perusal of another Learned and Modest Book written by an Anonymous Author entituled Patriarcha non Monarcha Authors for whose Names Posterity will have a greater respect than we at present have and that for their discovery of Truth and refuting so many Vulgar Errors I am SIR Your most Faithful Servant c. FINIS The Appendix ABbas de Middleton tenet in Capite de Domino Rege Mannerium de Middleton c. ex Feoffamenti Regis Aethelstani nullum servitium fecit nisi Orationes In Rotulo de Inquisitionibus Dominicorum Dorsetshire Ano. 4to R. H. Fil. R. I. Here we see that King Aethelstan who reigned above 740 Years agoe infeoffed the Abbey of Middleton of the Mannor of Middleton and that by virtue thereof the Abbot held it in Capite 4. H. 3. and did no Service for it but only to pray for the Souls of him and other succeeding Kings and all this you see found by Inquisition in the Fourth Year of Hen. 3. Rot. Cartar 19. H. 6. Nu. 16. m. 27. per Inspex Pro Decano Capitulo Sancti Martini Magni London per Inspeximus Inspeximus Cartam quam celebris Memoriae Dominus Willielmus quondam Rex Angl. progenitor ' nostri fecit Deo Ecclesiae Sancti Martini Magni London in hec verba QUia inter multa bona opera quae fideles Christi pro animarum suarum salute operantur hoc precipun estimatur tenetur Quod institution edification Sanctae Matris Eccle devota mente impenditur in qua suorum Dei supplicationibus peccata a pio Deo diluuntur quod Moises in mystici Tabernaculi constructione pmonstravit quod etiam Salomonis industria pfiguravit dum Templum Dno Artificiosum honorabile edificaret futuram significans Eccleam summo a fidelibus debere honore decorari quorum vidlt exemplo in nomine Dm nri Iesu Christi Ego Willus Dei dispositione consanguinitatis haereditate Anglorum Basileus Normannorumque Dux Rector cujusdam fidelis mei Ingelrici scilicet petitioni acquiescens Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Abbatuum Comitum Vniversorum procerum meorum Sacro Consilio parens omnes possessiones terrarum quas tempore venâ—rabilis ac dilectissimi cognati predecessoris mei Regis Edwardi Idem Ingelricus acquisierat ê™ ipsius insignissimi Regis Animae Salute necnon peccatorum meorum Remissione concedo Regia auctoritate imê‘pm corroboro confirmo Deo Eccle Beati Martini quam infra muros London sitam pfatus Ingelricus Erardus Frat ejus de propriis suis Redditibus in delictorum suorum Remedin honorabiliter ad Dei laudem Canonicalem Regulam imê‘pm servand tenend construxerunt Sunt igitur haec terrarum nomina c. Et si quas alias libtates vel consuetudines aliqua Ecclearum Regni mei Angl meliores het si quis vero hoc in aliud quam concessimus transferre psumpserit cum Juda Proditore Dei haeredibas luat penas Scripta est haec Chartula An ab Incarnatione Dm M. LX. VIII scilicet secundo Anno Regni mei ê‘acta vero est haec Donatio die Nataliâ— Dm postmodum in die Pentecost confirmat quando Matil conjux mea in Basilica Sancti Petri Westm in Reginam divino nutu est consccrata c. Ego Willus Rex Anglorum Dux Normannorum sub Sigillo Sancte ✚ quas indeclinabiliter consensi atque ✚ roloravi Ego Matil Regina consensum prebui Ego Ricus Regis Fil annui Ego Stigandus Archiepiscopus subscripsi Ego Aldredus Archiepiscopus confirmavi Ego Willus Lond Episcopus infra cujus muros pfatum Monasterium situm est signaculo Sancte Crucis subarravi libtatem omnimodam quantumcumque mee ê‘tinet possibilitati concessi Ego Odo Baiocensis Episcopus concessi Ego Hugo Luxoniensis Episcopus interfui Ego Goiffridus Episcopus corroboravi Ego Hermannus Episcopus concessi Ego Leouricus Episcopus concessi Ego Giso Episcopus concessi Ego Edwious Abbas Ego Wolwaldus Abbas Ego Baldwinus Abbas Ego Agelsinus Abbas Ego Turstinus Abbas Ego Brand Abbas Ego Alswinus Abbas Ego Sithricus Abbas Ego Wills Fil Osbti Comes Ego Robtus Frat Regis Comes Ego Edwinus Comes Ego Robtus Comes Ego Marchere Comes Ego Waldeof Comes Ego Rogerus de Monte Goverii Comes Ego Ricus Fil Gislebti Princeps Ego Wills Malet Princeps Ego Arfastus Regis Cancellarius Ego Michael Regis Capellanus Ego Gislbtus Capellanus Ego Osbinus Capellanus Ego Wills Capellanus Ego Thomas Capellanus Ego Bernardus Capellanus Ego Walterus Capellanus Ego Robtus Capellanus Ego Johes Sancte Romane Ecclie Cardinalis Presbit per Gallias Angl concedente Papa Alexandro vices Apostolicas gerens huic constitutioni interfui quantum Apostolice ✚ Sedi ê‘tinuit libtatem Ecclie psenti Signo confirmavi Ego Petrus Sancte Romane Ecclie similit Cardinalis Presbit Cancellarius ab eodem Papa in Angl elegatus ✚ huic Constitutioni acquiescens propria Manu subscripsi I give you this Charter Sir as a further Proof and Evidence for me in these Particulars viz. 1. You may observe by these words Consanguinitatiâ— haereditate Anglorum Basileus that here King William made an absolute disclaimer of Conquest in the second Year of his Reign and only insisted on what he knew full well was his surer hold his claim by Hereditary Right 2. And this is so much the more considerable as it was done in his Great Council of Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Earls Vniversorum procerum suorum a word of a large signification as well in Historians as in Ancient Records for under the word Proceres were comprehended Principes Civium vel Civitatis And the former Instances I have given you of other General Councils and the Parts thereof in this King's Reign fully agree with this Interpretation 3. The Claim and Protestation of the Rot. Parl. 2. H. 5. Pars secunda N. 10. Commons made the Parl. 2d H. 5. which says That so as hit hath ever be their Liberte and Freedom that thar should no Statute ne Law be made of lasse then they yaffe thereto their assent considering that the Commune of your Lond the which that is and ever hath be a Membre of your Parliament been as well Assentirs as Petitioners And which was ratified and confirmed by the King and Lords and so became an Act of Parliament was but an Affirmation and Declaration of the Ancient Law of the Land And the same Right cannot be denied by any Man to the Lords 4. And that he confirmed as the Custom of succeeding Kings have done to this day all the Possessions of those Lands to the Church of St. Martins le Grand which they had in the Time of EDWARD the CONFESSOR Now if this fond Notion of William's Absolute Conquest be true then either the Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Commons in Parl. 15. R. 2. knew it or they
A Seasonable Treatise Wherein is proved That KING WILLIAM commonly call'd The CONQUEROR Did not get the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword but by the Election and Consent of the People To whom he swore to observe the Original Contract between King and People The Norman swore to Laws by which we 're free Laws here more His than Our Security LONDON Printed for J. Robinson at the Golden Lion in St. Paul's Church-yard 1689. An Explanation of the Frontispiece warranted by the Authorities cited in the following Argument NO sooner had the * King Harold victorious over the K. of Denmark Tosta Harold ' s Brother at York Valiant HAROLD conquered the Danish King and his own Brother the daring TOSTA but news was brought him †William D. of Normandy at the same time lands in Sussex That the NORMAN Duke was arrived at Pemsey in Sussex whereupon with haste he went to meet him and at * Harold meets him at Hastings where they fight Hastings gave the NORMAN battel which proved fatal to him For he was as you may see * Haroid slain slain between the NORMAN Long-Bows and ENGLISH Spears leaving the Duke VICTOR in the Field WILLIAM proud with this Success The D. comes up to London marches with all speed up to Berkhamstead near LONDON The Rest of the ENGLISH if they had look'd upon his coming as a Design to conquer the Nation and not to assert his pretended legal Title against HAROLD were