naturall princes mainteine the one part which is least plausible and agreeable with the French nation much lesse aucthorised by Princes and forrein potentates whose weapons they hope to vse when neede shall require To the end also with lesse labor and greater pretence to hoyst vp the Ladder of their driftes they haue procured the writing of a number of bookes which within these fewe yeres are come to euery mans hands concerning the discents of the Princes of Lorrain whome gladly they would bring aboord into this quarrell if possibly they could meaning with them in mens hartes to imprint falsely to perswade that our Kings and Princes are no lawfull Successors but tyrants and vsurpers of this crowne from those of the auncient race of whome they would make the Lorrains to be discended so to procure them to be Captains of their conspiracie 2 But these Princes haue euermore sought to bee accompted too wise iust and vpright dealers to haue their eares so ticklish as to let them selues be led with such false inductions which could bring them no other but speedy shame perpetuall ignominie of their race for doing as the husbandmans Serpent who when hee had well refreshed himselfe at his fier would haue driuen him also out of his house As also to shewe that they neuer thought vpon so detestable a deede That euery man therefore may knowe it to be too euident an abuse to say that they be come of the famely of Charlemagne I will vse onely that Booke that themselues did in the yere 1549. to cause Edmond of Boulay the chief Herault and King of Armes of their house to publish wherein with the common opinion they doe mainteine that Charles of Lorrayn brother to Lothair King of France the last of Charlemagnes posteritie of whom the seditious do make so great accompt left a Sonne named Ottho who was Duke of Lorrain and died without issue so as in him ended the males of Charlemagne In deede the said aucthor saith that Godfrey with the beard Earle of Ardenne succeeded his Cossen If then he were Cousen to the said Ottho the same kindred might come by beeing discended of a daughter of the said Charles wife to LaÌ„bert Earle of Bergues or Monts who was Merquize of the Empire Earle of Brabant so consequently by the Salique Lawe vncapable of this Realme By reason whereof Pope Benedict the eight beeing at Pauy with the Emperour Henry the second and Robert sonne to Hugh Capet in the yere a thousand two hundred and three declared the sayd Robert to be lawfull King and Lord of the Crowne of Fraunce Besides the Author is forced to confesse that this Male ligne of Godfrey Countie of Arden failed againe and fel into the person of Ide wife to Eustace Countie of Bolongne on the Sea the father and mother to Godfrey of BoloÌ„gne King of Hierusalem who in Lorrain succeeded his vâ—kle by the mother Godfrey with the crouch backe so doe the Males of the house of Bologne are by the same writer continued vntil Lady Isabell the onely daughter and heire of Charles Duke of Lorrein who in the yeere 1418. maried Rene of Aniew pety sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce Thus we see by the domesticall testimony of the Princes of Lorrein the third distaffe in the house of Lorrein since the sayd pretended Ottho Sonne to Charles of France of which the first had bene sufficient to depriue them of the Succession Royall not withstanding their auncesters had drawen their Orriginall from the Masculine house of the saide Charlemagne For in respect of the house of Aniew extract out of the royall stocke of Fraunce and grafted into the Dutchy of Lorrain by the marriage of the said Rene with Isabell of Lorrain the same Lorrain Historiographer agreeth y t it ceased in Nicolas Marquize of Pont sonne to Iohn the second that dyed in y e yere 1433. whose succession was gathered vp by his Sister Yolland wife to Ferry of Vaâ—demont who was the yonger of the auncient house of Lorraine sonne to Antony sonne to Ferri brother to Charles Father to the foresaid Isabell 3 I will and that truely auowe that the house of Lorrain now being is so farre from being issued out of the race of Charlemagne either by Male or Female farre or néere that contrariwise the Dutchy of Lorraine hath chaunged stock or family fower or fiue times since the posteritie of Charlemaigne First in the house of the Counties of Ardenne when after the decease of Ottho Sonne to Charles of France in the yere 1005. Henry the second Emperour gaue Lorraine to Godfrey the sonne of Godfrey Earle of Ardenne whose seruice he had vsed against the sonnes by whome the Duke of Lorrain had bene emprisoned and soone after deceased without issue After hym succeeded his brother Gothelo in the yere 1019. in the time of Robert King of France Then in the yere 1033. Conrade the Emperour gaue to Gothelo Mosele after the decease of Frederick Earle thereof so as hee grewe mightier in Lorrain then before Against this Gothelo marched Odo Earle of ChaÌ„pagne seazed vpon Bar but the Lorrain gaue him battaile wherein the said Odo deceased Gothelo had a sonne named Godfrey vnto whom the Emperour Henry the fowerth refused to giue the Dutchy of Mosele and therefore hee would not also be Duke of Lorrain but in the yere 1044. rebelled against the Emperour who tooke him prisoner and after released him taking his sonne for Hostage who being dead the father reuolted again stirred vp Baldwin Earle of Flanders to help him to warre vpon him And this Godfrey slew Albert to whom the Emperour had giued Mosele for which cause the Emperour inuested Euerard of Alsatie in Mosele Fredericke vnckle to Baldwine of Flanders in the Dutchy of Lorraine Godfrey seeing him selfe so oppressed passed into Italie and there maried the daughter of Marquize Boniface but was by the Emperour soone after driuen out of Lomberdie wherefore he retired into Flanders and accompanied with the saide Baldwine besieged Fredericke in Antwarpe but the Lorrains came to his succour This Godfrey had a brother called Frederick sonne to Gothelo who retourning from Constantinople became a Monck at Mount Cassin and was after y e 157. Pope called Steuen in the time of Henry King of France After the decease of Frederick of Flanders inuested in the Dutchy of Lorraine Euerard of Alsatye was Duke of Lorrain but both the said Godfrey Euerard being dead in the yere 1070. the Emperor gaue Mosele to Deoderick son of the saide Euerard and restored Godfrey with the crooke back sonne of Godfrey aforesaid to Lorraine This man wholy destroyed the Frizons but was in the end slaine by Richarius in the yere 1089. so as by his death began the second house of Lorrain in the person of Ide sister to the last Godfrey with the crouche backe and wife to Eustace Earle of Bolongne whose Children were Dukes of Lorrain
auncient or mightie soeuer as beeing aboue 1200. yeeres since vnder one forme and with one kind of lawes it was gouerned vnder the maiestie and authoritie of Kings of whom this last race hath continewed 600. yeres But among the chiefest and most perfect ordinances of this Crowne that is most commendable whereby the realme doth by succession belong by vertue of the Salick law to the next Male of the deceased King discending of the Masculine ligne For in trueth our Kings knowing that those of their owne blood are to succeede them haue the greater cause to keepe housband and preserue the estate and demains of their Realme as their owne and certaine Patrimonie besides that the successors of the Crowne that are nourished and brought vp in this greatnesse doe neuer become tyrants because euen from their mothers wombes they are vsed to command and ordinarily doe become the better more iust valeant hardy and couragious by representing to their owne view the greatnesse commendation and maiestie of their predecessors On the otherside the subiects of the Realme that haue sâ—â—e the birth nourishing and bringing vp of their Princes do the better know their humors and willes and doe more freely obey such as are borne to rule their estate theÌ„ others that are newly elected whom they remember to haue knowen in the like calling as them selues without either preeminence authoritie or gouernment so as there is nothing so perfect as that which neerest doth imitate nature and which seemeth to be altogether immortall aud infinite by Succession from the Father to the Sonne Besides that thereby the Kings subiects howe wealthy or mightie so euer doe conteine themselues in duetie humilitie and obedience to their soueraigne Prince when they remember that so long as any of the royall blood doe suruiue the same be capaple to attaine to that marke and that purposing to attempt any bad matter against the Estate and person of the King there remaine as many reuengers of the iniurie offered to his Maiestie as there be Princes of his bloud Herevpon doe I presume y t in our France wherein this royall succession hath time out of minde bene strictly obserued it was neuer found neither doe we reade that the French men did at any time enterprize or practize aught against the person of their King whether in respect of that naturall affection that alwaies they haue borne him and whereof they beare the bell among all other Nations in Europe or els because God neuer permitted the royall bloud of Fraunce to rest onely in one whereby the presumpteous conspirators might after the trespasse committed escape without punishment This royall succession therefore resting without doubt or coÌ„tradiction in this Realme the subiects thereof doe well knowe euen naturally and presumptiuely who is most likely to become their King so as now to call in question this succession is the only direct way to cause the King y t holdeth the Scepter ouer vs to think and with himselfe to imagine that in his Realme there are some who for the satisfying of their ambitioÌ„ could willingly wish to haue his place and for the same purpose do harken after his ende But sith the bolde impudencie of men is so great that they blush not neither are ashamed to disclose themselues to giue all men to vnderstande of their bad entents besides that necessarily the Commune must bee satisfied who otherwise might sooner beleeue the false then the true before wee proceede any further in aunswering the chiefe poynts of the Lybelles that they scatter abroade to the end to say that after the decease of the most Christian King without issue male it is not the nowe King of Nauarre but his Vnckle the Lord Cardinall of Bourbon that lawfully should be King or the better to expresse their entents that it is neither the one ne the other but that they must proceede to a newe election and nomination of a Prince I will here protest that I neuer desire to see the aduenture of that substitution which they pretende but hartely doe wish to the King my soueraigne Lorde a most long and happie life with as great number of issue capable of this Crowne as there be Starres in the Firmament 9 After which protestation to come to the purpose and succession of the house of FraÌ„ce I will first speake to those y t are not brought vp in the state of this Realme but onely haue learned of their Fathers that the Famely of Bourvon hath the honor to be issued from our Kinges therefore that the Princes thereof may succeede when God shall permit to the Crowne by the Lawe of succession of the realme Turning my selfe then to these commons I say that it is well knowen that King Lawes the ninth canonized and called saint Lewes had two sonnes the elder Phillip the bould of whome are come our Kings yet raigning who also had two sonnes the eldest Phillip the fayer who succeeded him and after him his three sonnes Lewes Phil. the long Charles the fayer the yoÌ„ger Charles County of Valois who begat Phillip of Valois who succeeded in the Realme after his Cousen Charles the fayer After Phillip succeeded his soune Iohn after him Charles the fifth called the wise sonne to Iohn This Charles had two sonnes the eldest Charles the sixth King of Fraunce vnto whome succeeded Charles the seuenth Lewes the eleuenth and Charles the eight his sonne petie sonne and petie Neuew The yonger Lewes Duke of Orleance who by Lady Valentine of Millan had two sonnes Charles the elder father to Lewes the twelfth King of France after his Cousen Charles the eight was deceased without issue and Iohn Earle of Angoulesme who was Father of Charles also Earle of the same lande and Grandfather to king Francis the first who succeeded his cossen Lewes the twelfth of which King Francis came Henrie his second sonne and father to Henry now raigning Hetherto therefore the branch of Phillip the bould eldest Sonne to Saint Lewes neuer failed so must that fable needes be false which the enimies of the house of BourboÌ„ haue sought to root in mens mindes namely that the discontentation of the late King FraÌ„cis the first against Charles of Bourbon that dyed at Rome was for his pretence to the Crowne of France which since haue continued in al the Princes of this house and from whence should be deriued the troubles and Ciuill Warres of this realme during the minoritie of the Kings Francis the second and Charles the ninth brothers to the King nowe raigning A matter vtterly false and falsely inueÌ„ted to the ende more and more to bring into the hatred of the people the Princes of Bourbon who neuer accompted more deerely of any thing or had greater delight in ought then to acknowledge obey and faithfully serue the Maiesties of our Kings as their true and souereigne Lordes hauing the honor so neerely to be to them allyed that they are of the same House and Armes without
difference except that our Kings are extract from the elder sonne of Saint Lewes and the Princes of Bourbon frō the yonger 10 The second sonne of said saint Lewes was Saint Robert of France to whom his father gaue for his maintenance y e Coūtie of Clermont in Beauuoys This Robert married Beatrix daughter and Heire of Archembault of Bourbon and they two had issue a sonne named Lewes who succeeded his said father in the Countie of Clermount and so was also Earle of March besides that in the right of his Mother hee enioyed the goods of the sayd Archembault of Bourbon namely the Lordship of Bourbō which in respect of the appertenaunces thereto was of such accompt that King Phillip of Valois in the beginning of his raigne which was about the yeere 1327. erected the said Landes into a Dutchie wherby the said Lewes tooke vpon him the name and state of Duke of Bourbon which since hath continued in his posteritie This Lewes had two sonnes by whom this stock was first deuided into two brāches the one was named Peter the other Iames Peter is now quite worne out as concerning the Masculine ligne neuerthelesse wee will briefly rehearse his issue and then retourne to the posteritie of Iames who was the yonger of whom is discended the house of Vandosme from whom the Princes of Bourbon now liuing doe fetch their originall Peter of Bourbou being the elder of this house as is aforesaid was of great credit and authoritie in the time of King Iohn and had many daughters among whom was one very fayre whome Charles the fifth couered to marry rather then Margaret of Flanders who had three goodly Counties to her marriage Flanders Artois and Henault whom he caused his brother Phillip the bould Duke of Bourgondy to marry An other named Blanch was maried to the King of Castile a third to the Duke of Sauoy a fourth named Catherin to the Earle of Harcourt He had also a Sonne called Lewes who was of great fame as well toward y e end of Charles the fifth as in the beginning of Charles the sixth to whom he was appointed tuter as also to his brother Lewes Duke of Orleance togither with the Duke of Burgondy their vnckle by their father The saide Lewes of Bourbon was Capteine and Leader of the armie against the Turke in Affrike in the time of Charles the sixth and had to wife Lady Anne Daulphine who brought into that house the Countie Dauphine of Auuergne and the lands of Cōbrailles with the Lordship of Mercure in the said land of Auuergne and by her he had a Sonne called Iohn who maried Mary daughter to y e Duke of Berry To this man was giuen the Dutchy of Auuergne with the Dutchy of Bourbo and Countie of Clermount 11 At Iohn the sayde principall braunch bearing away the eldership the Famelie began to bee deuided for he had two Sonnes Charles and Lewes Charles succeeded his father in Bourbon Clermont and Aunergne and Lewes had Montpensier which in y e end returned to his posteritie Charles marryed Agnes of Burgondy sister to Duke Phillip of Burg. and they had issue principall two sonnes Iohn and Peter It is sayd they also had two more of one name viz. Lewes of whom the one dyed yong the other was Bishop of Liedge and Abbot of Sainct Vaast Others doe saye that they had two Sonnes Charles who was Cardinal and Archbishop of Lyōs Iohn who was Bishop of Liedge They had also sundry Daughters as Iane married to the Prince of Orange Isabell to the Duke of Burgondie and Margeret to the Duke of Sauoy of whom are discended Philibert Duke of Sauoy deceased without issue and Lady Loise of Sauoy married to the Duke of Angolesme of whom came the late King Frances the first But to returne to the said Iohn and Peter sonnes of the said Charles of Bourbon and Agnes of Burgondie Iohn the eldest had his fathers goodes and married Iane of Fraunce Daughter to King Charles the seuenth sister to Lewes the eleuenth who neuerthelesse in the warre for the Commonwealth reposed no cōfidence in the sayd Iohn of Bourbon aswell because he was come of a Daughter of Bourgondie as for that he had not bene payd his mariage money The sayd Iohn had no children by either Lady Iane of Fraunce or Lady Iane of Bourgondie his Cousen whom he tooke for his seconde wife and so his whole succession fel to his brother Peter who was called Lord of Beauuiew This Peter maried Anne of France daughter to Lewes the eleuenth He was in great credite during Lewes raigne but in greater during Charles the eight so as in the voyage to Naples the sayde King left the sayd Peter Regent of Fraunce The sayde Peter also left no issue Male but one Daughter called Susan who might haue great controuersies for the goodes of that famelie for the preuēting wherof it was wisely aduised to marrie her to a male of this house which was brought to passe as hereafter shall be shewed 12 To Lewes of Bourbon of whom wee spake before fell the Countie of Montpensier and so continued the name and title so long as the ligne of the sayd Charles his elder brother lasted He married Gabriel of the Tower of whom came Gilbert of Montpensier Viceroy of Naples after that Charles the eight had gotten it He married Clare of Bousaigne of whom issued fiue children thrée sonnes and two daughters Charles Lewes and Frances of whom the two last died without issue Charles succeeded his father and with the consent of King Lewes the eleuenth maried the aforenamed Susan of Bourbon his Cousen whereby all the auncient goodes of this house were left to them and confirmed in their persons whereby also was exting uished a quarrell already framed for the sayde goods which neuerthelesse soone after brake out againe more fiercely then before because y ◠sayd Susan of Bourbō wife to her Cousen Charles and heire of the elder house of Bourbon dyed before her sayde Husband Charles without leauing any issue of her bodie and therefore Lady Lewes of Sauoy mother to King Frances the first and Regēt of France entituled and bare her self for heire to her said Cousen Susan and in deede was in degree neerer to succeede her then the sayd Charles her Husband wherevpon the processe controuersie began whereat it was sayd that the syd Charles tooke such displeasure that he withdrew himself out of the Kings obediēce therfore his Maiestie had a decrée of iudgement of his goodes and rightes by confiscation Also since that tyme was a composition made betwene the King and his sayd mother vpon condition that if hee deceased without heires male then the sayd goodes should returne into Lorraine But his Maiestie not willing so rigorously to vse his rightes and coueting to deale fauourably with the sisters of the said Charles he left to them part oft he sayd goodes as to the Lady Dutches of Lorraine the Baronage of Mercure
to the Lady Loise married into the house of Roch-sur-you the Countie of Montpensier and landes of Combrailles which in so doing he rected into a Dutchy meete for the heires of the sayde Lady who at this day do beare the same name of Bourbon and are extract out of the second principall braunch of this house which we left of aboue vntill we had ended the first braunch of the elder And now to returne to the sayde Sir Charles in him dyed the ligne male of the principall stock of the house of Bourbon As for his two Sisters the one called Claude was wife to good Duke Antony of Lorrain whose stocke yet remaineth The other Loise was maried into the other principall braunch of Bourbon who hath left issue of the name of this house 13 Now let vs take the seconde braunch the first chiefe partition of this race which is the stocke of the latter yonger borne and yet remaineth to this day in the roume of the eldest and beareth the Name and full armes thereof as remayning alone after the default and ending of the elder Concerning y â— males this ligne beginneth againe in Iames of Bourbon the yonger Sonne of Lewes first Duke of Bourbon of whom we haue spoken before This Iames was Constable of FraÌ„ce after Charles of Spaine who flew Charles King of Nauarre in the time of King Iohn He had to wife Iehane of Saint Paule and was and so named himself Earle of Marche Of him came one onely sonne named Iohn who succeeded hym and married Catherin Countesse of Vendosme and Castres who brought into this house those two Counties togither with the landes of Carcuecy Lupe Conde Espernon MoÌ„doubleau and others Of these two issued three children Male Iames Lewes and Iohn also three daughters Anne wife to y e Duke of Bauiere Charlot maried to the King of Ciprus and Mary to Robert of the Crosses who tooke his saide wife by force and therfore fled and it was said he was drowned In his tyme hee gouerned King Charles the seuenth Now to retourne to the issue male Iames had to his protion the Counties of March and Castres Lewes the CouÌ„tie of Vendosme As for Iohn he had the Lordship of Carcuecy and maried a gossip of his called Margaret a Vandosmois by whom hee had some Children and got a dispensation to haue her to Wife notwithstanding the said children were not aduowed into this famely neither succeded in his goods but by sentence were declared illegitimate and which is more the said Iohn of Bourbon the Father in his Testament willed great giftes and substitutions to the behoofe of his other two sonnes Iames Lewes in whose persons he planted him selfe and raised the first after bough and vnder twigge of this second principall branch 14 This Iames of Bourbon eldest sonne to Iohn liued in the time of Charles the sixt and had two wiues the first Beatrix of Nauarre the yoÌ„ger daughter of the house of Nauarre which was the first alliaÌ„ce of those two houses They two had issue a daughter named Leonor After the decease of the saide Beatrix the said Iames of Bourbon allyed him selfe by marriage as it is pretended with Iane Queene of Naples who had before as the speech went promised marriage to the King of Arragon and deceiued them both So as the sayde Iames of Bourbon beeing gone into the Realme of Naples was in the ende forced to leaue the sayd Iane and to retire into Fraunce where after his returne he still bare the title and name of King of Naples notwithstanding the sayd Iane had afterward giuen it to others and finally deceased leauing for his onely heire the sayd Leonor his Daughter who succeeded him in the sayd Counties of Marche and Castres She maried Bernard of Armanack Earle of Pardiar a yonger sonne of the house of Armanack These two had issue two sonnes Iohn Bishop of Castres and Iames who succâ—eded in the sayd Counties of his father mother and besides in the right of his sayd mother Beatrix of Nauarre layd claime to the land of Nemours which he procured to be erected into a Dutchy tooke possession thereof and enioyed it He married the Daughter of Charles of Anieow Earle of Mayn and of Isabell of Luxembourg his wife This Iames of Armanack at the beginning was in fauour but afterward fall into suspition with Lewes the eleuenth and was executed at the Halles in Paris the 24. of August 1147. he left fower Children two Sonnes and two Daughters Iames Duke of Nemours and Lewes Earle of Guyze the two Daughters Margaret Charlot married into the house of Rohan who deceased without issue of their bodies so as in them failed this vnder twigg both male and female 15 Now remaineth to bee spoken of the ligne of Lewes brother to Iames. He for his part had the Countie of Vendosme and was taken at the battell of Agincourt in the tyme of Charles y e sixt He maried first Lady Iane of Roussy secondly Lady Iane of Lauall of whom discended one only sonne called Iohn of Bourbon who maried Lady Isabell of Beaumount of these two were borne two sonnes the one called Francis the other Lewes They had also sixe Daughters Iane wife to the Lord of Ioyâ—use the scond Iane first maried to Iohn Duke of Bourbon who was of the line of the elder of this house and secoÌ„dly to Iohn of the Tower Earle of Bologne of whome is issued Lady Katherine of Medecis Queene mother to the king Kitherin wife to Sir Gilbert of Chabaues in Limosin Charlot maried to Gilbert of Cleue of whoÌ„ came the last Lord Duke of Neuers Rene Abbesse of Fronteuout Isabell Abesse of Caen as for the two Sonnes Francis the Eldest succeeded in the Countie of Vendosme Mondoublean Espernon and other Lands houlden of that famely wherto was added the Lordshippe of Saint Calais Lewes the yonger was made Lord of Rochsur-yan and of the landes of Lupe and Conde in Henault 16 Now because concerning the question now to be delt in wee are to argue of the succession of the elder we will seeke out the farthest and will first speake of the Branche of Lewes the yonger sonne Prince of Roch suryen He maried Loise of bourbon who was of the elder liue and sister to Sir Charles of Bâ—urboun the last Of this mariage proceeded two Sonnes and a Daughter the elder sonne was Lewes who died but lately bearing the title of Duke of MontpeÌ„sier by the coÌ„position made in the time of the late Francis the first after the decease of Sir Charles of Bourbon Hee left one heire Male named Francis of Bourbon nowe Duke of Montpensier and sundrie daughters This Francis hath of his mariage with the daughter of the Marquize of Mezieres one onely sonne called Henry Prince of Dombes The other sonne of Lewes Prince of Roch-sur-you and of Lady Loyse of Bourbon was Prince of Roch sur-you who died within these fewe yeres without issue Wee must now then
