of the Roinanists The Oath of Supremacy may be lawfully taken and that to no other Sense then what he fetcheth from the 37th of our Articles of Religion And why then all that Labyrinth of Discourse which follows after upon it and serves to no other purpose but to Confound Himself and his Reader For can it be imagined that we our selves should take it in a sense contrary to our Articles of Religion From our Book of Common Prayer might be Extracted a wholesom Body of Divinity And it shews to the World both what our Worship is and how our Worship and Doctrine Agree And if this may be Allowed of methinks we should not be Hereticks Now what Vincentius Parapalia the Pope's Legat proposed to Queen Elizabeth I am apt to think was known to few For on the one Hand the Honour of the Pope was concerned if he suffered an open Repulse On the Other the Queen â—hough she Admitted not his Proposals was unwilling to irritate his Person he being then very Kind and Civil to Her contrary to the Petitions and Endeavors of many powerful Adversaries But that some such Considerable Matters were proposed that he was Jealous the Queen would think they would never be performed or at least not long kept we have some Reason to Guess from the Conclusion of his Letter which is one of the Kindest that ever any Pope wrote to one He Accounted a Heretick For thus He Courts Her Sed hâc de re pluribus verbis idem Vincentius tecum aget nostrum tibi Paternum animum declarabit quem ut benigâ—â— excipias diligentérque audias eandémque ut ejus Orationi Fidem habeas quam habereâ— Nobis ipsis Sâ—renitatem tuam rogamus Annal. Eliz. part 1. p. 48 Mr. Cambdeâ— Confesseth That he could not upon his own Knowledge say what these Proposals were and he believes they would never trust them in Writing but aâ— secret as they were kept it seems they took Air for he subjoyns this following Account â—ama obtinet Pâ—ntificem Fidem dedisse sententiam contra matris â—uptias tanquam injustam rescissurum Liturgiam Anglicam suâ Anthoritate confirmaturum usum Sacramenti sub utrà que Specie Anglis permissurum 〈◊〉 illa Romanae Ecclesiae se aggregaret Romanaeque Cathâ—drae Primatum agnosceret 〈◊〉 haec curantibus aliquos aureorum millia fuisse promissae id ibid. I cannot imagine with what Hopes Pius the 4th fed Himself Or whether he were better Natured then usually Popes are But though after this the Queen would not suffer his Nuncio the Abbot of Marâ—inego to come on English Share yet he continued the same Mildness towards Her which being insuccessful Pius the 5th instigated by the King of Spain and being angry enough Himself tryes a severer Course and Thunders out his Excommunication against Her But that succeeded worse then the other For it not only altogether Alienated the Queens Mind but Compleated the Breach and made a toâ—â— Separation in Communion which had not been till that time And it iâ— probable this might make some succeeding Popes 〈◊〉 for Bishop Bâ—bington though he Refer it to a Pope after both the former yet whence soever he had it he saith plainly That the Pope Offered to Allow the Book i. e. oâ— Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments c. to Queen Elizabeth oâ— Eternal Memory if she would have taken it of Him as so Allowed oâ— Him on Numb 7. But what need of that For as for the Use of the Sacrament in both Kinds It is Christs own Institution And as for ouâ— Prayers being in the Vulgar or known Tongue it is according to St. Pauls Direction And if these two be not Authority enough without the Pope's Licence then have we not the Liberty so much as to serve God even according to his own Appointment and Institution but how and when the Pope pleaseth And so if the Devil at any time should be big enough in Him it will be in his power and at his pleasure whether God shall be openly Worshipped in the World or not As for the Matter of the Book it is such that except some few which all Men of any sober Communion never esteemed otherwise then as Mad-Men Persons of any Communion in the Christian World may safely joyn in it When any bring their particular Objections whether Romanists or Others they shall receive their Answers As for the Romanists I am apt to think that they would rather adde to it But because we think those to be such Matters as would corrupt it That must be Tried by the Examination of Particulars which is not the business of this place XLIII As for the Ways or Means of Coming to the Knowledge of the Catholicism of any Doctrine I know but two whereon the Ancients laid any Stress Scripture and Tradition The Sufficiency of the Scriptures as a Rule of Faith or that they contain all Matters in themselves necessary to Salvation we not only Maintain but further say That since God hath been pleased for the securing us from the frailtie of Mens Memories the Misguidance of Mistakes the Cheat of Impostures and the like dangers to Cause his Will to be put in Writing and Compleat the Canon of Scripture The Scriptures are the only sure and infallible Rule of our Faith And whatsoever is fetch'd from those Fountains cannot but be Oâ—thodox and Right Here is our sure Anchor-Hold and in this the Fathers go along with us Nobis saith Tertull. de Praescrip Curiositate opus non est post Christum Jesum nec Inquisitione post Evangelium And Salâ—ian de Guber Dei lâ—b 3 p. 67. Si scire vis quid tenendum est habes Literas sacras Perfecta Ratio est hoc 〈◊〉 quod legeris He that Affects Citations may heap up enough to this purpose Nor doth it do the Romanists Cause any Service That many of their Authors speak so meanly and disgracefuâ—â—y of the Holy Scriptures for pious Eares do not well bear to Hear the Confâ—ssed Word of God Contemptibly Treated And Mr. Apulton seems to Me to have been very imprâ—dent in Entitling Part of his Answer to Dr. Tenison A Confutation of the Doctors Rule os Faith for the Doctors Rule of Faith was no other then the Scriptures And a Confutation of them would of all others be the Work for a Christian If a difference Arise Who shall Interpret this Rule I Answer First That whosoever Interpreteth he is bound to his Rule And it is not therefore the sense of the Rule because he saith it but he is therefore in the Right because he gives the true Meaning of it If he speak his own and not the Rules Meaning he doth not Interpret but deprave Secondly I Answer That if the Priests Lips ought to preserve Knowledge and the People to seek the Law at his Mouth then we have a Succession of Lawful Pastors duely Authorized who no more depend on the Romanists then the Romanists on them And so we