then able to have driven him back to his own Country or at least found him a Tumulary in this for there was not a fifth part of the Strength of the Nation that felt the Force of his Arms Enters into Compact with the English to make him King. but Duke WILLIAM and the ENGLISH soon came to an Agreement and the latter entred into solemn Compact to make him King. Thereupon BRITANNIA Britan. gives him the Scepter holds forth to him the Scepter with one Hand And With the other shews him the excellent And St. Edward ' s Laws to keep and most famous Laws of St. EDWARD As also at the same Time a Noble A Bishop tenders the Coronation Oath Prelat tenders him the Coronation-Oath The ENGLISH first being asked by the Bishop If they would assent to have the Duke their KING and if he should then be crowned To which they all with an unanimous consent answered Yea Yea The Oath VVilliam took at his Coronation Whereupon he takes the Coronation-Oath the sence of which take as follows This Scepter Fairest Queen I most Sacramentum Willielmi Senioris Ante Altare S. Petri Apostoli coram Clero Populo jurejurando Promisit se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias ac Rectores earum defendere necnon cunctum Populum sibi subjectum juste ac Regali providentia regere rectam Legem Statuere tenere rapinas injustaque judicia penitùs interdicere Hoveden pars Prior. fol. 258. l. 14. Exacto prius coram omni Populo jurejurando quod se modesse erga subjectos ageret aequo Jure Anglos quo Francos tractaret Malmsb. lib. 3. fol. 154. b. l. 8. Rex pro bono pacis juravit super omnes Reliquias Ecclesiae Sancti Albani Tactisque Sacro sanctis Evangeliis bonas approbatas Antiquas Regni Leges quas Sancti ac pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores Maxime Rex Edwardus Statuit inviolabiliter observare Mat. Paris Vitae Viginti trium Sancti Albani Abbatuum fol. 48. l. 37. thankfully receive and with it do solemnly Promise and Swear to govern both Church and State in Peace And I vow to Rule my Subjects with that Iustice and prudent Care as becomes a good King. I will with the Advice and Consent of my Great Council enact right Law Which done * The Invocation be Witness all ye Saints that to the utmost of my Power I will my self religiously keep and observe it For what can be more vain and inconsistent with the common Reason of all Mankind than for a Prince publickly and solemnly to ordain a Law and the next moment after to break and abrogate it in his Closet All Rapines I will forbid and all false Judgments no illegal or ARBITRARY ACTS under pretence of the Prerogative-Royal will I suffer or permit to the oppression of my ENGLISH Subjects between whom and my Normans I will administer EQUAL RIGHT And that God Angels my NORMANS and You O Sacred Queen may all be Witnesses and Parties to the sincerity of my Heart That I will not take the English-men's Inheritances by Injustice or thrust them out of their Paternal Possessions by wrong That I have not nor will pretend to any Absolute or Despotical Power over their Lives Liberties and Estates nor violate break or alter the Fundamental Rights of the Kingdom as Tyrants do who only design to enslave their People I do here solemnly promise and swear in the presence of all Ye mighty Powers inviolably to observe and keep the Sacred Laws of St. Edward my Kinsman Which said the Arch-bishop of York sets the Imperial Crown upon WILLIAM's Head and thus of a Duke of NORMANDY he was created KING of ENGLAND TO MY Worthy FRIEND The Learned Author of Argumentum Anti-Normannicum GReat Britain fairest Queen of all the Isles Inrich'd at Home with bounteous Natures smiles Thou such a self-sufficiency dost own All Countries need thy Stores but thou want'st none Divided from the World Thou to thy self art one The Sea and Continent proclaim Thee Great Proud Monarchs have lain Captives at thy Feet The Scales of th' Western World are in thy Hand Each Kingdom 's Fate depends on thy Command Where e're thy Friendship and thy Force combine Against that State in vain the Rest design To Thee no Ills from Forreign Foes can come The basest and more dangerous are at Home No Desert Beasts of Prey thy Land does bear But yet worse Beasts within thy Bowels are Who would thy Rights and Ancient Glories tear Those having lost their Liberty of Mind From vanquish'd Sires a weak excuse would find Are these thy Sons Or Marks of thy disgrace Who own themselves a slavish conquer'd Race The Norman Duke on Terms receiv'd the Crown Swore He 'd by Edward's Laws support his Throne Which sure no absolute Victor would have done That Title which his Great Successor hath Came from the Pact not from the Breach of Faith. That gives the Bounds to all incroaching Might And sets the Banks about the Subjects Right Who pulls them down le ts in a raging Sea Which drowns and swallows up all Property Who e're attempt to let that Torrent in At their own Houses may the Waste begin Let them for others Till their proper Land Or under some base Favourites Command May they whilst others riot with their Stores Without Relief beg at their Native Doors Vnder their Countries Curse their Tyrant's Scorn May they with never-ceasing Pangs be
torn Who violate the Sacred Trust to which they 're born But blest be Thou and all who dare like Thee Bravely assert their Countries Liberty Our well-built Freedom thou dost make t o'appear And its Foundation from Time's Rubbish clear The Norman swore to Laws by which we 're free Laws were more his than our Security Him King the People's joint Consent alone Did make which by that Sacred Oath he won Or that same joint Consent had made him none We were no Norman Slaves nor French could be Had we enough True Englishmen like Thee But now my Muse before you end take care Humbly to close up all with Heav'n in Prayer Prayer for that King who doth Great Britain Rule Who of this Isle is th' Vniversal Soul In whom so many glorious Vertues shine As make him seem to be of Race Divine May Heav'n continually His Guardian prove And keep Him safe in all His Subjects Love Long may unruffled Peace adorn His Crown May all the Laws in their smooth Channel run And flowing Justice still support His Throne Thus blest and thus united here at Home What cannot Britain's Monarch overcome Oh may Great Edward's and Fifth Henry's Soul By Heav'nly Pow'r be transfus'd to him whole May He ride Mighty Admiral of the Seas Scourging His stubborn Enemies into Peace His Envying Neighbours all their Powers disown Strike to His Flag and tremble at His Frown And th' humbled World be glad to pay him fear And awful veneration every where That this may be May the Illustrious Senate of the Land With their Wise Councils ever by him stand He pleas'd in them and they resolv'd to show What th' utmost stretch of Loyalty can do Then will his Glories shine in brightest state At th' Head of such a joint Triumvirate Then King and People doubly will be blest And Europe then enjoy a lasting Rest For this let all our Vows to Heav'en be sent To see Great Charles happy in 's Parliament Argumentum Anti-Normannicum SIR YOu were pleased some time since in my happiness of a short but free conversation with you to tell me You had a mind to read how far I could give you satisfaction in a few Points you had raised to your self concerning the Norman Conquest and that within a little while I should have a Paper from you wherein they should be contained You were not long Sir in justly acquitting your self of your promise to me I did receive the Furniture of these ensuing Arguments by the four Questions you sent me and hope there is nothing to be found in them but unbyassed and venerable Truth which surely none will be offended to hear I have endeavoured to pay all possible Respect to You and to Justice and as far as my Abilities could reach in so small a Treatise have impartially offered