to bee borne ouer vs Will wee graunt that to force that belongeth to reason In my opinion we deceiue our selues if we weene by weapons to wrest any thing from Mars especially in whatsoeuer concerneth Religion which among honest and the best men goeth nearer and is of greater efficacie then all other humaine actions So as to the contrary I doe stedfastly beleeue that wee haue the more cause to hope well of the gouernment of the said Lord King of Nauarre if it should happen For sith his enemies are forced to coÌ„fesse that of himself he is a Prince wise well taught discreete and reasonable also that our selues see him assured and by weapons in expugnable in that which from his infancie hee hath bene perswaded to bee good for him in respect of y t feare that he hath of God how great a peece of the work soeuer offereth it self to his view or whatsoeuer humaine hazard there be any apparance that he should feare in the conseruation of a mightie earthly Kingdome whereof as yet he is presumptiue heire it is an inuincible argument for vs to knowe that hee loueth and feareth God aboue all things Let vs therefore giue him a taste of our reasons sith he is so very capable to the ende we may at his hand winne that we desire and which wee ought and may spedely hope for without perticulerly hating his person without offending him without prouoking him and without encurring the wrath of God by procuring the shedding of the innocent bloud of so many thousands of our brethren and together with them the destroying of our poore Countrey As yet in troth it is too great an abuse to terme the said Lord King of Nauarre a Rebell or Traytor to the Kings Maiestie for keeping himselfe from being slayne and for opposing to his enemies the walles of those who being shadowed in their owne houses did onely withall instance and most humble petition require the King to permit them to liue in peace of conscience vnder his obedience against the which they did nâ—uer striue neither would euer had recourse vnto or craued the said Lord King of Nauarres protection whome they know neuer to haue so much loued any thing as to liue his Maiesties most humble most obedient subiect whereof wee all in our consciences are eye witnesses neither neede we any greater proofe for the iustification of him who neither doth neither euer did desire of the King his Lorde any other thing then to liue in his good fauour and to bee of him accoumpted a most humble and most obedient subiect and kinsman 3 For this cause in this action let al good Frenchmen coÌ„sider that the sayd Lord King of Nauarre is as they the Kinges good subiect a Christian one that feareth God and a louer of his Countrey so as for his sake wee neede not take armes or beate our braynes as doe some that be perswaded by the wicked counsaile of these firebrandes he is the sonne of the famely he is not a Spaniard that commeth to your walles and to y e doores of your houses he is a true Frenchman one that desireth peace and one that would obey the King his Lord in whatsoeuer lyeth in him he is a louer of the lawes of the Realme a sworne enemy to the sedicious an oppressor of the wicked and a defender of the Commonwealth Besides he hath aboue all other the French nation the honor to bee the first Prince of the bloud royal heire apparant to the Crowne in case God should cal our King without leauing any issue male of his body Let euery one therefore consider that al his enemies obiections are but meere cauillations Let the French nation iudge whether they haue not more cause or are not greatlier bound to loue and acknowledge the King of Nauarre then and other next to the Maiestrie of our soueraigne Lord the King seeing we haue chosen for our tutors gouernours and lawfull administrators the most noble and couragious famelie of the Capets to bee our Kinges of Fraunce from whence is discended in right masculine ligne on the fathers side the sayde Lord King of Nauarre as is aforesayde also that euery other way he hath thence taken his originall for his Grandmother on the fathers side was Lady Frances of Alencon daughter to Rene Duke of Alencon and sister to Charles last deceased all discended in right ligne of y e males of Charles of Valois who first tooke the name and title of Alenâ—oÌ„ and was brother to Philip of Valois King of France both sonnes to Charles of Valois brother to King Philip the Faire which two were sonnes to Philip y e Bould eldest sonne to S. Lewes and his successor in the Realm Againe the sayd King of Nauarres Grandmother by the mother was Lady Margaret of Fraunce sister to King Frances the first As for the Kings of Nauarre whom by his mother Iane of Albret daughter and heire to Henry of Albret King of Nauarre whom he hath succeeded they also are discended from father to the sonne of the house of France by the interposition of daughters capable of succession in the Realme of Nauarre for Henry Earle of Champagne and Brye by his mother Blanch King of Nâ—uarrâ— maried a daughter of Robert Earle of Arthois sonne to King Lewes the 8. of Francâ— and brother to S. Lewes of which marriage was borne Iane heire of 〈◊〉 and wife of Phillip the Faire King of France of them two came Lewes Hutin successor in the Realmes of France and Nauarre when he dyed he left a daughter Iane who after her Vnkles Phil. the Long Charles y t Faire was Queene of Nauarre she maried Phil. of Eureux sonne to Lewes of Eureux Sonne to Phillip the bould King of France and brother to Phillip the fayre Of their mariage issued among other children Charles King of Nauarre who maried the daughter of King Iohn of FraÌ„ce and of them was borne a Sonne of the same name for whose sake King Charles the sixt erected the lande of Nemours into a Dutchy At his decease hee left two Daughters of which Blanch the elder succeeded in the sayd Realme and of her and Iohn of Castile her houseband issued Eleoner wife to Gaston of Foix who seazed vpon the Succession of the realme of Nauarre and other great goods Of that mariage came Gaston of Foix that maried Magdalein of France sister to King Lewes the eleuenth who had Frances Phebus king of Nauarre after his grandmother Eleoner and Catherin who succeeded her brother Phebus shee maried with Iohn of Albret father to Henry of Albret and grandfather to Queene Iane late deceased at Paris mother to the said King of Nauarre now raigning So as it adpeareth that he is on euery side true french and issued of the bloud royall of Fraunce Let vs not therefore any longer giue eare to these sclauuders but only haue recourse to God by hartie praier that if the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre or
and Tritehemius after his father Bishop of Metz but he had before married Mary daughter to King Clotaire the 2. after some but as others say Almabert daughter to Carloman Duke of Brabant of whom hee begat a sonne named Martin who was Mayre of the Pallace of Thierry King of Austrasy with Pepin sonne of Ansegisus and Paule Emilie calleth this Martin Cossen to Pepin the Fat and Blondus nameth him his brother This Martin left a sonne called Childebrand and a daughter wife to Charles Martell saith Paule Emile whervpon other writers doe terme this Childebrand brother to Charles Martell and Vnckle to his Children in respect of the alliance that was betweene them Nicholas Giles calleth Childebrād Vnkle to Charles Martell Richard of Wassembourg nameth him Lambert he left a sonne called Theodorie or Theodowald who florished vnder Charlemaigne and being in his youth in the battaile of Ronceuaulx was made gouernor of Saxony about the yeere 780. and thereof was termed the Saxon he also led parte of Charles Armie against the Huns about the yeere 791. Paule Emile and others doe call him Charles Cossen which cannot be but by the sayd Childebrand In an other place the sayde Paule sayth that this Theodorick had the precedēce because he was a Prince of the bloud before Geilo Constable of Fraunce Thierry maried y e daughter of Witichindus a Prince of Saxony who a little before was Baptized this mariage was made to y e end by the alliance of the bloud Royall the Saxon might bee kept in duetie and amitie with the Estate of Fraunce after the example of Charles the Bould toward Godfrey Duke of the Normans whom hee caused to marrie Giles daughter to his neuew King Lothair and as Charles the Simple deit with Rollo the Norman Of this marriage of Thierry with the daughter of Witichindus discended Robert In respect whereof the Abbot of Vspergue speaking of Odo the first Capet that was crowned King of France sayth that his father was called Robert and his Grandfather Witichindus This man was Marquize of Aquitaine against the Normans who slew him and Ranulph Duke of Guyente in the tyme of Charles the Bould Whereby wee may learne that y ◠Princes of this house were termed Saxons either in respect of the gouernment of Theodorick in Saxony either els because of the alliance entered with Witichindus the Saxon whereof our deceiuers being ignorant tooke occasion to thincke the Capets originary Saxons straūgers notwithstanding in troth they were very Princes of the bloud royall of France Earles and Marquizes of Anieow in which Prouince the Annales of the Countrey do testifie that Thierry father to the sayde Robert deceased at the age of 80. yeeres or more and his sayd sonne Robert after him after whose decease the Countie of Anieow was committed to to the custody of one Hugh an Abbot during the minoritie of Odo Robert and Thierry sonnes to the sayde Robert to whom it was rendered after the decease of Hugh whome some doe make brother to the first Robert Thierry one of Roberts children was Earle of Bourgondie had a sonne called Richard Duke of Bourgondy who begat Raoul who with the help of his Cossen Hugh the Great was vppon the resignation of Charles the Simple proclaymed King of Fraunce and was the third Capet that before Hugh bare the name and title of King of this Crowne which still fell out by the nomination and cōmon agreemēt and consent of the Nobilitie which is a most sufficient testimonie to proue that the Capets were vndoubtedly Princes of the bloud sith the Frenchmen so sore enemies to forraine gouernmēt had euen at once respect to those mē and so often had recourse to their armes as to their naturall Princes Richard likewise begat Gisilbert Duke of Bourgondie who had one onely daughter that was wife to Ottho brother to Hugh Capet to whome shee brought the Dutchie of Bourgondie Odo second sonne of Robert and Earle of Paris was tutor to Charles the Simple and afterwarde beeing proclaymed King of France dyed without issue Robert the third sonne was Constable of Frāce and admitted King after y e decease of his brother whereby hee grewe into great hatered with Charles the Simple and finally dyed about the yeere 922. leauing issue Hugh the Great Earle of Paris Duke Constable of Frāce as sayth Paule Emile This man in reuenge of his fathers death endeuoured as sayth the Abbot of Vspergue to make his Cossen Raoule Duke of Bourgondie King He maried Hauide daughter to the Emperour Henry and sister to Ottho the first of which mariage discended three sonnes Hugh Capet the first peaceable enioyer of the Realme of France of that famelie Ottho who by his wife was Duke of Bourgondie and Henry who also after his brother Ottho was Duke of the same land Thus may you see the progresse and true genealogie of our Kings discended of the said Capet wherby appeareth the falsehood of our sclaunderrs liedgerdemain who giue out that the Capets beeing straungers did vsurp the Crowne of the house of Charlemaigne whereof neuerthelesse I haue heretofore shewed you that it is 580. yeeres since that race was vtterly extinct so farre are the Princes of Lorraine from taking their originall thereof neither neede we beleeue the fable of adoption inuented by du Rozieres as false as blockheaded and doltish a Chronegrapher and Historigrapher a worse Lawyer For he should haue knowne that his pretended adoption made by some one of the Carlians of that name from whom he would bring the discent of the Lorraines could not take holde in the Realme of France which is successiue so long as any one Prince of the bloud liued Besides that at all assaies it had bene requisite euen in default of heires of the Crowne that this adoption with the notice of the cause had bene made by the general Estates of the Realme so to haue made the adopted capable of the succession as I could at large shewe him if there needed any confutatiō of those fables which they would suppose vnto vs in the vnderpropping of the pretences of straungers our enemies with a rotten poste but I will content my selfe with the representation of the genealogie of the Capets aforesayd wherby you see how they abuse vs. Wherfore let vs there leaue thē and among our natural Princes let vs put of all passion iudge what is right also what preeminence the one may haue ouer the other both by reason and ciuil discourse If it were to any purpose to lay open to the French the rules of establishment of a Tyrant straunger an vsurper of an Estate there is no man how greatly soeuer affected to the fellonie which good men doe finde to bee now conspired against the honor of the King and the Princes of the bloud Royal by these perturbers of the peace of this Crowne but would abhorre euen to heare
the same spoken of To conclude therefore I will now coÌ„tent my self with warning euery one to mark and consider the meanes which such alwaies as haue gotten the vpper hand of a Lordship whereto they had no other right but habilitie haue houlden and then I hope they will thincke that the gouernment of a naturall Prince is gracious louing and fauourable in respect of y e mistrustfull suspicious and tyrannous straunger vnto whom not onely the deedes and wordes but also the gesture behauiour yea the goodes and welth of his Citizens are suspected because he feareth his owne shadowe Remember the auncient Fable of the Pigeons who when they had elected the Ringdoue to rule them were soone wearie of her courteous and gentle gouernment which they termed soft and delicate and in her roume chose the Kite who in liew of wel entreating of theÌ„ did eate beate and dayly teare some one among them in sunder with her beake and wings whereat these miserable fooles being offended could haue bene coÌ„tent to haue returned vnder the yoke of their first election but the Kites tyrannie could neuer brooke it whose successors do yet to this day practize their roine vpon them Once it fell out that the Frenchmen through wicked counsaile in liew and place of their naturall Prince whom they bare somewhat heauy were suborned to elect one Giles a Romaine of whom they were soone wearie after they had casted what it was to liue vnder one whose humour and birth did not agree with his subiects and it fell our well for them that their King was of power sufficient to resume them againe into his protection The ende of the third part ⧠THE CONTENTS OF THE FOVRTH part of this Booke 1 The authorities of Doctors for the preferment of the Neuewe before the Vnckle 2 Examples of the preferment of the Neuewe before the Vnckle 3 Reasons in law for the Neuew against the Vnkle The Neuewe succeedeth in the eldership of his father in proper person as being substituted to his late father 4 The right of eldership is transmissible perfect wanting but execution 5 The right of eldership is legall or custumary 6 The Lord Cardinall of Bourbons acknowledgemeÌ„t in the fauour of his neuew the K. of Nauarres mariage 7 Answere to the examples of the Vnckle alleadged against the neuewe 8 Answer to the Vnkles reasons against the neuewe Substitutions and continuatioÌ„ froÌ„ the father to the sonne in collaterall ligne by Iustinian 9 Successiou once roored in a ligne neuer departeth the same vntill it be finished or worne out 10 The order of Tutorship and the succession of free borne Libertines is vnlike 11 The Kings youth neuer debarreth theÌ„ from the Crowne The opening of the saying that personall right is not transmissible 12 Successions made by ciuill lawe and custome confessing the right of eldership are farre vnlike THE FOVRTH PART OF the Cath. Apologie IN the fourth Obiection the King of Nauarres aduersaries doe oppose against him the Lord Cardinall of Bourbon his Vncle as neerer by one degrée and nowe by the decease of the late Anthonie of Bourbon Father to the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre the eldest of the house of Bourbon 1 This question is one of the most tossed of all others and can not be decided by the arrestes of the Salicke Lawe that wee haue in these words De terra verò Salica in mulierem nulla portio haereditatis transit sed hoc virilis sexus acquirit hoc est filij in ipsa haereditate succedunt sed vbi inter nepotes pronepotes post longum tempus de Allode terrae contentio suscitatur non per stirpes sed per capita diuidantur But the decision hereof we must séeke in the Commentaries of our Doctors which Accurtius Odofrede Pope Innocent the fourth Durand Ric. de Malumbris Iohn Andrew Alberick de Rosatis Barth Balde Paule de Casiro Angel Aret. Martin de Lande Iohn Faber Pet. de Ancar Barbat Felin Ausrerius Wil. Benedict Cassanee Lewes Bolognine Matth. de Afflictis Andreas Sicul. Abbas Panormitanus Bartholomeus Sosinus Iason Alciatus Tiraquel Lewes Charond Choppinus and many other haue concluded in fauour of the Neuewe against the Vncle who termeth himselfe eldest by his brothers decease either indirect or collaterall lyne in successions indeuided as Realmes Empires Duchies CouÌ„ties and Marquisates Yea Decius imitating Socinus doth write that amoÌ„g the Interpreters of Ciuill Canon law hi qui pondere numero mensura praeualent haue alwayes consulted and determined against the Vnkle so that by the authoritie of so many skilfull persons the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre hath the better cause of the Cardinall his Vnkle Secondly the foreiudgements must be alledged for the decision of this controuersie Balde hoâ—ldeth that euermore it hath so bene obserued and decided in all contradictorie iudgements of France and England And Paul maketh mention of the Spanish law in this respect solemnly sworne vnto by the states of the same lande in deede we reade goodly examples both of these and many others 2 First in France for the same house of Bourbon in the time of Lewes the Fat king of France about the yeere 1110. Hanno had expulsed his Neuewe Arcembault a young child sonne to his elder brother pretending that the Lordship perteined to him as being entred into the Lawe of the eldership by the decease of his elder brother But the French Nobility forced the vnkle to giue place to the Neuew whom they substituted in the roume and place of his brother reseruing to Hanno onely some portion of the goods as to one of the Children of the same house An other example we haue in the posteritie of Henry the second K. of England who had three sonnes Richard Cordelion Secondly Geffrey who had maried Constance the Heyre of Brittaine and dyed in his Fathers time leauing his Wife great of Arthure afterward Duke of Britaine and Iohn surnamed without land Soone after the fathers death dyed Richard also without issue whereupon Phil. Augustus King of Fraunce who raigned about the yere 1141. adiudged the Dutchy of Normandy with other the Landes that the said Richard held in Fraunce vnto Arthure sonne to Gâ—ffrey his elder brother but afterward the sayde Iohn made peace with Augustus through the mariage of his sonne Lewes vnto Blanch. Neece to the sayd Iohn by his Sister wife to the King of Castile togither with some Lands that the saide Iohn habandoned to the sayd Phillip So that Arthure still prosecuting his right was slaine by his vnkle Iohn wherevpon the King of Fraunce tooke occasion for that fellony to confiscate all those landes as hauing alwayes fauoured and aucthorised the cause of the sayd Arthur The third iudgement passed in the tyme of Charles the Fayre King of Fraunce about the yeere 1331. for the Earle of Flaunders for Lewes of Neuers was by the Peeres of the Realme declared Earle of Flaunders and preferred before his
Vnckle after the decease of Earle Robert because he was sonne to the elder who dyed afore his father True it is that for entering vpon the sayd Countie and taking vpon him the title of Earle before he had taken his oath done homadge to his Maiestie he was arrested at Paris and imprisoned in the Castle of Louure from whence he was soone after deliuered againe An other solemne arrest passed in the tyme of Phil. of Valois about the yeere 1328. for the Dutchie of Brittain by reason of the decease of Duke Iohn who dyed without issue leauing behind him his third brother Ih. Earle of Montfort and the daughter of his second brother Guy Vicountie of Limoges then wife to Charles Earle of Blois vnto whom by sentence of the Court the sayd Dutchie in the yerre 1341. was adiudged because Charles of Blois shewed y â— by the custumes of Brittaine the succession belonged to the eldest theÌ„ to the second and lastly to the third thereupon inferring that his wife daughter to the second did represent the same person But where the house of Montfort did afterward enioye the same Dutchie that came by vertue of a certaine agreement afterwarde made at the entrie of Charles the fifth in the yeere 1364. An other sentence passed in the tyme of Frances the 1. in the yeere 1517. for the Countie of Foix and other the landes belonging to the same famely betweene Odet of Foix Lord of Lautrect and Villemur and Henry of Albret King of Nauarre Grandfather to the King of Nauarre now raigning for Gaston of Foix and Eleanor of Nauarre had two sonnes Gaston the eldest and Iohn Vicountie of Narbonne the yonger Gaston dyed before both father and mother leauing suruiuours by his wife Lady Magdalem of Fraunce daughter to Charles the seauenth two children Philip Phebus and Ratherine whereupon their Vnckle Iohn Vicountie of Narbonne hauing maried the sister of King Lewes the 12. made suite against the sayde Phebus his neuewe pretending eldership by the decease of his brother Gaston The cause pleaded in the Court of Parliament was by the Counsaile compounded in the yere 1488 but soone after began againe by Gaston of Foix Duke of Nemours sonne to the sayde Iohn being in great fauour with his Vnkle King Lewes the 12. but because hee dyed at the battaile of Rauenna without issue it seemed this processe might haue ended but it fell out otherwise for Odet of Foix his Cossen and pretended heire tooke the same cause in hand against Katherin sister to the sayd Phebus deceased and proceeded so farre that by arrest of the Court in the yeere 1517. he was put by the sayd CouÌ„tie together with other the Lordships of the same famelic adiudged vnto Henry of Albret sonne to the sayde Katherine and his posteritie of whom as is aforesayd is discended the now Lorde King of Nauarre In England after the decease of Edward the third in the yeere 1378. Richard sonne to Edw. Prince of Wales was without contradiction crowned and preferred before his Vnckles the Dukes of Lancaster of Clarence of Glocester and Yorke but aboue twentie yeeres after for his euill behauiour and misgouernment he was deposed and his Cossen Henry sonne to Iohn Duke of Lancaster set vp in his place In Portugall King Alphons the fifth had two children Fernand and Henry who beeing the elder deceased before his father leauing a sonne named Iohn after the decease of the said Alphons the said Iohn commonly called Iohn the second whoÌ„ the common Histories doe falsly terme sonne to the sayd Alphons did peaceable enioye the Crowne from the yeere 1482. vnto the yeere 1495. when he dyed without issue and then his Cossen Emanuell sonne to Ferdinand succeeded him The sayd Emanuell hauing raigned 22. yeres among other children left his sonne Iohn the third who was crowned after him and Henry the Cardinal Iohn the 3. during his raigne had a sonne of the same name who dyed before his father leauing his wife with childe of Sebastien who after his Grandfather Iohn the 3. was preferred before his great Vnckle Henry brother to the sayd Iohn the 3. notwithstanding the sayde Sebastiens father was neuer King and that the said Henry might haue obiected the same but he raigned not vntill the sayd Sebastien dyed and left no issue which question sayth Tiraquell doth so resemble ours as one Bee may an other In Castile King Alphons the 10. had two sonnes the elder Ferdinand who maried Blanch daughter to S. Lewes and of her begat Ferdinand and Alphons The younger called Sanxi who seeing his elder brother dead and waying his neuewes right to the Realme could not tary the decease of his father the sayde Alphons but during his life time raised warres to the ende to procure himselfe to bee declared heire whereat this good olde man was so wrath that he accursed him Besides that the French King Phillip the third Vnckle by the mother to the sayde yong Princes after he had therevpon asked aduise of the wise men of his Realme led an armie vnto the frontiers of Spayne and had gone forward had not the Popes Legat lingered him with wordes together with the assurance which the sayde Alphons made him viz. that he would vpholde the right and cause of his sayd neuewes which neuerthelesse he soone after he forgat and sent out his Letter sealed with gold and his owne Image therein grauen to his subiects repugnant to the former and by meanes of the same by forcâ—establishâ—d Sanxi his seconde sonne so as the orphelins were not ouercome but with the sworâ— without any shewe of reason as the historie doe import In Sicill the like quarell being moued betweene the sonne and the neuewe of Agathocles in the extremitie of his sicknesse the neuewe by the will and iudgement of God ouerthrew his sayd Vnkle and remayning victor was King ouer the whole Land In Germany vpon the like controuersie vnder Henry the 3. after vnder Ottho the Great the histories doe report that the States of the Empire met and agreed that this debate should as the custome of that time required be ended by a coÌ„bat wherein the defendants of the cause of y â— neuew sonne to his brother y t would haue had his fathers roume were conquerors and thereupon the sayd Estates did so conclude and adiudge it More solemne also is the sentence which Licurgus the true Oracle of humaine wisedome gaue in his owne cause about the 17. Olimpiade in the time of Numa King of the Romaines for wee reade that his father Enomus King of the Lacedemonians had two sonnes Polidectes and Licurgus the first dyed before his father leauing his wife with childe Enomus dead Licurgus tooke the royall Diadem and kept it a fewe moneths vntill at a banquet among his friendes his neuewe the after borne was offered vnto him whome hee named Charilaus withall set the Crowne vpon his head To