then his Predecessor And he in Zeal for the Propagation of the Faith Attempts to perswade not only the Britons but the Irish to joyn with him in the Work only he seems very desirous that they would all unite in observing Easter at the same time But as for the Britons they were so far from any Accommodation that they would not Allow of any Communion with him Nor was his success at present much better with the Irish for though he Hoped to find them otherwise yet he was deceived and upon Discovery it is Acknowledged with some Grief Scottos i. e. the Irish for Beda's Scotti are Irish nihil discrepare à Britonibus in eorum Conversatione Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 4 and the Behaviour of Digamus an Irish Bishop did not a little trouble him of whom he has this Complaint Ad nos venienâ— non solum cibum Nobiscum sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebâ—mur sumere voluit id ib. so that it seems the Roman Bishops would have been content to have Communicated with the Brittish and Irish Bishops and allowed them Orthodox but the other would not own them to be so XIII By the Way give me leave to observe That the Britons Scots and Irish all unanimously Agreed in the same Religious Rites As to the Irish and Britons it appears from what hath been said already and will be more evident from what shall follow As fâ—r that part of the Island now called Scotland it was then inhabited partly by the Scotti who Flockt thither out of Ireland and from whom it afterwards took its Name And partly by the Britons under the Name of Picts For he that Considers Mr. Cambdens Reasons to prove them Britons will never be at the pains to fetch them so far as Scithia Brit. tit Picti And when Beda tells us of Columbanus an Irish Abbot going to Convert the Picts he Confesses That the Southern Picts had been Christians long before and so might the Northern too though it is probable that living in those wilde Countreys and continually Exercised in Wars and Rapine they might be so far degenerated that the Recovering them to the true sense and state of Christianity might not unfitly be called a Conversion Now as Columbanus was an Irish Man so Nynias who long before Converted the Southern Picts was a Briton And therefore doubtless both Taught the same Rites wherein both People Agreed But perhaps much stress is not to be laid on the Story so far as it Relates to Nynias For Beda tells that part of it with an ut perhibetur noâ— was he well skilled in the Ancient Brittish Affairs And I am apt to think That for the Honour of the Roman Way which Beda upon all Occasions promotes he patch'd that Piece to his Heard say Tale That Nynias was Romae regulariter Fidem Mysteria Veritatis edoctus for the Britons at that time had little or no Converse with the Roman Christians though they eveâ— kept a kind Correspondence and Friendly Communion with the French Nor can I find one clear instance that any part of the British Scotch or Irish Churches till after Augustines time differed in their Religious Rites especially as to the Observation of Easter Nay it will appear Anon that thâ— Roman Party themselves yielded them to be Unanimous in this thing Yea Beda expressly Affirms That Omnis Natio Pictorum c. The whole Nation of the Picts observe Easter the same Way Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 3. And for the other it is out of Question XIV But to Return to Laurentius He was not only frustrated in his pious Design by the Britons and Irish but fell soon after into a great deal of trouble For after the Death of Ethelbert Religion went backward amongst the Saxonâ— the Pagan Worship and Wickedness got Ground daily and a dreadful Storm seemed to grow up apace and Hang over the Heads of the Christians in so much that Mellitus and Justus the Bishops of London and Rochester discouraged with their ill success and finding themselves not safe Retire into France and Laurentius was once Resolv'd to follow them But it pleased God to be more merciful to these People and propitious to his Endeavours For he seems to have been a Man truly pious and to have discharged all the Parts of a good Christian Bishop And having happily Reclaimed King Eadbald the Son and Successor of Ethelbert he recals Mellitus and Justus And now it is very Reasonable to suppose That he Resolved to lay aside these Punctilio's and little Differences and perswaded Mellitus and Justus who both in their Turns succeeded him to do the same that they might be more serviceable to the main Christian Cause and the Propagation of the Gospel For though the Britons could by no means be Wrought on as either being Jealous of the Roman Clergy or Exasperated by the Injuries which they had and daily did Receive from the Saxons yet the Irish and Scotch who had not the like Quarrel as to their Territories in a short time fall to labour in the Harvest and that very successfully But it should seem that they first Agreed to enjoy their own Liberties and Rites For those who were Converted by them of the Roman Way kept Easter as the Romans did and observed their Rites And those who were Converted by the Irish or Scots followed the Irish Customes which were the