my Thoughts upon them and now beg your candour in judging me Your Questions Sir are these The First Question I. Whether William Duke of Normandy who was afterwards William the First got the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword and made an absolute Conquest of the Nation at his first Entrance The Second Question II. Whether this first William did abolish all the English Laws and changed the whole Frame and Constitution of the Government The Third Question III. Whether it be true That the English had neither Estates nor Fortunes left but all was divided between the King and his Normans The Fourth Question IV. Whether it be not a grand Error to affirm That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom I shall take them Sir in the order you have sent them to me and so first begin with your first Question The First Question Whether William Duke of Normandy who was afterwards William the First got the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword and made an * For England thus much I dare speak and under the rule of Modesty protest That sithence the Vniversal Conquest of William who first commanded and imposed Tribute upon this Land for Conquerors may command Tribute and Subsidie have been as justly both by the Law of God and the Law of Nations paid in England as in Jewry yea and justly continued as a remembrance of a Conquest Dr. Fulbec Pandects of the Law of Nations c. 10. p. 69. One Blackwood wrote a Book which concluded That we are all Slaves by reason of the Conquest Vid. Mr. Petyt Misc Parl. p. 66. And this Position is maintained by an Anonimus Author in his full and clear Answer to Mr. Petyt's Ancient Right of the Commons of England asserted Pag. 35. in the Margin Absolute Conquest of the Nation at his first entrance AS you have stated the Question Sir and desire to know what is my Opinion of it with submission to others better informed and who are more able to maintain the Truth of those Principles I proceed upon than my self I shall return you this modest Answer as my Sence and Judgment in the Point viz. That I cannot conclude in the Affirmative for these several constraining Reasons 1. That William laid a far greater stress upon his Claim and Titles to this Kingdom than ever he did upon his great and mighty Conquest will be very plain and evident if you please but to consider with me these following Particulars 1. In that before his Conquest when the People had chosen Harold the Son of Earl Godwin for their King after the Death of Edward the Confessor and had put aside Edgar Atheling by right of Blood and Inheritance entitled to the Crown This Norman Duke made his loud Complaints of the Injuries done him in not electing him for he was * Edward the Confessor was Son to Egelred K. of England by Emma Sister to Rich. 2. Duke of Normandy who was Grandfather to Duke William so that K Edward and Duke William were Cosen Germans once removed as this farther shews you Richard 1. Richard 2. Robert. William Emma Edward Cosen German to the Confessor who died †Edward married Edith the Daughter of E. Godwin but whether upon a vow of Chastity or upon impotency of Nature or upon any hatred to her Father or suspicion against her self for all these Causes are alledged by several Writers of those Times he forbore all private Familiarities with her without Issue and therefore pretended that the Right truly devolved upon him But it seems as ill luck would have it this Duke they knew to be a Bastard and neither the Saxon Law nor the Norman Custom could help him in such a Case and so that Title did him but little good Well what therefore was to be his next Work Why 2. Truly his Pretence was then Mat. Paris 1. Antiq Brit. Eccles 96. That the Confessor had designed him for his Successor and by his last Will had bequeathed this Kingdom to him And this was confirmed by the consent of the Nobility and principally of Harold himself and hereupon considering how Harold had
Saxon Laws that he found when he came to govern this Kingdom nor any setting up of new ones in their stead No so far was he from any such Designs of introducing new Laws which must needs be then the absolute Results of Arbitrary Will and Pleasure to shew the sad and calamitous Effects of an entire Conquest to the overthrow of those so firmly established already that you see he gives his Confirmation to King Edward's Laws which indeed generally speaking were but a Collection of those the Historian calls Bonas Leges ab antiquis Malmesb. de Gest Regn. Angl. lib. 2. fo 42. l. 21. regibus latas non quod ille statuerit sed quod observaverit not so much the Laws of his own making as those he caused to be strictly observed and put in execution From the Title of his Laws proceed we 2. To the Confirmation it self and here I shall acquaint you with the manner of it in all its necessary Particulars This William the First with his French and Normans putting many hardships upon the English which occasioned great Disorders and Convulsions in the State several of the Saxons chief Nobility betook themselves to Arms for the sake of their Avitae Consuetudines to which they bore an immutable and an immortal Love and which they feared some were endeavouring to take away and change them though on the other hand they were obstinately resolved never to part from them for they had à Majoribus Seld. Tit. of Hon. fol. 523. didicisse aut Libertatem aut Mortem and they would rather undergo the worst Calamities of a more cruel War than they would tamely quit and abandon those dear Laws and Customs to which they had so long been used and were so well acquainted with The King hereupon to keep the Ex lib. Monast de Litchfield Co. 8. Rep. in Pref. People in a greater observance of their Duty and withal not forgetting the Oath he had taken at his Coronation caused twelve of the most discreet and wise Men in every Shire throughout all England to take an Oath before himself to deal sincerely and uprightly without turning either ad dextram aut sinistram that is as my Lord Coke interprets it neither to flatter Prerogative or extend Priviledg and to declare and lay open the Constitutions of their Laws and Customs without concealing adding or in any sort varying from the Truth But finding William and his Norman Barons who were Norwegians by extraction were for introducing the Apud Lambard fol. 149. Norwegian Laws This the English thought a more killing blow than that of his Victory and therefore Vniversi Compatriotae qui Leges edixerant tristes affecti being all of them in a great Consternation they beseeched him that they might still retain Leges proprias their own Laws and enjoy Consuetudines Antiquâ—â— their Ancient Customs in which their Fathers lived ipsi in eis nati nutriti sunt quiâ— Id. Ibid. durum valde foret sibi suscipere Leges ignotas judicare de eis quas nesciebant and themselves were born and bred up in because it would be very hard to receive Laws unknown and to judg of those things they understood not And when William denied they warmly reinforced their Requests and then conjured him per Animam Regis Edwardi by the Soul of King Edward qui sibi post diem suum concesserat Coronam Regnum cujus erant Leges that he would not impose a Yoke upon them which they were not able to bear and which would only gall their Necks and make them the more fretting and unruly King William finding there was no Remedy tho' he was long resolute at last in a Common Council of his Kingdom yields and by his Magna Charta the ground-work of all those that after followed he confirmed to Apud Cl. Lambard fol. 158. them their Ancient Laws ad praeces Communitatis Anglorum Blessing it with the Seal of Security and Wish of Eternity closing it up with this Co. li. 8. in Pref. general And we further Command That all Men keep and observe duly the Laws of King Edward rearing up the