the Subscriptions to that Charter but from Bede or other old Authors that use the Phrase Majores of such Officers or Magistrates as Mayors in Cities now seem to be Of which I might give divers Examples It is worth observing how in these Danish storms all Historians make the Counts or great Shireeves to be Generals or Commanders of the Militia And of these I know none more famous than Dorsetshire Reeve Ethelhem in the great Battel of Hampton or in that about Port of which so many write at the Danes first landing thereabouts Danigeld is scarce so ancient Yet this also was granted for provision against Danish Pirates as St. Edward's Laws affirm Who first remitted this Tax but it came up again about forty years after it had been diverted from its first institution and paid as Tribute to the Danes But this was also by Parliament Of which Ingulph and Hoveden with all about Etheldred and Edward I must not digress to the Parliament of Winchester in King Egbert's Sons in which Tenths of Lands as other Tythes were confirmed for Church-Glebe Of which the Saxon Chronologie with Ethelward Hoveden the Abbot of Croyland the Monk of Malmsbury and Matthew of Westminster with divers others before Polydore To which we may adde King Edgar's Oration to St. Dunstan which is known enough As also the Wednesday Masses one for the King and the other pro Ducibus c. Consentientibus The Charter being subscribed by the King Archbishops Dukes Earls and Procerum totius Terrae Aliorumque fidelium infinita Multitudine I should not omit the Parliaments confirming Rome-Scot much mistaken by divers It was granted by King Ina then by Offa and again by King Ethelwoolf not to the Pope as it is generally thought but to the English School or Alms-house for Pilgrims at Rome Yet it was called Peter-pence because fixed on Peters-day A famous day in our Law as may appear by the second of Westminster and other Parliaments But it might be called Peter-pence from King Ina whom at his Baptism in Rome the Pope name Peter as the Saxon Chronicles others Or there might be as much reason for Peter-pence as there was for Peterburg which was Medhamsted but Vows might be performed or absolved here as well as at St. Peter's Threshold in Rome And hence the name of Peterburg But of Peter-pence before Polydore we read in much older Historians especially the Author of King Offa's Life now printed with Matthew Paris Beside the Laws of King Edgar Canutus Edmund and the Confessor where it is called Eleemosynae Regis But in the Saxon Chronology 't is Kynninges and West Seaxena Almessan And in King Alfred's Life by Asser Menevensis Eleemosynae Regis and Anglo-Saxonum Being confirmed by common Assent or Parliament I must omit the Parliament at Kingsbury where among other divers matters a great Charter was confirmed to Crowland Vnanimi Consensu totius Concilii pro Regni Negotiis Congregati Subscribed by the King of Mercia Archbishops Bishops Earls c. And among others by Offâ—at who was Pincerna Regis Ethelwoolphi Legatus Ipsius filiorum Nomine Illorum Omnium West-Saxonum as we are told by the old Abbot who knew it well I might pass over King Alfred's Parliaments so the famous in all Historians and Lawyers But in none I know clearer than in the old Mirrour Of which before for Alfred and his Parliaments twice every year in London With which we may compare one passage in the Confessors Laws touching this great and old City But of this hereafter This was the learned King who perused all the old Trojan Grecian British Molmutian Mercian Danish and Saxon Laws especially those of Ina Offa and King Ethelbert Cum consulto Sapientum partim innovanda curavit as himself speaketh And his Laws were established by Parliaments by his Witan or Witena Atque eis omnibus placuit edici eorum Observatione As learned Lambert translateth the Saxon. But I may not omit King Alfred's Doomsday-book made by such Common Council the great Roll of Winchester which was again renewed by the Confessor and then again by King William the First and then also called the Roll of Winchester and Doomsday as before Of which old Ingulph with Natura Brevium Yet it seemeth that before King Alfred's time there was such a Doom-book made by Ethelwoolf at the time of the Church-Glebe of which Book the Saxon Chronology at the year 854. But this might rather be a Land-book whence the Phrase of Booeland See King Alfred's Will annexed to Asser. But we also find an ancient Doom-book for their Laws and matters Iudicial Of which Doom-book we read in several places of the Laws of Edward the Senior strictly charging all the Judges and Magistrates to be just and equitable Nec quicquam formident quin jus Communae audacter libereque dicant according to the Doom-book And again in Edgar's Laws we find the Doom-book for Tythes and the famous Kyricseat These succeeded King Alfred But long before his time among the Dooms of Withred made about the year 697. by the King and Bishops Cum caeteris Ordinibus and Military-men or Milites at Berghamsted a Fine is set upon a Commander found in Adultery Spretta Sententia Regis Episcopi Boecâ—-Doom I could believe King Ethelbert's Parliaments were Authors to this Doom-book Of which the Roll of Rochester tha Doomas dhe Athelbirth Cyning with Rihtra Dooma in the fore-cited place of Ethelbert in the Saxon Bede of King Alfred How severe his Dooms were to the Counts old Shireeves and Iudges we find in Asser more in Horn and his Kirk-dooms in his Laws which do also speak of Kiric-Ealdor a Church-Elder But again to the Saxon Militia In Alfred's time there was a League made with the Danes Then the Title was Foedus quod Aluredus Guthrunus Regis ferierunt ex Sapientum Anglorum consulto confirmed by Act of Parliament And the Saxon Chronologer addeth That the Dane swore to the Peace and promised to be baptized as he also was and King Alfred was his Godfather naming him Ethelstane Some adde a Daughter of King Alfred's for his Wife which may be worth enquiring more than now may seem The Articles of this League were again renewed and enlarged by Parliament in Edward the Elder A Sapientibus recitata sapius atque ad Communem Regni Vtilitatem Aucta atque Amplificata In the Preface to those Statutes In this Edward's Reign there was an Insurrection and Ethelwald seized on Winborn c. whose Charge and Crimes was this That he did such an Act without permission of the King and Parliament but an tdes Kynings leafe ac his Witena So the Saxon. And Malmsbury addeth That à Proceribus in Exilium trusus Piratus adduxerat But the King summons a Parliament at Exon and there Mid his Witan consulted how the Kingdoms Peace might be restored and preserved Orabat vehementer obtestabatur such was his Mean to the Parliament hoc unum Curent ne
Bishops Abbots Dukes Senators Populo Terrae Lords and Commons It was Decreed and Enacted That Kings should be Elected by the Parliament à Sacerdotibus Senioribus Populi Eligantur and that being so Chosen they should have prudent Councellers fearing God Consiliarios Prudentes Deum Timentes and that Bastards de adulterio vel Incestu procreati should not be admitted to the Crown it is both in Sir Henry Spelman and in the Magdeburgens cent 8. cap. 9. pag. 583. c. Edit Basil 1567. Egbert by all is a fixed settled Monarch but without or against Right of Succession Ordinatur in Regem So Ethelwerd Omnium Consensu Rex Creatur in Polidor Ad Regnum Electus moxque imperare Iussus Patriae desideriis satisfecit as we read in the Monk of Malmsbury About this time the Mannor of Mallings in Sussex was settled on the Church of Canterbury by Act of Parliament Consentientibus Magnatibus It had been given before by one of the Kings but it was recovered again Eo quod Magnates noluere Donationem illam Ratam fore To what Sir Henry Spelman hath of 838 I shall only add that Matthew of Westminster doth afford us Princes Dukes Earls and Barons both in that and former Years besides Inferior Laios and Clergy whom he calleth Rectores Ecclesiarum and in Ingulph we find Principes Duces Comites Barones Comitatus and Baronias with Proceres Majores long before the Norman Ethelwolf a Monk a Deacon and a Bishop yet Elected King because they could not find a fitter person for the Crown Necessitate Cogente factus est Rex in Roger Hoveden Consensus Publicus in Regem Dari petiit in Bale At Rome he repaired the English Colledge lately Burnt but he displeased the Parliament by getting his Son Alfred to be Crowned by the Pope and by Marrying a Daughter of France whom without their Consent he styled Queen which was against the Common and the Statute-Law contra Morem Statuta as we find in Florilegus to be compared with the Saxon Chronology and Asser Menevensis with Wigornensis and Malmsbury before Stow or Polidore But notwithstanding his Coronation by the Pope King Alfred did acknowledge his Kingdom to the Bounty of his Princes and Elders of his People Deus Principes cum Senioribus Populi misericorditer ac benignè dederunt as himself speaketh in his Will subjoyned to his Life by Menevensis wherein he also desireth to leave his People whom he calleth Noble West Saxons as free as mans Thoughts within him Ità Liberos sicut in Homine Cogitatio How far West Sex did then extend may be known in the Saxon Laws with those of St. Edward and Hen. the first where it is Styled Caput Regni Legum as London before to which all must have recourse in omni Dissidentia Contingentum Edward the Senior was his Son but Elected King by Parliament Successor Monarchiae Eadwerus à Primatis Electus my Auhor is old Ethelwerd King Ethestane a natural Son and so excluded from the Crown by Act of Parliament at Calcuth yet being a gallant Prince of great Hopes and Virtues he was Elected Electus magno Consensu Optimatum à Populo consalutatur ab Archiepiscopo more-Majorum Coronatur as we read in Malmsbury Huntingdon and Virgil. Yet there was a great Lord Elfred who opposed much and e're long Rebelled scorning to Submit to him Quem suo non diligisset