same with the Britons and yet both Communicated with each other and joyntly promoted the Common Cause And this with some little Disputes which will always Happen in such Cases continued without any breach of Communion for a very Considerable times Aidan a Scotchman the first Bishop of the Northumbrians preached the Gospel so powerfully and lived so Exemplarily That the Roâ—â—â—istâ— themselves had him in no mean Veneration Nor doth Beda except in the Matter of the Paschal Solemnity in which he forgives no Man afford any Man a fairer or sweeter Character throughout his whole History After seventeen Years toyl God sends him a Writ of Ease and he is Succeeded by his Countreyman Finan who lived in the See ten Years All this time both Romish and British Rites were promiscuously used according as every Man was instructed by him who Converted him and yet both Parties lived in great Charity and Christian Communion And thus it held till the third year of Coleman Finans Successor which was in the Year of our Lord 664. Bed Ecc. Hist lib. 3. cap. 26. And then that turbalent Fellow Wilfrid set it on Foot again and violently push'd on so far that a Synod or Confeâ—ence was had about it where the King the Prince several Bishops and many of the Clergy appear Now Wilfrid had subtilely nickt his time for the King was wavering the Queen and Prince sure on his side and Agilbertus Bishop of the West Saxons a stiff Assertor of the Roman Way was then occasionally come to that Court The King opens the Conference and desires his Bishop
the Root And therefore right or wrong they Resolvâ— to stick on this which may Win some to them keep Others from us and Alarm all And though their Arguments be never so weak yet being Managed by subtile Heads they will Appear the more Considerable because few Persons are able to judge of a Case of this Nature But if we were reduced to that state that they thought themselves out of all danger from us our Ordination might easily pass A pretty instaâ—ce of this hapned in the time of the Rebellion The Loyal Clergy of this Châ—rch being either starved at home or driven out into other Countreys and little or no Hopes appearing that thâ—y should ever be Restored Dr. Basier amongst other places any place being then better then Home Travels to Jerusalem And after the mention of his Reception from the Grtcks he thus sets down his Entertainment by those of the Roman Way Aâ— for the Latins they Received Me most Courteously into their own Convent though I did openly Prosesi my self a Priest of the Church of England And aâ—ter some Vâ—lâ—â—ations about the Validity of our Ordination they procured Me Entrance into the Temple of the Sepâ—lchre at the Rate of a Priest that is Half in Half left then the Laymens Raâ—e And at my Departure from Jerusalem she Pope's own Vicâ—â—râ— Called Commissarius Apostolicus Generalis gave Me his Diploma in Parchmeno under his own Hand and pâ—blick Seal In 〈◊〉 stiling Me Sacerdotem Ecclesiae Anglicanae S. S. Theologiae Doctorem But there was no need to have Travelled so far for an Instance it being well known that King Edwards Bishops were Admitted in the time of Queen Mary without Re-oâ—dination so that it is not the Validity of Ordination but our Non-submission to the Pope which lies at the bottom It is true that a Dispensation â—rom Rome was talked of but that was only a Blind A Dispensation may Reâ—ch Circumstances but not Essentials If their former Ordination had been invalid and null they ought to have been Reoâ—dâ—ined for no Dispensation nor all the Popes in the World can make those to be true and valid Orders which never were so in themselves He may as well Build Castles in the Air or Erect stately Palaces without any Materials as to make those really and truly to be Orders which never were so It is one thing to Dispense another to Ordain Seeing he did only dispense it is plain that he aceused them of no more then some Irregularities in the Circumstances of their Ordination which though we shall not yield yet I think it unnecessary to dispute because not being Re-ordained their former Ordination must be supposed good 'T is true they very devoutly burnt Ridley and one or two others without dâ—grading them as Bishops And thence Conclude that they were never truly such i. e. They set up a Novel Opinion and prove it by their own wicked Actions And the proof will be good when they are as infalâ—ible in Matter of Fact as they pretend to be in Matter of Right But it is no New thing for the Court of Rome to make quite contrary Determinations as to the self-same thing as their present Interest leads them When Queen Mary first came to the Crown and they wanted Help then King Edwards Bishops are to be Invited in and Acknowledged with the slight Salvo of a Dispensation that the Pope might seem to do something But when they were a little setled in the Saddle and could Ride over all who stood in their way Then none of his Bishops were to be Acknowledged who did not fully Comply with them i. e. those who joyned with them were good Bishops those who opposed them were no Bishops though the Orders of both stood upon the same Foundation and were either valid or null for the same Reason But to avoid the tediousness of discussing the whole Matter I shall now only Give this General Answer That in this Way of Arguing they take the Course to undermine and destroy all Succession and Church-power This I am apt to think that many of them well enough see But they think that we either do not or will not and so they are safe enough whilest it only serves to Route us The Arguments whereon they lay the greatâ—st strâ—ss in this Matter are such as may with equal if not more advantage be teturned upon themselves 'T is true we are not desirous to Molest others we wish Peace to the Churches Reasonable things would Content us and therefore we generally keep on the