Frontispiece of his Gracious Ex Libro MS. de legib antiq Work with his Glorious Stile Willielmus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum Dux Normannorum Omnibus hominibus suis Francis Anglicis Salutem Statuinius imprimis super omnia unum Deum per totum Regnum nostrum venerari unam fidem Christi semper inviolatam custodiri pacem securitatem concordiam judicium justitiam inter Anglos Normannos Francos Britones Walliae Cornubiae Pictos Scotos Albaniae similiter inter Insulanos Provincias Patrias quae pertinent ad Coronam dignitatem defensionem observationem honorem Regni nostri inter omnes nobis Subjectos per Vniversam Monarchiam Regni Britanniae firmiter inviolabiliter observari Ingulphus Secretary to William in Normandy and afterwards made Abbot of Crowland by him is an unexceptionable Witness to prove that the English Laws were then anew confirmed and he saith †Ex Ingulpho Abbate Crowlandense fol. 519. b. l. 37. Attâ—li eadem vice mecum de Londonijs in meum Monasterium Leges aequissimi Regis Edwardi quas Dominus meus inclitus Rex Willielmus authenticas esse perpetuas per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliter tenendas sub poenis graviffiâ—â—is toclamâret suis Justitiarils commendâret eodem idiomate quo editae sunt I brought this time with me from London where he had been about the business of his House to my Monastery the Laws of the most just King Edward which my Lord William the renowned King of England had proclaimed authentick and perpetual all England over to be kept under most grievous Penalties and commended to his Justice in the same Tongue they were set forth And this Proclamation was not all to allay the Storms which perhaps the violation of these Laws had raised For the good of Peace saith an ancient Monk he swears upon all the Reliques of the Church of Saint Albane touching the Holy Gospel Abbot Fredrick ministring the Oath * Mat. Paris in vit Fretherici Abbatis S. Albani fol. 48. l. 39. Bonas approbatas antiquas Regni Leges quas Sancti Pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores maximè Rex Edwardus statuit inviolabiliter observare the good and approved ancient Laws of the Realm which the Holy and Pious Kings of England his Ancestors and especially King Edward set forth inviolably to keep Thus we see the Mighty Conqueror is himself conquered and solemnly renouncing all Arbitrary Will and Power submits his Will to be regulated and governed by Justice and the ancient Rights of the English Men. Besides that the Laws that were continued and confirmed were the old Saxon Laws and the Additional Laws were made for the Benefit and Advantage of the English not Normans And those
Laws of Saint Edward which the English were so fond of this William solemnly swore before God Angels and Men for ever inviolably to keep and observe But before I leave this your Second Question Sir I think it will be no ways improper to give you the signification of the word Conquest and in what sence Historians and learned Antiquaries have understood it 1. Matthew Paris hath it thus Rex Mat. Paris fol. 941. Angliae ex Conquestu dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus eo quòd haerede caruit Regnum legavit Willielmo Bastardo Duci Normannorum 2. Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary Spelm. Gloss tit Conquestus fol. 145. says Willielmus Primus Conquestor dicitur quia Angliam conquisivit id est acquisivit purchased non quod subegit not that he subdued it 3. Sir John Skene Clark of the Register Skene p. 39. Council and Rolls to King James in Scotland in his Book De Verborum significatione tells us That Conquestus signifies Lands quhilk ony Person acquiris and possessis privato jure vel singulari titulo veluti donatione vel singulari aliquo contractu 4. And it seems to me not improbable that the Title of Conqueror rather than of Victor was assumed by him as being a word more mild and originally signifying as it does in Scotland a Purchaser which is he that cometh to a real Estate not by hereditary Descent but by Bargain or Gift c. Conquestus dicitur ratione Mr. Skene de Verborum signifie verbo Conquestuâ— primi Conquestoris cum transmittitur ad ejus haeredem exuit naturam Conquestus induit naturam Haereditatis 5. And that the word Conquestus did signify what the Historians say it did we have Records to justify their Exposition whereof I shall produce one and that is above 480 Years ago It says Robertus Filius Nigelli petit versus Richardum Battail Capitale Messuagium c. Ricardus venit dicit quod pater c. fuit persona Ecclesiae de Conquestu suo c. dedit c. Placita de terris Mich. 2. Johan penes Camerar Scaccar remanen Now surely none can make the word Conquestus here to signify that the Father of Battel got the Advowson by Conquest in our modern sense but that he had it by his own purchase 6. Sir Roger Twisden in his Preface before King William's Laws and he well enough understood the full meaning of the word Conquestus says Non existimo Willielmum primum Apud Lambardum in Prefac 155. de omnium Anglorum terris ad voluntatem suam pro libitu in modum absolutae dominationis disposuisse I do not in the least imagine that William the First had the disposition of the Lands of all the English according to his own Arbitrary Will and Pleasure and after the manner of an Absolute Conquest Now Sir by these several Explanations of the word I think it is very obvious to any impartial Considerer that however we construe and interpret it now being either urged by Flattery or Interest so to do it never did even in that Age it self import or signifie such an absolute and entire Conquest as to carry along with it the enslaving of the whole English Nation after William's Victory over Harold Nay tho' every Body will acknowledg that this Harold came to the Imperial Crown of England * à totius Angliae Primatibus ad Regale Culmen electus Abrev. Chron. Rad. de dicâ—to fo 479. by a general Election of the Chief of the Nation yet there is an Ancient Author calls him Conqueror And what then shall we think of the signification of the word but that it was an Acquest at most and that too by the Voice and Suffrage of the People saith he Heraldus strenuus Dux Conquestor MS. ex Bib. Domini Wild defuncti Angliae But Sir this is not all I must beg your patience and leave for the better illustration of the word Conquest and to disabuse the World in this Point to present you with this following Summary SERIES Of the Stiles of our several descendant Kings from this William the First inclusively to the Great King Edward the Third and therein make an Observation which perhaps as yet hath scarcely been taken notice of The Stiles of the Kings 1. WIllielmus Rex Anglorum c. W. 1. and sometimes Willielmus Cognomento Bastardus Rex Anglorum c. 2. Willielmus Rufus Rex Anglorum W. 2. c. and sometimes Willielmus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum c. 3. Henricus Rex Anglorum c. and H. 1. sometimes Henricus Willielmi Magni Regis Filius 4. Stephanus Rex Anglorum c. and Steph. sometimes Stephanus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum c. 5. Henricus omitted Dei Gratia and H. 2. used this Stile Henricus Rex Angliae c. and sometimes Henricus Filius Imperatricis Matildae Rex Angliae c. 6. Richardus Rex Angliae c. R. 1. 7. Johannes Rex Angliae c. and added John. this Dominus Hiberniae 8. Henricus Filius Johannis Rex Angliae H. 3. c. 9. Edwardus Rex Angliae c. E. 1. 10. Edwardus Filius Edwardi primi E. â— Rex Angliae c. And now we are come to the great Epocha of Time when the Stile of our Kings altered Edward the Third in the beginning of his Reign in several Records writ himself Edwardus Filius Edwardi Filii Edwardi that is Edward the Son of Edward the Second the Son of Edward the First But this distinction not being well approved of and having considered that before the Conquest there had been two King Edwards he in all Fines and in general Records writ himself Edwardus Rex Angliae c. tertius post Conquestum which was done in the second Year of his Reign Anno Dom. 1328. which Rule was followed by Richard 2. Hen. 