Arbitrario being sent to Rome to purge himself of this Treason he Forswore it at St. Peters Altar but fell down and being carryed into the English Colledge Dyed and his Estate by Act of Parliament was given to the King Adjudicata est tota Possessio in magnis in Modicis quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum as the Kings Charter speaketh settling his Land on Malmsbury How tender they were of Blood I spake before and of K. Williams Law Nequis occidatur vel suspendatur but Wigornensis and Hoveden speak of K. Henrys Law for Hanging any found in Furto vel Latrocinio yet in Ethelstane the Wergylds were agreed by Parliament and a Kings Life valued at 30000 Thrymses Of Anlo's League among the Saxon Laws that he was chosen King by some that rejected Edmund we read in Florence and Hoveden as of one that Scrupled in Ethestane because he had Sworn Fealty to Anlave in the Monk of Malmsbury but it might be another Anlave Edred came in by Election being preferred before the Sons of Edmund who was King before him of his Parliament Summoned by Writ we spake before in the Militia About this time were the Constitutions of Odo de officio Regum Secularium Principum they are found in Saxon and are now Printed in Latin to be compared with the Statutes of Calcuth What Power they had may appear in Edwin for Incest Excommunicate by the same Odo unanimi omnium Conspiratione Edwino dejecto Eligerunt Deo Dictante Edgarum in Regem Annuente Populo res Regni Publica despertita inter Fratres and afterwards Clito Edgarus ab omni Anglorum Populo Electus est c. Confluentibus Principibus omnis Ordinis Viris cum magna Gloria Bathoniae coronatus est presentibus Praesulibus ac Magnatibus Universis Datis singulis Donariis consuetis quae Reg. Coronat dari Magnatibus consuescant of which Matth. Westmon Malmsbury Hoveden and Florence of Worcester How this Mighty Edgar was handled and Humbled for Ravishing a kind of Nun is observed by divers and that after his seven Years Pennance being not to wear his Crown Congregatis omnibus Angliae Principibus Episcopis Abbatibus The Crown was again Restored to him Coram omni Multitudine Populi Anglorum cunctis Laetantibus Deum in Sancto Dunstano Laudantibus as may be read in Capgrave Baronius of this and a great Lords Rape of that time speaketh of some Appeal to Rome whence Dunstan was commanded Peccatori condescendere but he would understand it only si Penitens Peccatum relinqueret Nec aliter saith Baronius potuit intellexisse Edgar being dead there was much Contest in Electing the next King De Rege eligendo Magna inter Regni Primores orta est Dissensio quidam Eadwardum Quidam eligerunt Ethelredum as the Monk of Worcester besides Hoveden and Matthew of VVestmon who agree also that at length the Arch-Bishops cum Chorepiscopis Abbatibus Ducibusque quamplurimis did Elect Consecrate and Anoint Edward Who enjoyed it with little quiet and among divers Contests of Parliament affrighted at the House Fall or amazed at the Angels or some Strangers voice they knew not whence E're long we find him hudled into Dust at VVarham which Queen Aelfrith or Aelsted attoned by Hospitals or other works of Devotion but a Fiery bloody Cloud followeth a Blazing Comet Of St. Edwards and St. Dunstans annual Festivals established by Parliament the Laws of Canute It was that Dunstan who presaged so much ill of Ethelred at his Baptism and to him
at his Coronation which yet was by consent of Parliament Matris suffragio proceribus Congregatis as the Monk of Malmsbruy Where we have this Compendium of Ethelred Regnum adeptus obsedit potius quam Rexit Annis 37. Saevus in Principio miser in Medio Turpis in Exitu So that we need not wonder at the Parliament which in his Time provided that the greatest and the highest Offenders should have most punishment and heaviest Doom In the Danish Storm he fled to Normandy and the Parliament sent him this Message in VVigornensis Hoveden Huntingdon Florilegus and All That they would receive it again on Condition he would govern more Justly or more Mildly si ipse vel Rectius gubernare vel Mitius By his Son Edward he cajoled both the Lords and the Commons Majores Minoresque Gentis suae promising to be wholly guided by them and so return'd again But he gave so little satisfaction to his People that they rejected his Sons and Elected Canute Who did solemnly Swear to them quod secundum Deum secundum Seculum Fidelis esse vellet eis dominus as the Monk at VVorcester and those that follow him Yet it is also agreed that the Citizens of London pars Nobilium did Elect Edmund Ironside and that the Kingdom was also parted between these Two by consent of Parliament and beside the croud in the Road the Laws of the Confessor do assert that Agreement to the Parliament Universis Angliae Primatibus assensum Praebentibus Edmund lived but a few Months to interrupt Canute who was then received by Consent of All Iuraverunt illi quod eum Regem sibi eligere vellent Foedus etiam cum Principibus omni Populo ipse illi eum ipso percusserunt as Old Florence and Hoveden besides the Saxon Chronology and the Abbot of Croyland hath it thus Omnium Consensu Canutus super totam Angliam Coronatus Of his Parliaments and their good Laws I spake before and of their Oath to the Kingdom much might be added And besides all Historians Fleta speaketh of his Brief or Writ sent to the Pope and of his Church-seed payed as he saith Sanctae Ecclesiae die Sancti Martini Tempore tam Britonum quam Anglorum Lib. 1. Cap. 47. Harold came after Consentientibus quam plurimis Natu Majoribus Angliae As Wigornensis and Hoveden Electus est in Regem fuit N. Magnum placitum aput Oxenford Elegerunt Haroldum as we read in Huntingdon and Matthew of Westminster But Harold being dead Proceres ferme totius Angliae Legatos ad Hardicanutum Bricgae Mittentes Rogaverunt illum ut Angliam veniret Sceptra Regni susciperet And afterward Gaudentur ab omnibus suscipitur and Huntingdon addeth Electus est But he did nothing worthy of their Choice and so became odious E're long we find him swooning at Lambeth in the midst of a Wedding Jollity and soon after Expiring Edward the Confessor succeedeth by Election Paruit Edwardus Electus est in Regem ad omni Populo And Florilegus addeth to Huntingdon That Annuente Clero Populo Londinis in Regem Eligitur As before them both Ingulph Omnium Electione in Edwardum Concordatur His Elder Brother Elfred stepping in between the Death of Harold and Hardicanute Compatriotarum perfidia maxime Godwini Luminibus orbatus est and little less than Famished Godwin excuseth himself by the Kings Service or Command but it would not acquit him though he bestowed costly Bribes Edward can hardly dissemble it Godwine rageth flieth out into Rebellion and is Banished it seems by Parliament E're long he returns again presuming on his Great Friends and Alliance but in Parliament the King Appeals him of his Brothers Death which Godwine denies and puts himself upon the Parliament as did the King saying That they had heard his Appeal and the Earls Answer and it remained that they should do Justice and pronounce Judgment It was in Debate whether a Subject might Combat his Prince upon Appeal but at length the Quarrel was composed by the Parliament till Godwine curseth himself and is choaked as his Lands swallowed in Godwins Sands of which Old Wigornensis and Hoveden with Malmsbury Huntingdon Florilegus and divers others but especially Aornalensis and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour That King Edward named the Duke of Normandy for his Successor is affirmed by some that follow the Abbot of Croyland and Malmsbury but the Monk of Worcester asserteth Harold to be chosen by the King and Parliament to be his Successor Quem Rex Successorem elegerat à totius Angliae Primatibus ad Regale Culmen electus as Roger Hoveden in the same words And the Monk of Malmsbury confesseth That Angli dicant a Rege Concessum c. Adding also That Harold excuseth his Breach of Oath to the Norman in which All agree by saying It was presumption so to swear or promise the Succession to the Crown without consent and act of Parliament Absque Generali Senatus Populi Conventu Edicto or Absque Generali consensu as Matthew Paris and Westminster express it but what in them is Tanto favore Principum as in Malmsbury and the continuer of Bede Tanto favore Civium regendum susceperit Of William the Norman much in the Militia much yet to be added for his Election and the Peoples free consent against his Conquest Londonias eum Episcopis plurimis Petit Laetanter receptus oranterque Rex conclamatus So the Abbot of Croyland living at the time which Malmsbury expresseth thus Londoniam petit moxque cum gratulatione Cives omnes effusi obviam vadunt prorupit omnibus portis unda Salutantium auctoribus Magnatibus Ita Angli qui in unam coeuntes sententiam potuissent Patriae reformare ruinam dum nullum ex suis vobebant induxere Alienum Huntingdon thus Susceptus est à Londiniensibus pacifice Coronatus Matthew Paris and Florilegus thus In Magna exultatione à Clero Populo susceptus ab Omnibus Rex acclamatus Gemitivensis addeth That ab omnibus Proceribus Rex est electus Sacro Oleo ab Episcopis Regni delibutus as Walsingham in his Neustria Wigornensis telleth us that before his Coronation he did solemnly Swear Coram Clero populo se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias Rectores illarum defendere nec non cunctum populum juste regere rectam Legem statuere Tenere c. So also doth Hoveden Matthew Paris in the Life of Frethrerick Abbot of St. Albans sheweth how free the Norman found our Ancestors Iugum servitutis à tempore Bruti nescientes more Normanorum Barbas radere which they note in Caesar also of the Britains and concludeth that pro bono pacis he did solemnly swear to observe their Old Laws Bonas Approbatas antiquas Leges quas Sancti Pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores Maxime Rex Edwardus statuit inviolabiliter observare the like Phrase we find in Ingulph of the same Laws