defensive part and stand all their Attacks and Opposition But if by such foul dealing they will continually provoke us till we change the state of this Scribling War and bâ—ing it into their own Countrey what Work will this make â—or if they will Vouch those Arguments to be good against our Orders And we prove that they are of no less force against their own or that we have other stronger Reasons against them whither will they then go â—or Ecclesiastical Authority their pride and stomach is too great to Truckle to the Greek or any other Church or to Borrow any Authority from them But if they should they ought to Consider whether the same Arguments will not follow them yea more â—hâ—ther divers of their Hot-spurs have not Carried them thither already â—f so all their Labour is in vain And if their Arguments be good all 〈◊〉 power and Succession is lost This indeed doth not so fatally affect 〈◊〉 as it doth them because we for good Reasons deny those Arguments to â—e good and so keep up our Succession and Ecclesiastical Authority But â—hat will become of that Church or what Remedy is left for it which obâ—â—inately maintains the Validity of such Arguments when they are proved as valid against her self especially it being a Church of that pride and amâ—ition as to scorn to own any Authority in any other Church which she â—â—th not more fully in her self Now if rather then not destroy our Ordâ—â—s they will what in them Lies overthrow all Ecclesiastical Authority and Succession though thanks be to God they cannot do it yet it is Apparent that they will hazard the very Worship of God and shake the very Foundations of Religion rather then be frustrated in their malicious Purposes and ambitious Designes And this I take not to be any strong Temptation 〈◊〉 prefer their Communion before all Others XL. As for our Doctrine we are willing it should come to the Trial And I know no better Way to Try it then by its Agreement with what was â—aught by our Saviour and his Apostles This is the Way Tertullian presâ—â—ibes us both for the Security of the Church and Exclusion of Hereticks 〈◊〉 after some things premised he makes this Inference Constat proinde omnem â—â—strinam quae cum illis Ecclesiis Apostolicis Matricibus Origiualibus Fidei 〈◊〉 Veritati deputandam id sine dâ—bio tenentem quod Ecclesiae ab Apostolis 〈◊〉 Ã
Salvation was by the Law of Moses not by the Faith of Christ Jesus Fled as far as they could from them and would not joyn with them in or Practise any of the Rites peculiar to the Law of Moses for the Matter was now come to that pass that they could not do it without betraying the Christian Religion so that now ceased the Obligation to these Matters which the Council at Jerusalem had formerly imposed in favour of the Jews and Hopes to Win them And hence it is probable many Churches tooâ— Occasion to turn the Great Festival of the Jews the Sabbath into a Fâ—â—t And for this Reason amongst Others viz. That they might not Ground their Festival from any Jewish Rite or because they thought the Account noâ— exact they declined the Fourteenth of the Moon and began that Feast on the Lords Day reckoning from the Fifteenth to the One and Twentieth of the Moon Now not to Run over the Stories of Simon Zelotes Joseph of Ariâ—â—athea and Others who are Celebrated for the first Planters of the Christian Religion in these Isles From these Premisses it is not irrational to Conclude that the British Churches observing the Feast of Easter after the Usage which obtained before the Separation from the Jews and the Roman Church more exactly as was devised afterwards the Gospel in all probability must have been Preached and Received in Brittain some time before any Considerable Church was Gathered at Rome And being this Usage continued for several Hundreds of Years though the Bishops of Rome were so far from suffering it in that they would scarce suffer it out of their Jurisdiction it will follow that these Churches were neither of Roman Conversion nor Roman Jurisdiction IX This Matter will be much clearer if we now descend to Consider the Debates Behaviour and Actions of the Brittish Bishops towards Augustine the Monk who was sent hither by Pope Gregory for the Conversion of the Saxons But first to prevent mistakes I must tell you that I have no design either to Vindicate the Brittish Bishops in the Observation of Easter or to condemn the Roman It Matters not to Me who was right or wrong but it is the Difference and the Grounds whereon it was Maintained which serves my Ends. The Britons were not Quartodecimani as some have supposed for those kept the Feast on the Fourteenth of the Moon on what day of the Week soever it fell but the Britons expected the Lords Day But I suppose none now will Contest it but that the Romans were most exact and right in their Observation but then that arose from this Nicety That the Law of Moses Commands the Paschal Lamb to be slain in the Evening of the Fourteenth day of the first Month Now according to the Jewish Account who Reckoned the foregoing Night to the following day that must be on the Beginning of the Fifteenth day But the Britons who Reckoned not from Sun-set but from Sun-rise and so on the contrary joyned the following Night to the foregoing day could not see this but must of course take the Evening following the Fourteenth Day to be part of the Fourteenth Day And therefore their Practice being suitable to their Common Conceptions And having obtained amongst them from their first Entrance into Christianity it was unreasonable that those who had no Jurisdiction over them should impose an Alteration upon them and still worse to raise irreconcileable fewds and make Divisions in Gods Church for such a matter As if a Man could not be a good Christian without being an exact Astronomer and Critically cunning in the Customes of other Nations X. But to Return to