and of Charles the first King of Sicil children to Lewes the 8. and brother to S. Lewes Likewise Lewes Duke of Bourbon could not bee admitted to make chalenge to the same Realme because hee was sonne to Robert of Fraunce the yonger sonne of the sayd S. Lewes whose succession was entred into the ligne of Phillip the 3. surnamed the Bould his eldest sonne of whom came two sonnes Phillip the Faire who was King by right of eldership and Charles Earle of Valois father to the sayd Phillip true successor to his Cossen Charles the Faire sonne of Philip the Faire who both were come of the braunch of the sayd Phillip the Bould eldest sonne to S. Lewes The like obseruation fell out after the decease of Charles the 8. King of France to whom succeeded Lewes the 12. sonne to Charles Duke of Orleans after him Frances the 1. sonne to Charles pettie sonne to Iohn Earle of Angolesme both discended of Lewes Duke of Orleans sonne to Charles the 5. surnamed the Wise whose comming to the Crowne procured his posteritie to be by right preferred before all other the Princes of Bourbon then being and those of Alencon borne in direct masculine ligne of Sir Charles of Fraunce youngest sonne to Charles of Valois and brother to Phillip of Valois King of France The second consideration is because by the lawe of the Realme the neerest must succeede to the Crowne but be must be proximior at y ◠tyme of deferring the inheritaunce and when the succession is open as si familiae fidei cōmissum debeatur hi ad petitionem admittuntur qui ex nomine defuncti fuerint eo tempore quo testator moreretur qui ex his primo gradu procreati sunt in which case hee is called prior whom none preceedeth because prius and posterius doe consist in the tyme that the qualitie say our Maisters in a conioyned worde must be expounded after the time of the word namely it wee should otherwise meane and would note eldership at the tyme of the birth there must ensue an euitable inconuenience which is that y ◠eldest dying the second should neuer take his rouine because he first included himself to the excluding of an other which in this argument is vtterly false wherein by the decease of the elder the second is without doubt made the first borne for in effect par est talem esse aut ex post facto talem fieri neither can this qualitie of senioritie beare any comparison betweene the elder deceased and the yonger suruiuing whereof it followeth that the dead being vnhable as not being in rerū natura his some must haue the like barre as succeeding in the person of his father Al these gay reasons might take place and were to be considered if the sonne of the elder non esset in medio neither were the discourse of the same any hinderance for by him and in him pater primogenitus censetur viuere tempore delatae successionis and in troth extante nepote inclusio primogeniti continet exclusionem secundi sith that filius fratris fratr◠aequiparatur ita succedit atque pater si viueret sayth Iustinian also this new constitution facta in casu vero extenditur ad alterum vero aequiparatum after the opinion of Paule de Castro in his explication of Sceuola vpon y ◠Counsaile of Gallus together with many other skilfull persons so that the father is not quite extinct while his sonne liueth though by a new soule he be a new man neither saith Papinian in totum falsum videri quod veritatis primordio adiuuaretur So that though the Vnckle cannot be termed yonger in respect of the elder deceased who neither in himselfe neither in any qualitie y t wee may suppose vnto him is any way to bee regarded yet when he shall beholde his neuewe the successor continuing and making a part of his late father he shall finde a faire argument and obiect of comparison of the others senioritie with his iunioritie First this principle is not alwaies true neither doth the habilitie or inhabilitie of the father perpetually take holde of the children As for example eius qui ante amissam patris dignitatē natus fuerit Againe de liberis illius liberti qui in seruitutem redactus sit To bee brief herein we may say as Alphons teacheth vs The father taketh not from the children those things that kinde Countrey and nature giueth them as is y ◠right of eldership which is truely set in the person of the father being eldest of the house but it is graunted to him and his by the lawe custome and common order of the Realme and therefore is transmissible to his children Moreouer the deduction made by those of the contrary opinion might be admitted si per filium patri incapaci quippiam quaerendum foret and not otherwise as we find illius exemplo qui ex haeredatus liberto patris succedere non potest eius tamen filius emancipatus non vetabitur And in one word the incapacitie or inhabilitie of the father might hurt the sonne afterward borne but not him that were begotten before to whom his fathers calamitie can be no detriment so that the right of eldership being perfect sound and to the father obteyned in his life tyme is continued and transferred to his posteritie The third reason is that the right which is not obteyned cannot in any whatsoeuer qualitie bee transported or transferred to any heire whatsoeuer and therefore wee doe vsually say that haereditas nō adita non transmittitur as doth not also the age which is inseparable from the person and which beeing in question we haue no more respect to the successor then to his predecessor now the right of eldership proceedeth of the yeres and precedent light of the deceased father who neuerthelesse did neuer obteyne the succession in his life tyme as not being open so it followeth that the sonne of the elder can pretēd nothing neither could the father obteyne to him the right of his yeres wherein the sonne were more to bee considered then the father deceased as Constantine writeth si minor minori successerit ex illis persona restitutionis tompus connumerari To this obiection the aunswer is easie because we haue already shewed that the right of eldership is perfectly obteined to the eldest so soone as he seeth y ◠light of the world and is made man and the § pro secundo which is alleadged to the cōtrary hath relation to that which presently is not obteyned neither in hope but may be altered by the onely changeable will euen vntill the death of him whose goods are in question Therfore in this matter wee argue not about the transmission or transferring of the life and yeres of the elder deceased into the person of his sonne but only of the right and preeminence that his senioritie hath brought
namely Godfrey of Buillon so called for y t he was nursed in the Castle of BuilloÌ„ which now y â— Bishop of Liege holdeth his brother Balduin But these remayning in the holy lande the kingdome whereof fell to them by the election made of the said Godfrey the Emperour Henry the fowerth in the yeere 1101. gaue the Dutchy of Lorrain to Henry Earle of Lembourg whome after hee had rebelled against him he had taken againe into fauour And in troth this Henry of Lembourg was a very bad man for besides infinit other his misdeedes we find that at the prouocation of the Pope theÌ„ being he moued warre betweene Henrie the fowerth and the fifth the father and the sonne The father gaue him the Dutchy yet he tooke the sonnes part and then retourned to the fathers side after whose death hee went and fell at the sonnes fâ—â—te who committed him to prison and in the yere 1106. inuested Godfrey by some named William Earle of Louaine in the Dutchy of Lorraine whose seruice while hee was at Liedge hee vsed in taking Mountfaucon a hould the Lorde whereof was very insolent Of this Earle of Louain sprunge that house of Lorraine which yet continueth for vnto him succeeded Thierry to Thierry Thibault after Thibault a certaine Matthewe was Duke and so successiuely vnto the sayde Lady Isabell wife to Rene of Aniew as is aforesayd So as it is an abuse and manifest deceit to search the race of Charlemaigne in the house of Lorraine sith it is 580. yeeres since it vanished and was quite lost euen after that fower sundry Famelies haue succeeded one after another in the sayd Dutchy of Lorrain One of the yongest of which house who was Graundfather to the Dukes of Guise and Maine now being drawing into France with very smal wealth receiued as also after him his Children so many benefites at the hands of the Kings Francis the first Henry the second and his posteritie that they haue through the liberalitie of their Maiesties encreased their Patrimonie to a Million of Frankes of Rent that they houlde in this Realme whereas their grandfather Claude when he maried Lady Antoynet Bourbon daughter to the Duke of Vendosme had not aboue 14. or 1500. besides they haue bene honored with the greatest offices of y e Crowne as the office of great Master which was woÌ„t to be in the house of Montmorencie and other of the most honorable So as it might be hard to thinke that nowe they would imitate the Moyle whose nature is to kicke and spurne at his Mother when hee hath sucked enough of her Milke either that they had so vnthaÌ„ckfull a minde as to take weapon against the Royall Famely whereunto they are indebted in whatsoeuer they are yea and that vnder a false perswasion that they should be disceÌ„ded from Charlemagne which is contrarie to all trueth 4 To verefie therefore that the Princes of Lorraine neuer came out of the house of Fraunce it will be sufficient to shewe that in the succession of the Dutchy of Lorraine they obserue not the Salicke lawe as it was iudged by the Fathers assembled at the Counsaile of Basill on the behalfe of Isabell of Lorrain wife to Rene of Anieow and daughter of Charles of Lorraine against her Cousen Antony of Lorraine the sonne of Ferry the yonger sonne of Charles Hereby it manifestly appeareth that thus they declare the Princes of Lorraine to bee no Frenchmen neither euer to haue bene of the bloud royall of Fraunce or capable of the Crowne for the which and in the soueraigne succession wherof the Salicke lawe hath of olde time euen since Pharamond bene religiously obserued and thereby not onely the daughters but the males of them proceeding haue bene excluded from the Realme of Fraunce according as the decree of the sayde lawe importeth in these words Of the Salicke landes the woman shall chalenge no portioÌ„ but the succession therof shall appertaine to the males The reason of this constitution is because our fathers did horribly detest the gouernment of strauÌ„gers which vndoubtedly must needes haue often happened if the males of daughters that were wiues to forraine Princes might haue bene capable as some would perswade y â— childreÌ„ of Lorraine y t they may pretende as wrongfully as did Edward of England whose cause was solembly ended by the whole states of FraÌ„ce for Philip of Vallois afterward King against the sayd Edward the sonne of Lady Isabell daughter of Phillip y e faire after that Prince Robert of Arthois had openly made an Oration to the Estates for the sayd Phillip and had among other alleadged the reason aforesayd the originall whereof he drewe from before the Emperour Iustinian and Paule Emilie speaking of the ioye and contentation that the French conceiued after this senteÌ„ce writeth thus King Phillip making his entrey into the chiefe Towne of his Realme was receiued with as great pleasure ioye and triumph of people as euer was King of Fraunce where was a world of people crying God saue the King The streates were paued with Flowers according to the seazon and adorned with the most triumphant Furniture that could at that tyme be found To bee briefe saith the Historie the people forgat no kinde of demonstration of their contentation for the comming of this King to the Crowne He saith moreouer y t the Towne feasted his Maiestie y e Princes of his bloud and Officers of his Crowne praysing publickly extolling him as the preseruer and defence of the French Maiestie and the libertie and dignitie of the Salicke law whereby the FrenchmeÌ„ who were accustomed to prescribe lawes to Straungers were neuer ruled by them Then he endeth his speech saying that the most part of the night was put away with the light of Bonfyers throughout y e Realme and the howers of sleepe consumed in daunsing singing and all sortes of honest and delectable mirth especially at Paris y â— townes men marched in great troupes to congratulate each other for the welcomming of this King whom they termed the Bulwarke and preseruer of the best of their lawes These good fathers were no basterdly French as are those of our cursed world and would haue kept themselues farre from informing much lesse from begging those meanes that might bee imagined for the breach of this goodly Salicke lawe which is the onely Oracle of France and true rampier of the French dignitie which also sith it is euident that the Princes of Lorrain haue not vsed it is an vndoubted demonstration that they are not discended of the race of our Princes who haue so highly commended it in their Empier and soueraigne gouernement 5 In deed our deceiuers since considering that this foundation was too rashly propounded and might breede hatred in the King against the Princes of Lorraine whome they would bring into this bad action because his Maiestie beeing iustly agrieued hath power enough and ready to chastize the Authors of
retourne to the line of Francis the Elder who maried Lady Mary of Luxembourg daughter to Sir Lewes Constable of France who brought great goods to that Famely in Picardy Artoys Flanders and other places Of these two issued diuers children namely Charles Frances Lewes Antoinet Loyse of Bourbon Charles the Eldest succeded in the Countie of Vendosme and procured it to be erected into a Dutchy and Pairry Francis had the Countie of Saint Paule and maried Lady Adriane of Touteuille daughter and heire of a great famely They had issue a daughter Lewes was a Cardinall Anthoinet was maried to the Lord of Guyze of whoÌ„ is discended the house of Guise now liuing Loise was abbesse of Fronteuault Now the said Charlâ—s the eldest maried Lady Francis of Alencon sister to the deceased sir Charles Duke of Alencon last deceased without children in the yere 1524. of this mariage issued Antonie Francis Charles Lewes Iohn Antony the Eldest and Heire of this family maried Iane of Albret Queene of Nauarre of whom came Henry of Bourbon now king of Nauarre who hath married Margaret of France Sister to the most Christian King Francis was named Lord of Anguien who gat the victory at the iorney of Serizoles died without issue Charles the third is Cardinal of Baurbon and Archbishop of Rouen Lewes was Lord Prince Conde who when he died left fower sonnes Henry Prince of Conde Francis Prince of Contie Charles Cardinall of Vendosme and Charles Countie of Soissons Iohn who after the decease of Francis was entituled Lord of Anguyen died also without Issue There were also some daughters of whom here we haue nothing to say as hauing in this argument to treate onely of the Succession of the house of FraÌ„ce which can not discend but to y â— Males of this famely The onely controuersie therefore and different that might through the Counsaile of the mischiuous be mooued resteth betweene Henry of Bourbon King of Nauarre sonne of Anthony the eldest of that famely and Charles Cardinall of Bourbon and Archbishop of Rouen his vncle by the father The end of the first part ⧠THE CONTENTS OF THE SEcond part of this Booke 1. Obiections moued against the King of Nauarre 2. The mariage betweene Lady Iane of Albret Princesse of Nauarre with the Duke of Cleue dissolued by the Ecclesiastical sentence the Popes dispensation auctorized in Parliament Also the marriage of the sayd Lady with Anthony Duke of Vendosme the eldest of the house of Bourbon from whom is discended the King of Nauarre 3. Marriage is by the Ciuill lawe voyde being contracted before age 4. The holy decrees haue inhibited the blessing of mariage of maidens before twelue yeeres of age of men before foretene the East Church haue proroged the Matrimonie of the man to fifteene and of the woman to thirteene 5. The honestie of Ciuill pollice forbiddeth mariage before age 6. Examples of mariages disanulled by reason of the noneage of the contracted 7 The explication of humaine pollicie wherefore hereticks are vncapable of successions 8. The right of Realmes is houlden immediatly of God by the continuation of the successiue lawes of the same Neither can the Estates depose a King vncapable or otherwise disabled Or the people transferre the right of their Lord vnto the person of any other to whom it ought not to be giuen 9. The office and duetie of the Clergie towarde Kings and Princes King Henry the second protested against the Counsell of Trent 10. Why those of the League would not take the Catholicke Princes of the blood therinto Those of the league haue sought to suborne those of the pretended reformed Religion 11. Kings are Stewardes of the Church goods The Church is in the Commonwealth not repugnant thereto Pollicie Iurisdiction and collation of Ecclesiasticall functions apperteineth to soueraigne Princes The Kings of Fraunce haue euermore preserued the state of the persons and goodes of the Clergie in their Crowne The Clergie were in olde tyme not capable to distribute Church goodes 12. The King neuer dyeth in France because of the successiue law thereof To what ende the Coronation of Kings was instituted The auncient maner of the Coronations of heathen Kings How long it is since anoynting was instituted and wherfore It is not necessary to annoynt or crowne Kings in one only place 13. Antiquitie is no necessary argument to auctorize common custome 14. The Church neuer disturbed the succession of Kings no not for heresie 15. Whether it be likely the K. of Na. wil force the conscience of his subiect 16. The estate of Bearne and Nauarre 17. The cause of the protestatioÌ„ that the King of Nauarre made the last yere at Montauban 18. The King cannot infringe the successiue law of the Realme The successor commeth not to the Crowne in the qualitie of heire to the deceased 19. The Popes reasons whereby he pretendeth aucthoritie to transferre Kingdomes The Popes haue euer exempted France out of their wonderfull power Gods lawe without polliticke confirmation is no sanction vpon earth Priestes haue no imperiall Iurisdiction Bishops and Popes haue acknowledged Kings and Emperors for their Lords The punishment of heretickes is executed by the seculer Magistrate 20. The opening of sundry places of Scripture concerning Ecclesiastical iurisdictioÌ„ Wicked Emperors were neuer deposed The Pope cannot excommunicate any body politick or Towne subiect to the King of France Appeales in cause of abuse from the Pope and other Clergie men obserued in France 21. The Church cannot excommunicate a Prince that is an euill liuer Subiects after the excommunication of their Lorde are not discharged of their dueties toward him 22. The sentence of the excommunication of a Prince cannot conteine any clause of depriuation from his Lordly rights 23. A Prince may lawfully arme himselfe against the Popes wrongful excommunication and appeale therefore as in abuse 24. The K. of Nauarres reason to proue him no Hereticke 25. The vsurpations of the Counsell of Trent ouer the Crowne of France 26. Most dauÌ„gerous drifts of y â— Leagued in the reformation of the Realme 27. The wicked entent of the Leagued Also what enuy they beare to the Duke of Espernon and others 28. The remembrances of Aduocate Dauid now put in execution by the Leagued The Kings duetie in matter of Religion 29. Forraine rule and gouernement is wretched FINIS THE SECOND PART OF the Cath. Apologie 1 SVch as mislike the king of Nauarres cause doe obiect against hym in this libell fonre principall points wherof three doe perticularly touche the qualitie of his owne personâ— the fourth concerneth the auncient controuersie betweene the Vncle and the sonne of the elder brother But we will endeâ—our to shewe that in all and throughout all they haue but a weake foundation Concerning the first they aleadge that the said Lorde King of Nauarre is not borne in lawfull matrimony of Anthony of Bourbon eldest sonne of the house of Bourbon because Ladie Iane of Albret mother to
any other of our Princes haue in hym any thing as hee is a man frayle and full of humanitie it may please him to touche his harte Let vs seeke peace flye debate aboue all serue our God honour our King whom he hath established ouer vs and after him loue and regarde the Princes of his bloud Let vs call to mind the mishap and miseries hapened in our time through eiuil dissentions and let vs set before our eyes the afflictions and oppressiōs which we are vppon the poynt to beare if wee be so wicked periured and disloyall as to preferre straungers and enemies to our Crowne before our naturall Princes to whom we haue solemnly sworne our faith before God who for these 600 yeres haue so gratiously gouerned vs which is a double prescription to that which Iephta Iudge of Israel obiected to the Ammonites who pretended by Armes after 300. yeeres to recouer the Land which the Israelites had conquered from them Quare tanto tempore nihil super hac repetitione tentastis which we may reproch to those that falsly doe say that our Kings haue vsurped any thing of those from whome they pretend to be issued and whereof they weene to make a greate shewe if wee had no stronger defenses wherewith to vphold the possession of our Kings 4 For contrariwise our King and Princes of Bourbon who are all of one bloud discended of the Capets are the same who certeinly are issued of the agnation and famely of the same Charlemagne from whēce these Iuglers would fasty pretend the original of y e Lorrains euen as he also was of the race of the Merouingians Pope Innocent the third writing to the Nobles Prelates of Frāce about the yere 1200. eloquently testifieth the trueth of this storie speaking of Phillip Augustus pettie neuewe to Hugh Capet and Grandfather to S. Lewes whō he euidently reporteth to be come of y e sayd Charlemaign so as otherwise we must argue this y e Popes decretall Epistle of falshood Moreouer Regino the Historiographer who liued almost in the same tyme Ado of Vienne Ottho of Frisingen Martin of Pole Sigisbert Aimoinus others do name Robert great Grandfather to Hugh Capet Ottho his great Vnckle by the father and Robert his Grandfather Princes and Dukes come of the noble ligne of Fraunce of the which likewise euen of the Kings of Fraunce Odo before he was elected King did beare the armes and blason which were Flowerdeluces sowed vpon an azure field without number which also were not altered before the tyme of Charles the sixt who reduced them to three And certaine it is that Odo durst not haue enterprized to beare the armes of France if he had not bene a Prince of the Royall famelie The proofe whereof is cleare of doubt in that wee doe moreouer knowe y e the sayd Odo was by the Estates of France nominated for tutor and gouernor to Charles the Simple in his minoritie which in this Realme is neuer graūted to any but those to whom the succession may likewise fall as was adiudged after the decease of Charles the Faire in the yeere 1327. in fauour of Phillip of Valois ordeyned tutor to the wombe of the Queene then great and the child to come Againe after the decease of Charles the 5. and Lewes the 11. Also in our age the Estates offered the same office to the late King of Nauarre father to the King now raigning in respect of the minoritie of Charles the 9. Finally wee reade that by a common consent the Frenchmen declared the sayd Odo King of France and after him his brother Robert and after them Raoule come of a brother to Hugh Capet who was the fourth of his famelie that bare the title and name Royall but the first peaceable possessor of the Realme so that sith euery man seeth by our auncient Histories with what vertue and marueilous assurance our Predecessors did euermore resist the force of straungers that sought to plant their name in the Royal famelie we may not neither can thinke them to haue bene so fainthearted foolish and vnconstant as of their owne motion and free will to haue chosen the Capets if they had not beene of the house and famelie of their Kings meer for successiō in the Realm To whom for the proofe and verification of the contrary wee doe finde they had recourse for the conseruation of this law so relligiously euermore obserued among them and vpon the which they haue still accompted the libertie dignitie of this Realme wholly to depende Besides I would gladly desire these makebates of our tyme to shewe me any one Historie that maketh mention of any that euer made difficultie or obiected to the Capets that they were no Princes of the bloud of the Kings their predecessors and meete to succeede in the Crowne 5 But to take away all ambiguitie and to verifie the distent of our Kings and the Princes of Bourbon to be of the famelie not onely of Charlemaigne but also of Clouis and other the Merouingians of the first ligne whereof also was the sayde Charlemaigne as Matthew Zampin a most learned personage hath to y ◠purpose discoursed who hath not vsed falsified Chartres and Documents as hath De Roziers Archdeacon of Thoule in his genealogies of Lorrain against whom Nicholas Venier the true Treasorer of the Stories of France hath argued falshoode in his treatize of the originall of Frenchmen we must first vnderstād that Dagobert King or Duke of the Francons in the East Frāce about the yere of Christ 306. had two sonnes Clodomer and Genebauīt of which two brethren discēded in direct ligne Clouis the first Christian King of Fraunce and S. Arnoul Marquize of the holy Empire at Antwerpe afterward Bishop of Metz. This appeareth in the Chronickle of Chronickles in the Illustrations of the East and West France in Robert Cenalis Geofrey of Viterbe many other good Authors Now S. Arnoule before he tooke the holy orders of Priesthood had bene Mayre of King Clotaire the secōds Pallace about the yeere 546. who made him tutor of his sonne Dagobert the first of that name as sayth Otto Frisingen Aimoinus Regano Antoninus and Vincent the Historiall who writeth that this Arnouldes Dutchie lay neere to Flaunders toward Lorrain and Sigisbert witnesseth that hee married Doda who after became a Nunne at Treuers of which mariage issued three Children Ansegisus Walchisus and Clodulph The eldest otherwise called Anchises was Mayre of the Pallace to Clouis the second and maried Begga daughter to Pepin the elder and sister to Grimoald as sayth Sigisbert and Paule Emilius of whom came Pepin father to Charles Martel who of the fister of Childebrand begat Giles Bishop of Roan Carloman a Muncke and Pepin father to Charlemaigne Walchisus S. Arnouldes second sonne had a sonne called Wandragisillus both as sayth Sigisbert Canonized neither was their posteritie of any long continuance Clodulph the third otherwise called Elodulphe was as sayth Sigisbert
