duci Ebor c. Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 1 Marquess 9 Earls 44 Lords and Great men Cl. 11 R. 2. d. 24. the first writ is to this Duke Consim Lit. to 2 Dukes 8 Earls 47 Lords and Great men Cl. 〈◊〉 R. 2. d. 13. to him Cons. Lit. to â— Duke 8
fide 〈◊〉 quibus Nobis tâ—nâ—mini only which is oft times inserted into the writs to the Temporal Lords and others of the Laity not peculiar only to the Clergy as in homagio ligâ—antia are to the Temporâ—lly The reason whereof I conceive to be groâ—nded on that of Littleton in his Chapter of Homage Sect. 86. If an Abbot or Prior or other man of Religion which extends to all Archbishops Bishops Deâ—n Parsons Prebends and other Ecclesiastical bodies Politick shall do homage to his Lord he shall not say IEO DEVEIGNE VOSTR HOME whence Homage hath its name and derivation as all Temporal Lords and Laymen ought to doe when they do their homage to the King or other Lords because he hath professed himself PUR ESTRE TANT SOLEMENT LE HOME DE DEâ—U But he shall 〈◊〉 say I do Homage unto you and to you I shall be true and faithfull and faith to you bear for the Tenements which I hold of you In which respect Glanvil lib. 9. c. 1 2. Bractonâ— 78. F. Britton cap. 68. 〈◊〉 3â— cap. 16. resolve Sâ—â—endum â—st quod 〈◊〉 liber 〈◊〉 â—asculus quam famina Clericus et Laicus major minor dum tamen electi in Episcopos POST CONSEâ—R ATIONEM HOMAGIUM NON FACIUNT quicquid â—ecerunt anie sed TANTUM FIDELITATEM Conventus aâ—tâ—m HOMAGIUM nec faciet de Iure sicuâ— NEâ— ABBAS NEC PRIOR â—o quod tenent nomine alieno scilicet nomine Ecclesiarum as Sir Ed. Cook likewise observes in his 1. Institutes f. 65. b. So that they doing no homage properly so stiled to the King after their consecrations nor using the words I become your man if we credit Lâ—ttleton in making their homage as the Temporal Lords do Therupon I conjecture the writs of Summons command the Temporal Lords and Laity to appear c. in fide â—t homagio et in â—ide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini but the Prelates Spiritual Lords and other Clergy only in fide et dilectione they being bound to swear fealty and Allegiance to our Kings for the Freehold Lands and Temporaâ—ties they held of him â—â—xcept only those that hold in Frankalmâ—igne as 29 E. 3. f. 38. a. Littleton Sect. 91 92 93. Sir Edw. Cook in hiâ— 1. Instiâ—utes on these Sections and other Law-books resolve For this I shall produce one memorable Record aâ—â—uring us that all the Archbishops Bishops Abboâ—s Priors and Clergy both in England and Ireland did and of right ought to swear fealty to the King as well as the Temporal Lords and Commons and prescribing Commissioners in Ireland to receive it from them Venerabiii in Christo Patri eâ—dem gratia Midden Episcopo et dilectis et fidelibus suis Mauricio filio Mauricii Justiciario suo Hiberniae et Mgistro Iohanni de Sâ—mford Escheatori suo Hiberniae salutem Cum defuncto jam celebris memoriae Domino Henrico Rege patre nostro cujus animae propicietur Alâ—issimus ad Nos regni Angliae gubernaculum et â—errae Hiberniae Dominium pertineant ob quod PRAELATI Comites et Proceres et Communitas Regni nostri Nobis tanquam Domino suo ligio et Regi FIDELITATIS JURAMENTUM et omnia alia quae Nobis ratione Coronae et Dignitatis Regiae ab ipsis fieri et praestari Nobis in absentia nostra poterun plenariè et sine omissione aliqua prompto et libenti animo PRAESTITERINT AC ARCHIEPISCOPI EPISCOPI ABBATES PRIORES Comites Barones Miâ—ites liberè tenentes ac tota Communitas terrae nostrae HIBERNIAE NOBIS tanquam REGI ET DOMINO SUO â—IGIO CONSIMILE SACRAMENTUM FIDELITATIS PRAESTARE TENEANTUR Dedimus â—obis potestatem recipiendi nomine nostro FIDELITATEM IPSORUM Iâ—a tamen quod si vos omnâ—s interesse ne quiveritis tunc duo velâ—â—us vestrum qui prae ensâ—u rit nihilominus plenaâ—iâ—m hab at potestatem recipiendi nomine nostro FIDELITATEM IPSORUM in forma praedicta Et id o vobi mandamus quod FIDELITATEM PRAEDICTAM nomine nostro recipiatis prout melius videbiâ—is expedire In cujus c. 〈…〉 Westm. 7 die Sept. Aâ—n 1 Eâ— 1. Hence I finde this IURAMENTVM EPISCOPORVM in Tâ—ttles Magna Charta printed London 1556. f. 164. b. being nothiâ—g else but the form of the Oâ—th of Fealty which the Bishops took to our Kings before they received their Temporalties out of their hands being the same in substance which the King of Sâ—ots anâ— his Temporaâ— Lords and English Barons and Laymen usually made to King Edward the 1. and his Successors conâ—inued 〈◊〉 these later times Ieo serra soâ—all et loyall et â—oy et loâ—altie porâ—â—ray AV ROY A SES Hâ—IRES ROYS DE ANGLITERRE de vie et de membres et de terrene honour contre toutâ— gentz qui pâ—yent vivre et mounir Et loyaâ—ment monstray et loyalment ferray les services qui appendent a la temporaltie de Levesque de M. la quelle â—eo claimor de tenir de vousâ— et laâ—quelle voâ—us me rendes Si moy ayde Dieu et ses Saints This Oath of Feâ—lty as Sir Edward Cook and others affirm was first invented and generally prescribed to all persons above 12 years of age by our famous British King Arthur who by vertue thereof ex pulit SARACENOS et Inimices â—egno But this certainly is a meer fable and gross mistake which I admire Mr. Lambard and Sir Edward Cook observed not for the Saxacens never invaded England in any age neither were they expelled the Realm by King Arthur but the Saxons who had then and formerly possessed themselves of a great part of Britain were vanquished and expelled by him in the years of grace 518 520 522 as Matt. Westminster Geoffry Manmouth Tho. Walsingham and other of our Historians relate yet not by vertue of this Oath which no Historian mentionâ— but of his arms and 〈◊〉 this Oath as I concâ—ive being rath â—râ—invented by our Saxon Kings than Kiâ—g Arthur and first prescribed by this Law of King Edmund son of Adelstan made at Culinton by advice of his Bishops and wise men about the year 944. Lex 1. Ut omnes jurent in nomine Domini c. FIDELII ATEM Edmundo Reg. SICVT HOMO DEBET ESSE FIDELIS DOMINO SUO sine omni controversia et seditione in manifesto et occulto c. Et quod ANTEQVAM IURAMENTUM HOC DABITUR ut nemo concelet hoc in fratre vel proximo suo plus quam in extraneo This Oath thus instituted was backed by the Laws of Edw. the Confessor of Will the Conq. Lex 78 79. published by Mr. Selden in whose reign all Bishops before their Consecrations did Homage to the K. as well as Fealty for their Temporalties Which though Archbishop Anselm opposed yet at last it was agreed between King Henry the first and him by assent of the Bâ—shops Abbots Lords and Great men in a Parliamentary
Council held in August Anno â—107 Vt nullus ad Praelattonem electus PRO HOMAGIO QUOD REGI FACERET consecratione suscepti honoris privaâ—etur Which Law and usage continued under King Henry the second as is evident by this passage of Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. who writ and was chief Justice under him Electi vero in Episcopos ante consecrationem HOMAGIA SVA FACERE SOLENT What solemn publike Oathes of Allegiance and Fidelity Bishops and other Clergymen as well as the Temporal Lords Commons have heretofore and of late years made to our Kings and their heirs you may read at leasure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower p. 427 657 663 25 H. 8. c. 20. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 7. 10. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 2 3. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Jac. c. 3. 5. 7. Jac. c. 6. I shall only present you with one more thus recorded in the Clause Roll of 11 E. 4. m. 1. dorso Memorand quod tertio die Iulii Anno regni Regis Edwardi Quarti undecimo apud Westm. in Camera Parliamenti Venerabilis Pater Thomas Cardinalis Archiepiscopius Cantuar ac alii Domini Spirituales et Temporales ac etiam quidam Milites quorum nomina subscribuntur fecerunt Recognitionem Iuramentumque praestiterunt Edwardo primogenito dicti Domini nostri Regis Edwardi Quarti illustri Principi Walliae Duci Cornub Comiti Cestriae in forma sequenti ad corroborationem praemissâ—rum singuli corum manibus propries scripserunt sua Nomina I Thomas Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury knowledge take and repute you Edward Prince of Wallys Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester first begotten soâ— of our Soveraign Lord Edward the fourth King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland to be very and undoubted heir to our said Soveraign Lord as to the Crowns of England and France and Lordship of Irâ—land and promiâ—â—e and swear that in case hereafter it happen you by Gods disposition to overlive our said Soveraign Lord I shall then bear and in all things truly and faithfully behave me towards you and your â—heirs as a true and 〈…〉 Subject ought to behave 〈◊〉 to his Soveraign Lord and right wyâ— King of England c. So help me God and holy domes and the Evangelists T. 〈…〉 G. 〈◊〉 T. London Episc. Heâ—r Dunâ—lm W. Episc. Winton G. Clâ—rence R. Gloucester Norff. H. Buckyngham I. â—uff Arundell H. Essex E. Kent Riveriâ—rs I. Wiltshire W. 〈◊〉 Prior Hospâ—t S Iohannis E. Arundall Mautravers A. Gray I. Fenis R. Eâ—â—sc Sarum W. 〈…〉 T. 〈◊〉 R. Bathonien E. Carliol R. Beauchamp Sir Robâ—rt Fenys Bourgchier T. Bourchier W. Par. I. Dudley I. Audley Dacâ—e Edwâ—â—do Bergaveny I. Sâ—trange I. Scrop W. Ferrers Berners Hastingâ— Mouâ—tjoy Dynham Howard Duras I. Pilkâ—ngton W. Beaâ—don W. Courtenay T. Mullineux Raulf Ashtoâ— The first who brought Homage into England for ought I can finde was William the Conqueror and his Normansâ— who equally imposed it on all Bishops Abboâ—s and Clergymensas well as on the Laity in the self-same words and form for ought appears How Bishops Abbots came to be exempred from doing homage for their Temporalties to our Kings after their consecraâ—â—ons I have already touched shall here further declare for the informaâ—ion of those of my own profession Abbot Ingulphâ—s records 〈◊〉 mulcis armis retroactis even from King Eâ—hâ—lâ—eds reigâ— â—ulla electio Praelatorum erat merè iâ—era â—â—canonica â—ed omnes divnitaâ—es tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum per Annulum et Baculnm Regis curia pro sna complacentia conferebat his 〈…〉 King William the Conquerot who first bâ—ought the word and service of HOMAGE out of Normandy into England and at his Coronation at Loâ—don Ann. 1067. HOMAGIIS à Magnatibus as well of the Clergy as Laity acceptis cum FIDELITATIS JURAMENTO obsidibusque acceptis in regno confirmatus omnibus qui ad regnum aspiraverant factus est terrori as Matthew Paris p. 4. and Matthew Westminster p. 1. relate Ann. 1072. He received homage from the King of Scots And Anno 1079 He entred Wales with a numerous Army subdued it et a Regnlis 〈◊〉 ditionis HOMAGIA FIDELITATES ACCEPâ—T Anno 1083. Cepit HOMAGIA Ordinum totius Angliae et JURAMENTUM FIDELITATIS cujusâ—unque essent â—endi â—el senementiâ— And apud Londonias HOMINIUM SIBI FACERE et contra omnes homines FIDELITATEM JURARE OMNEM ANGLIAE INCOLAM IMPERANS therefore Bishops Abbots and Clocks as well as Laymen totam terram descripsit c. as Ingulphus informs us flourishing in that age The Pope being much offended that Kings should thus conferre Bishopricks Abbies and other Ecclesiastical dignities Per Annulum et Baculum and that Bishops and Abbots should thus doe Homage and Feâ—lty to them and become their men as well as Lâ—ickâ— as being a grand impediment to their Supreme Authority over Emperors Kings and Princes of the earth strenuoâ—sly attempted by Pope Hilâ— lebrand thereupon Pope Urban the 2d Anâ—s 1095. in a Council held at Claremount ordained Ut Episcopi vel Abbates vel aliquis de Clero aliquam Ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu Principum vel quorumliber Laicorum non recipiant And this not prevailing in another Council held by this Pope at Rome Anno 1099. Urbanus Papa excommunicavit omnes Laicos investituras Eccleâ—arum dantes et omnes easdem investituras de manibâ—s Laicorum accipientes necnon omnes in officium sic dati honoris consecrantes Excommunicavit etiam eos qui pro Ecclesiasticis Honoribus LAICORUM HOMINES FIUNT id est HOMAGIUM INEUNT as learned Sir Hen. Spelman truly expounds it Dicens minus execrabile videri ut manus quae in tantam eminentiam excreâ—erant ut quod nulli Angelorum concessumâ—est ut Deum cuncta creantem suo signaculo CREANT mark the blasphemy and contradiction et eundem ipsum pro salute totius mundi Dei Patris obtutibus offerant in hanc ignaviam vel stulâ—itiam detrudantur ut ancillae fiant eorum manuum quae diebus et noctibus obscenis contactibus inquinantur sive rapinis et injustae sanguinis effusione addictae maculantur Et ab omnibus est clamatum fiat fiat et in his consummatum est conciâ—ium Hereupon Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury a Burgundian by birth and great Creature of the Popes peremptorily refused to consecrate any Bishops who received their Investiâ—ures per annulum baculum from the King or to have any communion with those who were thus invested and consecrated by the Archbishop of Yorke in his absence denying to do any homage or fealty to King Henry the 1. after his revocation by him from his exile under Will. Rufus without the Popes license affirming Volente DEO NVLLIVS MORTALIS HOMOFIAM nec per Sacramenâ—uÌ„ alicui FIDEM PROMITTAM Hereupon Rex Regnique Proceres Episcopi et cujuscunque generis aulici
Dilecto et fideli nostro only and that those of the bloud royal are for the most part though not alwayes first entred in the Rolls of summons 81y That when a Duke or Earl of England was made a real or titular King of any forein Realm his Royal title was alwayes mentioned in the writ Thus Iohn Duke of Lancaster King of Castell and Leon in all writs of summons to him after his forein Kingship was stiled Carâ—ssimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Lâ—gionis Duci Lancastriae in the summons of 46. 49 50 ◠〈◊〉 And Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Regi Castellâ— Legionis Duci Lancastriae in all the writs issued to him under King Richâ—rd the 2d So if any Earl or Baron of England was created a Duke or Earl in Scotland France or Ireland his forein Titles were inserted into the writs as the Title of Cardinal or Patriarch of Ierusalem was inserted into the English Bishops writs created Cardinâ—ls and Patriarchs beyond the Seas Thus Gilbâ—rt de Vinf an l an English Baron being made Earl of Anegos and David de Strà bolgi Earl of Athol in Scotland Leonell the Kings son Earl of Vlster in Ireland the black Prince made Prince of Aquitain as well as of Wales and Iohn Duke of Lancaster Duke of Aquitan under Richard the 2d the were thereupon stiled Comiti Anegos Comiti Athol Comiti Vlton Principi Aquitaniâ— Walliae Duci Aquitaniae Lancastriae in the writs directed to them and if these their forein Titles were omitted in any Writs against them at the Common Law the writs would abate because they were English Peers and had these Titles inserted into their writs of Summons to Parliament where they sate in their Princes Dukes and Earls Robes amongst the rest of the Dukes and Earls But if any forein Duke Earl Lord or Baron of France Ireland Spain or Germany who was no English Baron Lord or Peer of Parliament was sued in the Kings Court by writ he might be stiled only a Knight or Esquire and needed not to be sued by the Title of Duke Earl Lord or Baron because he was no Duke Earl Lord or Baron at all in England but only in his own Country and should be tried upon an Indictment of Treason Murder or Felony only by an ordinary Iury and not by English Peers By which differences the Books of 39 E. 3. 3â— Brooks Nosme de dignity â—9 59. Parl. 4. 11 E. 3. Fiâ—zh Brief 473. 8 R. 2. Fitzh Proces 224. 20 E. 4. 6. Brooks Nosme de Dignity 49. Dyer â—60 b. Cook 7 rep Calvins case f. 15 16. 9. rep â—â—nchers case f. 117. 3. Instit. p. 20. 4. Instit. p. 47. are fully reconciled 9. That if any Earl Baron or Lord was Marshal Constable Steward Admiral Chancellor Treasurer or other great Officer of England or Warden of the Cinque ports his Title of Office was commonly inserted into the writs of Summons As Rogero or Thomae Comiti Naff Marescallo Angliae Avunculo suo carissimo Thomae de Wodestoke Constaâ—ulario Augliae Willo de Clâ—nton comiti Haâ—iâ—gdon Constabulario Castri Dover et Custodi quinque Portuum suorum c. What precedency these Officers had of other Earls Lords and Barons in Parliament you may read in the Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and Mr. Sâ—ldens Titles of Honor. p. 901 c. 10. That in the lists of the Dukes Earls Lords and Barons names there is no certain order observed according to their Antiquity or Precedency but in some Rolls one is first entred in other Rolls others listed before them and they again postponed in succeeding lists Yâ—t generally for the most part â—hough not always the Prince of Wales is first entred before the rest the Dukes before the Earls the Earls Vicounts before the Lords and Barons and they before the Iudges or Kings Counsil and the Earl who was Marshal of England before the other Earls the Clerks entring their names promiscuously for the most part as the Writs came to their hands Some times the first Writs entred at large issued to one Earl Lord Duke Baron other times the Writs go to others without observing the Laws of Heraldry though in the reing of Edward the 3d. and afterwards their names are more methodically entred then before that time oft times in the selfsame order or with some small variations and transpositions So as the Precedency of the Earls or Barons and their places of sitting in the Parliament House cannot be certainly collected from or defined by the entry of their Writs of Summons or liâ—ting in the Eodem modo mandatum est or Consimiles litâ—rae but by custom and the Statute of 31 H. 8. cap. 10. 11ly That in some Clause Rolls there is one Writ to the Archbishop or some other Bishop first entred at large and another Writ at large to some one Earl or temporal Lord with an Eodem modo or Consimiles literae only entred to the rest there listed but most usually there is only but one Writ entred at large to one of the Archbishops or some other Bishops and then a short recital of some part of that Writ to one temporal Lord with an c. Teste ut supra and the like for brevity sake and an Eodem modo and Consimiles literae or some short entries of some special clauses of the Writ to all the other temporal Lords 12ly That in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae first the Bishops Abbots Priors and spiritual Lords then the Dukes Earls Temporal Lords Barons Justices Kings Counsils names are entred successively one after another after the first Writ which is singly entred in sundry Rolls without any Writ or part of Writ interposed between their names as if they had all the selfsame Writs in terminis issued to them But in most Rolls there is either a distinct Writ or part of Writ or an Eodem modo mandatum est c. mutatis mutandis interposed between the names of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Earls and Lay Lords likewise between the Temporal Lords and the Kings Counsil and Justices summoned to Parliaments with the usual clauses wherin the writs differ one froÌ„ another inserted into them which different clauses no doubt were in most of the Writs issued to them in those Rolls where they are all entred promiscuously together in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae without any Writ or part of a Writ or mâ—tatis mutandis interposed between theÌ„ omitted only for brevity sake by the Clerks who ingrossed the Rolls 13ly That the English Barons who were titâ—lary Earls in Scotland under the Kings Jurisdiction and Allegance were alwayes summoned and liâ—â—ed amongâ—â— the Earls of England in the Rolls of Summons not amongst the English Lords aud Barons who were no Earls witnesse Gilbert and Robert de Vmfranil Earls of Anegos in Scotland and David de Stabolgi Earl of Athol alwayes summoned to the Parliaments