our Matter Mauritius according to Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 23. came to the Empire in the Year 582 In the Tenth Year of his Reign Gregory came to the Popedom And he in the Fourteenth Year of the same Emperours Reign sends Augustine to the Saxons so that Aâ—gustines first Mâ—ssion was about the Year 596 But though he and his Companions seemâ—d to set forth with great Chearfulness and Resolution yet whether from the dread of a Warlike and barbarous People or from an Apprehension of their inability for the Work as not understanding the Language or what other Cause I know not After mature deliberation in Council they fairly tack about and Sail back again This much troubled the good Pope who by all Circumstances seems to have Set his Heart on this Work And he had the greater Reason for it because it was already half done to his Hands And therefore he gently Reproves those faint-hearted Souldiers but takes greater pains to encourage them And that they might want nothing to Fit them for the work he Sends and Recommends them to Etherius Archbishop of Arles who furnisheth them with Interpreters de Gente Erancorum Bed Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 24. 25. And now away they go for good and Land in the Isle of Thanet and perhaps there was no great difficulty in Converting King Ethelbert for it was now about 150 Years since the Coming in of the Saxons And though their Quarrel was with the Britons yet they could not in all that time but understand somewhat of the Christian Religion from them Besides Ethelberts Queen was a Christian and de Gente Erancorum Regiâ as Beda phraseth it And it was Conditioned at her Marriage That She should have the frâ—e Use of her Religion And the Condition was duely kept for whereas the King had his Court in Canterbury the Queen had for her Use the then Ancient Church of St. Martin standing at the Towns-End and her Bishop Lindhardus who Officiated And any Body will suppose That both She and her Bishop would do all they could to Influence and perswade the King Further Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 25. saith expressly though somewhat mincingly That Antea fama ad eum Christianae Religionis pervenerat And Gregory the Great in one of his Letters saith They were desirous of it And whosoever shall duely Consider the whole Behaviour of King Ethelbert will find in him no Aversion to the Christian Religion but that like a wise Prince he only â—ook care so to manage the Matter that he might Receive it with the Satisfaction of his Subjects and draw them to it after him Well in a short time the King is Convertâ—d and Augustine becomes his Favourite And yet before this with the true Industry of a Monck he Lends the Honest Bishop Linhardus a Lift who had prepared Matters for him and by the Kings Favour gets Possession of St. Martins Church And here I know not well how to excuse Beda from Partiality For he saith as little as could be beâ—ore but henceforward not a word of the endeavors of the Queen or her Bishop nor a tittle of all the labor and pains of the French Intetpreters without whom this our English Apostle could have done nothing But Augustine like a true Son of the Râ—man Church goes away both with
Coleman first to relate upon what Grounds he Relied The Summe of whose Answer is this That he had Received the Tradition from his Forefathers who had all unanimously observed it That herein they followed St. John the beloved Disciple of our Saviour and the Churches which he Governed And that they had also on their side the Authority of Anatolius Now considering how Eusebius relates Matters to have been long before Adjusted by Polycarp and Anicâ—tus viz. That Charity and Christian Communion being preserved each might follow the Ancient Customes of those whom they succeeded Any one would think this so fair a Plea that it might deserve both a Civil and a Satisfactory Answer Yet Wilfrid then but newly made a Priest with a Roman Modesty puts the Fool upon the Good Bishop Coleman and his whole Party His Answer is Related by Beda with all Advantage in which some things are true some false But it is Observeable That he never tells them of any Missionaries from Rome either to the Britons Irish Scots or Picts He never tells them that they had received the Faith by means of the Roman Church He never Charges them so much as with Ingratitude or to have fallen from what they had received Nay he doth not deny such a Tradition amongst them but impugnes it as a too early Tradition as more Ancient then he pretended to or ought to be followed And that they were ignorant of what was established-in the Church after the Separation from the Jews And herein lies the main strength of his Plea But of all things insisted on by Welfrid nothing was so luckily urged as that St. Peter had the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven For the King in no small fear that he might be lock'd out if he displeased the Porter presently gives the matter on Wilfrids side But all this nothing moved Coleman who chose rather to abandon his Bishoprick then forsake his Ancient Customes and seem to betray the Rights of those Churches and Bishops who had Ordained and sent him thither And accordingly he Retires into his own Countrey with many others who were of the same Persuasion And no doubt but Wilfrid and the Romanists were well pleased that they had all to themselves XV. These Considerations amongst Others do with Me not a little shake the Credit of those Stories that tesâ— us how Phaganus and Deruvianus or by what other Names they are Called for they have not less then Twenty between them were sent by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius Palladius and St. Patrick by Celestine to the Irish or of any other Persons pretended to be sent before Augustines time I do not deny but that there were such Persons