eldest sonne before whom was preferred to the Empire Lewes the Mecke second sonne to the sayd Charles But this example may most easily be aunswered because it was the same Charles their common father that had deuided his Dominions among his children and had giuen Italy to Pepin his eldest sonne which also was reserued to the sayde Bernard his sonne and therefore after the pertition made by the sayd Charles he could pretend no further in y e succession that might come in question besides that at that time the Empire was not properly successiue for notwithstanding the neerest in bloud to the deceased Emperour did succeede yet durst hee not so intitle himselfe vntill by the consent of the Romaines he had bene publickly annoynted and crowned Much lesse also was the Imperiall dignitie successiue after the creation of the Princes electors of the same in the tyme of Ottho the 3. of the house of Saxony or by the opinion of the skilfullest of our worlde in the tyme of Fredericke the 2. so as there is no likelihoode to drawe an electiue Empire into consequence with hereditarie and patrimoniall Kingdomes The 5. indgement is of the Coūtie of Arthois which was in strife in the time of Philip the Faire King of France betweene Maude wife to Ottho Earle of Bourgondie daughter to Robert Earle of Arthois slaine at the battaile of Courtray and Robert the sonne of Phillip who likewise was sonne to the sayd deceased Earle Robert in which case the aforesayde Countie of Arthois was by the sayd French King adiudged to Maud who was preferred before her neuewe Robert being yet in infancie And in troth the historie setteth downe no other perticuler occasion of this iudgement but y t it was giuen by the mere motion of the sayd King Phillip Lord of the fief Neither is it sayd that his Maiestie tooke any other aduice but of his owne will the neede that then he had of Ottho the sayd Maudes husband together with the small seruice that of long time he might attend of the said Robert a yong childe and at that tyme there needed a good warrier to be opposed against the Flemings to the ende to suppresse their boldnesse and customary rebellions So as in respect of the sayd Roberts very youth the sayd King Phillip thought it meete to infringe the law and custome vsually obserued in like causes But God be praised in whatsoeuer may happen betweene the said Lords the King of Nauarre and his Vnkle the Cardinall of Bourbon we cannot incurre that daunger but rather were to be feared the great yeeres of the sayd Lord Cardinall already olde worne and by reason of his order estraunged from al vse of armes in respect of the flouring tyme of the King of Nauarre a Prince brought vp in the same and in gonernment of Estates The sixt is for the Countie of Champagne betweene Henry the seconde sonne of Earle Thibault the daughter of the sayd Earles eldest sonne wife to Erard of Breno in which case by arrest of the Court of Parliament of the Peeres of France in the yeere 1216. the sayde Countie was adiudged to Henry the Vnckle against his neuewe daughter to his elder brother But it may easely be answered the eldest sonne of the sayde Thibault going into the holy Land had expressely ordeyned that in case he dyed in the sayd expedition or otherwise without issue male then that his brother should succeede in the sayd Countie with endowing his daughter wife to the said Breno with a competēt summe The seuenth happened betweene the children of Charles the second King of Sicil sonne to the brother of King S. Lewes who married the heire of Hūgary and of that mariage begat Charles Martel and Robert The father gaue and appointed to the sayde Martell the Realme of Hungary and in his life tyme caused him to be thereof crowned whereby he did a while enioye it and then dyed leauing his sonne Charles to whom Charles the Grandfather confirmed the donation of the sayd Realme made to his father Martell and to his second sonne Robert he gaue the Realm of Naples So that by the truth of this historie it appeareth that this was a pertition by the saide Charles the second made betweene his children which they could not resist and whereof neither y e sayd Martel nor his sonne Charles had cause to complaine for the Realme of Hungary was farre greater more rich and wealthy then that of Naples which was already rent and dismembred by the Arragōs as it is euident by al histories of those times Our Interpretors doe yet more briefly aunswere this preferment of Robert the second before the sonne of Martel his elder brother aleadging that Pope Clement the 5. pretending authoritie ouer the Realme of Naples which hee aduowed to bee of the fiefe of the Church pronounced this sentence lightly enough therein doing the office of a partie rather then of a Iudge besides that of the sayd Realme in respect it was subiect to Sainct Peters chaire was not properly successiue The last example that they alleadge is of Lewes Sforce who was preferred to the Dutchie of Milan before the sonne of Iohn Galeas but thei might rather say that he preferred himselfe by force and through execrable tyrannie which the sayd Lewes exercised against this poore orphan vnder pretence of gouerning and defending him Besides it is so farre from being our case that it is certain that the young childe enioyed his fathers Estate when this Tyrant his Vnckle seazed thereon and put him to death as vniustly as in the ende God did iustly punish him in causing him to ende his daies in miserie and captiuitie Hauing thus aunswered such examples as they may alleadge let vs now consider whether the reasons that they propounde be sufficient to cause vs to alter our aduice 8 First in all Successions it is a generall rule to call thereto the neerest to hym whose state is in question so that it is by priuiledge and extraordinarie licence that we admit the the Children of the deceased brother to share with their vnkle in such goods onely as will baare deuision Which is the cause that our Doctor alleadgeth Butr. in his Tree of the succession of the Realme of Fraunce in these words Succssit ergo illi Carolo in regno Franc. Philippus filius alterius Caroli qui erat ei in 4. gradu nec successit Robertus pronepos Roberti Comitis Atrebatensis quendam quia ille erat in 8. gradu nec successit Robertus nepos Caroli Regis Siciliae Ierusalem quia ille erat in 7. gradu nec successit Ludouicus nepos Beati Ludouici quia ille erat dicto Carolo decedenti in quarto gradu Therefore sith otherwise the Vncle retaineth still the chiefe degree the especiall regard that Iustinian had to the posteritie of the deceased brother to make them equall with their Vncles can not serue them in vndeuided
matters wherein can no roume or place be found but for one in which cause it is more meete to preferre nature that is to say the vncle who naturally is nearest rather then the Neuew who can not bee so accompted but by the fiction of the Emperours decree the vnproper explication of the worde proximus which is yet more odious because it conteineth alteration of the Law whereby the neerer onely is admitted to succession and in the same cause the Emperor Decius speaking to the sister of the deceased writeth Vnto thee rather that art in the second degree doth the inheritance belong then to thy brothers children who are in the third Because also in cace of inheritaunce wee admit rather the immediat cause then that which is farther of according to y ◠that is argued de eo qui filio impuberi sub hac formula substituerat Quisquis sibi haeres esset So that it was not in vaine that the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinean the third saide that in this cace the children should not be made worse then the Neuewes who are neerer then the elder brothers Sonne in both age and degree Thus they should be thought more capable so that in what so euer concerneth the Neuewe The cause of birthright ceasing the effect also should be none because a cace by Lawe omitted is to be adiudhed os omitted otherwise this writer addeth a trimme consequence which importeth that in the cace now in question the children of the late Lord Prince of Conde being foure in number should deuide with their vnkle the sayd Lorde of Bourbon and the King of Nauarre their cousen whereby the succession of the Realme of France should be deuided into three partes or portions The first heades of this Reason might bee true if we should consider the Neuewe onely and in his owne person but in this action we regard him as substitute in the continuation of his late Fathers right and yet not by any extraordinary fiction or priuiledge whatsoeuer as they say but by the proper interpretation of the Lawe and mans naturall motion whereby the father is said to liue so long as the sonne remeyneth and the senne is termed the naturall portion of his fathers body so that it is no odious explication but by our men is called an extensiue interpretation by naturall reason induced which neuer was forbidden but contrariwise haue alwayes iustly bene receiued in caces most stricely obserued and such as can not beare euen the least alteration that may be Consequently therefore although before Iustinians brothers childrē could not concurre with their Vnckle in collaterall ligne because the auncients would not corrupt but so little as might bee the degrees of kindered yet this Prince considering that there is no greater reason to make this substitution and paternall continuation in direct ligue then in collaterall also that nature of her selfe was each way alike he did iustly and natually in all sortes of successiue lignes continue the person of the father by the substitution and succession of his posteritie which hath also bene imitated in feudall customes as is aforesaid So that to omit nothing ex eo nec prior aetate nec gradu propior patruus iudicari poterit quin causam huius successionis in nepote conspicimus The effect whereof should withall ensue without thinking this case omitted sith that by naturall interpretation an other like to the first doth followe or rather to say the same which is considered of the father in the person of his sonne whereof the second brother cannot cōplaine no more then he that hath promised or constituted some reall seruitude for the benefite of his neighbours land which afterward was obteyned and fallen into the handes of many and diuers heires of whom euery one vseth that whole seruice so as if the maner thereby be ouer sore charged yet as is the Lord of the seruing manor compelled to suffer it as being the nature of the thing And merueilous vnlearned is the consequence that our Atturney maketh when he sayth because the King of Nauarre will haue like degree of proximitie as his Vnckle therefore the children of the late Lorde Prince of Conds might saye as much for it is euident to all men that the King of Nauarres reason hath no communitie with the pretēce that this man imagineth of others because the sayd Lord King of Nauarre representeth the elder and is substituted in his roume place by vertue of which substitution he excludeth not his Cossens only beeing children to the yonger but also the sayd Lord Cardinall who had bene more capable then they whereby wee are come to the rule If I ouercome him that ouercōmeth thee much more shall I ouercome thee considering that the Realme and soueraigne Lordship is not yet subiect iudicio familiae Hercis neither can brooke the light of two Sunnes 9 Yet are we to annswer the deduction of Iames de Per. where he saith that the reason why Robert King of Sicill Lewes Duke of Bourbon and Robert Earle of Arthois succeeded not Charles y ◠Faire King of France but that Phillip Earle of Valois his Cossen germaine obteyned it was because hee was found to be in the fourth degree to the deceased King and the Earle of Arthois in the 8. and the King of Sicill in the 7. But immediatly he cutteth off himself againe when he confesseth that the Duke of Bourbon was also in the 4. and therefore by reason should as soone haue succeeded not that we must deny that the succession of the Crowne of France non deferatur proximiori agnato but I saye first that we haue more then sufficiently verefied that the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre is not vlterior gradu then the sayd Lord Cardinall his Vnkle and that according to naturall and ciuill reason But I will moreouer add in the example by this writer propounded that the proximitie of degrees was not the cause of the alleadged iudgemēt in fauour of Phil. of Valois but it was because certainly when once the succession of a Realme is entred one ligne and progenie the rest of all that braunch must faile before we may passe into an other or inhable the same how neere soeuer it bee The reason is most euident because sith the Kingdome is gotten to their kinsman they al are accompted more capable then any other kindred feudorum exemplo wherein to them onely and to all those that are of the same ligne whereof the deceased was the commoditie doth apperteyne and that is it that is sayd ad proximiores deferri because these are accompted proximiores in respect of other lignes These are the wordes of the text in feudall cases This was the reason why the King of Sicil neither the Earle of Arthois could pretende nothing in the Crowne of France which once obteined to S. Lewes excluded the ligne of the aforesayd who discended of Robert Earle of Arthois
such writings as guiltie of treazon haue dissembled this meane and flatly disaduowed the miserable wretches who for the publishing of these vntrueths had hazarded their liues But returning into the path of their first entent since the death of Mounsier the Kings onely Brother they haue perswaded themselues that his Maiestie may one day happen to dye without issue But howsoeuer it be prouiding long before for their affayres they haue coasted and sought to winne one of the first Princes of the blood discended of the house of Bourbon the true and onely Heyre of the Crowne if it should please God so farre to punish vs as to depriue vs of our good King without issue male and haue gone about to perswade this Prince that it is he who ought to be the lawfull successor and therefore that he had neede presently and alreadie to cause the same openly and with effectual and stroÌ„g reasons to be published 6 Wherein both the one and the other doe highly offend the Kings owne person in that in his life tyme they dispute of succession which if it might please God to sende him a sonne to enioye it shall neuer fall to them besides that thus thei seme to coÌ„spire his death which in effect is as much as to league themselues against nature against good maners against Christian pietie against that good will which we owe to our King vnto whome we are bound to pray for good wish for good and prognosticate good and therfore to waite for such his hap and misfortune is repugnant to all lawes ciuill and naturall Neither can good men like that against the Kings will and during his life men should argue or call into questioÌ„ the doubt of his succession which is nothing so long as it shall please God to leaue him in the world Vpon this cause did the fifth Counsaile of Toledo in Spayne which was holden during the Popedome of Honorius the first about the yeere 622. in the tyme of Heraclius the Emperour and Chintillus King of Spayne by decree excommunicate all such as do enquire or seeme to haue any care or doe seeke to vnderstande who shal be their King after him that hath the Scepter Because then saith the text it is repugnant to pietie and daungerous to man to thinke vpon vnlawfull matters to come or to enforme themselues of the accidents of Princes or in respect thereof to prouide for the time to come for it is written It is not for you to knowe the seazons and tymes which the Lorde hath reserued to himselfe wee doe by this decree ordeyne that if there be any informer of such matters and who during the Kings life respecteth any other in hope of the Realme or that allureth any vnto him in that respect that the same be by senteÌ„ce of excommunication banished the companie of the Catholickes The same decree was reiterated in the sixt Counsaile holden in the sayd Towne of Toledo whereto was added a very conuenient reason whereby the Authors of such discourses are reproued as men curious of the tyme to come whom God will not peradueÌ„ture permit to attaine thereto Mark therefore how such people who would bee taken to be zealous of Catholicke religion and the Commonwealth do by making such questions offend God and his holy Church 7 Furthermore this good Prince of whom they seeke to make a buckler is if it please him to consider that these alterations are wouen for the subuertion of him and his famelie to the ende that beeing by the force of the same disunited and deuided the Authors of this faction may remaine Maisters of both partes and by the losse of the one may more easely disperce the other That this is so it appeareth by that Lybell that secretly they disperst abroade into our hands wherein is one of the most impudent maximes that they dare set downe namely That no one of the Princes of Bourbon and doe expressely name the person of the Cardinall vnder whom neuerthelesse they would shroud theÌ„selues is capable of the succession of the Crowne of FraÌ„ce because now they are growne beyonde the tenth degree of agnation to the royall house whereby onely enheritances and successions are by the Ciuill lawes deferred to the neerest and beyonde the which also the heritage beeing vacant shoulde come to the fisck which in this cace is the assembly of the Estates and Peeres of France who are to proceede to a newe election But herein they doe malitiously deceiue themselues because the royall title of the Crowne of Fraunce is not simply a patrimoniall enheritance or feudal neither runneth by simple enheritance ciuill but the neerest of the bloud royall is thereto called by succession and surrogation perpetuall without ende after the order of consanguinitie or masculine agnation whether he be or be not particuler heyre to the King deceased in his owne proper goodes Also say our Maisters this right of the Crowne is in deede not hereditarie but of the famelie and of whom soeuer appertaineth thereto notwithstanding no one of them might be heire to the deceased Wherevpon Balde others that haue particulerly written of the succession of this Realme doe vpholde that therein succeedeth the next of the Kings bloud being come of the male although he were 1000. degrees of and that by the right of bloud and perpetuall custome of the Realme therein bringing for especiall example the famelie of Bourbon which onely after the famelie now raigning is to succeede in the Crowne of Fraunce Besides that returning to our purpose all the reasons that may be alleadged in the behalf of this Prince or of any other whosoeuer except of the King of Nauarre haue so small likelihood that euery one may soone iudge that those that haue set abroach this matter are mere perturbers of the peace and lawes of this Crowne particuler enemies to the house of Fraunce but chiefly to the sayde Lord Cardinall of Bourbon in that they endeuour themselues to ship him in this so vniust a quâ—rrell and to perswade him to leaue such a blemish to his memorie that the posteritie maye saye that so great a Prince as hee wise and discreet a Clergie man euen from his youth being now come to y e Graues side should without reason bend hymselfe against his owne blood and peraduenture be an occasion or instrument to the enemies of his Family to depriue his blood of so faire great and mighty a realme which the lawes thereof hath prouided them if God should not send the King now raigning a sone 8 Now to the end to lay open mine intent I willl say no more but the trueth which is that among all such as professe obseruing of the estate and gouernment of auncient common wealthes this Realme of Fraunce will appeare to be one of the most assured and best ordered that euer was in the world which also through the Lawes and politicke gouernment thereof hath longer continued then euer did any other Monarchie howe
the said lord King was married to the Duke of Cleue when she ioyned with the said Lord Anthony and so consequently the King of Nauare discended of the said Anthonie of Bourbon and Iane of Albret is illegitimate and vncapable to succede in the Crowne of France wherin Basterds did neuer succeede 2 This point is easie to bee answered by the trueth of the matter which is that the late King Francis the first desirous to drawe to himselfe and to disunite from the Emperour Charles the fifth the Duke of Cleue vrged forced his sister Lady Margaret of FraÌ„ce and Henry of Albret King of Nauarre father and mother to the sayd Iane who then was a yong Princesse of eight or nine yeres of age at the most to marry her to the sayd Duke of Cleue with whom the solemnitie was accoÌ„plished and the maiden conducted to the nuptiall bed in the Towne of Chastelerauld but before the time of mariage was lawfully perfect and accomplished in the said Lady Iane she complayned of this pretended marriage crauing the dissolution thereof which by the sentence of the Church and the Popes dispeÌ„sation afterward in the yeere 1541. enrowled in the Court of Parliament was broken After all which acts the said Anthony of Bourbon father to the sayd Lord King of Nauarre maried the sayd Princesse 3 It followeth therfore that the pretended mariage betweene the sayde Duke of Cleue and the sayd Iane of Albret was voyde and of no force or effect as well by the Ciuill lawe of the Romaines which ordinarily we do vse as by the holie decrees of the Catholicke Church Antistius Labeo and after him Papinian Vlpian gaue sentence against Saluius Ialianus A maideÌ„ vnder twelue yeres of age brought into her husbands house is not so much as espoused if the affâ—ancing weÌ„t not before In an other place Papinian arguing whether the promise of dowrie eonteineth in it a condition if the marriage doe ensue setteth downe for an assured resolution That if a maiden vnder twelue yeeres of age be brought into her husbands dwelling house hauing there accomplished her lawful age she may as of age require her dowrie Labeo vpon the propoâ—itioÌ„ of donations by the husband made vnto his wife which in lawe are prohibited maintaineth that whatsoeuer the husband giueth to the pupill his pretended wife is in Romaine pollicie good and of force In an other place he saith Whatsoeuer is bequeathed to a pupill at her day of mariage if she coÌ„tract matrimonie before her perfect age the gift is deemed vnprofitable and the condition iudged not to be performed which Vlpian doth expressely confirme In an other place the same Author repeateth the rescript of the Emperour Seuerus whereby the husband is forbidden in the qualitie of a husband to accuse his wife of adulterie coÌ„mitted during her noneage Pomponius hath left vs the generall rule of this question in writing conteining A maiden vnder twelue yeeres of age shalbe a lawfull wife when in her husbands company she hath atteyned the sayd age of twelue yeeres Which likewise Vlpian and Paulus doe repeate in their discourses vpon the priuiledges graunted to the wife for the redemand of her dowrie 4 The holy decrees of the Cath. Church are full of such decisions Pope Euaristus who held the Sea of Rome about the yere of Iesus Christ 110. confesseth that he had learned of y e fathers his predecessors that the inequalitie and insufficiencie of age doe make the wife vnlawfull Wee reade a decre of the Counsaile of Foruile holden vnder Charlemagne and Pepin his eldest Sonne concerning this question Moreouer saith the text For the remedying of all we forbid all persons to ioyne in matrimony before their ripe age also all such as are of vnequall yeeres in any wise to match together but only those who in respect of equall birth beare like minde and consent Pope Nicholas the first who sat about the yeere 858. to the same effect writeth That where consent wanteth it is no mariage Such therfore as doe make alliances of their children being yet in their cradles do no whit bind theÌ„ vnlesse the coÌ„ioyned hauing atteyned the yeres of discretion doe allowe thereof notwithstanding their parents would marrie them Vpon this text also Iohn Andrewe teacheth vs that wee must enquire the willes of the pupilles when they are of ripe age therein following that which Pope Marcel coÌ„curring with the seconde decree of the Counsaile of Toledo hath written of those who before the tyme appoynted doe make and promise the vowe of Religion for although according to Isidore Puberes doe take that name of Pube that ripe age appeareth in such as are able to engender yet must wee not iudge this habilitie by the onely naturall power in the act of generation but by the iudgemeÌ„t counsaile and discretion of the will because marriage is an act of discretion pollicie and housholdrye euen as the making of a Will Which was the cause why Pope Alexander the third declareth that such as before the age of discretion are married both may and ought by the censure of the Church to be seperated considering they haue not consented if when and after they haue atteined ripenesse of iudgement they doe not ratefie the same or that there haue beene no carnall knowledge betweene them in which case Malice is sayd to supplye age This the sayd Alexander decreed by the authoritie of the Connsaile of Lateran holden in the yeere 1180. in the assembly of 280. Bishops Vrban the third writing to the Bishop of Mans declareth that these constitutions ought to bee obserued yea notwithstanding the two conioyned had done their endeuours to corrupt each others virginitie Innocent the third also doth iudge such a pretended marriage to bee rather a simple promesse to contract in tyme to come then any certaine or firme obligation for the tyme present Vpon which reason also the aforesaid Pope Nicholas expressely forbiddeth the ceremonies institued by the Church as the blessing and others before the age prescribed and ordeined for lawful mariage leasâ— they should be ministred in vaine then could not easely be reuoked This haue not bene obserued in the West church only but also y e Emperours of the East haue caused their Subiects religiously to keepe the same as a matter most holy and Catholicke As wee reade in their nouel CoÌ„stitutions wherein they haue moreouer proroged the tyme of mariage vnto 13. yeeres in the maiden and to 15. in the man expressely decreeing that the blessing giuen before that age in such coniunctions shall bee of no effect or force to make the marriage indissoluble but bee accoumpted as a simple promesse or ciuill couenant Furthermore to proue that the East Churches haue allowed of these constitutions Balsamen Patriarck of Constantinople doth to the same purpose repeate some decrées of Nicholas Patriarck of Constantinople and of Simon Metropolitan of