by the Titles of these their Scotish Earldâ—ms and liâ—ted amongst the Enâ—lish Earls not Barons in the Clause Rolls Gilbert de Vmfranil being summoned by Writ as Earl of Anâ—gos to no lesse than 12. Robert de Vmfranil to 63. Gilbert 〈◊〉 Vmfranâ—l his Son to 50. English Parliaments David de Sirabolgi to 21. Parliaments and great Councils as Earl of Athol as the ensuing Table will inform you amongst the other Earls of England but no other Earls of Scotland besides these two The reason whereof was only this because they were English Barons and held lands by Barony in England though the Titles of their Earldoms were not Englishâ— but Scotish yâ—t they were under the Kings Subjection Allegiance and their Residence when thus summoned was upon their Baronies in England That Gilbert de Vmfranil was an English Baron and Lord of Parliament before he became Earl of Anegos is clear by the Clause Rolls of 23 E. 1. d. 4. 9. 24 E. 1. d. 7. wherein he was summoned to 3. Parliaments amongst the English Lords and Barons but then being Earl of Anegos by discent from his Mother he was in Cl. 25 E. 1. d. 25. sundry Parliaments after alwayes summoned by the name of Earl of Anegos and listed amongst the Earls of England as the ensuing Table demonstrates So Rob. de Umfranil summoned to Parliament amongst the English Barons Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 20. was in Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 11. and all succeeding Parliaments under Edward the 2. 3. summoned to Parliament as Earl of Anegos among the Earls of England with whom he is still entred in the Rolls The like may be said of David de Straâ—olgi who though originally a Scotish Earl was yet afterwards made an English Lord by the King and held Lâ—nds in England by Barony and upon that account summoned to sundry Parliaments and great Councils by â—â—e Title of Earl of Athol and registred amongst the English Earls in the Clause Roâ—ls Which I thought meet to touch both to rectifie and clear that doâ—bâ—e mistake in the Antiquity of the Parliaments of England newly printed p. 46. That Peers of Scotland were wont to come and be summoned to the Parliament And that the Peers of Scotland came to the Parliament for Iustice which the Author indeavours to prove by 39 F. 3. 35. in a writ of Râ—vâ—shment de Gard against Gilbert Vmfraviâ— who demanded judgmâ—nt of the writ because he was Earl of Anguish and not so named in the writ c. When as he was not summoned to our Parliament as a Peer of Scoâ—land but only as an English Baron dignified with the Title of a Scotlsh Earldome and came not to our English Parliament for Iustice but was summoned to it by Speâ—â—â—l writs as a Peer and Member thereof as the Clause Roâ—ls resolve and the very year Book likewise Of which more hereafter in its proper place 14ly That no Forein Prelates Earls Nobles Barons of Ireland Scotland or France were formerly summoned to the Parliaments of England as proâ—er Members thereof or Lords of Parliament to make Laws or impose Taxes or give Iudgment or Counsel in any matters relating to England but only our English Prelates Earls Lords and Barons as is most apparent by these special clauses in the writs of Summons Ibidem Vobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus DICTIREGNI ANGLIAE never Scotiae Franciae or Hiberniae in any writs whatsoever colloquium habere volumus tractatum And Dictis die et loco personaâ—â—ter intersitis Nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus PRAEDICTIS or DICTI REGNI NOSTRIâ—â— super dicâ—â—s negotâ—â—s tractaâ—â—ri veâ—â—rumque consilium impensuâ—i And ad consentiendum hiâ—s quae â—unc ibidem de Communi consilio DICTI or EJUSDEM REGNI NOSTRI CONTIGERIT ORDINARI And by this usual clause in the Patents of creation of all our English Earls Lords and Barons of Parliament Volentes concedentes pro Nobis haeredibus successoribus nostris quod praefatus A. Comes B. or C. Baro or Dominus D. et haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet habeat teneat possideat sedem locum in PARLIAMENTIS nostris haeredum luccessorum nostrorum infra REGNUM NOSTRUM ANGLIAE inter ALIOS COMITES BARONES EJUSDEM REGNI ut COMES or BARO compared with the Patents of creation of Irish and Scotish Earls Lords Barons Boroughs which constitute them only Earls Lords Barons or Boroughs in terra Dominio nostro Hiberniae or Scotiae or infra Regnum nostrum Scotiae or Hiberuiae and Vnum Comitem Dominum vel Baronem omnium singulorum Parliamentorum Magnorum Conciliorum nostrorum c. in terra or Regno nostro HIBERNIAE or SCOTIAE â—enendorum and grant them only sedem et locum in Parliamentis nostris HIBERNIAE or SCOTIAE inter alios Comites Dominos Barones ejusdem Regni As the Kings Patents to Burroughs in Irel. gave them plenaÌ„ potestateÌ„ authoritateÌ„ eligendi mittendi retornendi duos discretos idoneos viros ad inserviendum attendendum in quolibâ—t Parliamento in dicto regno nostro Hiberniae not Angliae in posterum tenend But no Place or Voyce at all to their Peers or Burgesses in the Parliaments of England amongst the Earls Lords or Barons of England who have no seat Place or Voyce at all in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland as they are English Peers though subordinat Kingdoms to England Which I shall farther clear in some ensuing Sections 15ly That there is a great diversity between writs of Summons to Parliaments or General Parliamentary Councils and to particular Councils upon emergent occasions which are not properly Parliaments all the Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Lords Barons together with the Judges and Kings Counsil Citizens Burgesses of Parliament and Barons of the Ciâ—que ports being usually summoned to the one but some few Spiritual and Temporal Lords only without any Judges Assistants Knights Citizens Burgesses or Barons of the Cinque-ports or some few of them only and divers who were no usual Lords Barons of Parliament as in 32 E. 3. d. 14. and other Rolls summoned to the other as the Clause Rolls aâ—test Which difference some ignorant Antiquaries not observing have confounded them both together as one and the same and mistaken some writs of Summons only to a Council or to a conference with the King his Privy Counsil upon extraordinary dangers occasions for writs of Summons to a Parliament Such amongst other forecited writs are these of 35 E. 3. dors 36. 36. E. 3. d. 42. Where all those Earls Lords Abbots Peers Great men Gentlemen Counteâ—â—es Ladies and Dowagers who had Lands in Ireland and none else but they alone were summoned the Temporal Lords and great men to appear in proper Person the Clergymen Countesses Ladies and Dowagers to send one or more Proxies or Deputies in whom
they specially confided to the King and his Counsil at Westminster not to the Parliament there to confer and treat with them concerning the relief of Ireland and their passage to or sending men of Arms speedily into Ireland to resist suppress the Irish Rebels who much infested wasted and endangered it as the whole frame and contents of the writs themselves and the marginal Notes in the Rolls De Consillo Summonito De Veniendo ad Consilium c. resolve beyond all contradiction Which Ioseph Holland and others not considering in their Antiquity of the Parliaments of England p. 23. 88. have published these two grosse mistakes together viz. That in the time of Edward the thâ—â—â— therâ— was a writ then in use De admittendo â—ide dignas ad colloquium c. It is recorded amongst the Summons of Parliament 35 E. 3. that there is a writ De admittendo fide dignos ad Colloquium And amongst the Earls and Barons there is retorned Mâ—ry Countesse de Norff Alianoxa Countesse de Ormond Philippa Countesse de March Agnes Countesse de Pembroke and Katherine Countesse of Athol When as these Countesses were not recorded nor retorned amongst the Earls and Barons in any Summons to Parliament nor were they required to send or come to any Parliament or Parliamentary Council nor is thâ—re any writ in this or any other Roll De admittendo fide dignas or dignos ad Colloquium as they confidently affirme But they were only summoned by writ to send men of Arms into Ireland with other Lords Gentlemen Clergymen who had Lands and Possessions there as these Countesses all had for to defend and recover the same from the Irish Enemies and commanded Aliquos vel aliquem de quibus vel de quo specialiter confiditis MITTATIS apud Westm. c. Which MITTATIS these Pseudo-Antiquaries have metamorphosed into a writ DE ADMITTENDO fide dignas ad Colloquium By which grosse perversion they have evidenced themselves and their Treatises not to be fide digni in these and other particulars relaâ—ing to our Parliaments wherewith they have deceived both themselves and others who adore these their Oversights for Oracles 16ly That when any of the Earls Lords or Nobles were imployed in the Wars in France Scotland Ireland or any other service for the King in forein parts they were omitted out of the lists of Summons to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils and if any writs in such cases issued to them they were usually revoked cancelled and entries thereof made upon the Clause Rolls This is evident by Claus. 11 E. 3. 25. dors 11. where I find these 2. Presidents in the lists of the Lords and Barons names Thomae Wake de Lydett VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS Henry de Grey VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS After which at the end of all the writs of Summons to the Sheriffs Warden of the Cinque-ports and Kings Counsel follows this entry of writs to some Earls Lords and Gentlemen besides those first mentioned after the Spiritual Lords then summoned Rex dilecto fideli suo Willo de Bohun Com. Northamton salutem Quia tam super urgentissimis c. ut supra in brevi directo Hent Com. Lâ—ncastr usque in finem Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. Thomae Com. Norffâ—er Mariscallo Angliae Avunculo Regis Willielmo de Monteacuto Comitâ— Sarum Rico. Comiti Arundell Hugoni de Audâ—le Comiti Gloucestr Roberto de Ufford Comiti Suff. Gilberto de Umfravill Comiti de Anegos Ranulpho de Dacre Bartho de Burghersh Johanni de Segrave Egidio de Badlesmere Rado de Nevill Johanni de Tybtofte Rico. Talebot Henr. de Percey Rado de Stafford Thomae de Berkele Antonio de Lucy Et Memorand quod Brevia istis Magnatibus immediate praescriptis directa de essendo ad PARLIAMENTUM praedictum remissa fuerunt Cancellar ET PRO EO QVOD QVIDAM EX EIS IN PARTIBUS SCOTIAE QUIDAM EX EIS IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS IN OBSEQUIO REGIS EXISTVNT ADNUâ—LAND So Claus. An. 12 E. 2. pars 2. dors 32. There is this entry made in the lists of Summons Humfrido de Bohun Comiti Hereford VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS And Cl. 2. R. 2. d. 29. Iohi de Nevill de Raby in partibus Aquitan If any Baron or Lords name were in the list of Summons and he not actually summoned there was then a Vacat entred in the Roll as in Claus. 11. E. 3. p. 1. dors 8. Iohi de Sutton de Holdernesse VACAT QUIA NON FUIT SUMMONITUS And if he died before the Parliament then his death was entred upon the Roll as Claus 9. E. 3. d. 28. Iohi de Clynton MORTUUS EST. 17ly That when any Temporal Lords or Prelates had writs of Summons to Parliament issued to them in times of warr and danger whilst they were imployed in the Warrs against the Scots in the North or parts of Scotland if they could not desert the Warrs and attend personally in Parliament without danger and prejudice to the Publike they had then writs of countermand sent them not to recede from the parts where they were in Service notwithstanding their Summons to Parliament For which I find this memorable president in Claus. 30 E. 1. d. 7. De non recedendo à partibus Scotiae Rex dilecto sideli suo Iohanni Segrave salutem Licet â—uper vobis mandavimus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad Parliamentum quod apud London in prox festo Sancti Michaelis duximus Statâ—end PERSONALITER INTERSITIS NOLUMUS TAMEN quod praetextu mandati praedicti partibus Scotiae seu Marchiae ejus in quibus estis in obsequio nostro constituti ALIQUALITER RECEDATIS T. Rege apud Losele XI die Septembris Consimiles literae diriguntur Alexandro Balliolo Edmundo de Hastinges Willo de Lâ—â—u Seniori Waltero de Huntercumbe Eodem modo mandatum est Roberto de Clifford quod a partibus in quibus nunc est NULLATENUS RECEDATIS To which I shall subjoyn this later President of Cl. 6. E. 2. d. 12. Rex dilecto fideli suo Waltero de Fauconberg salutem Licet nuper vobis mandaverimus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis essetis ad Nos tertia Dominica Quadragesimae prox futur apud Westm. ibidem Nobiâ—scum cum Magnatibus Proceribâ—s regni nostri super diversis negotiis Nos et statum ejusdem Regni tangenâ—ibâ—s tractaturi veâ—trumque consilium impensuri pro securiori tamen custodia et majori tuitione partium vestrarum contra Scotos inimicos et Rebelles nostros vobis mandamus quod a partibus praedictis sine mandato nostro vos nullatenus transferatis Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Febr. Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. Ranulpho de Nevill Willo de Vavasour Willo de Ros de Hamlake Marmiduco de Twenge Nicho. de Meivill Ade de Everingham Thomae de Multon de Egremond Thomae de Multon de Gillesland Ingelramo de
Gynes As for the Bishops in such cases they were by other special writs authorized to make Proctors to supply their places though summoned by the original writs to appear personally in Parliament and not by Proxies as in Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. d. 22. and Claus. 46 E. 6. d. 11. forecited p. 51. 52. 58. 18ly That if the King either Summoned or prorogued a Parliament to a certain day and place by his writs commanding the Earls Lords and other great men personally to appear in Parliament at that day and place and then by reason of other emergent occasions could not meet them or hold the Parliament at the time and place prefixed he then usually discharged them all from their attendance by a subsequent wrir Of which we have this pregnant example Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17. Rex dilecto consanguineo fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancast. salutem Licet nuper Vobiscum volentes ac cum Praelatis caeterisque Magnatibus Regni nostri supra Negotiis Nos statum dicti Regni tangentibus habere Colloquium Tractatum ordinassemus Parliamentum nostrum tenere apud Westm. prima Dominica Quadragesimae prox fuâ—ur Vobisque mandassemus quod dictis die loco PERSONALITER INTERESSETIS ad tractand Nobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus praedictis super negotiis antedictis Quia tamen PROPTER ALIQUAS CAUSAS ad locum praedictum dicto die ACCEDERE NON VALEMUS Vobis significamus QUOD AD DICTOS DIEM ET LOCUM PRAEMISSA OCCASIONE VOS ACCEDERE NON OPORTET Teste Rege apud Eborum 20. die January Consimiles Literae dirigunter subscriptis viz. to 6. Earls more and the rest of the Lords summoned with them to appear personally at this Parliament 19ly That sometimes the Temporal Lords as well as Prelates were more strictly and peremptorily required and adjured with greater earnestnesse to appear Personally in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils then they were at other seasons without admitting any excuses or making any Proxies because through their absence and want of their personal presence when summoned the Parliaments were oft adjourned to some other time the businesse of the King and Kingdoms retarded delayed to the publike praejudice and the Parliaments sometimes dissolved without concluding any thing the Lords and Commons there assembled refusing to do or grant any thing when any of the chief Lords and Prelates were absent 20. That no Spiritual or Temporal Lords could absent themselves from Parliaments when duly summoned thereunto without a reasonâ—ble and just excuse nor make any Proxies or Proctors to supply their places but when specially authorized and licensed to do it in or by the writs of Summons or other special writs much leâ—â—e than could they be forcibly secluded the House when summoned by writ as some of late times have most violently been by those who were raised to defend both their persons and the privileges of Parliament 21. That armed Guards Forces and Troops of Soldiers in or near the Places where Parliaments are assembled and kept are altogether inconsistent with the Customs Vsage Freedom and Privileges of Parliament prejudicial obstructions to their proceedings and a great oppression to the people Vpon which account not only the Earls Lords and Barons are sometimes in the writs of Summons specially prohibited under grievous forfâ—itures and penalties to repair to the Parliament With men of Arms and multitudes of people and to come only cum dicenti comitiva de hominibus bonae discretionis et consilii et NON CUM HOMINIBUS AD ARMA sub forisfactura omnium quae Nobis forisfacere poteritis Claus. 