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. and so to succeeding Kings downwards And Sir to give you a further proof that King William did not Cancel and Abolish all the English Laws nor change as is so much affirmed the whole Frame and Constitution of the Government be pleased to hear the Judgment of Mr. Selden and the Opinion of Sir Winston Churchill and I hope they are such unquestionable Authorities as may sufficiently ballance if not totally depress the fiercest of Gain-sayers I shall begin with the great and ever famous Selden for whose Memory as truly deserving I have the highest regards and shall transcribe his words at large which may not only serve for a good Solution to this your Second Question but indeed may possibly fully satisfy you as to your other three His words are The Laws of before as well as of Selden ' s Review of his History of Tithes p. 482 483 484. after the Norman Conquest as it is vulgarly called are here gathered and are perhaps equally observable
as the Rest in the consequent of a general consecration of Tithes to the Church in England For neither were the Laws formerly made abolish'd by that Conquest altho' by Law of i Vid. Quintilian lib. 5. Institution cap. 10. Athe. Gentil de â—â—re belli lib. 3. cap. 5. Hottoman illust Quaest 5. War regularly all Rights and Laws of the Place conquered be wholly subject to the Conqueror's Will. For in this of the Norman not only the Conqueeor's Will was not declared that the former Laws should be abrogated and until such Declaration Laws remain in force by the Opinion of k Calvin's Can. fol. 17. b some in all Conquests of Christians against Christians but also the ancient and former Laws of the Kingdom were confirmed by him For in his fourth Year by the Advice of his Baronage he summoned to London omnes Nobiles sapientes Lege sua eruditos ut eorum Leges Consuetudines audiret as the words are of the Book of Litchfield and afterward confirmed them as is further also related by l in H. 2. p. 347. Roger of Hoveden Those Lege suâ eruditi were common Lawyers of that Time as Godrie and Alfwin were then also who are spoken of in the Book of m MS lib. 2. p. 33. 30. in Biol Cotton Abingdom to be Legibus Patriae optime instituti quibus tanta secularium facundia praeteritorum memoria eventorum inerat ut caeteri circumquaque facilè eorum sententiam ratam fuisse quem edicerent approbarent And these two and divers other Common Lawyers then lived in the Abby of Abingdon Quorum collationi nemo sapiens says the Author refragabatur quibus rem Ecclesia publicam tuentibus ejus oblocutores elingues fiebant You must know that in those days every Monk here in England that would might remain so secular that he might get Mony for himself purchase or receive by descent to his own use And therefore it was fit enough for practising Lawyers to live in Monasteries But what had those praeteritorum memoria eventorum that is Reports and adjudged Cases of the Saxon Times availed in their skill if the former Laws had not continued More obvious Testimonies to this purpose are had out of u Videsis Cok. Praefar ad Relat. 3. 8. si placet Not. ad fortesc p. 7 8. Gervase of Tilbury Ingulphus and others and we here omit them But also indeed it was not to be reputed a Conquest or an Acquisition by right of War which might have destroyed the former Laws so much as a violent recovering of the Kingdom out of the hands of Rebels which withstood the Duke's pretence of a lawful Title claimed by the Confessor's adoption or designation of him for his Successor his nearness of Blood on the Mother's side not a little also aiding such a pretence to a Crown For the Confessor's Mother Emme was Sister to Richard the Second Duke of Normandy to whom William was Grand-child and Heir But these were only specious Titles and perhaps examined curiously neither of them were at that time enough And howsoever his Conscience so moved him at his death that he profest he had got * Historia Cadonensis England only by Blood and the Sword yet also by express Declaration in some of his Patents he before pretended his Right from the Confessor's Gift p Chart. Eccl s Westm in inspex part 7. 1. Ed. 4. m. 26. vid. Camb. pag. 104. In ore gladii saith he Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devicto Haraldo Rege cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum beneficio concessionis Domini cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi concessum conati sunt auferre c. And the Stories commonly tells us That the Confessor Successionem Angliae ei dedit And although Harold also pretended a Devise of the Kingdom to himself made by the Confessor in extremis and urged also that the Custom of England had been from the time of Augustine's coming hither q MS. sive Autor Guil. Pictav sive quis alius sit in Bibl. Cotton Donationem quam in ultimo fine quis fecerit eam ratam haberi and that the former Gift to the Norman and his own Oath for establishment of it were not of force because they were made r Malmesb. lib. 5. de Gest Regum p. 56. a. aliâ— in Will. 1. videsis Mat. Paris in Hen. 3. p. 1257. Edit Londin absque generali Senatus Populi conventu edicto yet for his own part he was driven to put all upon the Fortune of the Field and so lost it And the Norman with his Sword and pretence of the sufficiency and precedence of the Gift made to himself got the Crown as if he had been a lawful Successor to the Confessor and not an Vniversal Conqueror All this is plain out of the Stories and justified infallibly by that of the Titles of many common Persons made to their Possessions in England after his Kingdom setled upon the possession of themselves or their Ancestors in time of the Saxon Kings especially of the Confessor But this was always in case where they by whose possession the Title was made had not incurr'd Forfeiture by Rebellion Many such Titles are clearly allowed in the Book of Dooms-day written in the Conqueror's Time One especially is noted by the most learned Camden in his Norfolk That as I remember is touched in Dooms-day also but enough others are dispersed there which agree with it How could such Titles have held if he had made an absolute Conquest of England wherein an Vniversal Acquisition of all had been to the Conqueror and no Title could have been derived but only from or under him More might be brought to clear this but we add here only the judicious Assertion of a great s Shard in cas in itin temp Ed. 3. fol. 143. b. Lawyer of Edward the Third's Time Le Conqueror saith he ne vient pas pur ouster eux que avoient droiturell possession mes de ouster eux que de leur tort avoâ—ent occupie ascun terre en disheritance del Roy son Corone It was spoken upon an Objection made in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough touching a Charter of King Edgar which the King's Councel would have had void because by the Conquest all Franchises they said were devolved to the Crown But by the way for that of his nearness of Blood which could not but aid his other pretended Title let it not seem meerly vain in regard of his being a Bastard There was good pretence for the help of that defect also For although the Laws of this Kingdom and I think of all other Civil States at this day exclude Bastards without a subsequent Legitimation from Inheritance yet by the old Laws used by his Ancestors and Country-men that is by those of Norway a Prince's Son gotten