Greece Also among other the Ecclesiastical aunswers of the Patâ—iarkes of Constantinople is to bee seene this of Germanus to the Bishop of Ara who enquired how he was to proceed against a maiden that had bene blessed and corrupted before her ripe age also against the Priest that had ministred these ceremonies Whereto aunswer was made that the maid should be seperate and the Priest put from his charge 5 As in trueth in all well ordered Commonwealthes there haue euermore bene established a certaine age for the conioyning and mariage of the Citizens of the same because as saith Fulâ—entius the lawe of mariage is by the will of God ordeined fâ—r hauing of issue it is meete that it be contracted at lawfull age So as by the pollicie of some Citties it was considered that the tyme of generation doth for the most part by nature ende in the man at the 70. and in the woman at the fiftie yeere Aristotle is of opinioÌ„ that after that age mariage is not to be permitted Whereto seemeth to agree that which is found in the establishment of the Romaines Among whom those Citizens were not iudged to haue satisfied the lawe Iulia which was made for mariages who to the ende not to be subiect to the penalties limitted in detestation of vowed chastitie did contract matrimonie the man after sixtie yeres or the woman after fiftie For Iustinian also writeth that some accompted it almost a wonder in nature to see a woman with childe after she were fiftie yeres of age And it seemed such marriages were contracted not so much in hope of begetting children into the CommoÌ„-wealth as in respect of some wealth or other perticuler commoditie that the one hoped for of the other by which reazon wee reade that Antigonus perswaded his sonne Demetrius to marrie an old woman named Philla vsing the authoritie of Euripides which he altered to his purpose and in liew that the verse said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sayd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the ende the sence might importe that for some benefite hee should not differ the mariage of a wife though of a contrary age As on the other side also ouermuch youth was neuer accoumpted meete for the coniunction of mariage because therein generation cannot bee but lame and vtterly vnperfect the mother in greater daunger at her childbirth the father more vndiscreete in the coniunction and so the more hindered from atteining to that perfection and force which Nature reserueth to their bodies wherevpon the auncients imagined that the Idoll of Apollo gaue the Trezenians warning when he had them beware of casting their seede ouer hastely vpon the fieldes of their countrey 6 Finally concerning this present argument although the sayd Lady Iane of Albret had offended in marying with the late Antonie of Bourbon Duke of Vendosme because she had beene afore married to the Duke of Cleue yet were that no let why the King of Nauarre now raigning should not bee borne of the lawfull mariage of the sayd Antony of Bourbon his father who doing amisse that vpon simplicitie vnder the authoritie and in the face of the Church with publicke credite did solemnize the said mariage in which cace there is no doubt but the ChildreÌ„ of a putatiue mariage as say the Canonistes are legitimate because in a doubtfull cace senteÌ„ce must passe in fauour of the marriage and of the children borne in the same the question depeÌ„ding vpoÌ„ the simple meaning conscience of him that meaneth to marrie a wife for by the lawes and decrees of the Church opinion hath the vpperhand of trueth so as by the common resolution it is enough for the legitimation of children that either the one or the other of the coÌ„tracters ment good faith in that coniunction beleeuing it to be a thing lawful for him Thus doe you briefly see how children borne of such mariages are legitimate In our cace wee haue moreouer aduowed that the pretended marriage of Lady Iane of Albret mother to the now raigning King of Nauarre was voyd and of no effect and for such by all reason iustly broken and disanulled by the iudgement of the Church with whose authoritie the sayd Lady Iane was permitted to marie where she pleased which was not done without president For wee reade in the auncient Chronickles that for the like cause the Emperour Ottho the fourth was diuorsed from Margaret Daughter to the Duke of Brabant Lewes Daulphin of Viennois sonne to King Charles y e sixt a litle before he dyed vsed as some say the like pretence to returne Catherin daughter to y e Duke of Bourgondy home again In later tyme King Charles the eight of Fraunce in the yeere 1480. was by his father Lewes the eleuenth before hee was foreteene yeeres old affianced by words present and so by indissoluble marriage vnto Margaret of Austrich daughter to the Emperour Maximilian who being then but two yeeres olde was conueyed into Fraunce and there brought vp for the space of ten whole yeeres after the which they were neuerthelesse diuorced by a dispensation from Pope Innocent the eight who also for the like reason dispensed with Lady Anne of Brittaine and gaue her leaue to marrie where she pleased notwithstaÌ„ding during her minoritie her father Francis Duke of Brittaine had matched her with the Emperour Maximilian by proxye had celebrated the sayd mariage Nicholas Duke of Lorrain while his father Duke Iohn liued did in the yeere 1460. by present words affiance Lady Iane of France daughter to King Lewes the eleuenth and yet comming to the age of foreteene yeeres he did through the Popes dispensatioÌ„ betroth Lady Mary of Bourgondy Daughter to Charles the last Duke of Bourgondy whom he was going to marrie when death euen during the preparatiues of the solemnitie of the mariage preuented him So the manifolde decrees and iudgements passed in like matters doe manifest vnto vs the exceeding malice of the enemies of the sayd Lord King of Nauarre 7 Their seconde obiection importeth that the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre is an Hereticke and therefore vnworthy to succeede in the Realme of Fraunce whose Kings are intituled most Christian in respect of the oath that they take at their sacring in the hands of the Archbishop of Rheimes which is that to their powers they shall defende the Catholicke Religion and faith which the sayd Lord King of Nauarre cannot doe as professing an opinion already condemned by the Church and so consequently can not pretend aught in the sayd Crowne neither may the subiects thereof obeye him according to the decree of the generall Counsaile holden at Roome vnder Innocent the third about the yeere 1215. repeated out of the auncient constitutions of Theodosius the yonger Valentinian the 3. and Martian all most Catholicke Princes vpon the confirmation of the general Counsailes of Ephesus and Chalcedon and afterward recited by Iustinian the first in the fifth Counsaile of
Constantinople about the the tyme whereof he thereupon declared his will as is to bee gathered by the dates of the sayde Counsaile and the Emperours decree inserted into his last Code and afterwarde confirmed by sundry the nouell constitutions of the sayd Prince whereby hereticks are debarred all right of â—uccession Assuredly this obiection at the first blush beareth a great shewe but we must therein of necessitie resolue two poyntes the one of the lawe the other of the deede In the first wee are to dispute whether an heretick may be depriued of that Realme that falleth to him by succession as this doth to the King of Nauarre In the other whether in this present action the King of Nauarre may bee termed an Hereticke and as such a one bee depriued of his succession 8 For the first I saye and maintaine that those Ordenances of Emperors and Canonicall decrees which doe depriue hereticks of successions are written and speake onely of particuler Christians whose goodes and successions are subiect to the politicke lawes of the Magistrates of the land but it is otherwise in cace of Empires and Realmes which may not bee wrested out of their handes that are the true Lordes of the same either for heresie or other cause whatsoeuer because they be holden immediatly of the hand of almightie God and not of meÌ„ as it was argued and concluded in the Counsaile of Paris holden vnder Lewes the meeke Lothair his sonne Kings of France and Emperours about the yeere 829. which was ratefied vpon the saying of the Wise man Counsaile equitie wisedome knowledge are myne by me do Kings raigne and Counsailors publish their decrees in righteousnesse of me are Empires holden The like is to be read in the prophesie of Daniell The sentence is according to the decree of the watch men and according to the worde of the holy one to the ende the liuing may knowe that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will and appointeth ouer it the most abiect among men The same Prophet soone after saith as much to Balthazar King of Babylon in representing to him the force of Nabuchodonozer the Monarke of Assiria The Prophet Ieremie in his speech of the King of Kings teacheth vs also I haue made the earth and man and beast vppon the face of the earth through my force and with my outstretched arme haue giuen it to whom it hath pleased me So that â—ubiects are not to search into their Kings neither are borne but to obey and serue whatsoeuer their Princes be without any further enquirie of their righteousnesse Feare the King and knowe that his election is of God saith the Apostle And when any of them doe commaunde or wield the Scepter royall it commeth of the fauour goodnesse and grace that God purposeth to extende to his people in graunting them a good King endued with pietie iustice and Christian Religion the others also are the scourges and roddes of his wrath and iustice whereof the Prophet Ozee saith In my wrath wil I giue thee a King And Iob Who maketh the hypocrite to raigne for the sinnes of the people for Gods wrath being kindled against vs he will sende vs a King such a one as our offences shall deserue because as it is written in the same booke of Iob If wee haue a wicked King wee are yet worse then he The place of Isidore is very fit to this purpose It is saith he a hard matter to make the Prince amend if he be giuen to vice for the people stand in awe of the Magistrate but Kings if they be not withholden by the onely feare of God and dred of the torments of hell doe abandon themselues to all libertie and runne headlong into the bottomlesse pit of sinne I say therefore that it is not for the people otherwise then with humilitie and obedience to controule the actions and qualities of their King but their duetie is onely to cast vp their eyes to heauen and to consider with themselues that by the wil of God the Scepter is fallen into his handes and power that beareth the Crowne whether he bee good or bad especially being there to called by lawful succession such as is in our France wherein by the Monarchiall lawe the people haue not onely referred al their power into the Kings hand and might but which is more haue also tyed their owne hands so as they can haue no redresse so long as any male of the bloud royall doe remaine according to the lawe of the Realme being the neerest male in agnation to the deceased after the generall custome of France yea notwithstanding he bee vnable vncapable and do want discretion to gouerne the Estate in all which causes they may only appoynt him a tutor and administrator of the publicke affayres the order wherof haue bene practized in our Fraunce vpon Charles the Simple and Charles the sixt For notwithstanding the Realme especially ours be not properly hereditary patrimoniall or fâ—udall yet it is successiue and falleth to the neerest not in qualitie of heire to the deceased but as to the next in bloud in masculin ligne so that consequeÌ„tly what euer he be he is called and whatsoeuer default be in his person either of age iudgement or what els soeuer yet may the Estates and Peeres of the Crowne do no more but appoint a tutor to gouerne him and by counsaile to supply whatsoeuer his imperfections because he was elected in heauen so soone as he came into the world All such also as shal resist him who by succession is lawfull King shall encurre the wrath and displeasure of almightie God because we are not to staÌ„d in argument or murmure against the deuine wisedome who for the afflicting of his chosen people and the house of SioÌ„ did many times suffer them to be gouerned by yong wicked franticke and vnfaithfull Kings yea meere Tyrants such as in Iuda were Roboam Ioram Ochozias Amasias Achas Ozias and others who were either Idolaters or misbeleeuers in the true God of Abraham Likewise in Israell Nadab Baaza Achab with his wife Iezabell Manasses and the most part of the rest of their Kings who raigned with more Idolatrie and tyrannie against the fauoured of God then in mans opinion was requisite With the like scourges also God hath visited his Church since y â— time of grace wherin it pleased him to send his deare sonne into the world with his most precious bloud to redeeme vs from our sinnes permitting to sit therein not onely many vnfaithful Emperours and Kings conspired enemies to our faith and heretickes but also particuler Pastors ordeyned for the feeding of the soules of Christians euill liuers and of pernicious example Constantine sonne to great Constantine Valens brother to Valentinian the first and Zeno sonne in lawe to Leo the first Emperours were Arriens Anastase and Iustinian the first of that name were
conspirators for it appeared more euidently wheÌ„ the Duke of Vendosme father to the now raigning King of Nauarre maried the heire of Nauarre whom one of their predecessors was very desirous to match withall The said Lord of Montpensier should be very blinde if he could not by the welcome that the parrisans gaue him lately at Orleans with Cannon shot perceiue that it is not Catholicke Religion that they fight for but the rooting out of the royall famelie As also before wheÌ„ in his absence while he was gone to accompanie the late Monsier the Duke brother to the King into Brabant they procured the taking away of the gouernement of Brittaine froÌ„ him which now they clayme to be theirs some in the right of their mother and other of their wife But I hope the King shall be able notwithstaÌ„ding they endeuour to dispossesse him to make himselfe whole to y e and after to heare them in their petitions if hee finde the same reasonable Moreouer to returne to you my Maisters of the Clergie I will set you downe most pertineÌ„t demonstrations of their zeale to the Catholicke Church and will tell you that after they had fayled of their enterprise against the Towne of Straus borowe by the spoyle whereof they hoped for meane sufficient to demaunde Mets Thoul Verdun and therewithall together with other the Townes vpon the shore of Rhine which easily they would haue forced to haue prosecuted their purpose for the rest of the Realme of Fraunce they endeuoured to winne those of the pretended reformed Religion vnto whom they promised not only such free exercize of their religioÌ„ as y â— King now raigning had permitted them but also if neede were with greater libertie and assurance and to the same ende offered to send their male children and young Cousens for hostages into Germany vnder the pretence of learning the Dutch tongue perswading the French of the sayd Religion that they should neuer liue assured vnder the King that by that which was passed they might beleeue that he would enfringe his Edicts of Pacification vpon his first oportunitie that neither y â— King of Nauarre neither the Prince of Condy had authoritie sufficient to defend them to be brief that it was their best to offer themselues into their protection who had both the men of warre the Clergie and the gouernors of the Prouinces at their deuotion To the same effect they also sent the late Lorde of May to Duke Casemire to winne hym into this League and also to practize the same with those of the pretended reformed Religion offering to commit their forces into his hands besides setting before him that he was discended of the race of Charlemagne as well as they that they might make the one a great Emperour the other a great King that the Capetiâ—s had ouer long enioyed their inheritance and that they were resolued no loÌ„ger to suffer it As in deede about the time of the siege of Fere the sayd May practized all that he perceiued discontented to signe the sayde conspiracie vntill he was wouÌ„ded at the said siege whereof when the chief of this drift had notice he posted from Paris vnto him to get from him the Articles of the League as also after the decease of the sayd May hee sent to his house to make search amoÌ„g al the papers remeÌ„brances of the sayd deceased Beleeue not therefore my Maisters that it is the loue of God that leadeth them either piety of Catholicke Religion but say boldly that it is no other but ambition a wicked and abhominable entent to lose and alter this Estate and to get it into their handes and so to make you bondmen to their passions or executioners of their tyrannie Wherefore I beseech you to call to minde the saying of Ioel. Awake my Maisters you that are dronken with your Wine weepe and lament for all your ioye and mirth is gone farre from you Put on your mourning weedes ye Priestes that serue at the Aulter for our land is become miserable and our fieldes doe now weepe sith they are become barren our Wines withered our Oyle diminished and our labourers brought into necessitie And againe weepe ye Clergie that serue God and in liew of other weapons say Lorde forgiue this people and forsake not thy enheritance As for your liues direct them after the example of the Apostle who sayth Wee are as young children among you or as the nurse preserueth her little ones euen so we doe merueilously loue you and doe couet not onely to teach you but to offer our liues for your preseruation Put awaye all hatred mallice guile emulation enuie and backbyting feede vpon milke that we growe therein to our saluation for almightie God is mercifull My Maisters I pray you pardon me I knowe I might haue spoken more gently vnto you but to what purpose is it only with the fingers to touch the wound or to annoynt onely the outside thereof with too easie an oyntment when you see it is tyme to crush it throughly to expell all corruption that marreth the whole body What had I bene the better to haue ministred a tent of lint when it wanted a sharpe corosiue Take therefore in good parte this that I say vnto you for it is the doctrine y â— I haue learned in the Schoole of the Catholicke Apostolicke and Romish Church the greatest Doctors whereof without humaine passions will graunt that al the Sermons and Preachings wherewith you stirre vp the people to take armes and shed bloud are no other then the deuilles TroÌ„pets and Drommes as also surely if you seeke any other weapons then clemencie and Christian pietie doe teach and that with Tertullian you say not you had rather be killed theÌ„ kil I do foreshew vnto you the wrath of God vpon you and that vndoubtedly the prophesie of Malachie will bee verefied in you in these wordes My wrath is kindled against the Shepeheards whom I will visite among the flockes 11 Much lesse are we also to care for the complaint that some of the vnwisest of your men doe lay vpon the King for exacting some of your tenths and vsing sometimes as the necessitie of his Estate requireth the temporalties of his Churches wherein they are much to blame and do ouergreatly abuse the libertie that the conniuence of Princes haue tollerated in your predecessors in respect of their pietie and endeuours in the distribution of their meanes possessions and almoses giuen to the poore vnto whoÌ„ the Church goods doe appertaine and not to you Besides that I will by the way tell you that the wealth of the Church is the onely poyson thereof for that the greatnesse thereof consisteth not in temporall goodes and worldly pompe as the deuill hath perswaded most of our Clergie but in the holy and commendable life of our Pastors and in that heauenly foode that they giue to their flockes ouer y â— which they watch night day And as Chrisostome doth well
by Dagobert if we wil beleeue Floart by Childebert Pepin Charlemaigne Lewes y e Meeke Lothaire as witnesseth their goodly Chapters also by Phillip giuen of God Saint Lewes in his Pragmaticall sanction of the yeere a thousand two hundred sixtie eight Phillip the Faire in his Edict in the yere a thousand three hundred and thirtie Charles the seauenth in the yeere 1453. Charles the nineth in the Estates of Orleans and Henry the 3. now raigning Which also was most learnedly declared to Lewes the eleuenth by two Presidents of Inquestes of the Court of Parliament in a treaty that vnto him they exhibited in the name of all the cōpany Yea wee doe perticulerly finde that the generall Estates of France assembled in the Towne of Tours in y ◠yere 1483. did desire Charles the eight to reforme the Clergie as beeing of his charge authoritie because the Pope had no Iurisdiction ouer the Bishoppes of Fraunce as by an Edict generall it was published in the Parliament vnder Charles the seuenth in the yeere 1407. and is to bee seene in the Registers of the sayd Court Yea that Court hath so farre proceeded as sometimes to decree that the Popes Buls and rescripts giuen out against the libertie of the French Church and Maiestie of our King should be cancelled broken and torne Neither was it lawfull for his holinesse to send any Legate into France except with his Maiesties good will and without preiudice to the rightes of his Crowne as by an Arest of Parliament it was declared in the yeere 1484. After by the same Court haue oftentimes the power of the said Legates sent with the Kings consent bene restrained from al authoritie to enteprize against the rightes of the Crowne of France which limitations and liberties the Popes neuer controuled Sith therefore it is the King that giueth you the Bishoprickes Abbayes and Ecclesiasticall functions that your maners orders and correction depēdeth vpon the royall Maiestie and rightes of his Crowne why wil you not suffer me with S. Ambrose to auowe that he may sell dispose and employe the temporalties of the Church vpon the necessities of his Estate without procuring the lisence of the Pope of Roome alwaies prouided that his Maiestie leaue sufficient for the sustenance of the Priestes and others that haue charge of the deuiue Seruice For you also doe know that whatsoeuer you take more then for the necessitie of your life onely is theft or meere robberie and so termed by the holy decrees founded vpon the expresse commaundement of the Apostle that you should be content with your food and sustenāce and by the Canons you are straightly forbidden not to giue any portion to either kinsman allie or friend whosoeuer And in deede so soone as the Church perceiued that your Predecessors did abuze that too much confidence which the first Christian Emperours had reposed in their pietie touching the distribution of Church goodes which by litle and litle through the conniuence of very zealous Princes who did too much assure them selues of the honestie of Bishops they had recouered she did againe take it from them Also in the fourth Counsaile of Charthage they were forbidden to meddle therewith In the generall Counsaile of Chalcedon holden vnder the Emperour Martian were Stewards established to such purposes who were neither Priestes neither Cleargie men In the seuenth generall Counsaile holdē vnder Iustinian the first the same were renewed and it was decreed that the Archbishops onely should be called to their election whereof Iustinian maketh mention Saint Iohn Chrisostome cryeth out and greatly complaineth that in his tyme the Bishops and Cleargie would needes be the distributers stewardes and husbanders of Church goodes and therfore saith this good father in his 86. Homely vpon Mathew They endeuour as much to rule the Temporall as the Spirituall The Apostles would not distribute that money which they had common among them Our great Law-giuer King Charlemaigne doth expressely forbid them to conuert any to their perticuler profite or otherwise to employe it then vpon the necessitie of the poore It is well enough knowne in what order and to what vse the Church hath decreed the dispensation of the Reuenues thereof Sainct Gregorie reporteth that oftentymes they were wont to deuide it into fower partes whereof one to the Bishop and his small famelie an other to the poore Priests and officers of the Church the third to the rest of the poore and the last was appointed to the reparatiō of the Churches But our Bishops and Abbots doe well enough keepe themselues from proceeding in any such maner for amōg themselues they retaine the assotiation of the Lyon whereof our lawes doe make mention and easily permit the poore Priests and others to part with as much as they list so that themselues be not admitted in the exaction thereof but contrariwise if any Prince for his necessitie would employ any part of their superfluous aboundance they straight spread rumours among the people that the deuill hath carried away one that an other hath bene sene in hell that an others body haue not bene to bee found in his Tombe with a number of such fables wherewith our Christian Histories for these seuen or eight hundred yeeres are poysoned in liewe of quietly obeying the will of their Kings and soueraigne Lordes in whose Cōmonwealths and vnder whose discipline they are bound to liue simply and poorely casting downe their high lookes in all Christian humilitie and obedience taking their parts and portions of the reuenues and Church goods and of that Aulter which they serue at the handes of their Kings yea and onely so much as may suffice for their sustenāce and in liew of yeelding parte to the necessities of their Princes to complaine murmure and arme themselues against them because they would employe it to such vses as their affayres doe require I beseech you therfore my Masters ye Bishops and Prelats of Fraunce whome many good men doe accuse of countenancing the wicked deliberations of Spaniards Italians and Lorraines that seeke to seaze vpon the Crowne against the King and the Princes of his bloud remēber the exāple of Magnulph Bishop of Tholauze repeated by Gregorie of Tours when one Godoald terming himselfe sonne of Clotaire the first and vpholden by Disier and some others the perturbers of the peace of the Realme such as our pretended Mascontents required pertition with Gontran and Childebert the children of the sayd Clotaire For the historie importeth that the sayd Disier and most of his partakers were letted by the exhortation of this good Bishop who vsed this oratiō to the people Wee knowe Gontran and his neuewe to bee the children of our Kings but for Godoald we wot not what he is nor from whence Prepare ye therfore ye Frenchmen and if Disier would force you to doe this iniurie to your Kings defend your selues let him perish as Sigulphus that he may bee