2 E. 3. m. 31. dorso But our Kings likewise by special writs and Proclamations at the very first meeting of their Parliaments usually prohibited all sorts of men under pain of forfeiâ—ing all they might forfeit not to wear any privy Coat of plate or go Armed or carry any Warlike weapons within any City or Suburbs thereof where their Parliaments saâ—e during all the time of their Session that so the Parliaments and Memberâ—s might not be thereby disturbed interrupted over awed or terrified as those who please may read at large in the Statute of 7 E. 1. Rastals Abridgment Armour 1. 1 E. 2. c. 3. 6 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 3. Parl. 2. n. 2. Parl. 3. at York n. 3. 415. â— 3 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 2. Parl. 2. n. 2. 14 E. 3. n. 2. 15 E. 3. n. 2. 17 E. 3. n. 3. 18 E. 3 n. 2. 20. E. 3. n. 1. 2 â— E. 3. n. 1. 25 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 58. Parl. 2. n. 4. and Cook 4. Instit. p. 14. Such a Proclamation as this issued before the Parliament held at New Sarum An. 2. E. 3. as is evident by the Articles of improachmâ—nt against Roger Mortymer Earl of March in the Parliament of 4E 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1 2. and 28 E. 3. n. 9 10â— Who amongst othe Articles was impeached condemned and executed as a Traytor for comming armed to the Parliamenâ— at Salsbury against the Kings Proclamation with divers of his confederates whereby sundry of the Nobles were so terrified that they came not to the Parliament and the Bishops there asseâ—bled had the dores of the house wherein they sate in Counsel broke open upon them by armed men and were there threatned to lose both life and members if they should be so hardy to say or do any thing against his will and ordinances whereby he procured himself to be made Earl of March caused the King to give him many Lands and Tenements to the disinherison of his Crown and excited him to ride armed against the Earl of Lancaster and other Peers of the Realm to Winchester as they were comming towards the King to the said Parliament at Salisbury whereupon they were inforced to reâ—ire to their own Countries to eschue the perils that might happen which much greived them that they could not speak with their king not counsel him as they ought After which the Parliament of 5 R. 2. as appears by n. 1. was interrupted and adjourned because the Duke of Lancaster and Earl of Northumberland being at variance resorted to iâ— with multitudes of men armed in warlike manner of which great complaint was made and the Parliament deferred till the King his Counsil and other Lords had examined and reconciled the differences between them and removed their forces Fit presidents for future times to imitate after so many outrages and forcible assaults upon the Parliament and their Members by Souldiers and others of late times beyond all presedents in former ages to the totall dissolution both of our Parliaments and their privileges unlesse carefully regained reestablished by strictest Laws exemplary Punishments and severest prohibitions of all armed forces in or near unto the places where future Parliaments shall assemble who by the just judgment of God upon the former Parliament which against the Custom Freedom and Privilege of Parliaments making use of armed
d. 1. and all other summons else and not one Baron or Lord Armiger but he alone though unknighted Armiger being a petty inferior Title not suitable to his Lordship or Pâ—erage 26. That the Prince of Wales Dukes Earls and Marquesses are regularly stiled by their Christian names and Titles or Places of their Dignities and very rarely yet now and then by their Sirnames but the â—emporal Lords and Barons till the end of King Rich. the 2. his reign in the writs of summons directed to them are for the most part stiled by their Christian names and Surnames or by their Baronies supplying Surnamesâ— and sometimes both by their Surnames and Baronies That the Tiâ—le DOMINUS was not usually given to any of them except two before the reign of King Henry the 6. The first in my observation to whom this â—itle was given in any writ of summons was Iohn de Moubray who in Claus. 16 E. 3. par 2. d. 13. and so in other succeeding writs though not in all is stiled Iohn de Moubray DOMINUS Insulae de Axholm none else having this Title till afâ—er the reign of Rich. the 2. The next so stiled is in Claus. 11 H. 4. d. 32. where a writ issued Iohanni Talbot DOMINO de Furâ—vall which though omitted in some summons after is again used in the summons to him Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. and Cl. 8H 5. d. 2. Afteâ— which I finde none so stiled till Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 21. where Robert Hungerford Chivaler is stiled DOMINUS de Mollins as he is in Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. which gives the title of DOMINUS de Poynings to Hâ—nry Peircy In Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. this title DOMINUS is given to Hungerford Percy and 4 more in Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. it is added to 8. In Cl. 29 H. 6. d. 41. to 16. after which it grew more common to them and most others who were summoned as the ensuing Table will more particularly inform you But though the temporal Lords in the writs of summons issued to them were seldom stiled Lords or Barons before 23 H. 6. yet it is observable that when any of them are particularly mentioned in the Parliament Rolls Acts of Parliament Commissions or Patents they are usually stiled BARONS or LORDS as in the Proâ—â—gue of Magna Charta 9 H. 3. c. 2. 14. 37. Charta de Foresta c. 11. 20 H. 3. c. 9. 51 H. 3. 1. 10. Dictum de Kenelworth 51 H. 3. 3 E. 1. the Prologue and c. 23. 13 E. 1. c. 42. 18 E. 1. The Statute of Quo Warrauto 25 E. 1. c. 6. 34 E. 1. c. 5. The Prologues to the Sâ—atutes of E. 3. 14 E. 3. c. 5. and the Commission therupon Paâ— 18 E. 3. p. 2. m. 39. 36 E. 3. c. 6. 20 R. 2. c. 3. and other Acts. How fearfull Christians were to give this Tâ—tle of DOMINUS to the Greatest Emperors and how unwilling Augustus and the greatest Christian Emperors were to receive or make use of iâ— unless with the diminution of DOMNUS and DOMPNUS not Dominus you may read in Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary p. 225 226. it being a Title peculiar to God and Christ DEI NO MEN as Terâ—ulliâ—â—â—â—liles â—liles it whereas now it is usurped by and given to every upstart of the most ignoble extraction to bring Nobility it self and the House of Lords into contempt 27. That it is the inseparable incommunicable Prerogative and Supream Royal Jurisdiction of the Kings of England underivable to and inusurpable by any other person or persons by their special Patents Writs of Creation Charters and Solemn Invchiâ—ures to make and create Princes of Wales Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Lords Barons and Peeres of the Râ—alm and to give them and their posterities a place seat voyce in the Parliament and Great Councils of England the Supreamest Judicature and highest Court of all others wherein they sit as Iudges and all others Iudges in the Courts of Westminster sit only as their Assistants not as Associates or their fellow Iudges This is evident not only by all writs of summons issued to the Lords but likewise by the express Resolution of all the Nobles and Parliaments of 50 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 41. 51 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 9. 36 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 94. 40 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 13. 9 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 14 15 16 17. 11 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 44. 13 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 21 22 23 20 R. 2. rot Par. n. 30 31 32. 21 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 33. 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 76 78 82. 9 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 25. 4 H. 5. rot Parl. n. 13. 3 H. 6. the case of Iohn Earl Marshal rot Parl. n. 11 12 13. 11 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 31. to 36. 33 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 42 43 50. 1 2 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 12 13 14. 14 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 24 25. 17 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 16. by all Patents presidents of creating any Princes Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Lords Peers and Barons of Parliament collected by Mr. Iohn Selden in his Titles of Honor Book 2. Chap. 5 6 7. Mr. William Martyn Camâ—den Mills his Catalogue of Honor Bâ—ook his Catalogue of Nobility Augustine Vincent his Discovery of Errours therein Iames York his Union of Honour with others who have written of our English Peers Nobility and Sir Henry Spâ—lmas his Glossary Title Baro p. 81 82 83. Comes p. 177 178. Hence is it that King Henry the 1. King Iohn Henry the 3. and Edw. 1. in their Great Charters and other wriâ—ing usually stile them â—OMITES BARONES NOSTRI MEI Si quis BARONUM MEORUM vâ—l COMITVM or DE BARONIBUS MEIS or NOSTRIS and Glanvil l. 8. c. 11. l. 9. c. 1. Huntindon Historiarum l. 5. The Leiger Book of Ramsay sect 171. Pope Nâ—cholas in his Epistle to King Ed. the Confessor with our Lawbooks Historians usually stile them BARONES REGIS REGII BARONES VESTRI BARONES SVI speaking of the King Rex de IURE BARONIBUS SUIS And hence we read Ann. 3. H. 3. Fitzh Prescription 50. this Custem pleaded in Barr of a Nuper obiit Quod si aliquis BARO DOMINI REGIS tenens de Rege obâ—isset et non haberet haeredem nisi filias et primogenita filiae maritatae sunt in vitaâ— patris Dominus Reâ— daret postnatam filiam quae remaneret in haeredâ—tate Paâ—ris alicui Militum suorum cum tota haereditatâ— Patris sui de qua obiisset seseitus iâ— a quod aliae filiae nihil recâ—pâ—rent versus postnatam filiam in vâ—ta sua et omnes Reges habuerunt hanc dignitatem à Conquestu Yea this is such an incommunicable Prerogâ—â—ve incident to our Kings alone that neither the Emperour himself nor Pope could ever create an English Earl Baron or Lord of Parliament nor give him any precedency before other Lords in England
is evident not only by the memorâ—ble prâ—sidents of 3 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 10. to 14. 27 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 19. 14 E. 4. rot Parâ— n. 25. in Controversies of this Nature there recorded but by these two presidents of laâ—er times remembred by Mr. Cambdeâ— In the Parliament of 39 Eliz. Anno 1597. Thomas Baron de la Ware peâ—iâ—ioned the Queen to be restored to his anciâ—nt place and â—eat in Parliamenâ— whose case was this His father William by judgement of Parliâ—ment in the reign of Edward the 6. for endeavouring to poyson his Unkle the Lord de la Ware to gain his inheritance and honour was disabled to enjoy any inheritance or honour that might descend to him by his Unkles death Afterwards in Queen Maries reign he was condemned of High Treason and not long after intirely restored as if he had not been condemned Being disabled by his first Sentence to inherit his Unkles honor upon his death he was by Queen Elizabâ—ths special Favour and Letters Patents created Baron de la Ware de novo and sat only as a younger Baron then newly created during his life After his death his son petitioning to enjoy the place of his Ancestors in Parliament the Queen referred the business to the Lords in Parliament who finding the judgement against William his Father to be only personal and not to bind his children and that the judgement given against him under Queen Mary was no obstacle both because he could not lose that Dignity and Honor by it which then he had not his Unkle being then alive and because he was soon after intirely restored and for that the anâ—ient Dignity and Barony was not extinct by his new Creation but only suspended during his life being not vested in him at the time of his late Creation the Lords thereupon locum â—i avitum ADJUDICAVERUNT inter Barones Willoughbeium de Eresby Berkleium in quo ritè locatur In the same Parliament it was resolved by the Lords in the case of Thomas Howard Baron of Walden Knight of the Gâ—rter who being sick and unable to come to the House himself Baron Scroop as his Proxy was brought into the Lords House in his Parliamentary Robes between two Barons the chief King of Arms going before him where presenting his Patent and Creation when the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal had read it he was placed below all the rest of the Barons though he were the younger son of a Duke whose sons by an Order of Parliament made in the 6. year of King Henry the 8. ought to take place of all Viscounts and other Barons which the Lords then resolved to be intended out of Pâ—rliament but they ought to sit in the Parliament house only according to the time of their being created Barons as Mr. Cambden relates out of the Lords Iâ—urnal 36. That the Prelates Earls Barons and Great men of the Realm are the Proper Iudges of all Causes and Controversies there debaâ—ed between the King and his people and are all bound by Oath as well as the King to observe defend and maintain the rights of the Realm and Crown of England and that more especially by their Oath of Fealty and Homage whereby they were tied to the King and charged to appear when summoned in the writs of summons as you may read more at large before in Spelmans Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium ligeantia and in Mat. Paris who records Aâ— 1209. that K. Iohn caepit HOMAGIA de omnibus hominibus liberè tenentibus et etiam duodecim annorum pueris quos omnes post FIDELIT ATEM FACTAM in osculum pacis recepit ac demâ—sit Et Wallenses quod anteactis temporibus fuâ—raâ— inauditum venientes ad Regem HOMAGIA fecerunt ibidem licet tam divitibus quam pauperibus esset oâ—erosum Then passing into Ireland with a great Army there came to Dublin to meet him plus quà m viginti Reguli illius regionis qui omnes timore maximo perterâ— iti HOMAGIUM ILLI ET FIDELITATEM FECERUNT as the highest Obligation of their future Loyalty fidelity and subjection to him Upon which Account Homage is frequently stiled HOMAGIUM LIGEUM LIGEANTIA LIGANâ—IA by Bracton l. 2. c. 35. f. 79. Glanvil l. 7. c. 10. Guliclmus Neubrigensis Hist. l. 2. c. 37. Chron. Iohannis Bromton col 1005. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Britton ch 68. De Homages Custumar Vetus Normanniae c. 43. Cooks 7 Rep. Calvins case f. 7. 1. Instit. f. 65. a. Hornes Myrrour des Iustices ch 35 36 37 38. Spelmans Glossarium Homagium Ligeantia because iâ— most strictly unites and binds the King and his Subjects together hunc ad protectionâ—m justum Regimen illos ad reverentiam tributa et dâ—bitam Subjectionem â—t obedâ—â—ntiam as they resolve whereupon the Lords are enjoyned in their writs of summons personâ—lly to appear in Parliaments and Great Councils in fide homagio QUIBUS NOBIS TENEMINI as I formerly observed 37. That the nâ—mbers of Earls Barons Temporal Lords and Great men summoâ—ed to our Parliaments and Great Councils andentred after the Eodem modo and Consimiles literae in the Rolls and Liâ—ts of Summons are oft times very various and different there being many more of them summoned to some Parliaments and Great Councilâ— than to others as you may easily discern by comparing their Numbers which I have here presented you with in the grosse after every writ the Prince of Wales himself the Duke of Lancaster and other Dukes and Earls as well as inferior Lords Barons and Great men being left out of some Lists of Summons one two or three Parliaments and Great Councils together or more and then inserted again into others the true reasons whereof I apprehend to be these ensuing 1. Their absence in forein parts or elsâ—where in the warrs or â—pon other special services of the King in which cases no wrâ—ts of Summons issued to them and if their names were entred in the Lists of the summons they were usually cancelled or rased out of them witness the forecited entrys in the Lists oâ— Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 2. dors 11. And Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 3. dors 32. 2ly Their abode beyond the Seas upon their own particular occasions Both which causes frequently happened during the wars with France Scotland and Ireland and whiles our Kings and Nobles had any Lands and Possessions in France Aquitain Normandy Anjow Picardy and other parts beyond the Seas Many of the Earls Lords Barons Great men and our Kings themselves being oft times by reason of Warrs Treaties Embassies and defence of their Inheritances absent in forein parts when Parliaments were summoned and held in England by the Custos Regni or Commissioners at which times I generally finde there were fewer Earls Barons and Noblemen summoned to our Parliaments and Great Councils than in times of Peace or when our Kings were personally present in