Parliamenti sedebunt nullus stabit sed quando loquitur ut omnes audiantur à Paribus And again Nullus solus potest nec debet recedere à Parliamento sine Licentia Regis omnium Parium Parliamenti hoc in pleno Parliamento Ità quod inde fiat mentio in Rotulis Parliamenti It may be possible That Bracton and Fleta with others may use the Phrase Pares in such a sence when they say That the King or his Commissioners should not judge and determine of Treason but Pares Which may be added to the 25 th of Edw. 3. reserving Treason to Parliament where of Old it seemeth only determinable so that The Mirror would not have it Endicted but by Accusation and in full Parliament as in King Edmund's Time c. Cap. 2. Sect. 11. and in Edw. the 3 d it was enacted That Offences of Peers and great Officers and those who sued against the Laws should be tryed in Parliament And although now the Phrase be given to all the Lords of Parliament yet it was most or only proper to the Earls whom by Law and custom the King styleth Consanguineos and he might style them his Peers or Companions as in Latine Comites So Bracton Comites dicuntur quasi Socii Regis qui habet Socium habet Magistrum and in another place A Societate Reges enim tales sibi Associant ad consulendum regendum Populum Dei and the like is in Fleta Comites à Comitiva dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine Freno Frenum sibi apponere tenentur c. which is also in Bracton The Mirror is yet clearer although the King had no Equals yet because himself or his Commissars might not be Judge it was provided by Law that he should have Companions to hear and determine all his Torts c Aux Parliaments and those Companions were called Countees Earls from the Latine Comites So also Sarisberiensis cited before in Hen. 2. Comites à Societatis participatione dici quisquis ignorat ignarus est literarum c. some will have them Comites Socii in Fisca because of old some Earls had a third part of profits accrewing by Pleas and Forfeitures in their Counties as the Laws of the Confessor and Mr. Selden in his Comes but he will also grant their name à Comitiva potestate rather than from such Communion of profits That the old Sheriffs also who were Vice-Comites did come to Parliament appeareth in the Ancient Writs and Histories and yet the Barons seem to be the Kingdoms Iudges and the present Earls may seem to sit in Parliament but onely as Barons who are now all Peers and Lords and Parliament But although the Lords were the great Iudges of the Kingdom and of all Members thereof yet it is well known that in full Parliament as old as Edw. 3. they did not only acknowledge but protest that they were not to Iudge the Commons in Cases of Treason and Felony being not their Peers How it was in Rich. the Second may be seen at large in the Rolls and Records now printed in Edward the Second the Commons proceeded by the Judgment of the Lords for which also the Fructus temporum cited before may be added to all in the Road. Appeals and Writs of Error were from the King to the Lords in Ecclesiasticals that touched the King they were to the Spiritual Prelates Abbots and Priors of the Upper House by Act of Parliament in 24 Hen. 8. till which it may be Temporal Lords had also Cognizance of such as well as Temporals And Writs of Error in the Parliament were Judged by the Lords for they came from the Kings Court his Bench or his Exchequer and if Errors had been in the Common Pleas or below it they should not be brought into Parliament but to the Kings-Bench and from the Kings-Bench as from the King not otherwise they came to the Lords and although there was a formal Petition for removing the Record from the King it was but of Course and the King could not deny it Which we found granted by all the old Lawyers and Historians as I shewed before and by the grand Master and Patron of Law King Edw. 1. in Britton because none may Judge in his own Cause Therefore in Causes where our self shall be Party we do consent que N. Court soit judg Sicome Counts Barons in Temps de Parliament In the Laws of Hen. 1. one of the Chapters beginneth thus Iudices sunt Barones Comitatus qui liberas in eis terras habent for in those times Barons were by Tenure only not by Patent that I know till Beauchamp of Holt in Rich. 2. nor by Writ that I can find till the Barons Wars but K. Johns Charter is to Summon Comites Barones Regni majores sigillatim per literas N. But all that hold in Capitae by general Summons forty days before the Parliament and that Negotium procedat ad diem assignatum secundum consilium eorum qui presentes fuerint quamvis non omnes submoniti venerint and the Summons of Delinquents or Suitors in Parliament was to appear and abide the Judgment of the Court not of the King but of his Court for the King is Father and not Judge of his People in his proper Person as was shewed before and all the Books agree that he must Commit his Jurisdiction unto Judges in the Courts of Justice and when he might assume great Offices into his own Hands by Parliament in Edw. the third all Judges were expresly excepted and the Judges Oaths and several Acts of Parliament require them to proceed according to the Law notwithstanding the Kings Command or Seal against it and the Register affordeth a Writ to Supersede or Revoke any such Seal from the King himself to any of the Judges And the Lord Chief Justices as the Lord Chancellor and Treasurer were Chosen by the Kingdom as we found before in the time of Hen. 3. how much more then should the Lords of Parliament be made by Parliament for else they be the Kings Commissioners So the Roman saith our German Fathers chose their Lords in Common Council to be Judges in iisdem Conciliis Eliguntur Principes qui Jura reddunt De Minoribus consultant Principes de Majoribus Omnes And Caesar also observeth that their Princes or Lords were their great Judges sed Principes Regionem atque Pagorum inter suos jus dicunt Controversiasque minuunt Yet Tacitus will also tell us that with those Princes they did joyn Commons Centeni ex Plebe Comites which were perhaps the Fathers of our County Hundreds And in K. Williams Edition of the Confessor's Laws when he inclined so much to them of Norwey Universi Compatriotae Regni qui Leges Edixerant came and besought him not to change their Old Laws and Customs of their Ancestors because they could not judge from Laws they understood not quia durum valde foret sibi suscipere
Lists which I would avoid as a Purgatory being otherwise I say not better imployed than in such unprofitable Wranglings I should believe it not very difficult much less impossible to maintain That both the Moulding and Manage the Make and the Use of the Kingdoms Militia was ever immediately subject to the Command of the Courts of Iustice especially the Parliaments which may in a large Sense of Law be called the Crown or King's Politick Capacity but never I think to the King's Person alone which in Law is still an Infant as the Mirrour expresly calls him though his common Capacity be ever of age Be the Person a Child an Infant Lunatick Incompos Mentis or a Woman which sure our Ancestors could not but deem a most unlikely Person for a wise and valiant General If I were compelled to argue this it should not be only from right Reason or the Law of Nature which yet to me seemeth much to encline this way The Feet are to bear and the Hands to help to hold to bind and rub the Head in any Distemper or Weakness but if I should hear of any Man born with his Heels in his Neck or his Hands tyed to his Head or immediately under his Chin I should think it a Monster And wherever both Hands and Feet are at their due Distance from the Head with divers Nerves and other Vessels Bones and other parts between them yet I never heard or knew that they did obey the Head till it did command itself and them also by Reason or till it also doth Obey not only its own Eyes and Ears but the Common Sense and Reason of the Soul I must confess I have heard that Ticho-Brah did sometimes imagine that he found Mars below or under the Sun But if it were really so it seems as great a Prodigy in Nature as the new Star and that of Mars rather than a new Star in Cassiopeia might presage those sad Commotions which have since followed in many Places of Europe while Mars hath been so much below or under the Sun For by Nature Mars was said and ever thought to be placed immediately under Iupiter the great Judg or Court of Iustice which should command the Sword And so it doth by Law For in England the Iudgments given in any Court of Record do so command the Militia for Execution for a Writ runs of Course which was made by Common Consent and cannot be denyed Release to all Actions will not hold against Execution except all Suits were also released But this is such a Suit as the Law calls a Demand which may not be denyed And for other Cases of Routs Riots unlawful Assemblies Invasions c. The Posse Comitatus and by Consequence the Posse Regni was Disposed and Commanded by known sworn Officers that acted Virtute Officii by the Law and Custom of the Kingdom For it may be known that the old Iustices or Conservators of the Peace were chosen by the Counties as appeareth by Writs yet to be read from the Rolls of Edward the First And now their Commission and their Power dependeth on Parliament Nor could the Chancery have given such a Power had it not been so Established by Parliament which hath also strictly provided for their Legal Nomination and Election For which the Statutes of Richard the Second Henry the Fifth Henry the Sixth and before them all Edward the third thought it were not printed And it is very well known how by the Common-Law and Custom of the Kingdom all the Sheriffs do command the Posse Regni in their several Counties and that not onely Execution of Writs which may be thought to be Matters of Peace But the Lawyers know that Sheriff is Custos Legis and