who were famous in their Generation and did eminent Service in the Church of God But the Assertions of all our Moncks and as many more will not half perswade Me that these Men were Roman Missionaries For who can believe That these Men should come with Instructions from Rome and yet every one of them should Agree to Establish such Rites as were not only different from the Church of Rome but such as the Bishops of Rome were particular Enemies to If any Man say that these Rites in opposition to each other had not clearly obtained even in Rome it self so early so far as Relates to Easter that early Contest between Polycarp and Anicetus confutes it But if it be said that though such Usages were setled at Rome yet they were not averse but that Others might be Taught and Practised in other Countreys then that bâ—stle which Victor made over all the Christian World will not suffer us to believe this But that those very Men who were sent by the Popes to Convert the Britons should Establish those Rites and Usages which they knew he would never endure is such a Riddle as wants a better Oedipus then Me to unfold it And it is somewhat strange that in all the Contests-between Augustine and his Followers with the Britons and Irish not one of these Men should be Objected to the British Irish or Scots that they should never be Check'd with Ingratitude to his Holiness that it should never be said that they had been taught otherwise and were fallen from their first Principles and Converters It is very Rare that the Romanists forget themselves so much or are meal-Mouth'd in such Cases And therefore it is not unlikely that the Pope in process of time becoming the bold Man who Challenged the Command over all the Moncks of after-times oweing their Privileges and unjust Exemptions from their Bishops to him in Requital made him that busie active Man who had ever done all And therefore when they heard or read of any People Converted by any Person imagining that he must have Authority from the Roman See they without scruple plainly Asserted that he was sent thence And their Fictions must now pass for Historical Testimonies And then as to the Persons pretended to be sent Deruvianus though Trim'd for Sound sake and set off with a Latine Termination carries the plain Marks of a Brittish Name and some write him Dwywan which the Criticks may if they can make Latin at their leisure If it were lawful to Guess in this Case I should think his Name was Durwan The like might be said concerning Phaganus but I pass it by But then after the Conversion of Lucius hâ—w these Men should so readily find their way in Insulam Avalâ—â—iâ— Glassenbury where had been a Retreat for the Religious ever since the Gospel had been Preached in this Isle is somewhat strange Perhaps it was by Miracle but it seems more probable that upon Encouragement they came forth or were sent from their Monastery and having Accomplished their Work either for Reasons to us unknown or as a thing usual in those times retired thither again As for Palladius from whence soever he came it is certain he died too soon to effect any thing Considerable And for St Patrak though there is no smaâ—l striving for him yet the best Reasons Conclude him a Bâ—iton And though some sell him to the Irish some to the Britâ—â—s yet it is most likely that he was Conveyed away young to the Irish like Joseph into Egypt where in his Affliction learning their Language he was the better Fitted for that great Work to which God had designed him These Men all left the Brittish Rites in force and made further Emprovemâ—nts upon the Stock of Chriâ—â—ianity formâ—â—ly plâ—nted in this Island which things considering also that they all along Câ—aimed to derive from St. John are a strong Evidence That this Illand was both of Early and Eastern Conversion And perhaps that may be some Reaâ—on that there are so many Greek words in the Brittish Tongue and in the same Signification in both Languages it being very likely that they might receive them from those who first Converted Then to Christianâ—ty XVI This Digression will not casily be pardoned by some And yet I shall Adventure to follow
may be made of the Rest of F. Parsons Arguments I shall follow him no further It is not the Observation of Easter which we dispute with Rome but we urge the Practice of the Britons and Irish to prove the Liberty of these Islands XXV Now to avoid Tediousness in this particular having left the Ancient Britons in possession we must suppose they held it till it can be proved they were ejected Now the first so far as I can yet find who Attempted this to any purpose was Henry Beau-clâ—rk and he being a Wise as well as a potent Prince thought the Subjeâ—â—iâ—g the Welch Bishops to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury might be a means to keep the Welch in order and so far as concerned his own Kingdom he herein dealt not only like a Politick Princâ— but even the Laws of the Church did â—ountenance him But then by the same Act he submitted all the Welch Bishops to the See of Rome as things then stood and so Compleated the Popes Conquest of these Isles which thing the iniquity of those times would either not afford him Eyes to see or not power to prevent Accordingly he prefers Bernardus a Norman and his Chaplain to the Bishopâ—ick of St. Davids But Liberty and Power are both sweet things and Bernardus being got in possession grows resty and Asserts his Rights and the Priviledges of his See And here the Pope first got the Fiâ—gering of the Cause so as to make his true Advantage of it 'T is true Bernardus appeared Confident and swagger'd bravely but in vain did he think â—o carry a Cause in the Court of Rome against the Archbishop of Canterbury's Purse and the Pope's Interest when at the same time and in the same thing he also Cross'd his own Kings design There is no doubt but that his