England most of the Earls and Temporal Lords attending on them in person in their wâ—rrs and voyages into forein parts as on Ed. 3 H. 4 5 6. 3ly The Civil wars hapning now and then between the King Lords and Barons upon which occasion some of the Temporal Lords whiles in open hostility and rebellion against the King were now and then as I conjecture left out of the Lists of Summons because they could not be conveniently summoned or would not appear upon any summons if sent them 4ly The attainders or Outlawries of some Earls Lords and Barons of High Treason for their wars Insurrections Rebellions or other Treasons against the King which disabled themselves and their Posterities to be summoned to Parliaments till pardoned or restored by the King to theiâ— honours bloud Lordships Baronies and Lâ—nds 5ly The Alieâ—ation of some Baronies by teâ—ure by sales gifts marriages escheats or otherwise from one person name family to another whereby the former Barons only by Tenure were no more summoned after such Alienations but the new Tenants who purchased or possessed them 6ly The deceases of some Earls Lords and Barons without heirs males of their Bodies or the Infancy or nonage of their heirs males at the time of their deathâ— who usually had no writs of summons till their full age though the Prince of Wales and Kings own sons were sometimes summoned to Parliaments during their Minority as will appear by comparing the dates of their wriâ—s with the time of their births mentioned in our Historians but few Nobles else were summoned during their Minority for ought appears Minors being unfiâ— to be Senators Counseâ—lors Judges in the Supremest Council Judicaâ—ure of the Realm as I have elsewhere proved 7ly Our Kings Liberty and Prerogative who though obliged by the anâ—ient Laws and customs of the Realm the Conâ—â—iâ—utions of Clarindon the Great Charter of King Iohn Ad habendum COMMUNE CONSILIUM REGNI aâ— Auxiliis assidendis et de Scutagiis assidendis 〈◊〉 faciemus Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates COMITES MAIORES BARONES REGNI SINGILLATIM PER LITER AS NOSTRAS c. ex debito Iustitiae as Sir Edward Cook informs us to summon EVERY ONE OF THE TEMPORAL LORDS BY DESCENT OR CREATION being of full age by writs to our Parliaments when held yet they have likewise a Freedom and Prerogative to create New Earls Lords Barons by special Writs or Patents or to Summon what particular Gentlemen and others of Parts and Abilities they please to their Parliaments and Great Councils to counsel and advise them as the exigency of their affairs shall require and they and their Counsel shall think necessary pro hac vice tantum or so oft as they deem necessary without creating them Earls Lords or Barons for life or inheritance by their general writs of Summons as I have elswhere evidenced 38. That the Eodem modâ— mandatum est c. And Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis in the Clause Rolls are for the most part general without defining the Degrees and Qualities of the persons underwritten except Dukes and Earls specified by their Titles but few else besides them And sometimes special As Eodem modo mandatum est Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis Consimile mandatum habent singuli Comites BARONES MILITES subscripti Consimiles Literae diriguntur Comiâ—â—bus BARONIBUS MILITIBUS SUBSRIPTIS So as it is a difficult matter certainly to define by the large list of names which of them were real Lords and Barons of Parliament and which not except those only who were usually summoned and listed in the Rolls amongst the Lords and Barons and their posterity after them or such who are expresly stiled either Barons or Lords in the writs or lists of names of which I shall give you one instance In the summons of Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 25. dorso in the Eodâ—â— modo mandatum est Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis there is this List of names with a particular distinction made of their Degrees in the Margin declaring all in that Catalogue to be Earls and Barons and in no Roll else upon my best observation Guidoni de Bello Campo Comiti Warr. Adamaro de Valenâ— Comiti Pembr Hâ—mfrido de Bohun Comiti Heref. Essex Iohanni de Warenna Comiti surr Edmundo Comiti Arundel Roberto de Veer Comiti Oxon. Hugoni de Veer Hugoni le Dispenser Iohanni de Hastings Ioh. de Gifford de Brimesfeld Willo Martyn Iohanni de Ferrar. Willo de Mareschall Roberto de Clifford Iohanni de Somery Roberto Fil. Paganâ— Iohanni Botetourte Roberto fil Walteri Pagano Tybetot Bartho de Badlesâ—ere Iohanni de Segrave Pho. de Kyâ—e Edmundo Deincourt Iohanni de Grey Rico. de Grey Iohanni la Ware Willo de Echingham Thomae de Furnivall Iohanni de Clavering Peero Corbet Rado Basset de Draiton Iohanni Dengaine Engayne Fulconi Lestrange Willo le Latymer Fulconi fil Warrini Roberto de Ufford Iohanni de Bello Campo de Somerset Hugoni de Courtenay Rado de Gorges Henr. de Lancastr Mauricio de Berkele Thomae Bardolfe Roberto de Monte altâ— Iohanni de Mohâ—â— An exact Alphabetical and Chronological Table of all Dukes Earls Marquesses Princes of Wales and forein Kings summoned to the Great Councils and Parliaments of England from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the numbers of the Parliaments years and dorses of the clause Rolls of each King when there were two or more Parliaments in one year to which they were summoned or resummoned by Writs of Prorogation p. in the parentheâ—is signifying the part d. the dorse and the next figures the membranaes of the dorse or dorses wherein they are recorded The other dorses you may find in the forecited Writs A ALbemariae Thomas Duke of Albemarl or Aumarle Uncle to K. R. d 2. summoned to Parl. 9 R. 2. Edward Duke thereof 21 23 R. 2. 1 H. 4. Thomas Duke of Clarence Earl of Albemarle so stiled in his summons 1 2 3 4 H. 5. Aâ—â—gos Angos Danegoâ— or Anguish Gilbert de Vmfravil Earl thereof summoned to Parl. An. 25 d. 25. 27 d. 16 18. 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 9. 12. 33 â—4 â—5 Ed. 1. 1 d. 11. 19. Ed. 2. Robert de 〈◊〉 Earl thereof summoned 2 3. 12 d. 11. 29. 1â— 14 d. 5. 2. 15 16 17 18. d. 5. 21 23. 34 â— 2. Gilbâ—â—t de Umfrâ—vil 6 d. 4 9 19. 36. 7 8 9. d 8. 28. 10 d. 1 5. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23 33. 15. 16 d. 13 39 17 18 20 21 22 d. â— 7. 〈◊〉 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 d. 7 8. â—1 d. 2. 21. 32 33 34 d. 4. 35. 36 37 38 39 42 43 44 46 47 49 d. 4 6. 50 E. 3. 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 13 29. 3. d. 32 R. 2. All these 3 Umfravils though the Title of their Earldom was Scotish were all originally English Barons of Prodhow Kime in Lancashire
and summoned to Parliament as Barons though listed amongst the Earls by reason of their Scotish Dignity as you may read at large in Augustin Vincâ—nâ—s Discovery of Errors in Mr. Brook his Catalogue of Nobâ—lity p. 10 11 12. Mr. Cambden Scotland p. 45. and here p. 21 2. which will rectifie the mistake in Brooks Abridgement Title Parliament 84. The last of them dying without Heirs males in 4 R. 2. they ceased to be summoned Aquitain Iohâ— Duke thereâ—f and of Lancaster sumâ—moned by that Title Cl. 15 16 17 20 21 R. 2. See Lancaster Arundel Rich. Fitz Alan Earle thereof summoned 23 d. 9. 25 d. 25. 27 d. 16 18 28 d. 3 17. E. 1. Edmund Earl of Arundel summoned 34 E. 1. 1 d. 8 9 11 19. 2 d. 11 14 20 3 d. 16 17. 4 5 d. 11 17 25. 6 d 3â— 7 d. 16 27. 8 d. 19. 35. 9 d. 22. 11 d. 8 14. 12 d. 11 29. 13 d. 13. 14 d. 5 29. 15 d. 16. 16 d. 20. 17 d. 27. 18 d. 5 15 21 34 19 d. 27. E. 2. Richard 5 E 3. d. 7 25. pars 2. d. 7. 6 d. 4 9 19 36. 7 d. 3. 8 d. 18. 9 d. 8. 28. 10 d. 1 5. 11 p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 40. 12 d. 32. 13 d. 3. 28. 14 d. 33. 16 p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 18 d. 14. 21 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9. 22. p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3 7. 23 d. 23. 24 d. 3. 25 d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28. d. 26. 29 d. 7 8. 31 d. 2. 21. 33 d. 10. 34 d. d. 4. 35 36 d. 16. 37 d. 22. 38 d. d. 3. 39 d. 2. 42 d. 22. 43 d. 24. 44 d. 1. 46 d. 9 10 11. 47 d. 15. 50 d. 6. Ed. 3. 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 32. 4 d. 12. 5 d. 40. 6 d. 37. 7 d. 10 37. 8 9 10 11 d. 13 24. 12 13 14 15 16 17 19 20 R. 2. â—homas 1 2 3 5 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4. â— 6 7 9 11 12 14 H. 4. 1 2 3 H. 5. Iohn 4 H. 5. Richard 1 2. 3 H. 6. William summoned 20 23 25 27 28 29 31 33 38 49 H. 6. 7 9 12 22 23 E. 4. Athol A. Writ Iohanni Comiti Athol Custodiâ—terrae Regis Scotiae ultra mare to summon others in Scotland 33 d. â—0 E 1. David de Strabolgi Earl of Athol summoned to Parliaments 15 d. 16. 16 d. 26. 17 d. 27. 18 d. 15 21 34. 20 d. 2. E. 2. 4 d. 13 38 41. 5 p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7. 6 d. 4. 9 19. 36. 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 14. E. 3. David 35 d. 36 39 d. 2. 42 d. 22. 43 d. 24. Ed. 3. These Davids de Strabolâ—â— were Barons of Mitford in England though the Title of their Earldom was Scotish and summoned thus to Parliaments in respect of this English Barony though listed amongst the Earls as you may read in Mr. Brook his Catalogue of Nobility and Augustin Vincent his Discovery of the Errors therein p. 36 37 38. to whom I refer you both for their pedigre and death without heirs males B BEdford Ingeram de Couâ—y Earl thereof summoned to Parl. 43 E. 3. d 24. Iohn Duke of Bedford summoned 2 3 4 5 H. 5. 4 11 13 H. 6. Boughan in Scotland Henry de Bellomonâ—e Beaumont Earl thereof summoned 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 8. 18. 10 d. 1. 5. 11 p. 1. d. 8 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40. 12 p. 2. d. 32. 13 p. 2. d. 1. 28. 14 p. 1. d. 23. E. 3. See Vincent p. 5. Buckingham Thomas de Wodestoke Earl thereof and Constable of England summoned 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 32. 4 d. 12. 5 d. 40. 6 d. 37. 7 d. 10. 37. 8 d. 35 R. 2. Humfrey Duke thereof summoned 23 25 27 28 29. 31 33 38 H. 6. Henry Duke thereof summoned 22 23 d. 10. E. 4. C CAmbridge Cantabrigiae Edmund Son to King Edward 3. Earl thereof summoned 37 d. 22. 38 d. 3. 39 d. 2. 42 d. 22. 46 d. 9. 47 d. 13. 49 d. 4 6. 50 p. 2. d. 6 E. 3. 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 32. 7 d. 10 37. 8 d. 35. R. 2. Richard Earl thereof summoned 2 d. 16 H. 5. Cantiae See Kent Cestriae Chester Edward Pâ—ince of Wales eldest Son of K. â— 1. Earl of Chester and so stiled in the Writs of Summons 30 d. 8. 13. E. 1. Edward eldest Son of K. E. 2. Prince of Wâ—les Earl thereof summoned 14 d. 23. 15 d. 16. 16 d. 26. 17 d. 27. 18 d. 5 15 21 24. E. 2. Edward Son of Edward 3. Prince of Wales 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 6. E. 3. Richard Prince of Wales 50 p. 2. d. 6. E. 3. See Prince of Wales Clarence Thomas Duke thereof summoned 1. d. 9. 37. 2 d. 16. 3 d. 15. 4 d. 26. H. 5. George Duke thereof summouned 49 H. 6. d. 6. 7 d. 1. 9 d. 3. 12 d. 41. E. 4. Edmunâ—â—arl â—arl thereof summoned 23 d. 3 9. 24 d. 7. 25 d. 25. 17 d. 9. 16 18. 28 d. 17. â— 1. Pâ—ter de Gaveston Earl thereof summoned 1 d. 8. 11. 3 d. 16 17. E. 2. Iohn de Eltham â— the Kings Brother Earl thereof summoned 4 d. 1â— 32 41. 5 p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7. 6 d. 4 9 19 36. 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 18. 9 d. 8 18. E. 3. Edward Prince of Wales Duke of Coâ—nwall summoned 24 p. 2. d. 33. 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 16. E. 3. Richard Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall summoned 50 p. 2. d. 6. 〈…〉 See Prince of Wales D DErby the Earl thereof summoned 49 d. 11. d. 3. Henry de Lancaster Earl thereof summoned 11 p. 1. d. 8. 15 p. 2. d. 11 40. 14 p. 2. d. 33. 16 p. 1. d. 30. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14. E. 3. Henry de Lancaster Earl thereof summoned 9 d. 45 10 d. 42. 11. d. 13 24. 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15. d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d. â—0 18 d. 23. 20 p. 1. d. 15. â—1 p. 1. d. 27. R. 2. Devon Hugh de Countenay Earl thereof summoned 9 d. 8 28. 10 d. 1 5. 11 p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11 40 12 p. 2. d. 1. 28. 14 p. 1. d. 23 33. 15 p. 1. d 37. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14. 20 p. 2 d. 22. 21 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9. 22 p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3 7. 23 p. 1. d. 23. 24 p. 1. d. 3. 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27 d 12. 28 d. 26. 29 d. 7 8. 31 d. 2. 21. 32 d. 14. 33 d. 10. 34 d. 4 35. 36 d. 16 38 d. 3. 39 d. 2. 4â— d. 23. 43 d. 24. 44 d. 1. 46 d. 9 10 11. 47 d. 13. 49 d. 4.
6. 50 p. 2. d. 6. â— 3. Edward de Courteney Earl of Devon summoned 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 32. 4 d. 32. 5 d. 40. 6 d. 37. 7 d. 37 40. 8 d. 35. 9 d. 45. 10 d. 42. 11 d. 13. 24. 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d. 31. 20 p. 1. d. 15. 21 p. 1. d. 27. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. 2 p. 1. d. 3. 3 d. 17. 5 d. 28. 7 d. 30. 8 d. 2. 11 d. 32. 12 d. â— 14 d. 22. H. 4. 1 d. 9. 2 d. 16. 3 d. 15. 4 d. 16. 5 d. 11. 7 d. 9. H. 5. Hugh Courtenâ—y Earl thereof summoned 8 d. 2. 9 d. 13. H. 5. Thomas Earl thereof summoned 15 d. 18. 18 d. 33. 20 d. 27. 23 d. 21. 25 d. 24. 27 d. 24. 28 d. 26. 29 d. 41. 31 d. 36. 33 d. 30. H. 6. Henry Earl thereof summoned 38 d. 30. H. 6. Dorset Iohn Beauford created Marquess Dorset summoned by this Tiâ—le 21 p. 1. d. 27. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. H. 4. Thomas Beauford Earl thereof summoned 2 d. 16. 4 d. 1 6. H. 5. Edward Earl thereof summoned 20 d. 17. made Marqâ—ess Dorset and thus summoned 22 d. 21. H. 6. Thomas Marquess Dorset summoned 22 23 d. 10. E. 4. Dublin Iohn de Vere Marquess thereof summoned 10. d. 42. R. 2. E EBor See York Essex Humfry and Iohn Bohun successively Earls of Hereford and Essex summoned See Hereford Henry Earl of Essex summoned 49 d. 6. H. 6. 2 d. 3. 9 d. 3. 12 d. 41. 22 23 d. 10. E. 4. Ewe in Normandy Henry Bourgchier Earl thereof summoned 13 d. 2. H. 6. See Brook and Vincent p. 149. c. in E. We. Exeter Iohn Holland Duke thereof summoned 21 p. 1. d. 17. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. 2 d. â— H. 4. Thomas Duke of Exeter summoned 5 d. 11. H. 5 1 d. 22. 2 d. 18. 3 d. 9. 4 d. 15. H. 6. Henry Duke thereof summoned 29 d. 41. 31 d 16. 33 d. 36. 38 d. 39. H. 6. G GLoucester Gilb de Clare Comes Gloucestr Hertâ—ord summoned 23 d. 9. E. 1. Radulphus de Monte Hermerii Comes Gloucestriae summoned 27 d. 16 18. 28 d. 3 17. 30 d. 8 13. 32 d. 2. 33 d. 21. 34 d. 2. E. 1. Gilbert de Clare Com. Gloucestr Heref. summoned 1. d. 8 11. 2 d. 11. 14 26. 3 d. 16 17. 4 d 11. 5 d. 11 17 25. 6 d. 3 31. 7 d. 16 27. E. 2. Hugo de Audele Audeley Comes Gloucestâ—iae summoned 11 p. 1. d. 8 15. p. 2. d. 40. 12 p. 2. d 32. 13 d. 2. d. 28. 14 p. 1. d. 2â— 33. 15 p. 1. d. 37. 16 p 1. d. 39. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14. 20 p. 2. d. 22. E. 3. Thomas Dux Gloucestriae the Kings Uncle summoned 10 d. 42. 11 d. 13 24. 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d. 30. 20 p. 1. d. 15. R. 2. Thomas de Le Spencer Comâ—s Gloucestr summoned 21 p. 1. d. 27. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. H. 4. Humfrey Dux Gloucestriae summoned 2 d. 11. 3 d. 15 4 d. 16. H. 5. 1 d. 22. 2 d. 18. 3 d. 9. 4 d. 15. 5 d. 4. 7 d. 2. 9 d. 18. 10 d. 10. 11 d. 10. 14 d. 2. 15 d. 18. 16 d. 33. 18 d. 33. 20 d. 27. 23 d. 21. 25 d. 24. H. 6. Richard Dux Gloucestriae summoned 9 d. 3. 12. d. 41. 22 23 d. 10. E. 4. H HEreford Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex suâ—moned 23 d. 3 9. 24 d. 7. 25 d. 6. 〈◊〉 d. 3 17. 30 d. 8. 13. 32 d. 2. 33 d. â— 21. 34â— d. 2. E. 1. 1 d. 8 11 1â— 2 d. 〈◊〉 14 20. 3 d. 16 17. 4 d. 3. 5 d. 11â— 17 25. 6 d. 3 â—1 7 d. 16 27. 8 d. â—9 35. 9 d. 22. 11 d. 8 12 19. 1â— d. 11 â—9 13 d. 17. 14 d. 5 29. E. 2. John de Bohâ—n Earl oâ— Hereford and Essex summoned 20 d. 4 E. 2 1â— p. 2. d. 11 16. 2 d. 15 23 31. 4 d. 13 32 41. 5 p. 1. d. 7 25. p. 2. d. 7. 6 d. 4 9 19 â—6 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 28. 9 d. 8. 28. E. 3. Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex and of Hereford and Northampton 10 d. 1. 5. 11 p. 1. d. 8 15. p. 2. d. 11 40. 12 p. 2. d. 32. 16 p. 2 d. 22. 20 p. 2. 22. 21 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9. 22 p. 2. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3 7. 23 p. 1. d. 23. 24 p. 2. d. 3. 25 p. 1. d. 6. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 26. 29 d. 7 8. 31 d. 2. 21. 34 d. 4. 35. 37 d. 22. 38 d. 3. 39 d. 2. 44 d. 1. 46 d. 9. E. 3. Hertford Earls thereof See Gloucester Huntingdon William de â—lynâ—on Earl thereof summoned 11. p. 2. d. 11 40. 12 p. 2. d. 32. 14 p. 1. d. 23 33. 15 p. 1. d. 37. 16 p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14 20 p. 2. d. 22. 21 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9. 22 p. 1. d 32. p. 2. d. 3 7. 23 p. 1. d. 23. 24 p. 2. d. 3. 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27. d. 12. 28 d. 26. E. 3. Guiscard de Angle Or D'angle Earl thereof summoned 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 32. R. 2. Iohn de Holland Earl thereof summoned 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d. 30. 20 p. 1. d. 25. 21 p. 1. d. 27. R. 2. Iohn de Holland Earl thereof summoned 7 d. 2. 13 d. 2. 15 d. 18. 20 d. 27. H. 6. William Earl thereof summoned 22 23 d. 10. E. 4. I IReland Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland summoned 11 d. 24. R. 2. K KArliol Andrew de Harcla Earl thereof summoned 16 d. 11. 26. E. 2. Kendal Iohn Duke of Bedford Earl thereof summoned 2 d. 16 H. 5. Kent Cantiae Edmond the Kings Brother Earl thereof summoned 15 d. 16. 16 d. 36. 17 d. 27. 20. d. 4 E. 2. The Kings Uncle 1. p 2. â— 11. 1â— 2. d. 15. 23. 31. 4. d. 41. E. 3. John Earl thereof summoned 22. p. 2. d. 3. 25. p. 1. d. 5. 26. d. 14. E. 3. Thomas Earl thereof summoned 34. d. 4. E. 3. Thomas de Holland Earl thereof Brother to the King summoned 4. d. 32. 5 d. 40. 6. d. 37. 7 d. 10. 37. 8 d. 35. 9 d. 45. 10 d. 42. 11 d. 24. 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d. 30. 18 d. â—9 20 p. 1. d. 15. 21 p. 1. d. 27. R. 2. Edward Earl thereof summoned 7 d. 30. 8 d. 2. H. 4. Edward Earl of Kent summoned 49 d. 6. H. 6. 6 d. 1. 9 d. 3. 12 d. 41 22 and 23 d.