Reipublicae as well as of Peace of which he is the Principal Conservator in his Shire and County Nor may it be Presumption to say That all these Sheriffs also ought to be and so were chosen by the People as is sufficiently found in Hoveden and in the Laws of the Confessor And in full Parliament of Edward the first it was declared to be the Law and Custom of the Kingdom and therefore so setled in the Choice of the People There was in latter times some Alteration made in Choice of Sheriffs but it was by Parliament However we all know that Headboroughs Constables greater men than themselves know Coroners and divers others are yet still chosen in the Counties and do act by Custom and Common-Law And the Sheriff also however he be chosen yet he stands not by Commission nor ought to fall with Kings death But is a standing Officer by Common-Law Who may command all Lords Knights Gentlemen and others in his County by his Writ of Assistance Which issueth of course to every Sheriff I need not say how little the Kings Personal Command or Warrant can by Law interrupt or hinder the Process of Sheriffs Iustices Constables or others in their legal course for the Publick Peace Yea insomuch that if I should have beaten a Drum or raised Forces to rescue King Henry the Eighth from the Compter for abusing a Petty Watch in a Night-walk I might have been arraigned for it And so I might have been for refusing to fire the Beacons or to have raised the Counties if I had seen a Navie of French or Turks landing in King Iohn's time Although the King had come to me and bid me quiet because they were Friends or such as he invited in for the good of his Kingdom Which from his own Mouth or under his hand would have been no legal Supersedeas to a private man in case of such Danger much less to a Sheriff or other sworn Officer For in such cases of Apparent Danger any man that is next may esteem himself an Officer as in quenching great Fires or damming out the Sea And in such though the King himself should forbid me or get me indicted I may demur and put my self on the Judges of Law especially Parliament the most proper Judges in such Causes And to Lawyers I need not cite Records or Precedents Nor shall I need to adde That in case of Foreign Invasion or Intestine Motions and Breaches of Publick Peace the Common known Laws of the Land will warrant a Sheriff Officer or private man to go over a Pale an Hedge a Ditch or other Bound of a Shire or County In which our Ancestors were not so ceremonious or superstitious in case of hot Pursuit or the like Although they were punctual enough in keeping of Land-marks And in Peace in cases of real Actions and personal Trials They were very tender of those Marks in special that bounded out Shires or Counties The Original of Shires and Sheriffs is generally fixed upon King Alfred But the old Abbot of Crowland whence this arose seemeth to speak of new Names rather than Things for himself hath Provincias Comites Vice Domini though not Vice Comites of Ages before King Alfred And the Monk of
Parliamento personaliter Existentibus And the Title of these Acts is Statutae Canuti Regis Angl. Dan. Norw venerando Sapientum ejus Concilio ad Laudem Gloriam Dei sui Regalitatem Reipub. Utilitatem Commune Commodum habita in S. Nat. D. apud Winton c. This I find also cited by the great Judge in one part of his Reports but fuller by Sir Henry Spelman It would be tedious and superfluous to cite the Authors that assert he did confirm King Edgar's Laws in full Parliament For which we might produce some better or at least much older than good Bale or Grafton Many of his Acts of Parliament are printed Consultum quod Canut Angl. Dan. Norw Rex Sapientum Concilio Wintoniae Sancivit Here Allegiance or Fealty setled by Parliament and afterwards Praecipimus uniuscujusque Ordinis singuli Muneris atque Officii sui Religionem Diligenter cauteque teneant And among other Encouragements to Chastity this is one That such chast men of God should enjoy the same Rights or Priviledges with Thanes and Ethelstane's Laws do equal Priests with Thanes But there are two or three degrees of Thanes in these Laws about the Hereots for the Eorles and Thanes c. much to be marked as pertaining to the Militia For which and for all Canutes Laws the old MSS. Huntingdon is worth perusal Again we find other Statutes Civil or Politick Sapientum adhibito Consilio Mid Minan Witenan raede that Man heald ofer eall Englaland With provision against Thieves Robbers for the Peace Hue and Cry c. There are Statutes also for repair of Burgs and Bridges Scyrforhinga praefidii fiat apparatus Terrestis ac Maritimus quoties ejus Muneris Necessitas Reipublicae obvenerit And presently after Quae ad Reipublicae pertinent Vtilitatem Among the Crown-Prerogatives Violata Pacis Divitatae Militiae Mulcta Sheriffs Turns Hundreds and Tythings are here confirmed and the twelve-year-old Fealty with views of Frank-pledge But this Oath was to the Kingdom rather than to the King Fidem det omni se in posterum aetate tum Furti tum Furti Societate Conscientià temperaturum Again of passing Ordeals Sythan tha Gemot waes on Winceaster since the Parliament at Winchester this being at Oxford at after Iussum vero ac Placitum hoc Nostrum si Praepositorum aliquis incuriâ omiserit aut exequi aspernabitur ex Nostrà Omnium Sententia Regi 120 s. Dependito A clear Parliament Si quis alium injustè armis spoliavit eam quae est loco Colli obstricti Mulctam Dependito Healsfange It is also in the same Laws the punishment of false Witnesses Some think it the Pillory some worse as the Original of that Proverbial Letany From Hell and from Halefax See K. Hen. Laws and Helfang Si quis in Militiâ perfectione Militari pacem violaverit vita vel Weregild Mulctator si quid rapuerit pro facti Ratione compensato Si quis Pensionem ad oppida pontesve reficiendos denegarit Militiamve subterfugerit dato is Regi 120 s. Again in those Statutes The King must live upon his own Feormians or Farms which in Saxon afford all needful for man and none may be compelled to give him any Maintenance That the Folk be not burthened It is the 67th Chapter Loss of Dower or Joynture to Widows marrying within twelve months might seem hard but so long she need not pay any Heriot And the same Laws free the Wife from her Husbands Theft although found with her except it be lockt in her Hord Chest or Tyge Dispensae arctae Serinii Of which that Law giveth her leave to keep the Keys But Ina's Laws are hard concerning Children Again for the Militia He that in Sea or Land-fight leaveth his Lord or Comrague Felugo must die as a Traytor his Boocland to the King other 〈…〉 Estate to his Lord. But of him that dieth fighting with his Lord without any Heriot the Heirs may enter and Scyftan hit swithe righte Of this Shift-Land and Gavelkind Lambard in Terra Scripto Perambulation of Kent and Spot of Canterbury besides several Acts of Parliament in Edw. 1. Edw. 3. and Hen. 8. If Celeberrimus ex omni Satrapia Conventus which is there and by King Edgar also to be twice a year or oftner be Parliament as such great men have thought then have we much here also for Power and Priviledge of Parliament Nay more indeed if it were but the Grand Folemoot or Sheriffs Turn so much below a Parliament He that in such a Grand Moot had defended and maintained his Right and Plea to any Land is there setled without dispute for his life and his Heirs or Assigns as his Will should dispose Chapter 76. And again for Priviledge of Parliament or yet lower Sive quis ad Comitia profiscator sive revertatur ab eisdem from Gemote or to Gemote placidissima pace fruitur nisi quidem furti fuerit manifestus Theof Thievery founded more with them than now with us For their twelve-year-Oath of which before at Frank-pledge was onely against Theof which yet seemeth to intend all above it for what forbiddeth the less forbiddeth the greater much more One thing more I may observe through all these and other old Laws there is still so much Religion and plain-hearted Simplicity with Piety expressed that it shews our Ancestors had not yet learned to be ashamed of their God or of looking towards Heaven I have been the longer in these that so I may be the more brief in those that follow for by this time I am come to the Laws of St. Edward as he is called and I should mispend my own time and abuse others in vouching all the Demonstrations of Parliaments in his time His Charters to Westminster are near enough and may be known of all wherein he confesseth his Resolutions for going to Rome But Optimates Communi habito Concilio rogabant me ut ab intentione desisterem his Vows made him more pressing than else he should have been But these also his Parliament undertook to satisfie Et tandem utrisque placuit so he speaks ut mitterentur Legati c. While these stayed at Rome procuring his Absolution a Vision to a Monk commandeth repairing or refounding of St. Peters Westminster as antient as Austin the Monk I cannot omit a passage in one of the Popes Letters of that time telling the King That he must expect great Motions and Alterations for the World was near its great Change and the Kingdom which he calls Sanctorum Regnum foretold in the Scripture was coming to begin and never should have an end King Edward refers it to the Parliament and at length Cum totius Regni Electione they are his own words he sets upon the decayed Minster Which he rebuilt with the Tenth of his whole Estate and there reposed the Reliques which the Popes gave to King Alfred at his Consecration with this grand Priviledge of Refuge and Pardon to any that fled