which I cannot but mention and that is The inconsiderateness of those Men who so mightily cry up the absolute Conquest of William the First over the English as if they were utterly broken and crushed and all their Laws and Tustoms destroyed when as it is demonstrably Sim. Dunelm An. 1088. fâ—â— 214. Angli eum fideliter juvabant manifest that at the Time of Robert and his Normans Treason and Conspiracy against William Rufus then King and his Brother to cut off him and make Robert King in his room I say then the Interest of the English was so great and powerful that it kept the Crown upon Rufus's Head maugre all the Power of the Normans who universally joined with Robert. But Sir now I will consider the import of your next Question The Third Question III. Whether it be true That the The Anonimous Author against Mr. Petyt p. 43. English had neither Estates nor Fortunes left but all was divided between the King and his Normans THough it be confessed that this first William obtained the Imperial Crown of England yet I think I have clearly made it out to you Sir that it was by a Reception upon Terms and not by Right of Conquest and it is no less obvious that the Laws in general which were after such his Acquisition ratified and confirmed and which continued in full force and power were the old Saxon Laws and though it cannot be denied but that he did introduce some new Laws of his own yet those quas constituimus you have heard were made ad utilitatem Anglorum for the Benefit and Advantage of the English without the least mention either of the French or Normans And observable too it is that those Laws were made per Commune Concilium totius Regni Apud Lambard inter Leges Guâ—iel primi fol. 170. de Statut. 55. 1. And if so Sir me thinks this seems as one strong Argument that the English could not have all their Estates Fortunes violently ravished from them nor the King and his Normans at their coming in could not absolutely sweep away all the Stakes because the good Old Law was still in its full being and virtue * Co. 12. Report fol. 65. which was the Metwand and Mensure to try the Causes of the Subjects and †In his first Speech to his first Parliament in Engl. Stat. 1. Jac. c. 2. fol. 1157. by which saith the wife King James the People's security of Lands Livings and Priviledges were preserved and maintained and which also is * K. Charl. 1. Declaration to all his Doring Subjects published with the Advice of his Privy Council Exact Collect. c. p 28. the Inheritance of every Subject and the only security he can have for his Life or Estate And then they could not lose all they had at this rate but it must be by a manifest wrong to the Priviledg as well as well-being of the People and no doubt if the Law had its due course as I have made that plain it had but that their Native Rights were easily recoverable and the ravaging Normans could not keep them in spight of all Justice for that were a total abolishing of the Law. 2. But in the next place Sir I make no question but that I shall convince you that the English at least those who lived in Peace before and at his coming to the possession of the English Throne did quietly and peaceably enjoy their Inheritances and their Titles and Claims to them from their Saxon Ancestors were held good and allowed which to be sure they never could have done had this Kingdom received such an universal Change and Revolution as so many of our late Learned Authors would needs have us firmly to believe Saith Sir Richard Baker in his Chronicle Sir Ric. Baker ' s Chronic. fol. 23. of this King's Life and Reign Though he hath had the Name of Conqueror yet he used not the Kingdom as gotten by Conquest for he took no Man's living from him nor dispossessed any of their Goods but such only whose demerit made them unworthy to hold them as appears by his Act to one Warren a Norman to whom he had given the Castle of Sherborne in Norfolk The Story is faithfully this as you may find in Cambden's Britannia The King it seems had given away Sherborne to Warren a Norman and one that was his great Favourite which Edwinus de Sherborne perceiving who was the true Owner of the Castle and an English Man demands before the King his right in open Court tells him it did de jure belong to him upon this Reason of Law for that he never had took up Arms against the King either before his coming in or Mr. Petyt ' s Ancient Right of the Commons of England asserted Pref. p. 24. since whereupon the King vinculo juramenti astrictus gave Judgment of Right against the Norman and Sherborne recovered the Lordship Sir Henry Spelman tells you the Story which he hath taken out of an Ancient Manuscript concerning the Family of the Sharborns thus Edwinus Spelm. Gloss verbo Drenches p. 184. de Sharborne quidam alii qui ejecti fuerunt è terris suis abierunt ad Conquestorem dixerunt ei quod nunquam ante Conquestum nec in Conquestu suo nec post fuerunt contra ipsum Regem in Consilio Auxilio sed tenuerunt se in pace Et hoc parati sunt probare quomodo ipse Rex vellet ordinare Per quod idem Rex fecit inquiri per totam Angliam si ita fuit quod quidem probatum fuit propter quod idem Rex praecepit ut omnes illi qui sic tenuerunt se in pace in forma praedicta quod ipsi rehaberent omnes terras donationes suas adeo integrè in pace ut unquam habuerunt vel tenuerunt ante Conquestum suum That is Edwin of Sharborn and several others that were ejected out of their Estates and Possessions went to the Conqueror and told him that they never either before or in or after the Conquest were against him the said King either by their Advice or any other Aid but kept themselves peaceably and quietly And this they were ready to make out which way soever the King pleased to appoint Whereupon the said King ordered an Inquisition to be made throughout all England whether it were so or no which was plainly proved Therefore he presently commanded that all those who so kept themselves peaceably in manner aforesaid as these had done should be repossessed of all their Estates and Inheritances as fully amply and quietly as ever they had or held them before his Conquest This is a Case so full to the Point and so plain to every common Understanding in its self that it would be frivolous to make any deductions from it I shall presume to repeat to you the words of a great and Learned Judg in the Reign of King Edward the
ground to believe he was a great Man that he had a Sir-name or Addition Because if we believe the Great Antiquary Mr. Cambden Sirnames Camb. Rem p. 136. were not setled among the Common People fully till about the Time of Edw. 2. 2. The Earl of Moreton a very Ipse Comes tenuit Estreham T. R. E. powerful Prince as I may call him held Estreham in Tenrige Hundred in the Time of King Edward He enjoyed several other great Possessions of the Gift of King William I doubt not indeed but he was a Norman born yet he was here before the entrance of the Norman Duke and might not improbably be in Favour with King Edward the Confessor who was all Camb. Rem p. 136. Frenchified He to be sure had some Lands within the Kingdom of England which he enjoyed not from William's Division Pag. 176. Hampshire 3. Ralph Mortimer held several Possessions some of which he had Jure Haereditario from before the Reputed Conquest Ipse Radulphus tenet Ordie This Mannor T. R. E. extra Ecclesiam emptum fuit eo pacto conventione ut post tertium haeredem cum omni pecunia Manerium Ecclesia Sancti Petri de Episcopatu recuperet nunc qui tenet Radulphus est tertius haeres Dorsetshire Dorsete 4. Ten Thains hold Chimedecome Ipsi tenuerunt T. R. E. pro. 1. Manerio Omnes qui has terras tenuerunt T. R. E. potuerunt ire ad quem Dominum volebant Staffordshire Statfordscire 5 Alric holds Stagrisgeshowe Ipsi has Terras tenuerunt T. R. E. And Aswold holds Chrochesdene 14. more hold Lands of Titles Prior to King William's amongst which the Earls Hugh de Ferriers and Alberic de Vere the first of which held St. Warburgh of Chester in the Time of the Confessor 6. And lastly Vctred