not long before we doe not finde in any Historie that the Kings of France were euer annointed or consecrated but onely simply crowned as Gregorie of Tours maketh mention in his historie whereby it appeareth that none of our Kings of the first famely did euer obserue this ceremonie The first then that vsed it was Pepin father to Charlemaigne whome Boniface Archbishoppe of Mentz did consecrate annoint and crowne by the commaundement of Pope Zachary of Rome that in my opinion because he was the first of his race who of a priuate and perticuler person was established King against the Merouingiens After his decease Pope Stephen the second did the like to Charles sonne to the sayd Pepin when he was King of France whom also Pope Adrian againe consecrated annoynted and crowned when he was declared King of the Lombards and finally Pope Leo the third did the like to him with the Imperiall Diadem And this ceremonie haue euer since bene obserued by our Kings of France not that thereby they bee Kings but to the ende it may seeme as a testimonie that they are Christians and Catholickes and of priuate persons are become Kings to commaund the people So that in consideration hereof the first French Emperours Lewes the Meeke Lothaire Lewes the second and the rest who being by natural succession Kings were promoted to the Empire did not vse to take the title of Emperor at the day of their consecration or coronation but at such time as their father or former predecessor thought good to nominate them for their successors from which they began to number the yeeres of their Empire nothing respecting the ceremonie or solēnitie of their Coronation as appeareth by many the auncient Charters and documents of their daies Yea the Histories doe note that Charles the Fat yongest sonne to Lewes the Meek was the first that in his yeeres made mention of the day of his Coronation and tooke not vpō him the title of Augustus vntill the 8. Calendes of Ianuary ensuing in the yere 866. on which day Pope Iohn the 8. anointed and crowned him which in subteltie he thought good to note as one that obteyned not the Empire by succession for Lewes the second his neuewe last deceased had not named nor instituted hym his heire much lesse had any chosen him but the histories doe affirme that hee for a great summe of money bought the Imperial dignitie of the Pope because there were other more fitter for it then he that layd clayme thereto as his elder brother Lewes and his children Kings of Germany so that Charles fearing least as reason and iustice required they should be preferred before him thought good to aduance himselfe and to get the Pope to consecrate him To conclude therfore it is most certaine that this ceremonie doth make nothing to the right of the Kings lawful succession neither is any more then a simple token of honor in his behalfe whom nature and vsuall order hath caused to be borne or suffered to bee elected to rule and gouerne the Estate so that to weene to perswade that he that is borne to be your lawful King by the Lawes of the Realme hath no authoritie ouer you before he be consecrated annointed and crowned is a meere fallation 13 It followeth sith I haue proued vnto you that in this cace the sayde King of Nauarre whom the deepe dissemblers dare not openly in their Libelles denye to be the nearest of the bloud should be your natural true and lawfull King let vs agree together that it were meere wrong for you to withstand or resist him I say further that in this Realme there is neither lawe nor order that debarreth him from lawfull raigne and the Crowne notwithstāding he would remaine in his now professed Religion But contrariwise that such as are of and doe professe the same are declared meete and capable of all kindes of succession by infinite the Edicts Decrees and declarations of our Kings published enrouled and dayly put in execution by the Arrestes of the soueraigne Courtes and other Magistrates who vnder his Maiesties authoritie doe minister Iustice in this Estate whose common crye tendeth to obliuion and perpetuall forgetting of the passed miseries and troubles As also in trueth it is more then a Catholicke passion to compare the Huguenot with a Iewe or Turke For besides that our Kings doe auctorize and permit the one and not the other in trueth and without affection for my selfe am a Catholick and in the same faith doe wish to dye we all doe agree in our faith so as there remaineth no more but to decide for the most part of controuersie the institution of outwarde ceremonies which either the tyme or the necessitie of the peoples instruction haue procured to bee brought into y e Church be not conteined or authorized in the holy Scripture Sith therfore wee doe agree that in the first times the Christians did liue and serue GOD without them we can not now lesse doe then heare the reasons of those that craue abolition before we condemne or pronounce them Heretikes least the condemnation goe before the proofe and so they haue greater cause to complaine as already they doe that wee haue iudged them vnheard and haue ended their Proces vpon defaultes and contumacie Wherefore the◠protest they are ready to pourge themselues if we would graunt them free accesse into the assembly of the church and not stand vpon the pointes of not receiuing them groūded vpon the long time that wee haue bene in possession of the obseruing of these traditiōs from hand to hand receiued by the cōsent and common agreement of the Church because if we had no other argument wee should not be able to deny but that our fathers whē they brought them in were men and therefore subiect to humaine frailtie as in many other things experience may teach vs. I will content my selfe with one onely example to our purpose Virgill Bishop of Saltzbourg in a Sermon about the yeere of our Lorde 755. saying that there were Antipodes in y e world was for the same by Boniface Archbishop of Ments accused of Heresie because by inducing the Antipodes it seemed he would also bring in an other Christ This matter was debated before Vtilo King of Bauiere who at the commaundement of Zachary denounced the sayd Virgilius to bee one of the most abhominable Heretikes that euer was So great was the obstinacie of the knowledge conceaued in this age of the Antipodes or Arteques and yet since it hath bene verefied for trueth This neuerthelesse I doe not alledge to the ende to reproue the institution of the ceremonies of the Church with which I doe dayly serue GOD especially knowing that in alteration of Lawes aud Orders necessity must be very apparent in the correction of matters long before allowed but onely to admonish all men that in as much as they are men it is no meruaile though some will be inquisitiue whether the authors
can haue no cause to loue the same A man hauing two wiues the one loued the other hated that thei haue both brought him sonnes aswel the loued as the hated the sonne of the hated bee the first borne when the tyme commeth that he will deuide his inheritance he shall not make the sonne of the beloued his eldest to the preiudice of the sonne of the hated who is the first borne but hee shall acknowledge the sonne of the hated for his eldest and he shall giue him two partes of whatsoeuer he hath for the same was the beginning of his strength vnto whom the right of promogeniture belongeth saith the text so that the nerest of the bloud is creditor yea he is moreouer I say factus dominus by the decease of his predecessor by the decease of his predecessor holdeth nothing of him but whatsoeuer hee hath hee holdeth by the vertue and authoritie of the lawe of France Thus doe Ih. Andrew Balde Panorme Iason Wil. Benedict and all other Writers expressely speake of our Realme so as who so would take any other course and maiore vi corrupt nature it would be a blemish to his consciēce and soule and thereof he should aunswere before God besides that whatsoeuer hee should take in hand should be voyde and of no effect but subiect to restitution by publicke iustice to the preiudice of his reputation All men doe knowe what small loue was betweene Charles the eight and Lewes Duke of Orleance when hee was called to the Crowne and bare the name of Lewes the 12. also the stoute minde of Charles to haue put his will in executiō against the other if he could haue found any argument or pretence to put him backe which notwithstanding matters were then ordered according to the rule of the law of France Now the King sheweth sufficient demonstration by that good will and care whereby he hath honored y e King of Nauarre so farre as to accompt him for his Brother in lawe that he both loueth and cherisheth him and also will take him into his protection so farre is this good Prince from going about to blemish his memorie with such a deede as the perturbers of the Peace af this Realme doe perswade themselues 19 Sith therefore the people and subiects to this Crowne may not put to their handes neither dispence vppon whatsoeuer occasion with the oath that they owe to their naturall Princes moreouer that the King can take no other order then the foundation and lawe of the Realme will beare let vs see whether it apperteyneth to the Pope of Roome as head of the Church to meddle therein I knowe that the Pope worshippers beeing more passionate then the true Catholicks do so thinck and beleeue Augustin of Ancona a Doctor of Sorbonne hath not forgotten it in his booke that he sent to Pope Iohn the 22. wherein he excepteth not so much as y e Realm of Frāce as also doe not Iames of Terrano Chamberlaine to Vrban the sixt in his treatize of the Papall Monarchie wherin they do maintaine that vnto him belongeth all power both Spirituall and Temporall as being head of the Church euen aboue the generall Counsailes which saith Pope Pascall are not to commaund him And in the explication of the decretall of the sayd Pascal the Canon Doctors doe vphold that it lyeth in the Popes power to reuoke y e decree of a Counsaile ouer the which he hath all authoritie according to the conclusion of all the adherents to the holy Sea of Rome which opinion was neuerthelesse as hereticall condemned in the general Counsailes of Constance and Basil in the presence of Iohn the 23. and Eugenius the 4 then Popes according to which Counsailes the auncient Bishoppes of Rome did protest to denounce vnto the Church whatsoeuer them selues could not remedie And as for Temporall iurisdiction ouer al Emperours Kings and Monarcks of the earth they haue made lesse difficultie yea they haue dared to saye that the Emperour who is Lord of the world both did and ought to yeeld his oath of fidelitte vnto them And faine would they make vs beleeue that they tooke this principle of Sainct Clement the third Bishop of Rome who protesteth say they that he learned it of Sainct Peter They also perswade them selues that Pope Zachary deposed the King of France the last of the Merouingian race although in trueeh it was but his aduice or counsaile giuen to the Nobilitie of y e land as W. Occham very wel saith in his treatize of the power of the Church About a hundred and fiftie yeeres after Boniface the seauenth endeuoured by Sacriledge and other bad hehauiours publickly to vsurpe this Tyrannie which Pope Gregorie the seuenth otherwise named Hildebrand durst openly maintaine and withall put it in practise against the Emperour Henry the fourth to whom he opposed Rodolph Duke of Sweue groūding his proposition not vpon y e fable of Constantines donation neither vpon the liberalities of Pepin Carlemaign or Lewes the Méek Kings of France but vpon God himself and Sainct Peeter saying that of them he had receiued the two swords the Spirituall and the Temporall In an other place vsing these wordes Pasce oues meas for the deposing of the Emperour He said also that he bare Claues regni Coelorum to vsurpe authoritie and enterprize against all the Kings in the world by which his great cunning hee became King of most part of Italie notwithstanding the Emperour Henry gaue him 62. Battailes therein excéeding the great Marcellus that was termed the sword of the Romaines and the inuincible Cesar of whom the one fought two and thirtie pitcht fieldes the other two and fiftie The like did Pascall the second and Calixt the second against Henry the fifth Sonne to the aforenamed vpon the same reasons as did also Adrian the fourth and Alexander the third who set his feete vpon the necke of the Emperour Frederick Barberousse Neither was Innocent the third more modest in the behalf of Philip sonne to the said Frederick against whom hee stirred vp Ottho sonne to the Duke of Saxony who after was Emperour by the name of Ottho the fourth after that with most arrogant proud and commandatory speeches grounded vpon these words Tues Petrus super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam adding thereto the saying of almightie God to Ieremy Ecce constituit◠super gentes regna so comparing himselfe to the Sunne and the Emperors and Kings to the Moone he had pronounced sentence of excommunicatiō and depriuation of his Empire against him So great also was the mallice of the sayd Innocent against the Emperour Phillip that to spite him he disanulled the election of Luipoldus to y t Archbishoprik of Mentz wherein sayth the Abbot of Vspergue he did most vniustly Gregorie the 9. as saith Sabellicus and the sayde Abbot depriued Fredericke the second of his Landes and Realmes for
friuolous causes and of no importaÌ„ce whose sentence neuerthelesse was confirmed and againe published by Innocent the fourth successor to the sayd Gregorie and after by Boniface the eight inserted into his sixt booke of Decretals in which place he vseth these wordes of the Scripture Quodcúnque ligaueris c. as an authoritie wherein to ground the execution of his will Bald also and Iohn Andrew very Catholicke Glozers doe confesse that in deede he seemed rather a partie then a Iudge Niâ—holas the 3. who followed soone after seeking to take the whole gouernement of the Towne from all but the Pope forbad y t neither King Duke Earle or Marquize should be established or accept the authoritie of Senator or Gouernour therein declaring that the Iurisdiction thereof belonged priuatly to the holy Sea before all other not in respect of Constantines donation but through these wordes In omnem terram exiuit sonus eorum and such other which hee interpreteth as hee thincketh good Which in effect are the very reasons whereupon Boniface the eight excommunicated King Phillip the Faire of France and gaue his Realme for a praye to the first that could seaze vpon it as we reade in his constitution in deede extrauagant in the which he exempteth neither Emperour nor King from his subiection euen in Temporall causes as he saith Also by vertue of that great power Clement the fifth disanulled the sentence giuen by the Emperour Henry the seauenth of LuxeÌ„bourg against Robert King of Sicille after hee had procured the proysoning of the same Emperour by a Muncke in ministring to him the Eucharist Which Balde confesseth to haue bene a presumpteous and wrongfull deede Finally by those Tragedies that Iohn the 22. Benedict the 12. and Clement the 6. stirred vp throughout Christiandome against the Emperour Lewes of Bauiere as also in our daies Alexander the sixt and Iulius the second did no lesse neither had any other ground We may see the causes whereby the Popes do pretend authoritie to depose Kings subuert Realmes and giue them in pray to whomsoeuer they thinke good True it is that such of them as haue most dissembled haue euer exeÌ„pted the Realm of FraÌ„ce Innocent the third writing to the Prelates and French Nobilitie for Iohn without land King of England declareth that he will enterprize nothing against the Maiestie of the French King But Hostiensis who knewe the Storie doth in this place write that the Protestation was contrary to the effect because the sayd Innocent went about to hinder King Phillip Auguste from vsing his feudall right ouer the Dutches of Normandie Guyenne and other the Lands holden by the English and falleÌ„ into the lapse through the murder committed vpon Arthur his elder brothers sonne In an other decretal Epistle the same Pope confesseth that the French King in Temporall causes and gouernment of his Realme acknowledgeth no superiour Clement the fifth in his extrauagant for appeasing King Phillip the Faire who was stirred vp by the insolencie of Boniface the eight disanulled reuoked his declarations against the Realme of France and aduowed the same not to be subiect to his Sea by vertue of the sayd constitution The same Pope also protested that the power which his Officers vsed against the said Kings subiects during his being in the Realm was by the permission of the sayd Lord King as appeareth by the protestation the same time enrouled in the Court of ParliameÌ„t for in trueth it hath euer more bene resolued and is a cace most certaine that the King of France doth vpon earth acknowledge no superiour in whatsoeuer coÌ„cerneth the pollicie gouernement of his Crowne neither was euer subiect to the Romain Empire from the which he wrested the Gaules with the point of the sworde And although the French Kings were sometimes Emperours them selues yet did they neuer submit this Crowne to the Diadem Imperiall whereupon the Kings Atorney general would not suffer the Emperour Charles the fourth beeing in the Parliament there to make a Knight without king Charles the 5. his expresse permission As also the Emperor Charles the fifth passing through Fraunce obteyned the good will of King Frances the first to pardon sundry offenders because no other then his Maiestie hath power or authoritie ouer the temporall causes of his Realm among which is vndoubtedly the punishing of transgressions yea euen of heresie of the which wee now speake the notice and Iurisdiction whereof haue euer more bene left and with good reason belongeth to the seculer Magistrate because we ought to consider the lawe of God first in this world whereto the politicke and temporall Magistrate preseruer of the societie of men and earthly policie for the auoyding of confusion and trouble forceth euery one to obeye Secondly in the worlde to come wherein God onely iudgeth and punisheth not leauing in this worlde in respect of himselfe any Magistrate to be the auenger of the iniurie to him done in y â— transgression of his ordinances For the Priestes who are the guardians and Schoolemasters of Gods lawe are not coÌ„stituted Iudges but easie Phisitions to the soule and Gods commaundements are no such Sanctions as importe punishment but most louing doctrine and admonitious otherwise if by the sworde we should be forced to the obseruing of Gods lawe the desert were small Vppon which poynt the Apostle sayd Not that wee rulee ouer your faith but are helpers to your ioye And in an other place All Scripture is inspired froÌ„ aboue and is profitable to teach to conuince to correct and to instruct to righteousnesse Hee saith not to force or to punish Chrisostome very carefully deuideth the royall power from the ministerie of the Gospell saying that the ministerie is a function committed by God to the ende to teach without weapons also that it is no power to giue or take awaye Realmes neither to make lawes for politick gouernment Our French Bishop S. Hilarie writeth as much to the Emperour Constantius also against Auxentius Bishop of Millan And this the good Fathers learned at the mouth of the Sonne of God our Lord Iesus Christ when he sayd to his Apostles The Kings of the nations haue dominion ouer them but it shall not be so with you In an other place hee promiseth them that they shall sit with the Sonne of God wheÌ„ he shal come in Maiestie to iudge mankinde but that contrariwise so long as they remaine in y e world exercizing their Ministerie they shall bee brought before Kings and politicke Magistrates for his sake so farre shall they be from being Kings and Iudges themselues The head of the Church euen Iesus Christ fled when they sought to make him King declaring y â— his Kingdome was not of this worlde wherfore he would not be iudge among those that were at controuersie yea he submitted himself to the Kings of the earth paying vnto them the tribute which was vnto
theÌ„ due together with that which was assessed vpon the heads of euery of his Apostles euermore referring the reward of his grace reuenge of trespasses against him committed vnto the kingdome of heauen enioining his Apostles to doe the like and to imitate his example as they haue done The Apostle Sainct Paule sayd Let no man that fighteth in the Lordes warfare trouble himselfe with the matters of this life Againe The minister of the Lorde ought to be louing to all men meet to teach paciently bearing with the wicked with modestie reprouing such as withstaÌ„d the trueth Briefly in one word to say all there be two kinds of Iurisdictions the one earthly coÌ„mitted into the hands of Kings and Princes to whome euery one of whatsoeuer degree or calling Spirituall or Temporall Priestes Bishops or high Priestes ought to obey as it is written Let euery soule bee subiect to the superiour powers vpon which place Chrisostome sayth the Apostle vsed this word euery to shew that there is no creature that may be exempt whether he be saith he Apostle Prophete Euangelist Priest Monk or other whosoeuer We also finde that in the Primetiue Church before pride Ambition tooke roote in the Bisshops hartes that the Popes of Rome neuer made any question thereof Wee haue also amoug vs a request exhibited by Boniface the first to Honorius Emperour of the West wherein hee beseecheth him to decree that afterwarde the Bishops and Popes of Rome might not bee chosen by fauour or any other vnlawfull meane whereto the same most Catholike Prince maketh an aunswere worthie such a request In the time of Odoacer King of the Herules who began to raigne at Rome in the yeere 471. and ruled full 14. yeres after hee had put to death Orestes and his Sonne Augustulus the last Emperour of the West vntill Charlemagne there were goodly decrees published and receiued in the Church by the Clergie vntill such tyme as Theodoricke the Wisigot whome Zeno the Emperour of the Eeast sent into Italy had ouerthrowen hym Pelagius the first made confession of his faith and sware in the hands of Ruffin the Embassadour of of Childebert King of France Pope Leo the fourth sware and protested that he would and did intend to obserue the Lawes which the Emperour Lothair the first sonne to Lewes the Meek and Neuew to Charlemagne made at Rome in the presence of Pope Eugenius the second whereof some are inserted into the Booke of Digestes the inscription whereof do import that the Emperour made them ante ianuas beati petri ad limina in atrio which was the place where the Christian Emperours were wont to make and publish their Edicts if we maye beleeue Cassiodore and others The said Emperour also created certaine Magistrates in the Towne to exercize the imperiall Iurisdiction The same Leo doth sufficiently declare what respect the high Priests of Rome did in those daies beare to the Emperours when he sued to the same Lothaire and his sonne Lewes the second to conferre the Church of Rheatine or Tusculum to one Colonus a Deacon assuring their Maiesties of his sufficiency and promising in the name of the sayde Colonus that he should praye to God for them This was the same Leo that pleaded his cause and purged himselfe of the treazon whereof hee was accused before the Emperour Lewes the seconde sonne to the sayd Lothaire as appeareth in the decree of Gratian. The like declaration did Pope Iohn the eight make to the same Emperour Lewes the second sonne to Lothaire By the decretall Epistle of Honorius the third who liued about the yeere 1216. it appeareth that as yet the remembraunce of the Emperours lawes was not vtterly abolished out of the Catholick Church and that the Priestes and high Priestes had not as yet wholy shaken of the yoke of y â— same no not in those that they terme Spirituall causes as if any question were moued of an oath in law for the decision of proces in which cace he reneweth the auncient edict of Martian and IustiniaÌ„ the first To coÌ„clude for the stopping of the mouthes of those that doe maintaine that the Pope Bishops or other of the Cleargie may establish any earthly Kingdome apart which shal not bee subiect to the Emperours and Kings of this world but rather such a one as may at pleasure commaunde and supplant the same let them dilligently search throughout the whole Scripture what authoritie the Kings and Princes of Israel had ouâ—r the Priestes and Cleargie in Gods lawe which since the tyme of grace is not deminished and there shall they euidently finde their great authoritie ouer them notwithstanding it was neuer lawfull for the Kings to execute the office of the Priestes for vndoubtedly the ministerie is one thing and the orders discipline of the Cleargie is an other and meerely temporall The other head of Iurisdiction is in heaueÌ„ which we are to looke for at the iudgement of GOD and yet not to perswade our selues that the lawe of Iesus Christ is lame or vnperfect because in it it conteineth not any punishment or earthly reuenge of trespasses against euill liuers considering that the same beeing heauenly and spirituall it will yeeld reward or punishment in the euerlasting world so that as sayd Alexander Seuerus of periury Whosoeuer offendeth against God hath God a sufficient reuenger our good God hath referred to himselfe all the punishment to the end the sinner may haue meanes to acknowledge his offence and repent the same in this world True it is that if y e earthly Magistrate hath in his pollicie taken any order for such causes then is it his office to reuenge the iniurie done to his edicts and decrees for so as saith Isidore The Kingdome of God encreaseth through the meanes of earthly Realmes to the ende such as be of the body of the Church if they offende or blaspheme may be punished by the rigor of Princes and so that discipline whereto the Church can not binde them may neuerthelesse bee preserued through the authoritie of Monarchies The like wherof haue bene vsed against heretickes by all Christian Princes especially in our France by an infinite number of lawes both olde and newe of our most Christian Kings And in troth if the Bishops or Priestes should take notice of the punishmeÌ„t of hereticks it would breede confusion of Iurisdictions and offices aswell might the Goldsmith be iudge of the golde that himselfe had wrought The Phisition of his owne cure to bee briefe euery one should pleade and decide his owne cause contrary to al reasonable order The example also of the Apostle Sainct Paule whome the Iewes accused of heresie doth sufficiently teach vs when by himself it appeareth that he was brought before Festus the Emperours Lieutenant vnto whom the accused did confesse that y â— notice of his cause did apperteine and therefore required