call it and the Barons of Wars Or the time of the great Charter For since that time the Rolls and Printed Acts are every where much larger and much better than my little reading or my leasure can present them Two words have sound of horror to the People who are taught to think them both oppressions and the sins of him they call the Conqueror Dane-geld and the Book of Dooms-day Some have added Curfeu with I know not what to make poor Children quake These have been proved to be long before the Normans coming in To that of Dane-geld I may add that good King Edward did also retain it to his Coffers when the Danish Storm was over till he saw the Devil dance upon it As the Crouland Abbot doth Record But it did rise from one to three to four to six shillings on the Hide but so by Parliament as may be much collected from the 11th Chap. of King Edwards Laws compared with Florence of Worcester Hoveden Huntingdon Math. Paris and Math. of Westminster besides some others which we must produce e're long And to say nothing of eleemosyne pro Aratris of which Canute and Ethelred it is clear in King Ethelstanes Laws that single Hides or Ploughlands in England were to maintain two Horsemen with Arms by Act of Parliament And this was more it seems than ever was King Williams Hydage or Dane-geld Which may be added to King Ethelstanes Militia as also his Doom book for all Judgments in one Form of which his Laws speak to what is said of Booca Doom But to King Williams Doomsday I shall now add to what before that besides the Mirror and Fitz-Herberts N. B. with the old Abbot of Crouland There is enough in every segment of that Roll to make one know it was a Review and little but a Review of what was done before They do abuse us else that bid us read the T. E. R. in all that Roll Tempore Edwardi Regis plain enough sometimes without all Divination That it was also confirmed by Parliament may be clear enough from the many exemptions a servitio Regis and a Vice-comit Nay to some inferiour places as Ely and Worcester Besides old Crowland which was not exempted from such service till the latter Saxon or first Normans time though Ingulph spake of divers Ethelreds But the same Abbot will tell us that this Doom Book was now also made juxta Taxatorum fidem qui Electi de qualibet Patria c. And that his Taxors were both kind and merciful non ad verum pretium nec ad verum spatium c. So preventing future Burthens and Exactions Talem Rotulum multum similem ediderat quondam Rex Alfredus c. But Alfreds own Will seemeth to carry it higher Nor was Ingulph's favour at the Court altogether useless for by that we come to know that our Norman King even in little things proceeded by a Great Councel So that our Abbots Charters must be viewed by Parliment Coram Domino meo Rege ac universo Concilio c. Thence he brought St. Edward's Laws as was observed before Huntingdon and Matthew Paris with Matthew of Westminster spake of his Hydage and Dooms-day as done with great Advice and Justice Misit Iusticiarios per unamquamque scyram inquirere fecit per jusjurandum quot Hydae i. e. jugera uni Aratro sufficientia per annum essent in unaquaque c. Nor are they wholy silent of his Parliaments Cum de more tenuisset curiam suam in Natali ad Gloucestriam and again at Winchester the like at London in another season Tilburiensis telleth us that Mony was paid to the Crown by Cities and Castles that used no Tillage But from the Land or Farms only Victuals till Henry the first And when the Kings foreign Wars did make him press for ready Mony the people murmured offering their Plowshares Horum igitur Querelis inclinatus Rex by advice of his Great council definito magnatum Concilio he sent out discreet prudent men that upon view of all the Lands should assesse the sums which the Sheriffs were to pay into the Exchequer This Gervase lived a while after King William Florence of Worcester near his Reign he telleth us of a Great Councel at Winchester And again of another at a place called Pedred not only by the King Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls but also primatibus totius Angliae a full Parliament for which Florilegius and Walsingham Newstria may be considered with Hoveden following Wigornens That in his Reign there was an High Constable of England ceasing in Henry the Eight appeareth by the Parliament Rolls of Edward the Fourth but Alfigar in the Book of Ely was such in St. Edwards time and to Him some ascribe the Constable of Dover with the Warden and Priviledge of the Cinque Ports with their Hamlets or Circuit including Rye and Winchelsey But all this speaketh Parliament as doth also his New Church Priviledge Communi Concilio Archiep. Episcop Abbat omnium Principum Regni mei Yet to be seen not only at Sir Robert Cottons Jewel House but among the Rolls with King Richards Charters for the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln This exemption of the Church from Seculars c. is the more considerable because it came up with the Norman King at the time of Hildebrand whose Letters missive came hither ad Willielmi Regis Concilium And that this Councel was a full Parliament appeareth by the Charters as I may call them of the Arch-Bishop of York ex praecepto Papae Gregorii 7. and Confirmatione Domini Willielmi Regis sub Testimonio Universalis Anglorum Concilii c. Of which Roger Hoveden is clear telling us also that this King summoned the Arch Bishops Bishops Abbots Counts Barons Vice Comit. cum suis Militibus were these Knights of Shires To this I may add from the Continuer of the Saxon Chronology that Lanfranc came hither from Caen on the Kings call and the Popes Command primatum Regni Anglorum in Ecclesia Cant. suscepit eligentibus eum Senioribus cum Episcopis principibus clero Populo Angliae in curia Regis a very clear and full Parliament Nor may I so wrong our Common Law as to detain that antient Record which the great Judg in his Reports citeth of a Writ of Right brought by this Lanfranc against Odo Bishop of Bajeux and removed by a Toll into the County Court where the King commanded all the good Lawyers to attend the County a toto Comitatu Recordatum atque judicatum est That as the King held his Lands in His Demesn in Dominio suo so was the Arch Bishop to hold his omnino liberas quietas in Dominiquo suo which Judgment was afterward confirmed by the King and Parliament cum consensu omnium principum suorum With which Record I may compare the old Manuscrips in Bennets Coll. Cambridge telling us of a great Moot magnum placitum in loco qui dicitur Pinenden in
quo Lanfrancus diratiocinatur and the conclusion that he was to hold his Lands and Customs by Sea and Land as free as the King held his ezcept in three things si regalis via fuerit effossa arbor incisa juxta super eam ceciderit si homicidium factum sanguis in ea fusus fuerit Regi dabit alioquin liber a Regis exactoribus In the same Author were read of a Great Counsel at London in that Normans Reign and of another at Glocester where the Arch Bishop of York jubente Rege et Lanfranco consentiente did consecrate William Bishop of Durham having no help adjunctorium from the Scottish Bishops subject to him which may be added to that before of Scotland belonging to the Province or Diocesse of York Nor can I abstain from the next paragraph in the same Author how Lanfranc did consecrate Donate a Monk of Canterbury ad Regnum Dubliniae at the Request of the King Clergy and people of Ireland Petente Rege clero populo Hiberniae which with divers others might be one Argument for the Antiquity of Irish Parliments and their dependance on England long before King Henry the Second For which I might also cite King Edgars Charters Oswalds Law and divers Historians of his times But the Charters mention Dublin it self and yet our Lawyers are so Courteous as to free Ireland from our Laws and Customs till towards the end of King Iohn and some of them conjecture that the Brehon Law came in again and that our Parliament obliged them not till Poynings Law in Henry the seventh But to return to our Norman King I need not beg proofs of Parliaments in his time at least not to those who know the Priviledge of antient Demesne which therefore is free from sending to Parliaments and from Knights Charges and Taxes of Parliament because it was in the Crowns not only in King William but before him in King Edward and the Rolls of Winchester for which the old Books are very clear with divers Records of Edward the third and Henry the fourth besides natura brevium That I say nothing of the old Tractat. de antiquo Dominico which is stiled a Statute among our English Statutes And besides all the late Reports or Records I find it in the Year Books of Edward the Third that he sued a Writ of Contempt against the Bishop of Norwich for encroaching on Edmondsbury against express Act of Parliament By King William the Conqueror and by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the other Bishops Counts and Barons of England It is 21 of Ed. 3. Mich. fol. 60. Title 7. Contempt against an Act of Parliament This might well be one of the reasons why the great Judge giveth so much credit to the old Modus of Parliament as it was held in the time of King Edward the Confessor which as the antient copy saith was by the discreet men of the Kingdom recited before King William the Norman and by him approved and in his time used I have cited it before and compared it with Irish Modus which my much honoured friend Mr. Hackewil one of the Masters of Chancery hath under his hand attested from the Great Seal and Charter of Henry the fourth which himself hath seen reciting a former Charter of King Henry R. Angliae Hiberniae conquestor Dominus who sent the same Modus into Ireland Where himself or his Son Iohn sans terre had no great work to reduce them to the civility of Parliaments To which they had been long before accustomed and the Roll saith communi omnium de Hibernia consensu teneri statuit c. nor doth the division of the Irish-Shires seem so lately setled as some have thought although I may not dissent from the great Patron of Civill and Ecclesiastical Learning the late Primate of Ireland Touching that Irish Modus I have very little to add to the fourth part of the great Institutes in several places I shall now only observe that both these old Modi of Parliaments do agree