10. E. 4. King of Castil Leon and Arragon Iohn Duke of Lancaster See Lancaster King of Scots Edward de Balliolo King thereof summoned 22 p. 2. d. 3. p. 1. d. 19. E 3. L LAncaster Edmund Earl thereof the Kings Brother summoned 23 d. 9. E 1. Thomas Earl thereof summoned 27 d. 16. 18. 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 8 9. 33 d. 21. 34 d. 2. 35 d. 2. Ed. â— 1 d. 8. 11. 19. 2 d. 11. 14. 20. 3 d. 16. 17. 4. d. 1. 5 d. 11. 17. 25. 6 d. 30. 7 d. 16. 27. 8 d. 29. 35. 9 d. 22. 11 d. 8. 12. 12 d. 11. 29. 13 d. 13. 14 d. 5. 29. Ed. 2. Henry de Lancastria Earl thereof summoned 18 d. 5. 21. 34. 22 d. 4. E. 2. 1 p. 2. d. 11. 16. 2 d. 15. 23. 3 d. 19. 4 d. 13. 32. 41. 5 p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7. 6 d. 4. 9. 19. 36. 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 18. 9 d. 8. 28. 10 d. 1. 5. 11 p. 2. d. 11. 40. 12 p. 2. d. 32â— 13 p. 2. d. 1. 28. 14 p. 1. d. 23. 33. 15 p. 1. d. 17. 16 p. 1. 33. p. 2. d. 13. 22. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14. 21. p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9. 22 p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7. 23 p. 1. d. 23. 24 p. 2. d. 3. Ed. 3. Henry created Duke of Lancaster summoned 25 p. 1. d. 15. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 26. 29 d. 7. 8. 31 d. 2. 34 d. 4. E 3. Iohn Earl thereof summoned 36 d. 16. E. 3. made Duke of Lancaster and so summoned 37 d. 22. 38 d. 3. 39 d. 2. 42 d. 22. 43 d. 24. King of Castel Legion and Duke of Lancaster summoned by all these Titles 46 d. 9. 10. 49 d. 4. 6. 50 p 2. d. 6. E. 3. the Kings Uncle 1 d 37. 2 d 13. 29. 3 d 32. 4 d 32. 5 d 40. 6 d. 37. 7 d. 10. 37. 8 d. 35. 9 d. 35. 13 d. 5. 14 d 42. R. 2. Iohn Duke of Aquitain and Lancaster summoned 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d 30. 20 p 1. d 15. 21 p 1. d 27. R. 2. Henry Duke thereof summoned 23 d 3. R. 2. 1 d 37. H 4. Leicester the Earl thereof summoned 43 d. 11. H. 3. Lincoln Henry de Lacy Earl thereof summoned 23 d. 9. 27 d 9. 6. 18. 28 d 17. 30 d 8. 13. 32 d 2. 33 d. 10. 34 d. 2. Ed 1. 1 d 8. 11. 19. 2 d. 11. 14. 20. 3 d. 16. 17. Ed. 2. M MArch Roger de Mortuomari Mortimer Earl thereof summoned 4 d 32. 41. E 3 Roger de Mortuomari summoned 29 d 7. 8. 31 d 2. 21. E 3. Edmund de Mortuomari Earl thereof summoned 44 d 1. 46 d 9. 47 d 13. 49 d 4. 6. 50 p. 2. d. 6. E 3. 1 d 27. 2 d 29. 3 d. 32. R 2. Edward Earl of March summoned 1 d 37. 2 d 16. 3 d 15. 4 d 16. 8 d 2. H. 5. 1 d 22. 2 d 18. H 6 Marshal Marescallus Iohn Earl Marshal summoned 1 d 9. 2 d. 16. 3 d. 15. 4 d. 16 H. 5. Thomas Earl Marshal 1 d. 22 2 d. 18. H. 6. Iohn Earl Marshal 3 d 9. H 6. See Norfolk Nortingham Mountacute Iohn Marquess thereof 49 d. 6. H. 6. N NOrfolk Com. Norf. Marescal Angliae summoned 49 d 11. H. 3. Roger de Bigâ—d Comes Norfolk Marescallus Angliae summoned 23 d. 1. 9. 24 d. 7. 25 d 6. 25. 27 d 9. 16. 28. 28 d 3. 17. 30 d 8. 13. 32 d 2. 33 d 21. 34 d 2. E. 1. Thomas de Brotherton Com. Norfolk Marescallus Angliae summoned 6 d 3. 31. 7 d 16. 27. 8 d. 29. 31. 9 d. 22. 11 d 8. 12. 14. 12 d 11. 29 13 d 13. 14 d 29 15 d 16 16 d. 26. 17 d. 27. 18 d 5. 15. 21. 34. 19 d 27. 20 d 4. E. 2. 1 p 2. d 11. 16. 2 d. 15. 23. 31. 4â— d 13. 32. 41. 5â— p 1. d 7. 25. p 2. d 7. 6 d. 4. 9. 19. 36. 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8. d. 18. 9 d. 8. 28. 10 d. 1. 5. 11 p 1. d 8. 15. 12 p 2. d 32. E 3. Thomas Duke of Norfolk summoned 21 p. 1. d 27. R. 2. Iohn Duke of Norfolk summoned 4 d 15. 5 d 4. 7 d 7. 10 d 10. H 6 Iohn his Son Duke of Norf. summoned 15 d 8. 18 d 33. 20 d. 27. 23 d. 21 25 d 24. 27 d 21. 28 d. 26. 29. d 41. 31 d 36. 33 d. 36. 38 d. 30. 49 d. 6. H 6. 1 d 35. 6 d 1. 9 d. 3. 12 d 41. E 4. Northampton William de Bohum Earl thereof summoned 11 p. 1. d. 15. p. 2. d. 40. 14 p. 1. d. 23. 33. 15 p 1. d 37. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14. 21 p. 2. d. 9. 22 p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7. 23 p. 1. d. 23. 24 p. 2. d. 3. 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 26. 29 d. 7. 8. 31 d. 2. 21. E. 3. Humphrey de Bohun Earl thereof summoned 37 d. 22. 38 d. 3. 39 d. 2. E. 3 See Hereford Iohn Newel Earl thereof summoned 6 d. 1. E. 4. Northumberland Henry de Percy Earl thereof summoned 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13. 29 3 d. 32. 4 d. 32. 5 d. 40. 6â— d. 37. 7 d 12. 37. 8 d 35. 9 d. 45. 10 d. 42. 11 d. 13. 24. 12. d. 42. 13 d. 5. 1â— d. 42. 15 d. 43. 16 d 23. 17 d. 30 18 d 23. 20 p 1 d 15 21 p 1â— d. 27. 23 d 3. R 2. 1 d. 37 2 p 1. d 3 3 d 17. 5 p 1. d 28. p 2. d 4. H. 4. Henry Percy Earl thereof summoned 4 d. 16. 5 d 11. 7 d. 9. 8 d. 2. 9 d 13. H 5. 1 d 22. 2 d 18. 3 d 9 9 d 18. 10 d. 10 11 d 10. 13 d 2. 15 d 18. 18 d 33. 20 d 27. 23 d 21. 25 d 24. 27 d. 24. 28 d 26. 29 d 41. 31 d. 36. 38 d. 30 H. 6. Iohn Earl thereof summoned 6 d. 1. 9 d 3. E 4. Henry Earl thereof summoned 12 d 41. 22. 23 d. 10. E 4. Nottingham Iohn de Mowbray Earl thereof summoned 1 d. 37. 2 d 13. 29. 3 d 32. 4 d 33. 5 d 40. 6 d 37. R. 2. Thomas de Mowbray Earl thereof summoned 7 d 10. 37. 8 d 35. 9 d 45. 10 d 42. Marescallus Angliae 11 d 13. 24. 12 d 42. 13 d 5. 14 d 42. 15 d 37. 16 d 23. 17 d 30. 20 p. 1. d 15. 21 p. 1. d 17. O OXford Oxon the Earl thereof summoned 49 d 11. H. 3. Robert de Veer Earl thereof summoned 23 d 3. 9. 24 d 7. 25 d 25. 27 d 16. 18. 28 d 3. 17. 30 d. 8. 13. 32 d 2. 33 d. 21. 34 d 2. E 1. 1 d 8. 11. 19 2 d 11 20 3 d 16. 17. 4 d 5. 5 d 11.
one general Councill in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 5ly That after King Edward the 3d. his reigne there is not one president of any Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior or religious persons summoned to any Parliament to my remembrance but only of those who held by Barony and were constantly summoned as Spiritual Peers to all our Parliaments And very few Presidents if any of a Knight Gentleman or other Layman whatsoever summoned by any general Writs to the Lords House to treat and consult together with them unlesse they were ancient Earles Lords or Barons of the Realm or newly created such by special Patents before their summons or by special clauses of creation in the Wriâ—s by which they were summoned as all the lists of summons in the Clause Rolls the precedent Table the Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4. 31 H. 8. c 10. and Mr. Martyns Catalogue of them at the end of his History clearly manifest 6ly That in my best observation there is no president from 49 H. 3. till the last Parliament of King Charles nor in any age before where any of the ancient Nobility Peers Lords or Barons of the Realme at least any considerable number of them unlesse such who were actually outlawed or attainted of High Treason or absent in forreign parts or in actual service in the Wars or under age were omitted out of the Writs of summous or secluded from sitting in the Lords House in any Parliament by force or frand unless by Morâ—imer in the Parliament at Salisbury An. 2. E. 3. and in 21 R. 2. nor of others who were no real Lords Peers by Patent Tenure or other legal creation summoned to the Lords House out of England much lesse out of Scotland and Ireland to supplant them or supply their places under any name notion or pretext whatsoever Neither were they or any of them secluded disinherited of their seats Votes Peerage in Parliament without or before the least legal hearing trial impeachment or conviction whatsoever of any capital crime which might forâ—eit their Peerage against all the Great Charters Statutes Records Declarations Orders Ordinances Votes Protestations Oathts Covenants mentioned in my Plea for the Lords and House of Peers which ratifie and perpetuate this their Birthright to them and their Posterities and the very law of all Nations 6ly It is very observable that both Houses of Parliament in their Propositions sent to King Charles at their last Treaty with him in the Isle of Weight to prevent the creation and introduction of any New Lords into future Parliaments to the prejudice seclusion or overvoting of the Ancient Nobility or Commons house did amongst other things propound That BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT all LORDS and PEERS made by the King since Edward Lord Littleton deserted the Parliament and carried away the Great Seal the 21. of May 1642. should be unlorded unpeered set by and their Titles of Honour Patents revoked declared null and void to all intents and never hereafter put in use And that NO PEER WHICH SHOULD BE HEREAFTER MADE BY THE KING HIS HEIRES OR SUCCESSORS who have onely and solely a just legal power to create them and none else as they hereby declare SHALL SIT IN THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND WITHOUT CONSENT OF BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT Which the King then fully and freely consented to without any limitation or exception whatsoever Since which Proposition of both Houses and concession by the King how any person or persons who assented to or approved thereof in any kind as reasonable or beneficial to the publick without any special Patent or creation from the King his heires or successors and without the consent of the House of Lords and ancient Peers of the Realme the only proper members of Iudges in it of the Commons House yea against both their consents and approbations can justly by any other authority Patent Writ or instrument whatsoever assume unto themselves the Titles of Lords or Barons of the Realme or of the Lords House it self to the disseasing disinheriting suppressing of the ancient undoubted Peers and House of Lords Or how any who have Voted down declared against and abolished the Lords and Lords House in sundry printed Papers as Uselesse Dangerous Inconvenient Oppressive to the People obstructive to the Proceedings in Parliament and the like and afterwards by several Votes and printed New Knacks took and subscribed themselves and prescribed to all others under severest penalties a publick Engagement To be â—rue and faithfull to the Commonwealth of England as it was then established as they thought by themselves though the event soon after proved the contrary Without a King or House of Lords can or dare become this very Selfsame Vselesse dangerous oppressive obstructive grievance c. themselves and against their own Votes Declarations Acts Subscriptions Engagements stile or assert themselves to be either real Lords or an House of Lords without the greatest Praevarication Contradiction to and Apostacy from their own former Principles or how they can ever probably expect that either the ancient Lords or Commons of England should submit unto them as such let their own judgments consciences and reasons resolve them The rather because divers of the Earles Nobles made by King Stephen were stiled yea deposed as meer Imaginary false Earles and Lords Quosdam Imaginarios et Pseudo-Comites and both their Titles and Crown lands given them by Stephen though King de facto resumed by King Henry the 2. right heir to the crown because Stephen was an Usurper Chartae Invasoris praejudicium legitimo Principi minime facere deberent as the Chronicle of Normandy the Book of the Abby of Waverly Mr. Selden out of them Gulielmus Neubrigensis and Chronicle of Bromton Col. 1046. inform us Whose President may justly deterre them from any unjust disseisin of the ancient Lords and setting themselves in their Places And thus much for my Observations on and from the Writs in this second Section SECTION 3. Of Writs of Summons to the Kings Counsil and other Ordinary Assistants to the Lords in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils with annotations on them THe next Writs of Summons after those to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords entred in the antient Clause Rolls are those to the Kings Counsil different only in one or two Clauses from the former in which else they usually accorded These persons commonly summoned to Parliaments as the Kings Counsil by distinct writs from the Lords as ordinary Assistants both to the King and them in all causes controversies Questions of Moment were mostly the Kings Great Officers as well Clergymen as Secular persons who were no Lords nor Barons of the Realm as namely his Treasurer Chancellor of the Eschequer Judges of his Courts at Westminster Justices in Eyre Iustices assignes Barons of his Eschequer Clerks Secretaries of his Counsil and sometimes his Serjeants at Law with such other Officers and Persons whom our Kings thought meâ—â—o summon The
the writs and lists of summons by which they are distinguished from the Laymen mentioned in those writs and lists And that one Bishop elect summoned amongst the Bishops to Parliament was yet summoned as one of the Kings Counsil by an other writ What ever else is worthy Observation touching these writs or lists of persons summoned I have noted already in the precedent recitals of them 9ly That though the Kings Justices and others of his Counsil summoned to our Parliaments were no real essential Members of them but rather Assistants to the King and Lords yet they had a very great hand power authority not only in making Ordinances Proclamations desciding all weighty controversies regulating most publike abuses and punishing all Exorbitant Offences out of Parliament in the Star-chamber and elsewhere Coram Rege et CONSILIO SVO as is evident by 19 E. 3. Fitzh Judgement 24. 20 Asâ— 14. Br. Dures 12. 39 E. 3. f. 14. b. Brook Judges 13. Judgment 117. 43 Ass. 15. 38. Register pars 1. f. 191. b. pars 2. f. 124. b. 125. a. 13 E. 4. f. 9 10. 27 H. 6. 5. b. 2 R. 3. f. 2. 10 11. 1 H. 7. f. 3. 4. Brooke Parliament 37. 105. Fitz. Parl. 2. 135. An Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower p. 157 169 197 426 428 459 460 560 591 638 641 651. Lambardi Archaion p. 108. to 116. and the records there cited transcribed by Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes c. 5 Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts f. 29. c. de Court de Starr-chamber et matters avant LE COVNSELL LE ROY Ashes Tables Courts 2. and the Lawbooks Statutes there cited with others anon remembred but likewise in receiving answering all sorts of Petitions determining adjudging all weighty doubtfull cases pleas yea in making Acts Ordinances Statutes and transacting all weighty affaires concerning the King or kingdome even in Parliaments themselves when summoned to them by the premised writs which being not commonly known to the Kings Counsill or others nor insisted on nor cleared up by Sir Edward Cooke or any others who have written of our PARLIAMENTS I shall briefly and satisfactorily illustrate by these four following particulars 1. By sundry Petitions upon several complaints and occasions presented and directed to the King and HIS COUNSELL OR SAGE OR GOOD COUNSEL in sundry of our antient Parliaments entred in the Clause and Parliament rolls more especially in Claus. Anno 1. E. 3. pars 1. 2. Where multitudes of Petitions are thus directed A nostre Signâ—ur le Roy et ASON COVNCILL Au BON COVNCIEL nostre Signior le Roy c. Which Petitions were usually answered and determined sometimes By the KING and His COVNSELL joyntly other times by His COVNSEL alone and sometimes by the King with the assent or advice of his COVNSEL as these entries Coram Rege CONSILIO concessum est emendatum per agard de toute LE COVNSELL soit le COVNCIEL certifie Coram CONSILIO NOSTRO in praesenti Parliamentâ— venire faciatis scriptum praedictum ad faciend inde ulterius quod per idem CONSILIVM NOSTRVM ibidem CONTIGERIT ORDINARI Videtur CONSILIO Il semble AV COVNCIEL que ce est bone affaire Veniat Inquisitio CORAM CONSILIO Place at Dom. Regi CONSILIO SVO ordinare with the like most frequently occurring in these Petitions and the answers to the proceedings and resolutions upon them abundantly evidence 2. By this subscription or addition to many Writs Patents Charters in the Clause Patent Charter and Parliament Rolls per ipsum Regem Consilium in Parliamento being all made issued granted approved entred by Order of the King and those of His COUNSIL in Parliament 3. By the Placita coram ipso DOMINO REGE ET EJUS CONSILIO AD PARLIAMENTA SUA AD PARLIAMENTUM SUUM c. recorded in the Parchment Book of Pleas in the Tower of London â— Wherein the Proceedings and the Judgments on them were given sometimes by the Kings COVNSELL alone sometimes by the King and his COUNSELL and other times by the King with the advice of the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Barons and others or the rest of His COUNSELL and sometimes Fines and Recognizances were acknowledged before the COUNSELL in Parliament To instance in some particulars In the Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio ad Parliamenta sua post festum Sancti Hillarii et etiam post Pascha Anno 18 E. 1. Willielmus de Wasthull quaeritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio per quandam petitionem against a deceit and covin in levying a fine Iohannes Comes de Dewe venit coram Rege et ejus Consilio ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha c. petiit c. So Domino Regi et ejus Consilio Johannes Episcopus Wynton alias coram Auditoribus quaerelarum monstâ—avit c. Petrus Maulore venit coram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio ad Parliamentum c. et petiir c. Dominum Regem et ejus Consilium certiorari faciant Querela Willielmi de Valentia Consilio Domini Regis in Anglia dum Rex suit in Vasconia Macolomus de Harlegh monstravit Consilio Regis per quandam petitionem c. So Placita Parliamenti apud Clipston Asherugg c. Anno 18 E. 1. Margeria de Mose uxor Thomae de Weyland Ricardus filius ejusdem Thomae monstraverunt Domino Regi et ejus Consilio c. coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio venerunt praedicti Cemites Gloucestr Hereford Quod ipsi habeant corpora eorundem Comiâ—um coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo c. ad faciendum et recifiendum id quod Dominus Rex de Consilio suo duxerit ordinandum Prior de Goldelyne queritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio de hoc c. Memorandum quod Recordum quod Episcopus Wynton et socii sui miserunt coram Consilio de magno placito Abbatis de Rupl c. Robertus Bardolph habet diem per adjornamentum in pleno consilio c. Maria quae fuijâ—uxor Willielmo de Brewosa petiit coram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio versus Willielmum c. medietatem manerii de Wykeham c. Placita coram Rege et Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London Anno 21 E. 1. Willielmus de Mere c. et Reginaldus do Legh coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio allocuti ad rationem positi de hoc c. Stephanus Rabez Vicecomes Leicestr Warwic coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio arrenatus ad rationem positus de hoc c. Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post festum Sancti Michaelis Ann. 21 E. 1. Malcolinus de Harley Eschaetor Domini Regis citra Trentam monstravit Domino Regi et ejus Consilio c. et super hoc