held several Lands in the Time of King Edward as in the Time of William the First Besides several dispossessed who have their Titles allowed I think these six Instances are enough referring the more curious to Mr. Attwood's Book before mentioned or to the great Survey it self to bear out my Assertion That the English had Estates and Fortunes still in their hands which they held in King Edward's Time and did not derive under King William's Title Having now given you these six Individuals I shall offer you three more and they are from the Charters of King William the one to the Dean of St. Pauls confirming to him the Lands c. belonging to that Church and this was upon the day of his Coronation too The other is to the Abby of Westminster and the third to the City of London granting to them the Liberties and Franchises which they enjoyed in the Time of Edward the Confessor To begin with that made to the Dean of St. Pauls 1. Ego Willielmus Dei Gratia Rex Carta Regis Williel Conquestor in Appendice in Histor Eccles Cathedr S. Pauli By Sir Will. Dugdale fol. 190. Anglorum unà cum Mathilda Reginâ Principibusque meis coram conventu Sacerdotum Dei Reverendis scilicet Archiepiscopis Aldredo Stigando caeterisque Episcopis Abbatibus hujus Patriae terras Monasterii Sancti Pauli quae in tempore Antecessorum meorum à quibuslibet hominibus ablatae fuerant injustè detentae omnes in die primi Diadematis Coronationis meae Deo ejusque Apostolo Paulo in Lundonia eorum servitoribus in perpetuùm possidendas restitui eas ex omni parte liberas esse concessi 2. William the First gives the Cartae Antiq. C. C. n. 31. Church of Westminster decimam de Wic de eadem parte quae ad me pertinebat atque iterùm reddidi eandem partem eis injustè ablatam quà m Rex Edwardus antea dederat So that we see that as on the one hand William the First gave them the Tithes of that part which was his right so likewise he restored the Tithes of that part which was unjustly taken from that Church and which Edward the Confessor had before given And no Conquest was here pretended but the Precedent proves the quite contrary viz. that there was none insisted on 3. And now I come to that respecting the City of London Williem King grets Williem Bisceop and Godfred * Porteregravan portgrave Saxonicè Hollinshead ' s 3d Vol. fol. 15. 2. Col. n. 21. Porterefan ealle ya Burghwarn binnen London Frenciâ—e Englise frendlice Ic kiden eoy yeet Ic wille yeet git ben ealra weera lâ— gayweord ye get weeran on Eadwerds daege Kings And Ic wille yeet aelc child by his Fader yrfnume aefter his Faders daege And Ic nelle ge Wolian yeet adnig man eoy aenis wrang beode God eoy heald Willielmus Rex Salutat Willielmum Episcopum Goffridum Portegrefium omnem Burghware infra London Frans Angl. amicabilitèr Et vobis notum facio quòd ego volo quòd vos sâ—iâ— omni lege illa digni quae fuistis Edwardi diebus Regis Et volo quod omnis Puer sit Patris sui haeres post diem Patris sui Et ego nolo pati quòd aliquis homo aliquam injuâ—iam vobis inferat Deus vos salvet Englished in Stow's Survey of London Stow ' s Survey of London fol. 740. thus William King grete William Bishop and Godfrey Porters and al the Burgeis within London Frensh and English And I grant you that I wyll that yee be all your Lawe worth that ye were in Edwardis dayes the King. And I wyl that ich Childe be his Faders Eyer And I nyl suffur that ony Man you any wrongys beed And God you kepe Now 't is evident from this Charter 1. That it was made immediately upon or after the Coronation of William because you see he stiles himself King. 2. This may seem to justify not only what the Historians who lived nearest his Time as Pictaviensis c. but what his own Laws do likewise declare viz. That he was crowned King by compact with the English and at the same time swore inviolably to observe King Edwards Laws which he confirmed to them 3. With this further That he denounced a severe Prohibition that no Man should offer any affront or do any wrong to the Citizens of London 4. And for a compleat assurance of all this his Love and Kindness to the City he concludes with a Prayer to Heaven That God would keep and bless them But by the way give me leave to shew you though I think likewise it does not a little contribute to the strength and validity of my Argument the Greatness and Power of the City of London in those early Times I shall transcribe the words of a Learned Writer concerning it and so leave it to your more serious consideration William Stephanides a Monk of Canterbury born as Stow saith in his fore-cited Book of Worshipful Parents in the City of London and who lived in the Stephanid
Descriptio Nobilissimae Civitatis Londoniae in Stow ' s Survey c. fol. 704. de situ ejusdem Reign of King Stephen in his description of it hath these words Inter Nobiles Vrbes Orbis quas fama celebrat Civitas Londonia Regni Anglorum sedes una est quae famam sui latiùs diffundit opes merces longiùs transmittit caput altius extollit Foelix est aëris salubritate Christianâ Religione firmitate munitionum naturâ sitûs honore Civium pudicitiâ matronali ludis etiám quà m jucunda Nobilium foecunda virorum Vrbs ista viris est honorata armis decorata Id. fol. 705. multo habitatore populosa ut tempore Bellicae cladis sub Rege Stephano bello apti ex e◠exeuntes ostentatui haberentur 20000 Armatorum Equitum 60 mille Peditum aestimarentur Cives Londoniae ubicunque locorum prae omnibus aliis Civibus ornatu morum vestium mensie locutione spectabiles noti habentur Which in English is thus Of all the celebrated Cities in the World this of London is the Metropolis of England a City of a very extensive Fame in its self but much more honourable by the Native Treasure and Commodities which she exporteth Happy is she in the temperature of her Climate in the soundness of her Doctrine strength of her Forts agreeableness of her Situation in the Credit and Reputation of her Citizens the unblemish'd Chastity of the Female Sex innocently pleasant even in her Recreations and honoured with a numerous Train of Nobility The Grandeur of this City chiefly consists in the Properness and Valour of her Men in the bravery of her Armour the multitude of her Inhabitants so that in the fatal Wars in King Stephen's Reign there appeared on a Muster 20000 Horse and 60000 Foot all armed Souldiers The Citizens of London are known and esteemed beyond all other Persons wheresoever they travel for their gentile Deportment their good Apparel their Table and Discourse So that we see from hence that in the Reign of King Stephen who was Nephew to King William the First from whose Death to King Stephen's Reign there were not fifty Years the City of London was very great and powerful but had the English Citizens been all destroyed and had all their Estates and Fortunes been as is so positively affirmed taken away from them by William the First it had been impossible in so short a Time for them to have risen again to that degree of Fame and Renown through all this part of the World as the Historian who was an Eye-Witness of it so credibly assures us My next design is to shew you That from the General Direction of the Writs and Charters in King William the First his Time it is plainly demonstrable that William the pretended Conqueror did not divide all the Lands of England amongst his Norman followers to hold of him Dugdal Hist of St. Pauls in the Appendix fol. 196. 1. W. Cyng gret Osmund bisceoþ of Hearbyrig Rob. of Eli. Piedres of Valloniis ealle his scirgerevan his holdan Frencisce Englisce frendlisce .. Id est 1. W. Rex Saluto Osmundum Episcopum Nota Here are English Sheriffs and other English Officers as well as French. Saresburiensem Robertum de Ely Petrum de Valoniis omnesque praefectos suos et fideles Frances et Anglos amicè 2. Willem Chart. Antiq. 