in this Custom of the Kingdom that the King should require no Ayd but in full Parliament and in Writing to be delivered to each in degree Parliament And both they agree that every new difficult case of Peace and any war emergent within or without the Kingdom vel Guerre emergat in Regno vel extra ought to be written down in full Parliaments and therein to be debated which may be considered by all that will argue the Militia To which also we may add one clause of the Jewish Laws of their great Sanhedrim to whom they retain the power of Peace and War especially where it is Arbitrary and not meerly defensive in which the Law of nature maketh many Magistrates and this might with ease be confirmed from the Laws and Customs of all Civil Kingdoms in all ages But I must not wander from our English Laws I had almost forgotten that which should be well remembred Although many would perswade us to seek our Laws in the Custumier of Normandy it is not only affirmed in the Great Reports but also asserted by Guil de Rovell Alenconien and proved by divers Arguments in his Commentaries on that Grand Custumier that the Normans had their chief Laws from Hence As had also the Danes in the time of Canute for which we might have more proof and witness than the Abbot of Crowland So much even strangers did Love and Honour old English Laws Of King William the Second Sirnamed Rufus I shall speak but little for I must discuss his Election and Coronation Oath in a fitter place Some footsteps we find of his Parliaments in divers Wigornensis and Hoveden tell us that when he would have constrained the Scottish King ut secundum judicium Baronum suorum in curia sua Rectitudinem ei faceret Malcolm did refuse to do it but in the Confines or Marches Where he could not deny but the Kings of Scotland were accustomed rectitudinem facere regibus Angliae But he then said it ought to be by the Iudgement of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms secundum judicium utriusque Regni primatum And I find the like Record cited on Fortescue from Godfrey of Malmsbury But Huntingdon and Matthew Paris also relate that the same King Malcolm did submit both to do Homage and to swear Fealty to our English King and Paris addetth a pretty Story of King Malcolms overlooking Treason But again to King William Of his Errors in Government I shall only say that if Edom did really signified Red as hath been thought I could believe that all Historians speaking of Adamites then oppressing the People might allude to the near affinity between Edom and Rufus for Red. For this was his Sirname of King William the Second Henry the First is yet alive in his Laws and Charters Not only in Wendover with other Historians but among the Rolls and Records yet to be seen in the Exchequer They are now in Print
bring any Letters of Excommunication or attempt a Voyage beyond Sea without a Licence And for sequestration of the Peter pence till further order If that I have cited already were not clear enough for Parliament in these we may have more from Wendover or Matthew Paris where we are expresly told that the great meeting at Clarendon of which before was made up of a Lord President de mandato ipsius Regis with Arch-Bishops Abbots Earls Barons and to these also are added Proceres Regni which may here speak the Commons as in Hoveden Populus so often expressed of that Parliament For it may be remembred that Virgil himself doth acknowledge the Commons also to be very frequently called to Parliament from the time of King William as we may read in his large description of our Parliaments in Henry the first To which also for this Parliament at Clarendon we might cite very many Historians besides Gervase and the Quadrilogus or Becket's Life by 4 cited on Eadmerus and in Ianus from which there is much to be added to that in Matthew Paris Where it is also asserted that these Constitutions of Clarendon were not only agreed but expresly sworn by all the degrees of Parliament Episcopi Clerus cum Comitibus Baronibus ac Proceribus cunctis Iuraverunt c. as also that these were but a Recognition or Recordation of some part of the Customs and Liberties antecessorum suorum Of which also Florilegus thus coram lege Magnatibus facta est Recordatio regiarum Libertatum Consuetudinum Cui Archiepiscopus assensum non praebuit c. Nor would it be hard to shew very many if not all of them agreed in Elder times Of Foreign Appeals we spake before and the Writ Ne Exeas Regnum is as old as Rufus if we may beleive Polidore or better Authors To that of Appeals from Ecclesiastical Courts to the King or Delegates I can add very little to what is in Caudries Case in the 5th part of the great Reports with the preface to the 6th That against Excommunication of the Kings Tenants or as the Elder Law was of the Barons is cleared enough in the Notes on Eadmerus from the first Norman Records To which may be added a Law of Henry the first of the Wills or Legacies of his Barons vel Hominum with which the Learned Ianus compareth an Old Law of Canute and toucheth the power of the Ordinary in Case of Intestates which is prescribed from most antient Parliaments but the Original doth not appear I must not spend time in heaping up the many proofs of Parliament for the Assizes of Clarendon which were again renued at Northampton Hoveden is large and clear for them all and for the Circuits and Iudges in Eyre by full Parliment Communi omnium Concilio But the Mirror and those that write of Alfred will afford us these in many older Parliaments From that Assize of Arms for every Fee we may learn to expound the Statute of Winchester and others speaking of a former antient Assize which is here found at large To which I may add that what is here spoken of the Iustices presenting to the King may be expounded to the King of Parliament As is fully expressed not only in Fleta but in the said Statute of Winchester The Iustices assigned shall present the dafaults at every Parliament The defaults of Arms for the Militia And by this time I shall not need to speak of Escuage in H. 2d assessed by Parliament for Tholouse Wales and Ireland of which Gervase the red Book in the Exchequer and Matth. Paris with the Notes of Hengham To which I might add Matth. of Westmin de unaquaque Carrucata terrae totius Angliae quatuor denarii Concessi sunt collecti for the Holy Land But when he had the offer of the Kingdom of Ierusalem Convocato Clero Regni ac Populo it was rejected Concilio universo as the Monk of St. Albans speaketh Of K. Rich. Coronation and his Oath before the Nobles Clero Populo Hoveden is very large From him it may be found in others And of the Jews in those times to whom he was a Friend as his Charters shew and very sorry for their sufferings who did help him much for his Eastern Wars as some relate with Polydore See Mr. Selden on Arundeliana Marmora his great Charter to the King of Scotland of many Liberties for which he did recieve 10000 Marks but still retaining the antient Dues to this Crown is every where For which I must not forget what was before in H. the 2d Malcolm became his man 't is said and did him Homage but on some disgust he was not Knighted by our King as was wont and Matth. Paris addeth also that the Scottish Kings Horse was the English Marshals Fee at such a Knighting But Hoveden telleth us that about two years after the same King came again and was then Knighted by King Henry Of his Parliaments and their Power in War and Peace I might cite very clear proofs The League with France was agreed by both Kingdoms Archiep. Episcop in verbo veritatis that was the mode in those days for them as for the Lords since in verbo Honoris Comites Borones Regnorum praestito Sacramento juraverunt And his Sea Statutes were made de Communi proborum virorum Consilio as the Charter it self expresseth it in Hoveden Wendover or Matth. Paris Who doth add that per Consilium magnatum there were made Iusticiarii super totum Navigium Angliae c. Which with divers Records of H. 3d. may be added to the Admiral or Saxon Aen mere eal Over all the Sea How the Lord Chancellor being left the Custos Regni did on pretence of the Kings Warrants pole the People is at large in Hoveden and others But in the Monk of St. Albans we may read that er'e long in Parliament of Commons also assensu Communium definitum est it was enacted that none should so domineer in England to disgrace the Church and oppress the People And that all the Castles which the said L. Chanc. had committed to his Clients or disposed without the Parliaments assent should be presently delivered up and in particular the Tower of London where he then was and was glad to yield and make his peace with much submission for to save his Life For which also Polydore Virgil is worth perusing And in him we also find the North committed to the Bishop of Durham who of an old Bishop was made a young Novice Earl but he paid dear for his honour and how the Chancellor excused himself by the Kings Command As if saith Polydore the Kings Command might disannul the Law Quasi fas esset jus omne principis jussu rescindere Of the Kings Voyage to the East I shall not speak nor of the famous Prophesies he found touching Antichrist and the Revelation They are in Hoveden besides all others Where we also find him ransomed