vocatis coram domino Rege et ejus Consilio Decano de Wellen c. Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilia apud Cantuar. c. Anno 21 E. 1. The Judgements and Orders upon such Petitions and complaints were somtimes given by the Counsil alone As in the case of Theobaldus de Verdun coram ipso Rege et ejus Consilio apud Bergaveny de diversis Transgressionibus et inobedientiis factis Domino Regi arenatus and found guilty of them by Inquisition returned and read Câ—ram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio in the Parliament of 20 E. 1. praedictus Theobaldus de Verdun per considerationem et Iudicium totius Consilii committebatur Goalae et exhaeredatus fuit de tota libertate sua Regali quam habuit in terris suis de Ewyas Lacy pro so et hoeredibus suis imperpetuum But mostly by the King Counsil Witness these Clauses in Plac. Parl. Anno 18 E. 1. Loquela inter Johannem de Sancto Johanne Willielmum de Valentia ponitur in respectum usque in Octabis Sancti Johannis Baptistae eo quod per Consilium Domini Regis et Iusticiarios suos judicium certum in loquela illa nondum est provisum c. Postea ad diem illum Dominus Rex et ejus Consilium in praesentia praedictâ—rum partium habito consilio de procedendo ad judicium c. The Summons to Theobald de Verdun ad faciendum et recipiendum quâ—d Dominus Rex de Consilio ordinaret And the acquittal of the Servants of Theâ—bald de Lacy upon the returns of the Inquisitions against them lecta et audita coram dom Rege et ejus Consilio In the Plea between the King and the Bishop of Winchest de Custod Hospitii S. Juliani Southampton upon full hearing and examining of the cause Uidetur Domino Kegi et ejus Consilio quod Iusticiarii secundum quod in recordo suo praedicto continetur debito modo secunduin consuetudinem Regni ad captionem praedictae Inquisitionis processerunt c. In the case of the Earl of Ewe in Normandy petitioning for the restitution of the Castles of Hastings and Tikehall belonging to his Granmother Alicia whose heir he was and by her delivered into the Custody and protection of King Henry the III. Et quia Domino Regi et ejus Consilio manifestè constat quod praedicto Comiâ—i alias responsum fuit ad consimilem Petitionem c. Nec videtur Domino Regi aut ejus Consilio quod ratione aliquarum literarum praedictarum praedicto Comiti aliud responsum dare debeat c. In the Parliament of â—0 E. 1. The case of the Prior of Gisburn Coram Rege et ejus Consilio apud Norham Anno 19 E. 1. where per ipsum Regem CONSILIVM suum ordinatum et concordatum est that a Recognisance of 600 marks acknowledged in Chancery by the Prior should be cancelled In the case of the differences between the Citizens of London and Merchants of Gascoigne both cited Coram ipso Domino Rege CONSILIO SVO Anno 20 E. 1. Vt auditis coram ipso Domino Rege et CONSILIO SUO allegationibus et disputationibus rationibusque quibuscunque per praedictas partes porrectis fieret in hac parte quod Dominus Rex de Consilio decreverit c. et contentio praedicta finem debitum per ipsum Dominum Regem et CONSILIUM SUUM sortietur who then made an Order and peace between them and likewise in the Parl. of 21 E. 1. In the case between Iohn Gifford and Robert Tybetot touching the Commot of Hysk ynny the King at Berwick Anno 21 E. 1. Cartam praedictam coram se CONSILIO suo legi fecit et ad ambiguitatem quorundam verborum in praedicta Garta contentorum de caetero auferendam eadem verba declaravit in hunâ— modum c. An. 21 E. 1. The Bishop of Durham having his liberties unjustly seised by the award of the Justices in Eyr Supplicavit ipsi Domino Regi et CONSILIO SUO instanter quod praedicta processus et Recordum coram eis recitarentur et examinarentur et errores in eisdem contenti pro se Ecclesia sua Dunolm prout justum fuerit secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni emendarentur Which being accordingly done and the cause fully heard and debated before them consideratum est per ipsum Regem Consilium quod judicium praedictum revocetur adnulletur et quod omnes libertates praedicti Episcopi Ecclestae suae hominum suorum quae per considerationem Justiciariorum â—tinerantium in manum Domini Regis captae fuerunt eidem Episcopo Ecclesâ—ae hominibus suis plenarie integre restituentur I shall instance only in three more memorable cases at large The 1. is in the Placita coram ipso Rege Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London in Manerio Archiepiscopi Eborum Anno regni Regis Edwardi 1. 21. De Petentibus arreragiis de tempore Iudaeâ—rum Quia plures Capitales Domini de quibus Iudaei ante Exilium suum de Regno isto tenementa sua tenuerunt diversa arreragia petunt de servitiis â—orundem tenementorum â—ibi detentis tempore quo tenementa illa in manu Domini Regis ut Eschaeta sua per Exilium eorundem Iudeorum devenerunt similiter à tempore postquam tenementa illa per concessionem donationem suam in manus nunc tenentium devenerunt quod per eosdem tenentes aut eorum haeredes aut assignatos plenarie satisfiat capitalibus Dominis de quibus tenementa illa tenentur de omnibus serviciis consuetudinibus eisdem Dominis capitalibus feodi debitis consuetis quae servicia Iudaei ante Exilium suum dum tamen sibi facere consueverunt debuerunt secundum quod iidem Domini capitales legitime verificare poterunt servicia illa consuetudines sibi deberi quod Iudaei dum tenementa illa tenuerunt pro tenementis illis sibi â—acere consueverunt cum singulis Cartis Domini Regis de talibus tenementis cuicunque concessis semper contineatur quod servicia debita consueta inde faciant capitalibus Dominis feodi illius Et de toto illo tempore quo tenementa illa in seâ—ina Domini Regis remanserunt postquam per Exilium â—orundem Iudeorum â—eisita fuerint usque diem quo eadem tenementa per concessionem ipsius Domini Regis in seisinam aliorum devenerunt respondâ—atur satisfiat Capitalibus Dominis ac Scaccarium per ipsum Dominum Regem singulis pro sua portione et secundum quod verificare poterunt prout superius dicitur cum quilibet de suo tempore tantummodo teneatur respondere et de isto tempore quo Rex tenebitur respondere satisfaciant ipsi modo tenentes Capitalibus Dominus et ipsis allocetur in pacatione
terras illas et tenementa statim in manuÌ„ suam seisivit et postea ipsum Manerium de Werk ipsi Willielmo dedit Et hoc paratus est verisicare tam pâ—o Domino Rege quam pro seipso si petentes praedicti in petitione sua praedicta audiri debent c. Et quia habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dominum Regem et totum Consilâ—um expressè recordatum est quod dictus Robertus de Ros per multa tempora ante principium istius ultimae guerrae contra Homagium Fidelitatem et Ligeantiam suam de ipso Domino Rege traditiosè et felonicè se elongavit et Inimicus ipsius Domini Regis manifestè devenit parti Scotorum adhaerendo tunc Inimicorum et Rebellionum Domini Regis existentium nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit set inimicus â—â—â—s obiit visisque articulis et conditionibus contentis in Ordinatione per ipsum Dominum Regem facta in eaâ—dem ultima guerra hominibus de terra Scotia et concessione de redditione terrarum suaruÌ„ eisdem facienda quam de aliis in eadem Ordinatione contentis et virtute cujus Ordinationis petentes praedicti modo tenementa praedicta petunt Uidetur Domino Regi et Consilio suo quod petentes praedicti ratione illius Ordinationis seu redditionis in Petitione sua praedicta audiri non debent Propter quod Concordatum est et consideratum per ipsum Dominum Regem et Consilium suum quod praedictus Willielmus eat inde sine die c. Et quod praedicti petentes nichil capiant per Petitionem suam praedictam c. After which upon the suit of the Petitioners to King Edward the 2. in the 4. year of his reign being in Scotland there issued two several writs to Gilbert de Roubyry to search the Rolls of Parl. and certify the Tenor of the Petitions aforesaid and the Answers given thereunto and proceedings thereupon coram dicto Patre nostro Edw. 1. et Consilio suo in Parliamentis suis faâ—ta because this Iohn Salveâ—n coram Nobis et Consilio nostro prosecutus fuerit petenda c. that the King would receive his homage for the moity of the lands descended to his wife as one of the Coheirs of Robert de Ros and restore the same unto him For Judgements given in Parliament upon Petitions or Complaints by the King Lords and Kings Counsil joyntly you may peruse Nicholas de Segraves case in Cooks 3 Instit. p. 7 8. and My Plea for the Lords p. 361. with others there cited I shall here for brevity recite only two Memorable ones The 1. in the Placita in Parliamento apud London in crastino Epiphaniae Anno regni Edwardi 1. vicesimo the long great and famous case between Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford who invaded one anothers lands by force and arms in a warlike manner and committed many rapines burnings murders and enormities against the Kings peace and prohibition after many Inquisisitions and debates touching this business before Justices assigned and afterwards before the Kings Counsil and then before the King and his Counsil by these passages often mentioned in the record Concordatâ—m est per DOMINUM REGEM CONSILIUM Decretum est PER CONSILIUM Videtur CONSILIO DOMINI REGIS per dictum DOMINUM REGEM CONSILIUM c. evidentâ—r compertum est twice repeated Quod corpora eorum habeat coram DOMINO REGE EJUS CONSILIO ad voluntatem ipsius Domini Regis audiendam et faciendam et recipiendum id quod DOMINUS REX DE CONSILIO SUO DUXERIT ORDINANDUM fully evidence At last both the Earls Voluntati Domini Regis se omnino submiserunt ut de eorumque libertatibus faciat quod sibi placuerit Whereupon Dominus Rex super hoc non voluntariè tantumniodo imo proâ—t de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni fuerit faciendum et etiam per Consilium Archie-piscoporum Cpiscoporunâ— Comitum et Baronum caeterorumque De Consilio suo existentium facere volens in praemissis et ut voluntas sua justa sit et rationabilis proâ—t decet eorumque Assensum in praemissis petiit et Consilium Propter quod habito tractatu â—oram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo super praedictis tam ipso Domino Regi quam caeteris Praelatis et Magnatibus et singulis de Consilio suo videâ—ur quoad Comitem Gloucestriae quod libertas sua praedicti c. pro se et haeredibus suis forisfacta est ratione delicti praedicti c. Dictum est eidem Comiti Gloucestriae per considerationem et Iudicium Archiepiscoruâ—â— Episcoporum Comitum Baronum et totius consilit Domini Regis quod libertas sua praedicta c. totumque regale in eisdem terris remaneânt Domino Regi et haeredibus suis ut forisfacta tota vita ipsius Comitis Gloucestriae et idem Comes retorâ—etur prisonae et inde redimetur ad voluntatem domini Regis et etiam quod praedictus Comes Hereford recuperet versus eum Centum libras pro dampnis praedictis Et similiter quoad praedictum Comitem Hereford â—o quod videtur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio habito super hoc tractaâ—â— diligenti quod libertas sua in terris suis de Brekennoâ— c. ratione delicti praedicti forisfacta esset Dictum est eidem Comiti Hereford per considerationem et judicium Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum et totius Consilii Domini Regis quo libertas sua praedicta remaneat Domino Regi et haeredibus suis forisfacta de ipso Comite Hereford et haeredibus suis imperpetuum et corpus suum prisonae retornetur et inde redimetur ad voluntatem Domini Regis Et quia videtur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio quod transgressio de qua idem Comes Hereford convictus est non est ita carcans nec tantam poenam requirit quantum et facta transgressio praedicta de qua praedictus Comes Gloucestriae convincitur and because he had espoused the Queens kinswoman therefore the forfeiture was mitigated and ordered to continue to the King and his heirs during the Earls life only After these Earls had continued in prison for some time the Earl of Gloucester finem fecit Domino Regi pro Decem Mille Marc. pro Transgre sâ—ione praedicta and put in 5 Noble men for his pledgeâ— And the Earl of Hereford likewise finem fecit Domino Regi pro Tâ—ansgressione praedicta pro Mille Marcis et reâ—ipitur per plegios who are named in the Record After which Ioâ—â— de Crepinghes and others of the Earls Assistants in these riotous Misdemeanors ad instantiam Praelatorum Comitum Baronum et aliorum de Consilio sus who
moved the King to shew mercy to them were put to several fines The 2. is in the Placita coâ—amâ—ipso Rege Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London Anno 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of Yorkes case Johannes Archiepiscopus Eborum attachiâ—tus fuit ad respondendum Damino Regi de plaâ—iâ—o quare cum placita de Imprisonamento et aliis Transgressionibus in regno Regiâ— contra pacem Regis factis ad Regem coronam et dignitatem suam specialiter pertineant Idem Archiepiscopus per Johannem Priorem de Bolton in Cravene Commissarium suum in venerabilem Patrem Antonium Episcopum Dunolm dum nuper in partibus Borialibns in obsequio Regis juxta laâ—us suum per praeceptum ipsius Regis sub protectione extitit pro eo quod Ballivi esusdem Episcopi Willielmum de Wrleton 〈◊〉 Johannem Roman apud Dâ—nolm inventos ceporunt et imprisonaverâ—nt Excommunicationis sententiâ—m in Regis contemptum et Coronae dignitatis suae laesionem contra reverentiam Regis in hac parte debitam in dispectum ipsius Regis viginti Mille librarum fecit fulminari et illam Excommunicationem demandari Propter quod idem Rex taâ—um contemptum tantum irreverenti 〈◊〉 sibi illatamâ—ransire impunitam sustinere non valens maxime cum tam ipse Rex quam praellictus Episcopus quanium in ipso suit praefato Willielmo Johanni de imprisonamento praedicto celeris justitiae complementum juxta regni consueâ—udinem semper fuerunt parati exhibere c. After the Archbishops Plea thereto and a long debate of the business in Parliament Videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento praedicto Comitibus Baronibus Iusticiariis similiter toti Consilio ipsius Domini Regis quod praedictus Archiepiscopus quantum in ipso fuit nitebaâ—ur occupare usurpare super Coronam Regiam et Dignitatem in casuâ—isto deliberationes imprisonatorum contra legem et consuetudinem regni et Contra â—â—dem in qua idem Archiepiscopus Domino Regiet Coronae suae astringitur ad exhaeredationem Doâ—â—ni Regis et haeredum suorum manifestam Propter quod per Comites Barones et Iusticiarios et dinnes alios de Constlio ipsius Domini Regis concordatum est quod praedictus Archiepiscopus committatur prisonae pro offensa transgressione praedictis Et super hoc ante Iudicium pronunnciatum licet unanimiter de consilio praedictorum Magnatum et aliorum concordatum fuisset tenendum in hoc casu et similiter in casibus consimilibus imperpetuum praedictus Archiepiscopus Maguates et alios de Consilio ipstus Domini Regis rogavit quod pro eo Dominum Regem requirerent ut Ante Pronuntiationem Judicit ipsum ad gratiam suam admitteret Et Dominus Rex ad instantiam eorundem Magnatum de gratia sua speciali hoc idem ipso Archiepiscopo concessit Et idem Archiepiscopus humiliter supplicavit quod possit de omnibus praemissis alto basso Voluntati Domini Regis se submittere Which the King assenting to at the Lords request Dictum est eidem Archiepiscopo sub gravi forisfactura quod non recedat à Parliamento isto â—onec super praemissis Domini Regis audivit voluntatem Postea venit praedictus Archiepiscopus et fecit finem Domino Regi pro Transgressione praedicta pro quatuor millibus marcarum per scriptum suum obligatorium 5 others being bound with him for due payment thereof to the King It is observable that in all these Pleas Proceedings Judgments there is no mention at all of the Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons in Parliament no sharâ—rs in them but only of the King Archbishops Bishops Earles Barons Justices and Kings Counsell 4ly The power of the Kings Counsell and Judges in Parliament is evident by sundry Prefaces to and passages in our printed Acts of Parliament as namely by the preface of the printed Statute of Bigamie 4. Octoâ— An. 4. Ed. 1. In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COVNSELL the Constitutions underwritten were recited after heard and published before the King and HIS COVNSELL forasmuch as ALL THE KINGS COVNSELL AS WELL IVSTICES AS OTHERS DID AGREE that they should be put in writing for a perpetual memory and that they should be stedfastly observed c. By the exposition of the Statute of Gloucester An. 6. E. 1. made by the King and HIS IVSTICES By the Statute of Morâ—main An. 7. E. 1. which recites Wee by the advice of our Prelates Lords Barons and other our Subjects BEING OF OVR COVNSELL have provided made and ordained c. By the Statute of Acton Bnrnell 13. E. 2. Forasmuch as Merchants c. The King for himself and BY HIS COVNSELL hath ordained and established c. The Prologue to the Statute of Wesâ—m 2. An. 13. E 1. Whereas of late our Lord the King the 6. year of his reigne calling together the Earles Prelates Barons and HIS COVNCELL at Glocester c. so as there were writs of summons then issued to them all though not entred in the Clause Rolls of 6. Ed. 1. nor any other now extant By the Statute of Merchants An. 13. E. 1. The King and HIS COVNSELL at his Parliament holden at Acton Burnell the 11. year of his reigne â—ath Ordained establishments thereupon for the remedy of such Merchants which Ordinances and establishments the King commandeth that they shall be firmly kept throughout the Realme By the Statute of Wast Anno 20. E. 1. Other Instices with the more part OF THE KINGS COVNSELL were of the contrary opinion c. Wherefore our Lord the King in his full Parliament in the 20th year of his reigne by A GENERALL COVNSELL hath ordained c. Articuli super Chartas An. 28. E. 1. c. 2. Neverthelesse the King and HIS COVNSELL do not intend by reason of this estatute to diminish the Kings Right for the ancient Prises due and accustomed And ch 20. Notwithstanding all these things c. both the King and HIS COUNSELL and all they that were present at the making of this Ordinance will and intend that the right and prerogative of his Crown shall be saved to him in all things The Statute for Escheators Anno 29. E. 1. At the Parliament of our sovereign Lord the King By his Counsell it was agreed and also commanded by the King himself c. according to advice of c. Treasurer to the King Chancellor and other of the Counsell there present before the King c. By the New Statute of Quo Warranto 30 E. 1. Cum nuper in Parliamento nostro aâ—uâ— Westm. per Nos et Consilium nostrum provisum sic et Proclamatum quod Praelati Comites Barones alii c. By the Ordinance for Inquests 33. E. 1. It is agreed and ordained by the King aud all his Counsell c. By Ordinatio pro statu Hyberniae An.