Holiness swallowed this long-look'd for Morsel with a great deal of pleasure and greediness And yet the Sentence did not fully and quietly take place till a long time after which possibly is the Reason that our Authors so differ in Assigning the time of this Submission for the Welshmen could not yet forget what they once were and upon all Occasions strugled hard to retain their Government amongst themselves so that as Affairs went with the English this matter either got or lost Ground If the English Power was at leisure to wait on the Welsh Men and awe them then the Welsb Bishops were the Popes and his Grace of Canterbury's Grumbling Servants But if the English Affairs were so involved that their Countrey had a little Rest the one was as ready to Cast off the Ecclâ—siastical as the other the Civil Yoke And thus Matters seem to have stood Wavering till Henry the third or Edward the first times But about the thirty second year of Henry the third Matt. Paris Hist Maj. Hen. 3. page 715 the English Forces so Harâ—asied Wales that the Ground lay Untilled Cattel neglected the Famine Raged amongst them The Bishop of St. David died overcome with Grief for the miseries of his Countrey and the Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were reduced to that miserable Condition as to Beg their Bread in a Counâ—rey wasted with Fire and Sword But when Matters were somewhat Composed St. Davids the Metropolitical See of Wales was found to be so Impoveriâ—â—ed that it was thought a despicable Preferment for an Arch-Deacon of Lincoln though Thomas Wallensis in Commiseration of his Countrey did accept it And here the Brittish Ecclesiastical Liberty seems to have drawn its last Breath or to have given only some few Gasps after yet if we place its Fall in Henry the First his time it will have lasted above 1000 yeareâ— but if in Henry the third's time it will be above 1200. But henceforward till till the Reformation I think it must be Acknowledged that the Pope Rodâ— in full Triumph over all parts of these Isles And though in some Matters he Met with smart Opposition yet he Exercised an Authority nothing less then Patriarchal It remains now therefore to be enquired whether this his Intrusion or Possession did create him any Right or any such Right but that the Churches in these Isles as Matters then stood might Reform themselves and lawfully Re-assume their former Liberties XXVI Were it not that the Romanists make a Flourish with every little Argument that seems to favour their Cause as if there were some great thing in it I should not think it worth my while to mention the Plea from the Conversion of the Saxons by Augustine For first if it were good that would give them but little Ground for his Preaching seems not to have taken any Effect beyond Kent the East-Saxons and perhaps some small Matter in the East-Angles As for the Kingdoms of the Northumbrians and Mercians which were of greatest Extent they were apparently of Scotch or Irish Conversion Nor will this Claim in the least touch the Britons Irish Scots or Picts But Secondly if there be any thing in this then such Zealous Christians as have gone out from any of these Isles and Converted Pagans would obtain a Jurisdiction for the Metropolitans of such Places from whence they went in rhose Countreys But if any of our Bishops should on that score Challenge a Jurisdiction in Germany or other places I am apt to think that they would be well Laught at for their pains and be esteemed very idle impertinent persons if not worse used We are therefore ready Gratefully to Acknowledge all those good Offices which any of the Popes Predecessors have heretofore done for us or he at any time shall do for us But if for Others merits or his own good Turns he conclude he has gained us to be his Slaves I think he Sells Kindnesses the dearest of any Man living and we shall beg his Pardon that we are not in Haste to agree to so hard a Bargain XXVII As for these Isles they having been truly and rightfully possessed of such Ecclesiastical Liberties they cannot be lawfully deprived of them by any fraud or force If another Man take away my Goods and keep them never so long yet if I can prove them to have been my Goods and that they were fraudulently and forcibly taken and detained from Me no Possession or Prescription can Create a Right to him who by unlawful means is possessed of that which Apparently belongs to another de facto indeed it may be otherwise but de jure it never ought or can And therefore it was a Sanction of the Twelve Tables Adversus Furèm aeterna Lex esto But the Canons of the primitive Church seem more carefully to have secured the Rights of pâ—rticular Churches then the Secular Laws have done the possessions of particular Men. The Bishops of thâ—se overgrown Cities Rome Antioch and 〈…〉 mâ—ke Use of their Reputation and Interest to Augment their Power and Jurisdiction But as none other had the like Advantages so none Traded with such Success as the Bishop of Rome These were