by Commune assent in special of the Clergy And for this Walsinghams Neustria may be added to others in the Road and at his return he is again Crowned before the People as well as the Lords Consilio Procerum Yet Polydore with others is bold to charge his Reign with great exactions on the Clergy in special for his ransome but himself yeilded that the King did send the Bishop of Salisbury into England that by the consent of Parliament Regii Senatus Authoritate he might get his Ransome And himself yeilded that at his return there was a Parliament wherein the King thanked his People for their Faith to him and for that they had helped him in his Wars and Imprisonment And that Ejus Nutu Archiep. Cantuar. was conferred on the said Bishop of Durham and that the Chalices c. were again restored to the Churches and that the Laws with weights and measures were then also corrected or amended K. Iohn's Election must be discussed in another place Of his Military Aids Paris with Wendover is clear that they were granted in and by Parliament Convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Oxoniam Rex magnates Angliae ubi concessa sunt Regi Auxilia Militaria de quolibet scuto duae marcae dimidium Nor are the Records wholly lost of his Parliament summoned about a War with the French or rather defence against them and his Writs are known enough They speak consent of Parliament provisum est de communi assensu Archiep. Comitum Baronum omnium Fidelium nostrorum Angliae quod novem Milites per Angliam inveniant decimum bene parat ad defensionem Regni Besides the Rolls this is found in the 9th part of the great Reports and in divers others His Charter is now so well known in Print that I need not cite any clause thereof No not that so clear for the Militia Nullum scutagium vel Auxilium ponam in regno nostro nisi per commune Consilium Regni nostri Yet I may add that the Aides there excepted and called Reasonable being such by Common Law were afterwards assessed and ascertained by Parliament For which the first of Westminster may be compared with the 25 th of Ed. 3d. and in the 14 th of that King his Aides were remitted by Parliament because for his Wars he had taketh other Assistance than was due by Law which was much excused by himself and divers other Kings And for this I might cite the 48 th of H. 3d. the 25 th and 31 th of Edw. 1st the 10 11 12 and 13 of Edw. 2d the 19 th and 20 th Edw. 3 d. who did buy Souldiers rather than Press them as the Roman Historian of the declining times of that Empire Of the Barons Wars I must not speak a syllable they do deserve a discourse by themselves and it may be possible er'e long to see it Now I shall only observe that our great Charter was rather the Cause or occasion than the Effect of those Wars For had it been so kept as it was made the Crown might have rested in peace enough They which perswade others that this Charter was first created by King Henry and extorted from him only by a prevailing Sword seem not to consider so much as its Title as it now is printed where we find it granted in his 9 th year Although it was so ill performed that it needed confirmation afterwards Matth. Paris is very clear and plain in this that it was wholly the same or exactly agreeing with that of K. Iohn in nullo dissimilis Nay he speaketh of K. Iohns Charter quas sponte promisit Baronagio Angliae and again in K. H. 3 d. sponte liberaliter concessit And the Popes Letters tell us of K. Iohns Charter granted most freely Liberaliter ex mera spontanea Voluntate de Communi consensu Baronum suorum c. Besides the very words in one of those Charters spontanea voluntate nostra dedimus concessimus pro nobis Heredibus nostris Libertates has subscriptas Nor were these new priviledges then first Created by him But the old Rights of the People by long and ancient Custom as we may find at large also in Wendover with Matthew Paris where they are not only Antiquae Leges consuetudines Regni but we are also told they did present the great Charter of H. the first with his Laws and St. Edward's And to these the Barons sware as the King had also done before For so we read their Covenant was that if the King would break his Oath a juramento proprio resilire which they had some cause to believe or suspect propter suam duplicitatem yet they would keep theirs and would do their best to reduce him to keep his Virgil is also clear in this who telleth us K. Iohn's Troubles and proceedure from his not restoring K. Edw. Laws as he had promised And that the Barons urged him ut promissas tandem aliquando Lege daret and again they ask for their Antient Customes vetera instituta quibus olim Reges Pop. Angl bene rexissent and the close is quae ille prius recepisset se sanctissime observaturum And for Henry the Third the same Author affirmeth that instead of his granting ought that was new the People granted him that grand Prerogative of Wardships which that King accepted with many thanks adding also that the People did not intend it for his Successors But of this I may speak in another place I shall now only adde that if there be not yet enough said from all the Saxon Laws and Histories with the first Norman Confirmations and Explications to assert the Great Charter to be more Antient for its matter than K. Henry or K. Iohn I shall only desire those that are yet unsatisfied they would please to peruse the 2 d. part of the Great Institutes or at least so much of it as speaketh of H. 3 d. and Edw. 1st And it may be they will not wonder that at the Prelates motion that Bastards might inherit the Parliament at Merton cryed out so loud nolumus Lages Angliae mutate c. To which also besides the late Declarations of this Parliament and the Petition of Right may be added the Learned arguments of those Grave and Honourable Judges to whom we shall ever owe so much for standing up in an evil day for Truth and Common Justice in the Case of Ship-money Sir Richard Hatton Sir George Crook and Sir Iohn Denham with the truly Noble Oliver St. Iohn Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. Their Arguments are now in Print by publick Command Nor may I presume to add a word in that subject Nor shall I speak of the times following the great Charter which was confirmed more than thirty times in full Parliament with many special Provisions for the Militia It being most just and reasonable that what did so much concern all should be considered by all Quod omnes tangit
in affirmance of the Common Law As appeareth not only by Bracton and Fleta but by Glanvil who did write before the Charter and by all the Saxon Laws which were the samplers to King Henry the first But how tender our Law hath always been in matters that concern Estate or Liberty may well appear by all the Executions grantable for Debt or Dammages The Merchant and the Staple Statutes are and were by Statute not by Common Law They seem as sweeping Rain and Storms that drive away the Body Goods and Lands in Fee at time of Recognition or accrewing since but none in Tail but during life of him that was the Cognisor Nor Copyhold or Goods or Leases for a Term of years but only what was in possession at the Execution done They are fore-known and therefore may be well avoided by all such as do not choose their own destructions And there is a tender care in Law not only of exact and punctual Recognitions and recording of them but in case of forfeit upon a Certiorari sued forth from the Chancery and not before return thereof a Capias shall be granted on the Statute Merchant for the Body only if it be a Laic and if Laic be not found and so returned into the Kings Bench or Common Pleas then on pauze of divers months the exigent may be awarded But in Statute Staple on the first Return of Certiorari may the Execution issue forth returnable into the Petty Bag of all it seems the worst in this But the Merchants Court Aequitatem summam desiderat although a kind of Peepoudres as Bracton and the Notes on Fortescue Upon a Recognizance a Capias doth not go before a Scire Facias be Returned into the Chancery Then a Capias or a Fieri Facias or an Elegit at the choyce of Cognisee as in other Common Judgements And of these the fieri facias is the mildest and the oldest by the Common Law It toucheth Goods and Chattels only such as are the Parties Own not lent by or Leased to another For although the Sheriff find them in the Parties Use and full Possession as he thinks yet may he be a Trespasser in taking such and so may run the hazard of an Action ere he be aware Nor did the old Levari facias seize the Land but Corn or that which grew thereon An Elegit hath its Name from his Election or his Choice that sues it out Who so concludes himself from other Executions This did come by Statute not by Common Law and toucheth Half the Fee and all the Goods but yet with Salvo to Contenement he must not lose his Oxen or his Cattle for his Plough For then he cannot live and keep his Family So Tender is our Law for all Estates and Livelihood Nay this Extent must not be made by Sheriffs who may not divide a right but by a Iury of Inquest And so must be Returned and preserved on Record as the first Capias with all mean Processe must or else it shall be nothing worth as may appear at large in the fourth and fifth parts of the great Reports Hoes and Fulwood with divers other Cases And the second of Westminster that giveth this Elegit doth require both Extent of Lands and prize of Goods to be Reasonable that is by Inquest of Twelve and so returned of Record As is cleared in the Commentator See also Littletons Parceners A Capias ad Satisfaciendum taketh the Body but it is by Statute only for it did not lye by Common Law in Debt or Dammages but only where the Original Action was for Forceable Trespass Vi Armis Which is Now crept into every Trespass But of this Sir William Herberts Case in the third part of Reports It may be forbidden again by Statute as it was first granted and that justly too for ought I know if other course be taken for the payment of Just and Reasonable Debts For the Capias as now managed is a great mischief and divers times to the utter ruine of the Debttors whole Family And yet but very little advantage to the Creditor except the Debtor escape and so the Sheriff come to pay the Debt or except he dye in Prison and the Plaintiff get an Elegit for the Debtors Goods at his death or half his Fee-Simple which he had at the time of Judgement or after it For an Action for Debt or Dammages doth but respect the Person and the Law attendeth not what Lands were enjoyed at the Original or before the Judgment But an Action brought against an Heir may