17. E. 1. made and agreed on at Nottingham By the assent of our Counsell there being By the Preface to Articuli Cleri 9. E. 2. In our Parliament holden at Lincolnâ— the 9th of our reigne We caused the Articles underwritten with certain Answers made to some of them to be rehearsed before Our Counsell and made certain Answers to be corrected and to the residue of the Articles underwritten answers were made By us and our Counsell of which Articles and Answers the tenours here ensue By the Statute of Gavelet An. 10. E. 2. It is provided by our Lord the King and His Iustices c. By the Statute De Terris Templariorum 17. E. 2. It was moved in Parliament in the presence of the Prelates Barons Nobles and Great men of the Realm and others there present Whether the Order of the Templers being dissolved the King and other Lords of the fees might retain them by the Law of the Realme and with safe conscience Whereupon the Greater part of the Kings Counsell as well the Iustices as other Lay-Persons being assembled together the said Iustices affirmed precisely That our Lord the King and other Lords of the fees aforesaid might well and lawfully by the lawes of the Realme retain the foresaid Lands as their Escheats in regard of the ceasing and dissolution of the Order aforesaid But upon other grounds of Conscience they setled them on the Hospitall of S. Iohns of Ierusalem by this Statute 1. E. 3. c. 3. But it is not the mind of the King nor of His COUNSELL that they who have sold ther Lands c. should have any benefit of this Statute The Prologue of the printed Statute of 1. E. 3. Parl 2. At the request of the Commonally by their Petition made before the King and HIS CONSELL in Parliament by assent of the Prelates Earles and Barons c. 9. E. 3. c. 1. Our Sovereign Lord the King desiring the profit of his people by the assent of his Prelates Earles Barons and other Nobles of his Realm summoned at his present Parliament and By the aâ—vice of his Counsell being there c. hath ordained and established the Statâ—â—te of Money 9. E. 3. c. 7. When and where it shall please us and OVR COVNSELL to make Exchanges 11. E. 3. c. 1. Till by the King and his COVNSELL iâ— he otherwise provided 14. E. 3. c. 5. The Chancellor Treasurer the Justices of the one Bench and of the other and other OF THE KINGS COUNSELL 14. E 3. Stat. 3. Of the Clergy Prologue Wherefore Wee their petition seen and regarded and there upon deliberation with the Peers of the Realme and other of OVR COVNSELL and of the Realm c. have granted c. And ch 5. Our Chancellour and Treasurer taking to them other of our Counsell c. 20. E. 3. Prologue By the assent of the Great men and other wise men of Our Counsell We have ordained these things following And c. 5. We have ordained to come before us at a certain day or before them whom we shall depute of Our Counsell 23. E. 3. c. 8. should be converted to a publick and common profit by advise of His Counsell And alwayes it is the intent of the King and of His Counsell that according to the first Ordinance it should be lawfull and shall be lawfull for every man c. 25. E. 3. of Labourers Prologue It was ordained by our Sovereign Lord the King and by assent of the Prelates Earles Barons and other of His Counsell 25 E. 2. Stat. 2. Of those born beyond the Seas Our Sovereign Lord the King willing that all doubts and ambiguities should be put away and the Law in this case declared and put in a certainty hath charged the said Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Counsell assembled in this Parliament to deliberate upon this point which of one assent have said That the Law of the Crown of England is and alwayes hath been such c. 25. E. 3. Parl. 5. c 2. of Treasons And if percase any men of this Realme endeavour covertly or secretly against any other to slea him or to rob him or take him or retein till he hath made fine or ransome or to have his deliverance it is not the mind of the King Nor His Counsell that in such cases it shall be judged Treason but shall be judged Felony or Trespasse according to the Laws of the Land of old time used and according as the case requireth And chap. 4. It is accorded assented and stablished that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Sovereign Lord the King or to his Counsell unlesse it be by Inditement or presentment of his good and lawfull neighbours 25. E. 3. Parl. 6. Statute of Provisors Whereas in the Parliament of Edward King of England Grandfather of the King that now is the 25. of his reigne holden at Carlile the Petition heard put before the said Grandfather and HIS COUNSELL by the Commonalty of his Realm c. 27. E. 3. c. 1. Provisors shall have day containing the space of two moneths by warning to be made to them c. to be before the King and HIS COUNSELL or in his Chancery or before the Kings Justices in his places of the one Bench or the other or before other the Kings Justices which shall be deputed to the same to answer in their proper persons to the King of the contempt done in this behalf ch 2. It is assented by the King and all his Counsell 27. E. 3. of the Staple ch 21. That the same Mayor and Constables do not ordain any thing contrary to these Ordinances nor make interpretation nor exceptions to them otherwise then the words purport but if there be any thing that is doubtfull it shall be shewed unto Our Counsell and there declared by good advise ch 23. And in case that debates arise betwixt them upon the discussing of any plea or quarrell the tâ—nour of the said Plea or quarrell shall be sent before the Chancellor and other of Our Counsell to be by them determined without delay ch 25. And now late it is done Us and our Counsell to understand by the complaint of the said Merchants ch 28. And in case any thing be to be amended added changed or withdrawn of any of the said points in time to come by a true cause we will that the same be done by deliberation and advice of the Great men and Other of our Counsell in Parliament 31. E. 3. Stat. 2. c. 3. It is accorded by our Sovereign Lord the King the Great men and all the Commons in this present Parliament that the Chancellor and Treasurer taking unto them the JUSTICES and OTHER THE KINGS COUNSEL such as to them shall seem meet shall have power to ordain remedy of the buying and selling of Stockfish of St. Botulfs and Salmon of Barwick and of Wines and Fish of Bristow and elsewhere and that the Ordinances by
Henry la Warre 12 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5. William Westbury 5 7 9 10 13. 18 20 23 H. 6. Iohn de Westcote 6 d. 17. E. 2. William de Weston 17 19 E. 2. 2 d. 23. 31. E. 3. Philip de Willoughby Decan Lincoln 23 d. 9. Cancell Scac. Regis 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 9 10. 32 E. 1. Richard de Willoughby Willughby 3 d. 19. 4 d. 19. 41. 5. d. 7. 25. 6 d. 9 10 30. 7 8 9 10 d. 1. 5. 11 d. 11. 40. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. 20 22 d. 7. 32. 23 24 25 26 31 d. 2. 21 E. 3. Robert de Wodehouse 14 d. 5. 23. 15 16 E. 2. Archidiac Richmond 3 d. 19. Thesaurarius Regis 4 d. 19. 41. 5 d. 7. 25. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. 16 17 E. 3. William de Wychyngham 42 43 44 47 49 50 E. 3. 1 2 R. 2. Magister Gerrard de Wyspanes Archidiac Richmond 2â— d. 9. 28 E. 1. X WIlliam Yelverton 23 25 27 28 29 31. 33 38 Miles 49 H. 6 1 2 6 9 E. 4. Magister Thomas Younge 34 d. 4. 36 37. Offic. Cur. Cancellar 39 42 43 44 47 49 E. 3. Thomas Younge 49 d. 6. â— 6. 6 9 E. 4. Z MAgister William de la Zousche Decanus Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Ebor. Thesaurarius Regis 11 d. 11. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. E. 3. Where the Dorses are for brevity omitted in any years of this or any the precedent Tables after a particular name you may readily find them in the precedent Sections in the writs to the Prelats Temporal Lords and Counsil which are all entred together in the self-same Rolls and Dorses when they all occurr General useful Observations on and from the precedent Writs of Summons mentioned in the premised Sections and the 7. Sections next ensuing in the second part following them HAving thus presented you with 3 distinct Sections or Squadrons of Writs of Summons to our Parliaments Great Councils and Convocations issued to Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other Ecclesiastical Lords the P. of Wales Dukes Earls Barons Temporal Lords and great men of the Realm the Kings Counsil Iustices with some useful particular Observations on them in each Section I shall for a close of this first part of my breif Register Kalender and Survey of them superadd some general necessary Observations on and Conclusions from them and the 7. next following Sections which I intended to have annexed to this first part of my Register but now shall reserve for the second for the further information of the Readers the benefit of Posterity and rectifying some Oversights in sundry printed trivial Discourses of our English Parliaments First From the manifold rare delightful Varieties Forms Diversities and distinct kinds of Writs of Sommons transcribed out of the Clause Rolls in a Chronological method Vaâ—ied from time to time by our Kings their Chancellors Counsellors and Officers who formed them as there was occasion without the privity or direction of their Parliaments before the Statutes of 7. H. 4. c. 15. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 15. which ordered some new clauses to be inserted only into the VVrits for Election of Knights of Shires and none else for preventing and rectifying abuses in such elections but prescribed no set unalterable future formâ— for those or any other Writs of Sommons leaving the King and his Counsil at Free Liberty as before to vary and alter them as they saw just cause The Judicious Readers may clearly discern what little credit is to be given to Reverend Sir Edward Cookes obâ—ervation in his slight discourse Touching the VVrits of Sommons of Parliament which are to be found in the close Rolls from time to time Which begins thus Aâ—d it is to be Observed that the substance of the VVrits ought to continue in their Original Essence without any Alteration or Addition unlesse it be by Act of Parliament For if Original VVrits at the Common Law can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament A multo Fortiori The Writs of the Sommons of the Highest Court of Parliament can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament c. But had this great Oracle of the Law diligently considered the manifold varieties of the Writs of Sommons to Parliaments With their several Alteraions and Additions made from time to time upon emergent occasions without any Act or Order of Parliament Or had he remembred old Bractons and his own distinction of these two different sorts of Original VVrits in the places he refers us to in his margin viz. Brevia Originalia quaedam sunt formata sub suis casibus de cursu De communi Concilio totius Regni concessa et Approbata quae quadem Nullatenus mutari poterint absque consensu et voluntate â—orum quaedam Magistralia et saepe variantur secundum varietatem casuum factorum et quaerelarum and that by the Masters and Clarks of the Chancery themselves according to the variety of every Mans case as himself and the Statute of VVestm 2. c. 23. resolve us without any Act or common consent in Parliament And then judiciously pondered that Writs of Sommons to Parliaments are all of this latter kind only Migistraliâ— and frequently varied according to the several varieties of the causes Publick grievances Dangers Emergences Businesses Complaints occasioÌ„ing their Sommoning expressed usually in these Writs different Prologues he would certainly never have made such a strange erronious Observation as this upon these Writs contradicted by so many Presidents on record in all former ages nor alleaged such a pittiful mistaken Argument a multo Fortiori and such Authorities to justifie it Which diametrically contradict both his reason and observation the Writs of Sommons being all of them Magistralia not Formata sub suis Casibus as the miserably mistook them to be Therefore if such Magistral Writs are ofâ—â—imes varied according to the variety of cases facts and complaints in particular mens cases by the Clerks of Chancery and Cursitors themselves without Act of Parliament a multo fortiori may Writs of Sommons to Parliaments of the self same kind which concern the great weighty affairs of the King Kingdom and Church of England be varied altered by the King himself with the Advise of his Great Officers Judges Council according to the variety of emergent occasions requiring Parliaments to be called without any Act or consent of Parliament authorizing it notwithstanding Sir Edwards groundlesse Assertion to the contrary though prefaced with and it is to be observed as I conceive it will henceforth be for a great mistake although formerly believed as an undoubted Truth upon his Ipse dixit whose venerable reputation hath canonized many of his Apochryphal conceipts which have dangerously seduced most Students and Professors of the Law with others who peruse his Institutes for whose better Information and Vindication of
them at any one Session or Parliament and the attendance will prove so tedious to all or most that it will become a greater grievance to them than any they complain of and if they gain any relief it will be in effect a Remedy as bad or worse as the diseasâ— it cures Yea an express violation of Magna Charta ch 29. Nulli negabimus nulli differemus justitiam aut rectum Finally This patching of New Scotish and Irish Members into our old English Parliament will be so farre from uniting and contenting the three Nations and Parliaments in one that it will discontent and disunite them more than before and make the rent the greater upon every occasion as Christ himself resolves with whose words I shall close up this observation No man seweth or putteth a peece of new Cloth upon an old Garment else the new peece that filleth it up taketh away from the old and agreeth not with the old and the rent is made worse 5. That as the Writs of the Common Law are the foundations whereon the whole Law and subsequent proceedings do depend as Glanvil Bracton Britton Fleta heretofore Fitzherbert Thelwell Sir Edward Cook and others of later times resolve upon which account if the Writs be vicious erronious invalid illegal or null in Law they abate vitiate and annihilate the whole Process Declarations and Struotures grounded on them as all our Law-Books assert So the Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils are the very foundations and corner-stones whereon our Parliaments Great Councils and all their Votes Judgements Proceedings Acts Ordinances do depend Therefore if they be defective erronious invalid illegal insufficient or null in themselves the Parliaments and Great Councils convened by founded on them with all their Iudgements Proceedings Acts Ordinances must of necessity be so likewise as the Statutes of 1. Hen. 4. c. 3. 21. R. 2. c. 1. 39. 8. H. 6. c. 1. H. 8. c. 1. 17. E. 4. 5. 7. 1. H. 4. rot Parl. n. 1. 66. 1. E. 4. rot Parl. n. 8 to 17. 1. H. 7. c. 9. 27. H. 8. c. 24. in England largely evidence and the Statute of 10. H. 7. c. 27. in Ireland determines repealing a Parliament holden at Drogheda before Sir Robert Preston decreed and deemed void to all Intents by the Kings Council in Ireland 1. Because the Duke of Bedford Lieutenant of Ireland by whose Deputy it was summoned and held surrendred his Patent of Lieutenancy before the said Parliament summoned 2. Because there was no general summons of the said Parliament to all the Shires but onely to four Shires 3. Because the said Deputy had no mâ—nner of Power by his Commission to summon or kéep a Parliament For the which causes it was ordained and enacted that the Parliament to holden be deemed void and of none effect by the whole Parliament of Ireland Anno 10. H. 7. And the Parliament of 18. E. 4. ch 2. in Ireland touching the Election of Knights and Bâ—rgesses further manifests it 6. That the summoning as likewise proâ—â—guing adjourning dissolving of all Parliaments and Great Councils in England and Ireland is a peculiar inseparable royal Prerogative belonging onely to the Kings of England and incommunicable to any other person or persons yea to Parliaments themselves which cannot appoint a succeeding Parliament to be called but by the Kings consent and that though appointed to be held at a prefixed day and place to be summoned only by the Kings Writ That all Writs of Summons and Prorogation alwaies issued and of right ought to be issâ—ed onely in the Kings name stile authority whether absent out of or present within the Realm whether within age or of ripe years and that by his special Commands alone or his and his Councils joynt precept as the stile name contents of all precedent and subsequent Writs the subscriptions under them Per ipsum Regem per ipsum Regem Consilium per ipsum Regem Custodem Consilium in the Kings absence per breve de privato sigiâ—â—o c. the stile tenor of all Writs De expensis Militum Burgen sium the Statutes of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 14. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H 8. c. 10. most Acts of late times for the subsidies of the Clergy and Temporalty Tonage Foundage the Prologues to our ancient and modern printed Statutes the Kings Chancellors and others speeches upon the convention of most Parliaments in Parliament Rolls together with the Act of 16. Caroli for preventing of inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments Cooks 4. Institutes ch 1. and all who have written of our English Parliaments abundantly evidence and resolve beyond contradiction Hence our late King Charles in his Declaration of the causes of assembling and dissâ—lving the two last Parliaments Iune 13. 2. Caroli affirms That the calling adjourning proroguing and dissolving of Parliaments do peculiarly belong unto himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably uniied to his impertal Crown and the Statute of 16. Caroli c. 1. made by the unanimous consent of both Houses declares That by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm the appointment of the time and place for the holding of Parliaments and the summoning of them by Writ in the Kings Name hath alwaies belonged as it ought to his Majesty and his royal Progenitors and none else 7. That the Kings of England have as true full real and legal an haereditary right Title Interest Propriety in and to the Parliament as they have in and to the Kingdome and Crown of England as these Clauses in all their Writs of Summons Prorogations of Parliaments issued to the spiritual and temporal Lords Kings Counsil Sheriffs and Warden of the Cinque-ports resolve Ordinavimus quoddam Parliamentum nostrum c. tenere In ultimo Parliamento nostro post ultimum Parliamentum nostrum sitis ad nos ad Parliamentum nostrum and the like compared with Statum Regni nostri Angliae Et cum Praelatis Proceribus Regni nostris sicut commodum Regni nostri Diligitis Iura Coronae nostrae c. in the same Writs The Writs de expensi Militum Burgensium The Titles and Prologues of most printed Acts of Parliament The Statutes of 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 23. H. 8. c. â—3 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H. 8. c. 10. 1. Iac. c. 1. and sundry Writs in the Register stiling the Parliament the Kings Parliament his Parliament our Parliament in relation to the King and his Patents for creating Dukes Marquesses Earls Peers and Barons of the Realm granting them and their Heirs males Sedem locum in Parliamentis nostris Haeredum successorum nostrorum inâ—ra Regnum nostrum Angliae Therefore the Parliaments of England can no more exist or subsist without the King than the Kingdome or Crown of England the
King being both Caput Principium finis Parliamenti as Modus tenendi Parliamentum Sir Edward Cooke and others resolve our Parliaments living and dying with our Kings and determining when summoned and sitting by the Kings decease since they can neither treat nor confer with him of any businesses concerning him or his Kingdome nor be his Parliament after his death as the Parliaments of 1. H. 4. rot Parl. n. 1. 2. 3. 1. H. 5. rot Parl. n. 16. 4. E. 4. f. 44. Cooks 4. Instit. p. 46. adjudge the Parliament of 23. R. 2. dissolving by this resignation of the Crown and the Parliaments of 14 H. 4. and 24. Iacobi being dissolved by their respective deaths as their Judges and Parliaments resolved and the Parliament of 18. Caroli by the self same reason as I have elsewhere evidenced seeing hee could neither vobiscum cum caeteris Magnatibus Proceribius Regni nostri colloqaium habere Tractatum super diversis arduis negocâ—is Nos Regnum nostrum coâ—tingentibus nor the Commons do and assent hiis quae tunc ibidem per Nâ—s c. ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis as the Writs of Summons and Prorogation prescribe 8. That when ever there was a Custos Regni during the Kings absence in forraign parts or a Protector during his Minority the Writs of Summons and Prorogation issued alwaies in the Kings stile name and by his authority and direction and the Teste onely in the Custos or Protectors name with a per ipsum Regens per ipsum Regem Consilium or per ipsum Regem Custodem consilium subjoyned 9. That when our Kings could not be personally present at any Parliament by reason of their wars sickness extraordinary occasions absence in forraign Parts or minority they held them by a Custos Regni or Commissioners authorized by special Commissions issued to them in the Kings name under his Great Seal to hold these Parliaments in his Name and Stead which were publickly read at the beginning of the Parliament and entred in the Parliaments Rolls for which I shall present you with these presidents onely omitting all others of this kind agreeing with them or varying little from them in form or substance The first is this Anno 13. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 4. Edwardâ—s Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Aquitaniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. summonitum conventuris salutâ—m Cum dilectus fidelis noster Edwardus Dux Cornubiae Comes Cestr. filius noster carissimus Custos Regni nostri propter quaedam negocia sibi incumbentia sit ad praesens Parliamentum praepeditus quo minus isto die Iovis in Octabis Sti. Hillarii apud locum praedictum vale at personaliter interesse de circumspectionis industriae magnitudine venerabilis Patris Iohannis Archiepiscopi Cantuar. totius Angliae Primatis discretorum virorum Magistri Willielâ—i de le Zouche Decani Ecclesiae beati Petri Ebor Thesaurarii nostri Ricardi de Willoughby Iohannis de Stonore Iohannis Decani Sti. Pauli plenam fiduciam reportantes ipsos quatuor tres aut duos eorum ad inchoand continuandâ—m Parliamentum praedictum nostri dicti filii nostri nomine ad faciend ea quae Pro Nobis per praedictum filium nostrum facienda fuerint usque adventum filii nostri ibidem Deputamus Assignamus Et ideo vobis mandamus quod iisdem Archiepiscopo The saurario Rico. Iohi. Iohi. quatuor tribus duobus eorum intendentes sit is in praemissis in forma praedicta Teste Edwardo Ducâ— Cornub. Comite Cestr. filio nostro carissimo Custode Angliae apud Langle XIX die Ianuarii Anno Regni nostri tertio decimo The second is thus registred Annâ— 25. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1. 2. Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Militibus omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm Summonitum conventuris salutem Cum Nos ex certis caâ—sis sumus ad partes transmariâ—as profectâ—ri per quod ad primum diem dicti Parliâ—menti forte non poterimus interesse Nos in casu quod citra dictum diem non redeamus Leonello filio nostro carissimo ad inchoand Nomine nostro Parliamentum praedictam ad faciend ea quae pro Nobis per Nos faciâ—ndâ— fuerint usque adventum nostrum ibidem plenam tenore praesentiuâ—â— committimus potestatem Et ideo Vobis mandamus quod eidem filio nostro intendentes sitis in praemissis in forma praedicta In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri â—ecimus patentes Teste mâ—ipso apud Turrim London 20. die Januarii Anno Regni nostri Angliâ—â— 24. Regni vero nostri Franciae undecimo Per ipsum Regem The third is thus recorded in the Parliament Roll of 51. E. 3. n. 1. with this Prologue Enle 15a sâ—int Hilar c. que fuist le primer jour de ce present Parlement trâ—z nobles pâ—issent Sir Richard Prince de Gales Duc de Cornwelle Couâ—te de Cestr. auxint les Prelets Seigneurs Justices Comenes auters que fuerent venuz per Sommons de ce present Parlement sesemblerent en le palayes de Westm. en le Chambre de peinte illoeques en lour presence le dit Prince alos seent in my lieu de uly Cestassavâ—ir en la place du Roy mesâ—es nostre le dit Seigâ—ieur le Roy esteant meismes benemont venier en sa proper persone envoy ast en dit Parlement returnes ses Literes patents â—oâ—z son grant Seale enseales en la form que ensuant Edwardus Dei gratia c. Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Ducibus Comitibus Baronibus militibus omnibus aliis in instanti Parliamento conventuris salutem Cum ex certis cansu sumâ—s ad prâ—â—sâ—ns praepâ—diti ita quod ad primum diem Parliamenti praedicti ad locum praedictum personaliter non poterimâ—s interesse de circumspectionis industriae magnitudine carissimi filii nostri Ricardi Principis Wallia Duciâ— Cornubiae Comitis Cestr plenam fiduâ—iam reportantes eidem filio nostro ad Parliamentum praedictum nostro nomine inchoand ad faciend 〈◊〉 quae pro Nobis per â—os ibidem faciend fuâ—runt plenâ—â—m tenorsâ— praesentium committimus poâ—estatâ—m Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem Principi intendentes fitis in praemissis in forma praedicta In cujus Rei c. Teste meipso apud Havering 26. die Jan. Anno Regni nostri Aâ—gliae 51. Franciae 38. The fourth is thus entred Rot. Parl. An. 1. H. 6. n. 1. Fait assavoir 〈◊〉 commâ—ncâ—ment del Parlement tenuz le Lundy prochein de â—aâ—t le feste de Seint Martyn I'aâ— del