also teacheth vs that quod alicui debetur certis modis deberi desinit among which is not to bee found the excommunicatioÌ„ of him to whom we acknowledge our selues bound for otherwise the vassal and subiect should reap benefite commoditie and discharge in the destruction and hinderance of his Lorde Besides that the excommunication tendeth not in worldly matters to impouerish the partie condemned but onely to depriue and declare hym vnworthy the fellowship of men or to be thought a member of the Church of GOD. He is also denounced such a one first to be an instruction and example to all other the faithfull when they shall consider the grauitie of the offence and thereby waie the publick slaunder arising thereof Secondly to driue the condemned to call to mind abhorre and be contrite for his offence seeing hym selfe deliuered into the handes of his mortall ennemy Satan and humbly to craue reconsiliation at the catholick Church from whence he is banished in exilio sinitimo said Alexander the Martir which wee may sufficiently learne by the auncient forme of satisfaction which the Primetiue Chnrch enioyned to the parson excommunicate that is to confesse his fault before the Priests and assembly of the faithfull in whose presence hee was reproued blamed and condemned to abyde in a certaine place without the communion aud assembly of the Church with certaine outwarde workes of a penetontiary as well in habit and behauiour as especially in his dyet in which forme he should exhibit petition and supplication both to the Priestes and to the whole coÌ„gregation to be forgiuen and vnbound from his offence whervpon the Church by the aduice of the Ministers thereof sometimes condemned hym in greate amends and so by litle and litle receiued hym againe as she thought good For at the first he was onely admitted to heare the worde of God after that he was receiued to the prayers of the Church and so consequently to the Communion of the faithfull finally by the imposition of the Priestes handes he was restored to his former estate and then was it not lawfull for any to reproch vnto him what was passed So as by this forme of excommunication and penance or satisfaction extract out of the auncient Counsailes of Ancira and Nice we may euidently iudge that it no way concerned the temporall goodes as of those that the Church hath not to dispose of neither did it importe other then the exemplary correction of the excoÌ„municated for the sâ—auÌ„der by his offence committed against the Church either els according to y e holy scripture for the subduing of the flesh whereby the soule may be saued in the day of our Lord Iesus Moreouer it seemeth that Gregorie the seauenth Innocent the third and other the high Priestes did so vnderstand it wheÌ„ in the excommunication of the Lords and of those that were conuersant and had dealings with theÌ„ they would not include their officers seruants and others who by necessitie doe owe them obedience as doe the vassalles and subiects of the Crowne who naturally and ciuilly are bound to their Kings and Princes So that the necessitie of their bondage exempteth theÌ„ by the iudgement of the Church out of the generall excommunication denouÌ„ced against all other persons that haue dealing with the excommunicated And perticulerly Innocent the third in his decretall Epistle written to the Doctors of Boulogne declareth that the debtes letters and obligatioÌ„s of excommunicated persons are not called in question neither are the debtors discharged of the same much lesse to be blamed for paying and satisfying their creditors considering that the necessitie of their obligatioÌ„s doe thereto bind them And there is no doubt but the priuate famelie and household of euery one is likewise a little Commonwealth aswell as the Commonwealth is a great famelie whereof the King that ruleth it is the father and defender so elected and ordeyned by God as father of the household among the children Innocent the third therfore exepted out of the excoÌ„munication of those that were conuersant with the condemned all such persons as by necessitie of the lawes of houshold were bounde to yeelde their due obedience which shall neuer bee more strickt great or commendable in the children of the household seruants toward the father of the household then it ought to bee in the subiects towarde their King or soueraigne Prince And effectually to shewe that the excommunication of the King dischargeth not his subiects from their vowed faith let vs call to mind the auncient examples meete and commodious for this argument The Emperour Theodosius the first was iustly excommunicated for the murder of the Inhabitants of Thessalonica His sonne Arcadius for expelling and deposing S. Iohn Chrisostome from the Church of Constantinople Zeno and Anastazius for being Eutichians Lothaire the first for his adulterie committed with Gualdrade which notwithstanding their subiects were not discharged of their bondes and oathes whereby they were to them bound against the which also they neuer made any difficultie to obeye those Emperours as their lawfull Lordes Dagobert King of Fraunce who became a Nero and after the first yeres of his quiet and Catholicke gouernement began about the yeere 637. to trouble the Churches destroye the Temples banish the Cleargie and commit an infinite number of other insolencies for the which Seuerinus Bishop of Roome did greatly reprooue him was not neuerthelesse driuen awaye by his subiects who with earnest prayer obteyned at the grace of God that this Prince repented and euer after serued God faithfully all the dayes of his life When Pope Celestin the third had excommunicated Phillip Augustus King of FraÌ„ce in y â— yere 1197. for forsaking without lawfull occasion his wife Isambergue sister to King Iohn of Denmarke his States and subiects did not neuerthelesse expell him or denye to acknowledge him to be their King and Soueraigne When Boniface the eight had cast foorth his poysoned Bull against Phillip the Faire the Nobles Prelates of the Realme assembled at Paris declâ—red that the Bishop of Rome had no authoritie so to doe When Pope Iulius the 2. excommunicated and interdicted King Lewes the 12. whome iustly wee terme father of the people the Prelates and Nobilitie assembled at Tours protested it to be lawful to coÌ„temne the said Thunderbolt the same notwithstanding did sweare to him their due faith and homage When King Henry the 2. of England was by Alexander the 3. excommunicated interdicted for banishing Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury whom after his death the Pope canonized yet was he not cast out froÌ„ his kingdome neither did his subiects with earnest affection denye him their accustomed obedience Iohn without Land King of the same Ile was neuer dispossed neither did his subiects molest him in respect of the curse that Innocent the third had denounced against him in the yere 1212. vntill he became a TyraÌ„t and extreme oppressor of the people who then beeing
Nauarrre and all that be of his opinion by apparant reasons For the vnderstanding whereof assemble the Catholicke Church so consequently the Christian Princes of the same heare the parties cause the King of Nauarre to appeare at the least summon him to come in in al assurance In such an assembly denounce him an Hereticke excommunicate him or deale otherwise with him according as the holy Ghost shall thincke meete Vntill you so doe you are but theeues enemies to the Catholicke Church perturbers of Christian peace and very Atheistes in seeking to vse Catholicke Religion which you doe least respect to estabish your prosperitie withall 27 It is requisite saye you to roote out Heretickes That is a good godly and Catholicke Counsaile I am of your opinion But marke ye Frenchmen the meanes effects and purpose which these zealous persons these firme pillers of the Church and these bucklers of the faith doe goe about to take herein Weapons fellonie and depriuation of our King both of his Scepter life for if wee flatter not our selues this is their marke We must giue almouse to the poore but not by robbing the rich We must punish transgressors but we must not proceede therto by cutting the Magistrates throate whom we thinke ouerslowe in perfecting the proceducers We must relieue the people but neither wee nor you nor any other must deale therein or enterprize to do it chiefly by rebellion or warres against our King This is not the first tyme that the Commons haue complayned of the Kings exactions and yet did they not thereupon take occasion to oppose thēselues against their Maiesties good pleasures neither was there euer found Cleargie man being the seruāt of God who to the mutinous would become a trompet of rebellion against their Prince vpon such consideration as these perturbers doe represent vnto vs the Lord Cardinall of Bourbon the Popes Legat in France and which is more himselfe a Prince and of the race of the Kinges The Prophet Esay complayned of these too great exactions of his tyme. Ezechiel noteth them and discouereth the vices of Princes Amos calleth them oppressors of the poore cruell to the needie Micheas setteth before them the reproach that God will lay vpon them if they flay the poore Sophony doth bitterly reproue them yet doth it not appeare that euer these men of God embraced conspiraties or entered League to the ende vpon any such considerations to arme the subiects against their Lord. The King say our Censors must reforme himselfe but we must not tell him so with weapons reprouing and iniurying his Maiestie by worde writing and deede yea by captiuating his affections and forcing him to hate that which he loueth as if hee were not a man capable of the loue of those whom perticulerly hee acknowledgeth for his faithfull seruants This were a miserable state for a King to be forced to hate where he loueth and to loue where he would hate to bee able to doe what he would not and to desire to doe that he cannot to be briefe to be a slaue to the enuies strifes and diuersities of his subiects It is too much euen the greatest Aristarchians cannot like of it Whervpon I would fayne aske these reformers what made them so rich and mightie as now to vndertake to raise warre against their King but euen the excessiue benefites of his Predecessors him selfe What place doth or may the stateliest of them hold in France but of meane Gentlemen and such as it hath pleased the King to loue Were they not our Kings that haue aduanced them and mainteined them in their wealth wherefore then doe they so much enuie the good hap of those who haue no other beginning or aduauncement then such as vrged themselues on Why doe they so much mislike that the King should loue the Lorde Duke of Espernon or any other like as his predecessors fauoured their aūcesters Know they not that all things haue their time their beginning progresse encrease and end what further fauour doe they hope for at the successor whom they would cause the King to nominate by prouision sith in the meane tyme they suborne his subiects yea so farr to turne them from receiuing any Garnison on his behalfe and spread a brute among the people that there yet remaine some of the race of the aunciēt Gods worthy to rule ouer them To bee briefe they take the course too truely to fulfill the prophesie of the late King Frances our Kings Grandfather whom many honorable persons did many times heare saye that if they vsed the seruice of those who now set not a strawe by them they would doe their endeuours to strip his Children into their dublets and his people into their sherts and vnhappely these Mastiues haue so well learned to barke that now they seeke to byte their Lord. Call to minde ye Frenchmen a true saying of Sainct Austen importing that it is vnpossible for that Counsaile to bee blamelesse whose meanes ende and effects are vile vicious and reprehensible Neither is it Religion or pietie that stirreth them vp but a South winde and Spanish heate wherwith they be driuen that kindleth them For in troth it is of more importance for the King of Wisigotes wholy to subdue the King of Nauarre and to destroye him whatsoeuer it cost thē to lose all his low Countries which by that onely meanes hee might perpetually assure together with not onely the rest of whatsoeuer hee wrongfully nowe deteyneth of the Realme of Nauarre which seemeth to be already prescript but also generally of the whole Spaynes and most of his other Lordships whereof he might stand in great feare if GOD should permit him to haue so strong and mightie an enemie as the King of France Let not therefore the most Christiā Maiestie and the King of Nauarre flatter themselues but bee assured that the Piedmontain and the Pope with their partakers are determined to doe y t Spaniard that good turne and to employe whatsoeuer their habilities to assure him on that side Considering that withall the purse of the Romish Court which findeth great ease in the Frēch Crownes of the summe which often do passe the Mounts by reason of the Annates renewed in this Tridentine conspiracie might in tyme stray by the way as by the auncient Edictes of our Kinges and arrestes of our Courtes of Parliament they haue hetherto done haue interest therein For this cause none neede to maruaile that the Pope will not willingly forgoe so lickerous a morsell and the best dish on his table Besides it is most certaine that the subiects of Fraunce and others that are boūd to the Crowne and Maiestie of our King who haue risen and doe dayly rise are but the instruments and gates whereby to make way for the loades of golde which the Spanyard sendeth to doe his businesse in this Realme by the same meanes giuing them occasion to take holde of and vse the tyme to doe also
their owne and if they may to seaze vpon this Crowne which they haue leueled at euer since the decease of the late Henry the second without employing themselues in any other affaires then seeking the meanes to atteyne thereto yea euen partly they giue out that it were better to conquer the Realme of France then to goe to Hierusalem to seeke for the succession of Godfrey of Buillon I doe therefore most humbly beseech the Queene the Kings mother whom our Espaniolized Frenchmen doe call vpon for their succour to be ware of being deceiued in the faire pretences of these conspirators but to assure her selfe that notwithstanding whatsoeuer their flattering sweete tongue they will neuer bee satisfied but with the life and Scepter of her sonne her selfe Moreouer I beseech God to graunt the King the wisedome of SalomoÌ„ wheÌ„ his mother Bethsabe came to desire him to like of the mariage of Adonias with Abisag the Sunamite who had bene King Dauids Concubine in his latter daies vnder the pretence whereof he had vndertaken with the helpe of Abiathar the Priest Ioab and Semei to haue depriued the King of life and kingdome which this fountaine of wisedome speedely perceiuing after he had heard the petition of the Queene his mother in liew of graunting it and considering how this traytor vnder a false proposition had abused her commaunded to put him to death together with Ioab and Semei and depriued Abiathar of his Priestly office and function 28 Know we not the occasions of Dauid the Aduocates one of the wickedest men that euer liued iourney to the Pope and Court of Rome whose instructions these good Schollers doe from point to point ensue and those men that haue sene the same can tell whether their beginning and the course that still they take be not at large therein conteyned Who is he that perceiueth not the importaÌ„ce of the disputation holden at Sorbonne about three or foure yere since by a poore bachelâ—r draweÌ„ in who had dedicated his Theses to the Abbot of Cluny the late Card. of Lorrains Bastard Wherein hee did what in hym laye to prooue that it was lawfull for the people to depose driue out kill and murder tyrannous wicked euill liuing and Hereticall Kinges whereat the King beeing moued as at a most daungerous and detestable proposition this poore instrument of Satan was at the barre of the sayde Colledge of Sorbonne slaine by one who of late dayes haue withdrawen hym selfe loaden with Spanish Pistolets and Iewels and then cloked this goodly deede least the author of this so vnchristian learning and knowledge should by his mouth haue bene disclosed Might not we haue noted what seruants were procured to be placed abont Monsier the Kings brother and to what end amoÌ„g whom the forwardest had bene trayned vp in the Schole of these perturbers of our peace as being their creature witnesse that nowe he is with them and then vsed all his endeuour to plonge that yong Prince in all voluptuousnesse lechery and heate of youth yea hee did better his businesse for hee betrayed him to the King of Spaine sould the Spaniard to the States and the Huguenotes to all others Whereby hee made money of all with the price of the honor reputation and life of his Maiestie or rather of all France The like did also three or foure other bad parsons who all had bene brought vp and were giuen to his highnesse by one selfe hand to the ende to habandon hym for a praye to the first mischaunce that might happen among a greate number that night and day they deuised for the atteining to their entents yea they went so farre as to set him at debate with the King his brother and by meanes of some of theirs that were neere to either of them to cause nature and bloud to liue in mistrust of it selfe so to procure the ruine and losse of one or the other or of both togither and with them of this miserable Realme During which their sleightes they did neuerthelesse perticulerly thinck vpon the king whom when they found to be merueylous zealous in Catholike religion they began to practise some Spanish workemen to drawe vnto him and vnder the vaile of Religion to bewitch him and so wholy endeuoured themselues if they could to haue cast him headlong into some mishap as great as the same wherein they ê“longed poore King Sebastian of Portugall who by such meanes serued for a warme breakefast to the Spanish King and got hym a faire corner of lande through the subtelties of the Spanish Iesuites concurring with the Portingal Iesuites or peraduenture both coÌ„spired against the estate of that poore yong King so to cause hym desperatly to venture hym selfe whether he dyed with him the Scepter of Portugall which vndoubtedly God had long vsed to the great benefite blesse of all Christiandome These were the driftes of the good seruants of our Kings who thanked bee God was more circumspect and wary to put from about him such wicked spirites Certainly it is most necessary and expedient for a King to be Christian deuout zealous of Catholicke faith and to feare God but withall it is most daungerous for his person and Estate if hee become supersticious and an hypocrite First he thereby loseth all iudgement to discerne the enuious friends or enemies to his Scepter then he forgetteth the principall cause for the which he is a King which is the care and gouernement of his people for the exercize whereof onely he is bound chosen and bound to serue God in that ministerie lastly in the world that we liue in amoÌ„g the most corrupt soules that euer were the whole worlde doth mistrust and wonderfully suspect him whom they see make so great a shewe whether for enuy that euery one beareth to his more then common zeale either els for that in trueth it often falleth out that things of greatest apparance conteyne least trueth Now then these malicious persons haue but one onely subtile entent left which also it is meete for the people to knowe For yet they goe reasonably gently about their matters and doe giue out that they require onely abolition of the Edicts of pacification and to procure the exercize of one onely Religion in France to the ende vnder that pretence to embarke the King and almost to force him as aforetyme fearing least the ouer long peace of this Realme should close vp the passed vlcers they had done to breake off that amitie and good wil which it pleased him to shewe to the King of Nauarre and those of the pretended reformed Religion so that by such meanes they will cause him with the sworde that he should holde in one of his hands to cut off the other wherof must ensue the losse and sworne death of the sayde Lorde King of Nauarre against whose person perticulerly as beeing their principall mark they are determined to arme themselues After whose end also if the King of whom they shall then
from whom your predecessors the Kings of Nauarre are discended was wont viz. Pro lege grege setting forth in your actions as many desires of peace clemencie fatth honestie and Christian piette as they doe of violence bitternesse and perfidie being banded against the Iustice of God The ende of the second Booke ⧠THE CONTENTS OF THE THIRD part of this Booke 1. The grauitie of Treason For what causes a Prince of the bloud may bee declared vncapable of the Crowne Abuse of the crime of treason The malice supposition of the leagued against those of the pretended reformed religion 2. A true exposition of the crime of treason The King neuer suspected the K. of Nauarre of treason An infallible argument of the King of Nauarres pietie 3. The house of Nauarre disceÌ„ded of the house of France The Originall of the K. of Nauarres grandfathers by both father and mother 4. The Capetz and Carliens come of the same stocke as Clouis and the Merouingiens 5. The Capetz and Carliens are of one famely The originall processe and genealogie of the Capets THE THIRD PART OF the Cath. Apologie THE third obiection that the seditious doe in their Libells disperse against the K. of Nauarre importeth him to be a rebel a traitor and a protector of Conspirators against the King and therefore an ennemy to the state and common wealth wherein hee is for those causes vnworthy to commaund 1 This obiection is not so small but that being well considered as it ought the grauitie of the offence will surpasse the discourse of our sences and vnderstandings For for that onely offence came death into the world and Adam was banished Paradise Also by humaine pollicy offenders therein being thereof conuâ—et and adiudged are vnworthy all successions especially in Empires Kingdomes or other dominions although the same should fall to them by the right of natural succession as doe ours For in this cace if the neerest of the bloud Royall should be found vnthanckefull and guilty not only against the King his Lord but also against the Estate common-wealth and Maiestie of the Crowne hee and his posteritie may be attaint conuict and adiudged for euer vnworthy the succession that nature and bloud had gotten him So was it iudged by a Court of Peers of France in the yere 1457. against Iohn the second Duke of Alencon in the presence of King Charles the seauenth in the towne of Vendosme notwithstanding the sayde Sentence was afterward abolished and the iudgement made void by Letters of restitution from King Lewes the eleueÌ„th entred published and registred in the Court of Parliament the Chambers assembled by the consent of the Kings Attorney generall Wherefore I can not with silence ouer skip such an accusation against the person of the sayd Lord King of Nauarre considering also the enormitie of such a scander against the sayde Prince who neuer had his owne life so deere or in such recommendation as the seruice honor and wealth of the Maiestie of our Kings and this Crowne as being the man whome it neerest concerneth and who hath greatest interest of all worldly parsons in the preseruation of this Estate as hauing the honor to looke so neere thereto But surely by this detestable and sclanderous discourse I see the miserie and calamitie of our France wherein withiâ— these 25. yeeres during the minority of our kings the mutinous seedes of quarels haue made at their pleasures forged Articles heads of Rebellion and crimes of Treason as they haue thought good y t therein as Tacitus said of y e Empire of Tiberius might be the perfection of all accusations imitating the continuall euill doings of Princes Counsailers vnder the pretence of their Maiesties seruice For it is found y t in the tyme of the said Tiberius this crime was comprehended vnder friuilous occasions as if any man had in selling of his land sould therwith the Image of Augustus or if hee had erected his owne Picture higher then the Emperors either had employed the same in any Domesticall vsage Nero put to death Cassius one of the most excellent men of his time vnder such a pretence and because hee bare the Picture of Cassius one of the murderers of Cesar in his Armes Caracalla so farre extended this crime that eueÌ„ those were accused who had made their Vrine in any place where the picture of the Prince was erected and this licence extended so farre that it was offence to the Maiestie to beate a slaue or chaunge aparell before the picture of the Emperour either to carie the same into any shamelesse or foule place veluti si latrinae aut lupanari intulisset To be brief in those daies the crime of treazon was defined in the closet and secrete will of the Monarke or his flatterers as Iuuenall testifieth Nil horuÌ„ verbosa grandis epistola venit A Capreis bene habet nil plus interrogo The like haue bene done in our miserable Realme when the conspired enemies of the Princes of the bloud Royall did gouerne the affayres of Estate vnder Frances the second and had afterward got holde of the person of King Charles the nineth whom they nourished in wonderfull and daungerous mistrust of his subiects whereof are proceeded so many murders massacres troubles and ciuill warres which wee haue seene and too much felt to the ruine of the subiects of this poore Fraunce by reason their Maiesties haue by these firebrands beene misenformed that the King of Nauarres partakers conspired against their Estate and refused to yeeld them that obedience which by Gods commaundement they ought and in respect thereof vnder this pretence did oftentymes cause them to be proclaymed Rebelles Traytors enemies to the Commonwealth Moreouer to make this mischiefe incurable because the innocencie of this people afflicted through the wrath and indignation of their Kinges was sufficiently knowne to their fellow couÌ„trymen fellow CitizeÌ„s these spirites of Satan haue sought to entaÌ„gle theÌ„ in partialities baÌ„diÌ„g one against an other thereby to vrge theÌ„ into irrecoÌ„siliable hatred and perpetuall mistrust whereof they might neuer conceiue cause of reunion through such excesse and iniuries as the one should doe to the other during the ciuill warres also that while the same continued themselues might haue opportunitie to practize the hearts of those whom they should finde most meete to receiue the obiect of their trayterous and disloyall ambition together that by this meanes they should diminish the loue of the people to their King perswading the most passionate that the fault was in him why Fraunce had no greater peace vnder which pretence they haue spued forth and by their creatures dispersed abroade an infinite number of diffamatorie Lybelles and more then sclaunderous discourses to the preiudice of the honor and reputation of our Prince whom neuerthelesse they went about to perswade that those of the pretended reformed Religion were the authors of these deceipts But the ende of their intents