aim at Land and so may charge it although he Aliene while the suit dependeth Neither shall I need to add that all these Executions must be sued out For this is required by Law except in the Kings Case within one year and a day after Judgment Yet they may be continued after and by a scire facias be renewd or repealed till the Judgment have Full Execution But this was also given by Statute and to this may the Debter plead although he cannot plead against an Execution Yet it may be suspended by a Writ of Errour and Recognizance according to the Statute of Iames and 3 Caroli And without a Writ of Error after judgement if the Defendant have matter to discharge him of the Execution still the Law is open for him And he may relieve himself by a Writ of Audita Querela And in case of Elegit as soon as the Debt is satisfied the Debtor may enter on his Lands again and if he conceive the Creditor satisfied by casual profits he may bring a scire facias upon which the Creditor may clear how much he hath received of the Debtor's Estate Unto this occasional discourse I shall only add that grand maxime of our Law that Executions ought to be more favourable than any other Process of Law whatever Of which the great Judge upon Littletons Releases and the second of Westminster in Edward the First And for Executions for the Kings Debt's restrained by the great Charter I have little to add to the Comment on the eight chapter of that Charter But the twelfth of Articuli super Chartas hath afforded a Writ commanding the Sheriff to accept of Sureties else an Attachment lieth against him or the party may bring an Action against the Shetiff that refuseth Sureties It is a maxime in Law that a mans House is his Castle so that the Sheriff cannot break it open for an Execution But upon a Writ of Seisin or Possession the Sheriff and other Officers upon suspicion of Treason or Felony may break open an House and so also in common Executions where the King is a party But in all such Cases first the Sheriff must request the door to be opened And the First of Westminster doth also require solemn demand of Beasts driven away into a Castle or Fort which is a kind of vetitum nomium which may be regained By Withernam Which Case I cite the rather because of
in Parliament Which was the Receiving of Petitions As the Rolls of most times witness It being the old Mode and others accounted it somewhat against Reason that Petitions should be taken and brought into the House by those that were to debate and determine them and so might at pleasure keep them Out or too hastily might press them in Whereas they were to be filled up in course and so to be debated as they were received which was therefore entrusted to the care of known and sworn Officers of the Kingdom Although of late their work in Parliament be so strangely degenerate from that it was of old when also beside Receivers there were some appointed for Tryers of Petitions who as it seemeth were to enquire of matter of Fact expressed in the Petition that it might be cleared and rightly stated before it came to be debated in full Parliament I do not deny but these Triers of Petitions were most frequently some of the Bishops and other Barons But by this I am not convinced that the Lords had by Right and Legislative Power or were the sole Determinors of all Petitions as some would infer or that they were the sole Judges except also the Petty Jury that are Tryers of Fact shall be esteemed the sole Judges of Matters of Law And yet I shall not deny but Petitions concerning abuses or errors in Judicature were often deermined by the Lords as the great Judges but of error in the King's Bench as Judges above the King as was shewed before or from the Exchequer In Queen Ellzabeths Time for the seldom meeting or great Affairs of Parliament the Writs of Error from the King's Bench were by special Act of Parliament to be brought before the Judges of the Common Pleas and Barons of the Exchequer and by them to be determined But with these express Limitations as the Law shall require other than for Errors to be assigned or found for or concerning the Iurisdiction of the said Court of Kings Bench or for want of form in any Writ Process Verdict c. and that after all the Records and all concerning them be remanded to the King's Bench as well for execution as otherwise as shall appertain and with this express Proviso That any Party agrieved by such Iudgment in the Exchequer shall and may sue in Parliament for a further and due Examination By which I do not see such Parties agreed were absolutely tied to Petition the Lords onely although it were onely in a Case judicial Yet I deny not but in Edward the 3d. there was a Committee made of a Bishop two Earls and two Barons to hear and determine all Petitions complaining of Delays or Grievances in Courts of Justice But with great Limitations so that they must send for the Records and Judges which were to to be present and be heard and then by good advice of the Chancellor Treasurer Judges and other of the Council to make an Accord yet so that all be remanded to the Judges before whom the Cause did first depend who were then to proceed to Judgment according to the Accord of the said Committee And in Case it seemed to them to be such as might not well be determined but in full Parliament that then the said Records or Tenors should be brought by the said Commitee to the next Parliament it being the Common Law of the Kingdom and so expressed in all the old Books that all new unwonted difficult matters of consequence should still be brought and submitted to the Judgment of full Parliament so that all our Iudges did and ought to respit such Causes till the next Parliament of which there be almost innumerable Precedents in all the Rolls Nay in Richard the 2d there was a Committee of Lords and Commons appointed to hear and determine all Petitions present in that Parliament But afterwards it was adjudged and declared That such a Commission ought not to be given committing or betraying the High Power of Parliament into a few private hands as we may learn out of Henry the 4th beside other times Yet the Modi of Parliament admit that some extraordinary Cases where the Estates could not agree or the greater part of the Knights Proctors Citizens c. There by consent of the whole Parliament the Matter might be compromised to 25. chosen out of all Degrees and to fewer till at length it might come to 3. who might determine the Case except that being written it were corrected by Assent of Parliament and not otherwise And this seemeth to be the Law of Nature and right Reason That Delegates should not delegate others which was one reason why the Commons never made Pracies as the Lords did Nor might any Committee so determine but there might be Appeal from it to the Parliament Nor doth the Parliament it Self conclude so but that there may be Appeal from its self to its self even to its Iustice if it erre or at least to its mercy by some motion or Petition In one Parliament of Richard the 2d it was Enacted that no man condemned by Parliament should move for Pardon but another Parliament 10 years after did annul this Branch as unjust unreasonable and against the Law and Custom of Parliament For from this which is the highest here there still lieth Appeal from its Self to its Self For which also by the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom there were to be frequent Parliaments that so the errors or omissions of one being still human and therefore errable might be corrected and amended in another By express Statutes of Edw. the 3d. we are to have Parliaments once every year and oftner if need be They were of Old three or four times a year as may be found in all the Old Historians speaking of the great Feats in the Militia in King Alfred's Time they were to be twice a year and that at London as the Mirror affirmeth which we compared with the Laws of the Confessor And I speak also of King Edgars and Canutes Laws for the Celeberrimus Conventus ex qualibet Satrapta which the Great Iudg applieth to the Parliament Eternity it self would be a Burthen unto him that is not pleased with his Being so would Omnipotence to him that is unhappy in his acting It was therefore goodness in God to limit man as well in Doing as in Being It was also the Wisdom of our Ancestors to bound and limit out the Being Acting and continuing not onely of other Judges but also of Parliaments Yet the Old Modi of Parliament agree in this That a Parliament should not be Dissolved till all Petitions were discussed and answered and that after all there should be Proclamation made in some open place whether any had a Petition or just Address to the Parliament and if none replied then it was to be Dissolved I need not shew the Care of our Ancestors or former Parliaments for most strict observation of their own good Orders and Customs of Parliament which are such so just and reasonable that they well deserve a peculiar Discourse by themselves and suppose it not impossible to clear them more by the practice and consent of most Ages in this Kingdom which might also be useful for the Times to come And although it might be possible to find some of their old custome fit to be changed yet my hope is they will retain and observe such Rules of right Reason good Orders and Customs as may still make this an Happy Nation and that they will be mindful of their great Trust for which they are accountable And however it may be in this World yet they also must be judged at his coming who shall bring every Work into Iudgment with every secret Thing whether it be good or whether it be evil And I am not ashamed both to long and pray for his coming who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords The Prince of Salem that is Peace as well as King of Righteousness Melchizedek the Lamb upon the white Thone All the Creation groaneth and the Spirit and the Bride saith come Lord Iesus come quickly FINIS