fear and well expect by way of divine and human retaliation that their very New erected House of Lords when once established having the power of Judicature if not of the Army in them to preserve themselves from the like Usurpations of the Commons over them in after ages will upon the first opportunity Vote down by this their president the whole House of Commons and quite suppresse it for the future as Vselesse dangerous factious Tumulâ—uous seditious arbitrary Tyrannicall oppressive to the people degenerated from its ancient duty bounds moderation as not only some of our late Kings but of those new intended Lords have publickly branded proclaimed it to be in late printed Declarations and constitute all future Parliaments only of a House of Lords and Great men of the Realme assisted with the Counsell and Iustices without any Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons of Ports or House of Commons according to all ancient long continued Presidents in former ages before 49. H. 3. when for ought appeares the Commons were first admitted and called unto Parliaments out of meer grace by the Kings Writs Or at least the disinherited ancient Nobility in case they regain their pristine Rights of Session Judicature in Parliament without the Commons assistance of which there is no absolute future improbability may by way of Justice and retaliation set the Commons House quite aside for their late transcendent breaches abuses of their Trusts towards them in secluding and voting them quite down against their Writs Indentures Duties Oathes by which they have legally forfeited all their Priviledges and right of Parliamentary session according to this received Maxime in all Lawes Privilegium amittat qui improbabili temeritate quod non accepit usurpat sua authoritate non legitime utitur sed abutitur potestate Which weighty consideration though seconded with none else should engage all Commoners to pursue the golden rule precept of Christ himself as well in point of prudence conscience Justice as morality towards the old Lords Matth. 7. 12. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them for this is the Law and the Prophets For with the same measure that ye meat withall it shall be measured to you again as Luk. 6. 38. Iudg. 1. 6. 7. Psal. 137. 8. Rev. 13. 10. c. 16. 5. 6. Ezek. 35 10. 11. 14. 15. Obad. 15. 16. Ioel. 3. 6. 7. 8. Gen. 9. 6. Mat. 26. 52. Iam. 2. 13. do all infallibly resolve us as well as late experiments 21. That the first and principle things specified in the Writs of summons as the prime ends for which Parliaments are summoned is to debate and consult of quaedam specialia ardua negotia Nos et Statum regni nostri et etiam Iura Salvationem et Defensionem Coronae nostrae Regiae as well as Regni nostri et Ecclesie Anglicanae specialiter intime contingentibâ—s And all Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons of Ports elected returned to serve in Parliament in the Commons House receive plenam sufficientem potestatem pro se et Communitate Comitatuum Civitatum Burgorum et Portuum from those Commonalties who elect them only ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi Consilio Comitum Baronum or dicti Regni nostri contigerit ordinari super Negotiis antedictis quod hoc breve or prout breve illud in se exigit requirit as the express words of the Sheriffs returns and their Indentures evidence Therefore their enacting any thing by themselves alone without the Earls Barons and Lords House or Majoritie of their Fellow Commoners or against their Counsell Votes advice to the prejudice destruction subversion of the Kings Person State Kingdom and the Prerogative Rights of his Royal Crown and Dignity which they were purposely summoned by the King and authorized intrusted only by their Electors Commonalties people to preserve support and defend and to do and consent to nothing else inconsistent with or repugnant to these ends is the highest prevarication treacherie violation of their Trusts Duties that can possibly be imagined deserving the most exemplarie punishments And those Republicans who lately acted in this kind to the destruction of the King kingdom the prerogatives Rights of the Crown Parliament Lords and Monarchie of England upon this pretext that they were intrusted impowred thus to doe by the people and those who did elect them are the most notorious Impostors Prevaricators Infringers Peruerters Falsifiers of their trusts and power in this kinde that ever England yet produced as all the forecited Writs compared with their their retorns unanimously resolve against their false absurd pretences to the contrarie wherewith they have endeavoured to blinde and cheat the people in whom they verbally voted placed the Soveraign power only by this forged hypocritical pretext actually to usurp appropriate it to themselves as their Trustees and Representatives presently thereupon in all their new published Knacks Papers intitling themselves alone not the people the SUPREAM AUTHORITY OF THE NATION making the people greater Slaves and Uassalls to them in respect of their Lawes Lives Members Liberties Freeholds Franchises Properties Estates than ever they were in any age under Beheaded King Charles or the worst of all our Kings and Lords who never acted half so arbitrarily tyrannically in everie kinde as they their Committees High Courts of Iustice Counsils of State Major Generals Excise-men and other Officers have done since their late Exorbitant Anti-parliamentary Vsurpations Innovations Proceedings under the disguise and Notion of the Parliament of England without A KING HOUSE OF LORDS or the secluded MAIORITY OF THE COMMONS HOUSE it self the forced absence seclusion of all and everie of which 3. made them no real Parliament at all but an Anti-Parliamentary Conventicle and all their miâ—intitled Acts Ordinances meer Nullities both in Law and Conscience fit to be enternally exploded by the whole English Nation and all future new Parliaments to prevent the like pernicious Extravagances in after ages which have involved us in so manie various Miseries Warrs Perplexities Fears Dangers Oppressions Factions Troubles Changes Unsettlements and Confusions which without Gods insinite mercie presage nought else but total and final Desolation both to our Church State and Nations Our Law-books resolve the Parliament to be a Corporation consisting of the King as thief head the Lords as the Superior and the Commons as inferior Members who ought mutually to preserve each others interests and unite their counsells for the publike good without any seisure or encroachment upon one another For as there is nothing but giddiness torture distemper consumption restlesness sickness inactivity maimedness confusion in the body natural whiles the head or chief joints bones parts of it are inverted dislocated fractured severed and kept out of joynt and no other means left when thus distorted to restore it to rest health soundness activitie and prevent its dissolution by
the Writs of Summons and Prorogation attest 11. That for the most part all Writs of Summons and Prorogation both to the spiritual and temporal Lords Kings Counsil Sheriffs of Counties and Wardens of the Cinque-ports have the self-same Teste date Prologues yet now and then some of them are different in their dates yet very rarely in their recitals That there is frequently a different space of daies and times between the dates of the Writs of Summons and Resummons upon Writs of Prorogation and the daies of the first meeting of the Parliaments and Great Councils to which they are summoned and elected as you may easily discern by comparing them there being sometimes two months space or more sometimes fifty daies but usually forty daies or more according to the Charter of King Iohn between the date of the Writs and daies of appearance in Parliaments and Grand Councils Yet in cases of extream necessity upon sudden unexpected dangers I finde two Parliaments summoned to meet within the space of forty daies as in Claus. 4 E. 3. d. 19. Where there was onely two and thirty daies between the date of the Writ and Parliament which being unusual there is an express clause in the Writs that it should not be drawn into consequence for the future So in 28 Eliz. the Writ bore date the 15th of September and the Parliament was to begin the 15th of October following but thirty daies after All other Writs to my best remembrance these two excepted having at least forty daies between the Teste and daies of appearance that so the Members might have competent time to prepare themselves to repair to Parliaments and Great Councils after their Summons and Elections 12. That in ancient times our Parliaments and Great Councils were more frequently summoned to meet and appear on the Lords Day than on any other day of the week which abuse in succeeding times was reformed and quite discontinued even in times of Popery as well as since the reformation of Religion 13. That our Kings upon extraordinary publick dangers and other occasions may summon Parliaments Great Councils Convocations as often as they think meet That they were anciently summoned once or twice every year at least and some times thrice four or five times in one year according to the ancient Constitution in the. Council at Hereford Anno 673. Can. 7. The Law of King Alfred Rotul Ordinationum 5 E. 2. n. 31. 4 E. 3. c. 14. Rot. Parl. n. 14. 36. E. 3. cap. 10. 50. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 181. 1 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 95. 2. R. 2. rot Parl. n. 4. 5. 16 Carol. cap. 1. 14. That the more weighty difficult pressing urgent the occasions and dangers were of summoning Parliaments the more importunate vehement urgent mandatory minatory and compulsary were the expressions mandates clauses in the Writs of Summens for the Lords and Commons personal appearance and attendance without admitting any excuses or procurations and not to depart from them without special licence 15. That when any publick weighty businesses intended to be propounded dispatched in one Parliament or Great Council by reason of other businesses or shortness of time could not be propounded or concluded therein thereupon another Parliament or Council was soon after called to dispatch it the day and place whereof was sometimes appointed in and by the Parliament next preceding before its dissolution 16. That though anciently before the word Parliamentum came in use among our Ancestors Great Councils were the same in substance with Parliaments yet since the summoning of Knights Citizens Buâ—gesses and Barons of the Ports to Parliaments and the insertion of Parliamentum into the Writs of Summons and Statutes you may obâ—erve some differences between Parliaments and Councils and the Writs of Summons to them which are frequently distinguished in the margin of the Clause Rolls by this different entry Summunitio Parliamenti De veniendo ad Parliamentum c. Summonitio Concllil de veniendo ad Concilium c. The principal differences between them are these 1. That many Bishops Abbots and Nobles are usually omitted in the Summons to Councils which were usually summoned to Parliaments and seldome omitted in the summons to them unless absent in forraign parts 2. That many persons were summoned to Councils which wee never finde summoned to Parliaments 3. That there is no Clause of Praemunientes in the Writs of Summons to Councils issued to Archbishops and Bishops to summon their Chapters Deans Archdeacons and Clergy of their Diocess as there is usually in their Writs of Summons to Parliaments 4. That Writs of Summons to Councils issued to the Lords Great men are seldome accompanied with any Writs of Election for Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of Ports issued to Sheriffs or the Warden of the Cinqueports as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are and if any Knights Citizens or Burgesses be summoned to them it is in a different manner and number than when they were summoned to Parliaments 5. Writs of Summons to Parliaments are usually accompanied with Writs of Summons to the Kings Counsils but those to Councils are never attended with such Writs distinct from those issued to the spiritual and temporal Lords as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are Which differences some injudicious Writers and Antiquaries not observing have both confounded those Writs together as one and mistaken one of them frequently for the other 17. That the principal end scope of summoning Parliaments ought to be the common benefit ease profit welfare of the people the execution promotion of publick Justice the Peace and good Government of the Realm the reformation of all publick grievances and oppressions the enacting of wholesome Laws the maintenance of the Great Charters and Liberties of the people and freeing them from all unjust exactions impositions taxes not granted by Parliament nor warranted by Law the necessary defence of the Realm by common consent against forraign enemies and not to exact and impose unnecessary insupportable excessive endless Aids and Taxes on the people 18. That no publick war ought to be undertaken nor no Aids Taxes Imposts Customes or Tallages imposed on or exacted levyed on the people by our Kings or any other but onely by common consent and Grant of the Lords and Commons in a full and free Parliament though it be for the necessary defence of the Kingdome by Land or Sea the defence or regaining of the Lands and Rights of the Crown in forraign parts and that onely in moderate and just proportions granted onely for a short season and leavyed in a legal manner Nor no mens Rights precluded or forejudged in Parliament by any general Act before they bee heard Nor the Clergy taxed by the Lords and Commons but onely by themselves in their convocations 19. That the Writs of Summons to Parliaments enjoyning all the temporal Earls Peers Lords and Barons of the Realm and commanding them upon and in the Love
Faith Homage Allegiance they owe unto the King to appear in proper person in their Parliaments and that with a Quanunque excusationâ— cessant◠〈◊〉 salvationem Regni nostri Ecclesiae Anglicanae expeditionem dictorum negotiorum diligitis Nullatenus omittatis c. as the Writs enjoyn them And the Writs de Expensis Militum Burgensium levandis issued only after each Parliament ended not before allowing every Knight Citizen Burgesse and Baron of the Ports his wages In Ueniendo Morando et Redeundo both in coming to continuing at and returning from the Parliament when dissolved forfeited by his departure thence without special license It must needs be the highest contempt against the Kings authority the greatest injury affront to the persons summoned and those for whom they serve as Trustees or Attornies the most audacious apparent violation of the Priviledges and Freedome of Parliaments for any person or persons whatsoever by meer armed force or other Machiavillian practises to suspend or seclude any Lord or other Member duly summoned elected retorned from sitting voting and discharging his trust in the Parliament House Which the King and all his loyal subjects are bound in publick Justice carefully to prevent as is evident not only by the forecited passages and Records p. 27. 28 177. 219. to 222. but by these two memorable Writs and Patents purposely issued for this purpose in the case of the Archbishop of York There happening many differences between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York in former times about carrying up their Crosses before them in one anothers Provinces when summoned to Councils and Parliaments to the great disturbance of the publick peace and proceedings in Parliament oft interrupted prorogued adjourned by this meanes and their absenting themselves from them when summond out of their own Provinces the Parliament at York as some others before it being adjourned upon this occasion Anno. 6. E. 3. as the Writ of Prorogation to the Archbishop of Canterbury Claus. 6. E. 3. m. 4. dorso recites hereupon the King to prevent the like inconveniencies and Archbishops absence issued this special writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury not to prejudice or interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants for carrying his Crosse before him within his Province nor to enforce them to lay it down in coming to continuing at and returning from this Parliament at Westminster to which he was summoned Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi totius Angliae Primati Salutem Cum dudum tempore celebris memoriae Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae patris nostri inter tunc Archiepiscopum Cantuar. praedecessorem vestrum Venerabilem Patrem Willielmum Archiepiscopum Ebor-Angliae Primatem pro malis dissensâ—onibus quae saepius ex bajulatione Crucis Praedecessorum vestrorum in Eboracensi Provincia Cruciâ— Archiepiscoporum Eborum in Provincia Cantuariensi oriebantur sedandis pacificandis fuisset in praesentia ipsius Paâ—ris nostri Praelatorum aliorum Magnatum de Regno nostro plurimorum ut pro certo dedicimus ordinatum Quod praefatus Praedecessor vester successores sui ad Parliamenta Tractatus dicti Patris nostri Haeredum suorum quae infra dictam Ebor. Provinciam teneri contigerint praefatus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus ipsius successores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta Tractatus infra dictam Camuar Provinciam tenenda ad mandatum ipsius Patris nostri haeredum suorum venientes Cruces suas ante se erectas portarent absque perturbatione inibi facienda NE REGIA ET COMMUNIA REGNI N. GOTIA EA OCCASIONE IMPEDIENTUR ac praefatus Archiepiscopus Eborum ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westmon in crastino Nativitatis Mariae Virginis prox futur tenere ordinavimus ad tractandum Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus Regni nostri super diversis arduis negotiis Nos Statum Regni nostri contingentibus jam de mandato nostro sit venturus Nos nolentes nostra Regni nostri negotia occasione dissensionum hujusmodi aliqualiter retardari sed volentes concordiam praedictam quantum ad Nos attinet firmiter observari Vobis injungendo mandamuâ— quod eidem Archiepiscopo Eborum seu hominibus suis super bajulatione Crucis ejusdem Archiepiscopi ante se infra vestram Provinciam in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum ibidem moran do exinde ad propria redeundo non inferatis seuper alios inferri vel procurari aliqualiter faciatis dampnum vituperium impedimentum aliquod seu gravamen contra formam concordiae memoratae Teste Rege apud Kyderminster xviil die Augusti Anno Regni sui sexio And lest any others by the Archbishop of Canterburies instigation and menaces of excommunication should instigate any Officers or others as his Predecessors had done to interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants and deny them meat drink or lodging for their monies for carrying his Crosse erected before him within the Province of Canterbury the King directed this special Inhibition and Mandate to them of the same tenour and date with the Writ to the Archbishop by these Letters Patents Rex Vicecomitibus Majoribus Ballivis omnibus aliis fidelibus suis tam infra libertates quam extra ad quos c. salutem Cum Venerabilis Pater Willielmus Archiepiscopus Ebor. Angliae Primas ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westm. in crastino Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virginis prox futur tenere ordinavimus de mandato nostro sit venturus Vobis mandumus quod eidâ—m Archiepiscopo aut hominibus suis in personis aut rebus eorum super bajulatione Crucis ipsius Archiepiscopi ante se in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum ibidem morando exinde ad propria redeundo non inferatis seu quantum in vobis est ab aliis inferri permittatis dampnum impedimentum aliquod seu gravamen sed eis potius salvum securum conductum cum per destrictum vestrorum local transitum fecerint suis sumptibus habere faciatis quotiens quando per ipsos seu eorum aliquoâ— super hoc ex parte nostra fueritis requisiti In cujus rei c. has literas fieri fecimus Patentes usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum prox futur duraturas Teste Rege apud Kyderminster 18. die Augusti Anno Regni sui sexto Per Breve de Privato Sigillo If our Kings had then so great a care that neither of these two Prelates nor their successors nor any other of his officers or subjects by their instigation should interrupt or disturbe each other about this great controversie of Crosse-bearing within each others Province in coming to residing at or returning to any Parliaments to which our Kings and their heires should legally summon them nor seclude each other from sitting in them upon any pretence or difference between them Then by the self same reason