this example hath relation also the same iudgement that Pausanius writeth of the Senat of Sparta aboue 400. yeeres after Licurgus concerning the children of their King Cleomenes who had two sonnes Cleonimus and Acrotatus the elder who dying beforr his father and leauing his sonne Areus the Realm came in question betweene them where senteÌ„ce passed for Areus against Cleonimus who was so wroth therewith that he called Pirrhus King of Epiro sonne to Earida and caused him to enter the land whereupon he was declared enemie to the Commonwealth In Italy Robert the second King of Sicill sonne to Charles the second about the yere of Iesus Christ 1310. when there was controuersie for the County of S. Seuerin betweene Thomas sonne to the elder and Iames the younger gaue sentence for the neuewe so that the sayd Robert whome our Doctors terme an other Salomon being in Auignon accompanyed with a number of Doctors and other skilfull personages adiudged the sayd Countie to him Ottho of Frisingen rehearseth the custome of Bourgondy which saith he was euermore obserued among the Gaules concerning the fathers succession which was adiudged to the eldest and his posteritie vnto whom the rest as to their Lordes ought to yeeld all respect honor and duetie Demosthenes also maketh mention of the Athenians lawe whereby brothers children had parte in the succession of their Grandfather as braunches and bodies substituted in the Roumes of their deceased parents So as the great number of arrestes passed might at this day be reason sufficient to restrain the Lord Cardinall of Bourbon and those who vnder pretence of fauouring his cause do practize their own aduancement by the destruction of the Royall famelie especially sith these iudgements passed not without great notice of the cause ripe most sound considerations which learned men shal conceiue as drawne out of the fountaine of the Ciuill and Cannon lawes from whence the best and most of our pollicie is taken 3 The first reason is because the father and the sonne sayth Iustinian are natura but one person so as the father seemeth not dead in respect of the substitution that nature hath made in the person of his sonne who is parte of his flesh and bones and is therefore termed sonne of the houshould as the other father of houshould with the sole difference of the title of generation And in Ecclesiastes it is written The father is dead and in a maner not dead because he hath left one like himselfe And after the fathers decease the sonne purchaseth not a newe his rightes and succession but taketh vpon him the administration and vse of the same whereby the same matter that was to bee considered in the father is no doubt transported to the person of the sonne how personall soeuer the same be and he is thereof capable as a straunger enheritour cannot be in such wise that the sonne by nature and ciuill lawe substituted in his fathers roume and place is to enioye all priuiledges dignities and rightes that might to the deceased haue apperteyned This ciuill reason conformeth it selfe to infinite examples of the lawe First wee knowe that the sonne dying before his father the neuewe entereth the roume of the deceased and enioyeth the same rights as his father if he had liued should in his GraÌ„dfathers succession as appeareth in the Counsaile of Gallus Aquilius by the law Vellea and other the heades of our wisedome so that no reason can be alleadged why we should otherwise thincke in this deede which dependeth of the right obteyned by the father in respect of seuioritie in the succession of his predecessors for although the sonne of the deceased elder doe maintaine the seuioritie to bee his by his owne right and person yet is he as it were substituted in the place and person of his sayd father and admit the qualitie of senioritie were by the fathers decease dead and extinct yet the power habilitie to succeede thereby is not extinct and lost which beeing diuers and seperated from the eldership is continued and transported into the person of the sonne Wherevpon in lawe we doe say that the same departing before the father his sonne succeedeth in his possibilitie because the same occasion if any dyeth without children is accomplished in the wise counsaile of the testator if there remaine any issue of the afore deceased sonne Hereupon by the arrest of the Court in the yeere 1555. was the daughter of the eldest sonne of Thibault of Vitry preferred before her Vnckles in the right of eldership to the landes and noble Lordships of the said Thibault Secondly it was determined that the free borne childreÌ„ were not bound to lay together their owne goodes in pertitioÌ„ of their fathers or if it happened the same beeing vnder his fathers iurisdiction to decease leauing his sonne alienated to some one of his brethren of the same calling the neuew who in his owne person could not attend the relation of his Vnckles proper goodes in the succession of his Grandfather might neuerthelesse demaund the same in the behalfe and as substitute to the person of his deceased father and therefore the same right that he had in the same relation is adiudged to his sonne who of himselfe was vnperfect badly grouÌ„ded in his demaund By our Lawes also the brother by father and mother is in the succession of his deceased brother to bee preferred before the rest of his brethren of the same bellie or kinsmen Let vs now presuppose the brother both waies were deceased leauing one sonne The sonne is to take vp the inheritance of his Vnkle before the rest of the brethren of the deceased beeing of one bellie or kindred which hee cannot doe by his owne right because he was not brother to the deceased and therefore necessarily he taketh it in right of substitution and succession to his late father transported into his person wherby he not onely succeedeth with his Vnkles but which is more excludeth them as might his father haue done if he had liued Moreouer that which is noted in parte must take place in the whole and yet in the substitution of the deceased fathers succession the children of the deceased do take their part and portion of their deceased Grandfathers goodes by stocke not by head that is in consideration of their fathers person which wee call in stirpes non in capita which also concurreth with Gods lawe as wee may note in the portion that Abraham gaue to his neuewe Lot the sonne of his brother Aram in the succession of their generall father Thare In the collaterall ligne the text of Iustinians nouell saith that the neuâ—we sonne to the brother succeedeth in such part as his deceased father might haue done why theÌ„ should we not obserue the same in things wholly vndeuided as in a Realme Empire Dutchie and such other like which can haue but one maister so that the neuewe taking his fathers roume
viscerum patris primo geniti excludet secundò genitum The fifth consideration is taken ab exemplo patroni qui vni ex liberis assignauit libertum to whom and to his he is due illis extantibus alteri non est locus So then the law custome and publick ordenāce hauing called the eldest and to him assigned y t right of the Realm it cānot belōg to any other but him or his being sufficiēt so long as they shall remaine in the worlde to take vp that succession which the right of eldership hath giuen him The sixt reason shall be that the same lawes and customes that are obserued in siefes and vasselag are considerable in Realmes and 〈◊〉 ruling And it is certaine that in beneficio quod feudum appellant nepos ex filio solus succedit and in default of him onely the Vnckle is called to the sayde succession notwithstanding our writer dare falsly mainteyne the contrary and alleadge the textes that make ad literā as they terme it against him Why then should wee not say as much of the Realme and Crowne which is the rule and gouernment of the said stefes Finally without doubt the right of eldership is a qualitie that passeth to euery of the children from the first to the second from the second to the third and so consequently as doe the heades of succession ordeyned by the pretors edict de liberis ad agnatos de his ad cognatos at verò certum est successionem quae fit de gradu in gradum potiorem esse illa quae fieri solet de capite in caput so as post omnes liberorum gradus vocantur agnati post vniuersos agnatos cognati Thus are the first borne the first head whose degrees are to bee considered in their issue The other head is of the second borne whose degrees are to be obserued in his children c. 6 Yet is there in this cause one especiall reason for the sayde Lorde King of Nauarre which cannot bee aunswered that is that his sayd Vnckle the Lorde Cardinall of Bourbon at the mariage of his neuewe the King of Nauarre to Lady Margaret of Fraunce acquited demissed yeelded and transferred to the sayd Lord King all and euery the rightes tles voyces and actions present to come that any waye might to him apperteyne as comming of the house of Bourbon expressely acknowledging his sayde neuewe the Lorde King of Nauarre for the true sonne heire successor and in all and by all representer of the senioritie of the sayde house To thincke therefore now to goe against the sayd renunciation made vnder a vaine hope of successiō in this Realme comprized vnder this general eldership of his late brother the Lord King of Nauarre there is no apparance sith spes fidei commissi conditionis in certum remitti poterit yea that iusiurandum reuunciationi interpositum tale est vt obseruari possit sine salutis aeternae dispendio also that by the Cannon lawes a renunciation cōfirmed with an oath can not be broken Besides that the renunciation was a part of the donation in the cōtract of Matrimonie whereby the mariage of the sayd Lord King of Nauarre to the sayd Lady of Frāce was more easily accomplished and by the restoring of the same the childrē of the said Matrimony might be endamaged which may not be permitted especially because the sayd Lorde Cardinall can alleadge no likelihood of hurt through his minoritie force or other causes of restitution against the sayde Lorde King of Nauarre his neuewe who at that tyme was yong and vnder the sayd Lord Cardinalles authoritie On the other side the learned do for the said Lord Cardinall bring in the example of Siluius King of the Latins who was preferred before Iulus his elder brother Ascanius sonne but in this matter the argument is not alike for Ascanius dyed not in his father Aeneas tyme but had worne the Crowne 38. yeeres or there about after his decease and when hee dyed the succession thereof was restored to Siluius to whom it rightly did apperteyne as being the true enheritance of his mother Lauinia For it is euident that Aeneas after the destruction of Troy landed in Italy with his sonne Ascanius and so well ordered his affayres that hee married Lauinia daughter to Latinus King of Alba Longa whom hee afterwarde succeeded of that mariage begat Siluius so that Ascanius raigne ouer the Latins in Italy was by tyrannie and without any vailable or more apparant title then the sworde for the Realme belonged to Siluius in the right of his mother Lauinia Secondly they alleadge a iudgement of the Senat of Sparta betweene Agesilaus and his nenewe Leotichides sonne to his elder brother Agis whereby the Vnckle was preferred and the Diadē royall to him adiudged But herein I would also desire thē to haue recourse to y ◠reason that Pausanias yeeldeth for y ◠saide iudgement which was because he was by his father Agis denounced a bastard whom in such cases the Ephores commonly beleeued as appeareth by a fore iudgement long before by them giuen in the person of Demaratus who was driuen out of the Realme which hee did enioye because of the like speech vsed by his father Ariston in his place as vnsufficient was substituted his Cossen Leotichides Their third example hath yet lesse apparence and is of Gontran King of Orleans of the sonnes of Clotaire the first who was preferred before Childebert sonne to his brother Sigisbert King of Metz in the succession of Cherebert King of Paris for they saye not that it was by force either that the Realme of the sayd Cherebert was deuided euen in the life tyme of the sayd Sigisbert father to the sayd Childebert among all his brethren and yet that afterwarde the weapons of the sayde Gontran were the stronger whē Fredegond had procured the death of Sigisbert which soone after Gontran repented and hauing no children adopted his neuewe Childebert who in the ende enioyed all his possessions The fourth is of Honoricus sonne to Gisericus King of the Wandales who was preferred before Gondabundus sonne to Genson the said Gizericus eldest but to this purpose they should withall haue set downe the words of the sayde Gesericus the fathers last will and testamēt importing as saith Procopius that he would haue the eldest of his children to succeede him which peraduenture he had learned of the auncient Nomades among whō sayth Strabo the prerogatiue of yeres was relligiously obserued in consideration whereof sentence passed for Corbis the eldest against Orsna his Cossen and sonne to the last King whose controuersie was decided by a Combat But in France we regard not the age but onely the order of senioritie wherein the neuewe continueth by substitution of him in the roume and place of his father the prerogatiue of the sonne The like was obserued in Barnarde sonne to Pepin Charles the Great
him which being in him is according to the former discourse coÌ„tinued in his posteritie The fourth obiection is taken of the vulgar consideration obserued in the common dispositions of euery one to call into the first degree their owne children and then their neuewes after their degrees and order of nature which is euident in the couÌ„saile of Gallus Aquilius and more expressely in the aunswere of Papinian in two places wherein he acknowledgeth inter liberos ordine gradu fidei commissi praescriptos ex ordinata affectione defuncti quae cadit inter personas sub eadem alternatione comprehensas This reason were hard to be decided if we would consider the neuew onely in his owne person and cause but we haue often sayd that in deede in his own right but by his father successiuely he coÌ„tinueth the same right of eldership that his deceased father had for the which as first borne he is in the first degree and order of succession 10 The fifth reason is taken of that wee knowe that the same degrees that are obserued in tutele are likewise kept in succession But it hath bene decreed of the sonne and neuew concurring together for the tutele of the fathers libertine the sonne onely remaineth tutor and not the neuewe sonne to the deceased brother the like therefore must bee obserued in matter coÌ„cerning the successiue right of the one and the other In this argument the Doctors that make the obiection doe not note that the same was first aduised for the benefite of the neuewe ne oneri tutelae astringatur Secondly that the reason of tutele is perticuler for the wealth and benefite of the pupille to the ende the eldest of those that are capable of the succession may only be admitted his gouernour Besides the qualitie of a tutor resembleth the procuration and preeminence which are not traÌ„smissible to the heires of whatsoeuer condition they be wherof proceedeth the reason whereby alio modo tenentur tutores aliter ipsorum haeredes conueniri solent Finally sith the succession of the libertin is in like sort disposed of the like regard must be had in the delation and decree of tutele for Iulian writeth si libertus intestato decesserit relictis patroni silio ex altero filio duobus ne potibus nepotes non admitteÌ„tur quandiu filius esset although it bee otherwise in ingenuorum successione because the right of patronage is meere personall itaque non transmittitur at verò in ingenuis the naturall affection of the father to the sonne or of the Grandfather to the Neuewe hath caused this representation to be euer obserued in the direct ligne and afterward in the collateral ex coÌ„stitutione principum And we also see that the goodes of the deceased libertine are parted by the number of heades among the patrons neuewes contrarie to disposition of common right in free persons whose vnder Children doe distribute the succession of their Graundsire by stockes in consideration of their Fathers already deceased 11 Sixtly they obiect that the gouernmeÌ„t of y â— sayd Lord Card. is more necessary to the realme because he is of more yeres and therfore better aduised more prudent and capable of publike knowledge in the worlde But this presumption sometime deceiptfull taken of the yeres of the successor must not bee preiudiciall vnto the right obteined to a third especially this third beeing capable of discretion and iudgement as is the King of Nauarre who goeth now in the 33. yeere of his age but also more perticulerly in the succession of this realme wherein so farre are wee from preferring the eldest that eueÌ„ our selues doe admit children in their Cradles and Infancie to bee our lawfull Kings as apeareth by the Historie of Sainct Lewes who was consecrated ween hee was but nine or tenne yeres ould of Iohn sonne to Lewes Hutin borne after his fathers decease who liued but fifteene daies and dyed in his Iorney toward Rhemes to bee consecrated of Charles the eight who was crowned in his infancie as also was the late Charles the 9. in our tyme. The like whereof haue bene very religiously obserued in all successiue Realmes and kingdomes In Iudea and Hierusalem Dauid Salomon Azarias Manasses and Iosâ—as were annointed in their youth Augustulus a yong childe was Emperour of the West although in his nonage whereof saith Procopius he was named Augustulus Athalaricus was but eight yeres ould when hee succeeded in the Realme of the Gothes vnder the gouernment of his mother Amasasiuntha Baldatus being almost in his Cradle was King of the Lombards Sapor was declared Monarke of Persia in his Mothers wombe Herodotus rehearseth the Historie of Aeropus King of Macedonia who being in his swath was caried in the Army against the IlliriaÌ„s and presented to the Souldiers who seeing him were so embouldened that they defyed their ennemyes and expelled them their couÌ„trie To be briefe Agathius maketh mention of the auncient Lawe of our French men whereby the children how yong so euer were called to their fathers Realme Their seauenth obiection is drawen out of a rescript of Pope Innocent the third wherein he threatneth Andrewe the second sonne of Bela the third King of Hungary that if he fulfilled not his fathers vowe in going into the holy land he would trasport his crowne to his second brother to which iniunction the sayd Andrewe obeyed very carefully and after for beating the Soudan of Babilon was surnamed Hierosolomitan But touching our question it doth not in the text appeare that there was euer a Neuew sonne to Andrewes brother that might resist or make head against the second brother so that this decretall maketh nothing to the purpose no more then the discourse of Pope Clement the fifth against the Emperour Henrie of Luxembourg in fauour of Robert the second King of Sicile whome vsually they alledge in the proofe of their aduice The eight reason by our Doctor alleadged is taken of the rule of auncient right whereby wee ordinarely saye that where the condition of the person maketh place for the benefite when the one faileth the other also perisheth But the age and perticuler forebirth gaue this priuiledge to the late Antony of Bourbon King of Nauarre therefore his Sonne cannot haue the like right as not hauing the sayd qualities besides that when the Lawe hath giuen any thing to the sonne the same neuer passeth the wordes of the decree as ordinarely we say tutorem datum ne potibus ordinatum non censeri This reason conteyneth the same that the former and so to be aunswered that it were to true if the person were the onely cause of the priuiledge as appeareth in the consulters examples But wee haue sayd before that in our question we regarde not so much the person of the elder as the qualitie in him resideÌ„t whereby the right and cause of succession is to him obteined which is not extinct with the person sith now it cleaueth
to his cause and goods like as we say that it is the reason why restitutiones in integruÌ„ adolescentibus concessae haeredibus illorum competunt quia laesionis occasione minoribus indulgentur eademque ratione S. C. Vellâ—iani exceptio succcessoribê° quique prodest Item actionis funerariae priuilegiuÌ„ haeredi ac caeteris successoribus non denegatur tempus iudicatis datum haeredibus proficit so that sith this qualitie of eldership hath perfected and obteyned this right and cause of succeeding the deceased father he shall seeme to haue transferred the right that hee had in his goods to his sonne Who also shall be capable of a more personall priuiledge of his father for in trueth by the order of lawe if any thing resteth in actions petitions prosecutions or lawe it shall bee numbred with the goodes So that in this argument sith the right and cause was in the father perfect and absolute wanting no more but execution it will not bee amisse to say that the same right may be said to be comen to him as in lege Julia that worde peruenit Vlpian taketh for accipiendum For notwithstanding succession should neuer fall or take effect in the person of the eldest yet hath the lawe made him during his life possessor of successiue possibilitie and qualitie so that he hath obteyned that right to himself both vnweting and vnawares which proceeding of the authoritie and vertue of the lawe is transmissible and as depending of the cause and matter is to the sonne transferred who is part and portion of his fathers bowels as we haue sufficiently shewed and thereof it ensueth that the elder had not this in his owne person onely but rather illud idem in persona ipsius residebat ab ea tameÌ„ diuersum seperatum illudque idem est acsi non filio id est certae personae lex ipsa detulerit sed liberis i. genero cognato primogenito datuâ—â— fuerit which may stand for an aunswer to the text before alleadged to the contrary of him qui filio tutorem dederat vt nepoti dedisse non videatur 12 The last reason is taken out of the text of the custumary of the towne of Paris the head Cittie of the Realme whereby the vniuersall Estate thereof should be ruled Now by the same it is expressely inferred that the representation can take no place in collateral ligne except betweene the brother and the brothers sonne in the pertition of their deceased brother and vnckles goodes neither hath our writer forgotten to say that it is the order of the Romaines lawe conteyned in the auncient decrees of the Emperours before the which in the olde decemuirall law there was no representation in collaterall ligne Herevpon wee maye alleadge reason of double difference first in respect of the Ciuill law which hath had no consideration at all of enheritaunce vndeuided and not subiect to pertition amoÌ„g successors as also it hath not respected senioritie or innioritie of the heires of the deceased but being in like degree hath equally acknowledged them in the succession to them fallen whereupon it followeth that sith contrary to our pollicie moribus ferè iure gentium omnium instituta require these two qualities in the obteyning of a Realme that is that onely one and he the neerest but among those of equall degree the first borne bee preferred The same lawe and obseruation of birthright might and ought therein to haue perpetuall place of representation which it hath as is largely before discoursed so that to argue betwene the qualities of ciuill and Romaine enheritances and ours both politicall and quite altered there is vnder correction no purpose reason or apparance The other reason shal concerne the article of the customary of Paris which cannot bee vnderstoode of the succession of the Realme because therein the neerest successor to the Crowne is not therefore called heire of the King last deceased to cause in this controuersie the coÌ„mon rules of successors are to be obserued but the Realm belongeth to him in vertue of the common lawe thereof whereby the next male of the bloud Royall must succeede not in qualitie as owner of the goods of the last enioyer of the Crowne but by his birthright although in troth in whatsoeuer concerneth Commonwealth and commoditie he bee bound to keepe and obserue the couenants and agreements of his predecessor and therein onely may he be accompted heire to the King whom he hath succeeded These bee the strongest reasons that those of the contrary opinion can alleadge which also I haue further augmented then our writer least it should seeme to the learned Lawyers to whome onely in this last article I meane to speak that I would omit or dissemble any thing that thei could imagine against the trueth which by this meanes I thincke to haue layd so open for that euery one may perceiue it an easie matter to aunswer all their friuolous allegations by the grounds of the knowledge of the lawes which both the one and the other would vse Wherefore there is no more for the Frenchmen to doe but when occasion shall fall out to resolue vpon the most certaine and reasonable opinion for the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre sonne to the elder brother allowed by a great number of Doctors both Canon and Ciuill euen by the two notable lights of the Lawe Innocent for the Canon lawe and Barthole for the Romaine pollicie who make no difficultie thereof neither is the doubt dispersed ouer the Land to any other ende but to destroye both the one and the other and so to giue opportunitie to a third to become Lord of the Realme vnder whom this Estate will neuer florish and the tyrant the instrument of the deuill who durst enterprize the same shall perish miserably with all such instruments as to that effect he may haue vsed Let therefore the perturbers of the peace of this Realme if they be I say not Christians but euen men capable of naturall reason ponder not the politick Iustice of the societie of this ciuill life but onely the hazard wherin they shal at once plunge their memorie honor wealth life and soule and they shall see vnlesse they will wilfully bee blind those men that shal most employe them selues in fauour of the detestable conspiracie now discouered by all good Frenchmen remaine also ouerwhelmed in the greatest miserie and ruine which shall leaue vnto them more affliction without comparison then to the veriest clownes and poorest pesants in the countrey ouer whose bellies they shall so often haue marched because at y e least the life peace of conscience and diuine vengeaunce shall staye in fauour of these when the others may assure themselues of the losse of the loue of God the light of the worlde and their good fame with y e posteritie for hauing tainted their hands in the bloud of their Kinges Princes and fellow countrymen and for euil entreating them and assisting