Church the Patriarchate is only an Ecclesiastical Gift or Institution whereby the Bishop of a certain place is Entrusted with the oversight of more Churches for the Enlarging Communion and securing Religion Now if any Bishop go against the Canons or teach false doctrine or encourage lewd Practices and preach up ill Manners his Flock might desert Him and joyn in Communion with such as were Orthodox If a Metropolitan took such Courses the Bishops of his Province might cast Him off and Govern their Churches by themselves independently of Him And of a Patriaâ—ch who hath somewhat a greater trust shall at the same Rate abuse it he ought the more speedily to be Renounced to Avoid the greater Mischief and Detriment which will otherwise befal the Church of God Ecclesiastical Constitutions must give way to Divine and when instead of serving them they overthrow or frustrate them they are ipso facto void and null Let us suppose that a Person were Recommended to the Pope to be Consecrated or Instituted Archbishop of Gaenterbury besides the tedious Waiting and large Feeing that must be in the Case his Holiness will have for First-Fruits 10000 Florens and for the Pall 5000 for these were the old Rates And besides all this to secure the New Archbishep to be at his devotion at all times for the future will force Him to take an Oath not of Canonical Obedience but of Fealty for that they have brought it to Now perhaps the King may not be willing that such great Summs of Money should from time to time be dreyned out of the Nation And as much more Averse that his Subjects should Swear Allegiance to another Prince as thinking it prejudicial to his absolute Sovereignty and inconsistent with the safety and peace of his Kingdoms What shall be the Issue of rhis Either the Person Recommended and King too must yield or we must have no Metropolitan and the King shall be Excommunicated And if he continue stubborn and obstinate in the Right perhaps the whole Kingdom shall be put under an Interdict And so if your Purses be not at the Popes service and your Persons his Slaves you shall not be suffered so much as to Worship God Now is not this a fine Patriarch And would it not be a great Sin to cast Him off and serve God whether he will or no This Power the Pope has used this Power he still pretends to and he that Claims an Authority against God and his Worship who was only Entrusted for it hath Forfeited his Trust and fallen from the Honour of it XXXII I shall now only Advance one step higher and then leave this mighty Patriarch till we Meet him again in another disguise Let us still suppose the Roman Patriarchate to have extended over these Isles Nay more be it supposed that the Pope is his Holiness indeed and that he could be accused of no ill Management yet I doubt not but his Patriarchate hath of it self in course failed ceased and become void at least so far as Relates to their Churches And that too by those very Laws and Canons of the Ancient Church which may seem to have Erected or Countenanced it The Motives Reasons and Ends of a Law ought to be well Considered because It is not the Words and Phrases but the Sense and Meaning which is the Law And therefore we commonly say That Ratio Legis Lex est Now nothing can be more plain then that the Bounds of Eccsesiastical Jurisdiction were Framed on purpose that they might not interfere with the Civil Power And as hereby the Church manifested her Tenderness and Regard to it and the Subjection of her Members so She Reaped no small Benefit by it Hence the Limits of Jurisdiction in the Church followed the Divisions of the State Where the Governour of the Province had his Residence there of course the Metropolitical Authority placed it self and the Bishop of that City was he whom the Apostles Canons Can. 35. call the First to whom all the other Bishops of the Province are to have such a peculiar Regard that they are to Act nothing of Common Concern without his Corcurrence And so after the Division of the Empire into Diocesses suddenly rose up that Rank of Men since called Patriarchs But by the way we must observe that this did not take in all places For in some Cities where the Vicars of the Empire Resided were not of Strength Interest and Power sufficient to Mount their Bishops into Patriarchs Besides the Bishops of the Church were exceeding jealous of this new start-up Power as savouring more of Worldly Pride then Episcopal Care and therefore kept it out wherever they could And the wary African Bishops made a Decree against so much as the Use of the Name And great Reason they had for it for it would be no hard Matter to prove that by this means crept in those Abuses and Corruptions into the Church which are now Maintained with a Pretence of Authority and therefore the more Remediless Moreover as this new Honour was dangerous so it was needless for the Diocesses though they seemed to swallow up yet they did not destroy the Provinces So that the Metropolitical Authority remained still Suited to the Government of the State and was much more safe and better Fitted to keep out Secular Pride Vanity and Worldly Pomp out of the Church And though it was thought requisite that the Ecclesiastical should Comply with the Civil Government so far as to be useful in the State yet it was never thought needful to run out into all Divisions of Civil Government so as to be prejudicial to the Church But however if those Laws of the Church which Erected or Confirmed Metropolitical or Patriarchal Power proceed upon this Grand Reason That the Government of the Church might be Agreeable to the State then it is Apparent that they never did immoveably Fix such Authority to any particular places for Alteratioâ—s often happening in States that might be clear contrary to their designes But thâ— End Sense and Meaning of those Laws must be this that the Governours of the Church should always be careful that the Limits of Church mens Jurisdiction should be made to Comply with the Divisions and Limits of the Civil Government under which they live that both may Sit easie and be useful to each other And doubtless the God of Order never intended that his Church should Fill the World with Disturbance and Confusion which will be unavoidable if those two Powers be always Clashing If then such Civil Divisions are abolishâ—d and the Government ceased or altered for whose sake such Metropolitical or Patriarchal Power was Erected then those very Laws themselves which first Erected it do in their professed Design Reason and Intention not only disannul it but direct the Governours of the Church to establish or procure the Establishment of such other Limits of Jurisdiction as may be more satisfactory to the State and beneficial to the Church Indeed