1. Cyng gret mines b'pe◠mind Eorles ealle mind Degnes freneisse Englisce Willem gret mines Bishops and Here were Engl. Thains Thani Appellatione viri interdum Nobiles interdum liberae Conditionis Homines interdum Magistratus atque saepenumero Ministri notantur Gloss in fin Lambard de pris Angl. leg fol. 223. Col. 1. tic Thanus mind Eorles and ealle mind Thegnes Freneisse and Englisce 3. W. Rex Anglorum O. Episcopo Monast Angl. Vol. 1. fo 185. Sarisburiensi et L. Abbati Glastoniensi et A Vicecomiti omnibusque Baronibus Francigenis et Anglis de Sumerseta et de Wiltunscire Salutem 4. Willielmus Rex Angliae Archiepiscopo Id. fol. 397. ◠T. Eboraci et Justiciariis et Vicecomitibus et omnibus Baronibus Fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de Ebocacistire et de Carleoli Salutem 5. Willielmus Rex Anglorum Walterio Id. fol. 29. Vicecomiti et omnibus Baronibus suis Franeigenis et Anglis de Comitatu de Glocestre Salutem 6. Willielmus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum Id. ibid. Fidelibus suis Francigenis et Anglis Salutem 7. Willielmus Rex Anglorum Episcopo Id. ibid. de Suthsexa et Vicecomiti et caeteris Baronibus suis Francigenis et Anglis Salutem 8. Willielmus Rex Angliae G. Vicecom ' Id. Vol. 2. fo 845. et Baronibus suis de Caerleil Salutem 9. Willielmus Rex Angliae Thomae Id. fol. 845. Archiepiscopo et Bertramo de Verdun et Baronibus suis Francis et Anglis de Everwicscire Salutem 10. Henricus Rex Angliae Richardo Cart. Antiq. N Episcopo London et Vic' et Praeposito et omnibus Baronibus et Fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de London et Middlesex Salutem 11. Henricus Rex Angliae Vic' et Id. Ibid. Baronibus London 12. Henricus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae Dugdal Hist of St. Pauls in the Appendix fol. 197. Archiepiscopis et Episcopis et Comitibus Angliae et Hugoni de Boclande et omnibus Baronibus sidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de Lundonia et de Middlesexa et de tota Anglia Salutem By these Writs and Charters Sir though many more of the like nature might easily be given I think with submission my Argument is firmly maintained and the plain English of them all is no more than this That in William the first 's Time there were English Barons as well as French Barons in Somersetshire and Wiltshire in York-shire and Carlisle in Gloucestershire and in Sussex and the direction of the Writs and Charters is equally given to them both without any difference of Power or Authority mentioned otherwise than that the French Barons had the precedency of the English in those Writs and Charters * As is asserted by the said Anonimus Author against Mr. Petyt p. 151. With what force of truth then can it be defended That the Norman Nobility were at that time the only Nobility I appeal to the World. But I pray now hear two Branches of his MAGNA CHARTA or Great Charter which he granted to the English and they run thus 1. Volumus etiam ac firmiter praecipimus Apud Cl. Lambard LL. Will. prim fol. 170. c. 55. concedimus ut omnes liberi homines totius Monarchiae Regni nostri praedicti habeant teneant terras suas possessiones suas bene in pace liberè AB OMNI EXACTIONE INJUSTA AB OMNI TALLAGIO ita quod nihil ab eis exigatur vel
between the Arch-bishop of York and this same Bishop of Worcester was here judicially determined And 4. If there were no English Men in this great Council how then came it to pass that the Bishop of York and London were there who certainly were Bishops in the Saxon Times And it may also seem not improbable that there was then an universal Consent among them that these two Bishops should be intrusted to write down for them the English Laws 5. And there is one great Thing more to close withal which is That at this Parliament when the Saxon Laws were confirmed there was a particular Law past Carta Regis Wil. ielm apud Lambard c. 54. fol. 170. in favour of the Normans qui ante adventum Guilielmi Cives fuerant Anglicani that they should be participes Consuetudinum Anglorum quod ipsi dicunt Anhlote Anscote persolvant secundum Legem Anglorum The meaning of the words Anhlote Sir H. Spelm. Gloss verbo Anhlote f. 31. and Anscote as Sir Henry Spelman informs us is vulgò Scot Lot that is That every such French Man should not be charged with double Taxes and Duties as a Foreigner but that he should pay his easy share and proportion as any natural English Man. But then II. It was in such a grand Assembly of wise Men of the Kingdom where Lanfranc was elected to the See of Canterbury for it was by the Assent of the Lords and Prelats and of the whole People that is to say by the Parliament of England This likewise was about the fourth Year of the Conqueror And an Ancient Historian writes thus of Gervas Dorobernens Act. Pont. Cant. fol. 1653 l. 5. his Election Eligentibus eum Senioribus ejusdem Ecclesiae cum Episcopis ac Principibus Clero Populo Angliae in Curia Regis in Asumptione Sanctae Mariae But another Contemporary Writer gives it you in these words Relat. Willielm prim ad finem tract de Gavelkind à Syla Taylor p. 194. Rex mittens propter illum in Normanniam fecit eum venire in Angliam eique Consensu Auxilio omnium Baronum suorum omniumque Episcoporum Abbatum totiusque Populi Angliae commisit ei Dorobernensem Ecclesiam III. There was another General Ex Cartulario Coenobii Westmonasteriensis in Biblioth Cotton sub effigie Faustinae A. 3. Dugdal Orig. Juridic sol 16. Council or Parliament held at Westminster in the fourteenth Year of this King where by his Charter he confirmed the Liberties of that Church after he had subscribed his own Name with the Sign of the Cross adding many of the great Clergy and Temporal Nobility and instead of cum multis aliis says multis praeterea illustrissimis Virorum personis Regni Principibus diversi ordinis omissis qui similitèr huic confirmationi piissimo affectu Testes Fautores fuerunt Hii autem illo Tempore à Regia potestate Provincia i. e. Comitatus Seld. Tit. Hon fol. 273. Spelm. Gloss Tit. Provincia f. 471. diversis Provinciis Vrbibus ad Vniversalem Synodum pro causis cujuslibet Christianae Ecclesiae audiendis tractandis ad praescriptam Celeberrimam Parliamentum Synodus magna nuncupatur Somneri Gloss Synodum quod Westmonasterium dicitur Convocati c. In the Margin of the Book there is writ this Remarque Nota hic hos omnes convocari à Rege suâ auctoritate ad causas Religionis tractandas tà m Nobiles de Clero quà m Principes Regni cum aliis inferioris gradus Convocatio quorum videtur esse Parliamentum IV. I think by the general direction of the Writs of this King as also by that of his Charters some of which I have given you in my Argument to your third Question and therefore shall refer you back to them it is plainly demonstrable that William had as well English Barons as French Barons and that his Barons were always a part of his great Council will hardly I suppose be denied by any And that one Law of his which may be called the First MAGNA CHARTA in the Norman Times by which the King reserved to himself from the Free Men of this Kingdom nothing but their free Services due to him according to Law in the conclusion saith That they to wit the English LL. Guilielm c. 55. shall hold and enjoy their Estates well and in peace free from all unjust Exactions and Tallage and this ratified and confirmed by the Common Council of the whole Kingdom which cannot be restrained to the Norman Barons only So that herein is asserted the Liberty of the English Free-men and of the Representative Body of the Kingdom These I think are uncontrovertible Proofs and Evidences 1. That there were General Councils or Parliaments in this first William's Time. 2. That in these Parliaments the English Barons as well as the French Barons were present 3. And lastly That there likewise was as an essential part thereof 1. The Communitas Anglorum the Community of English-men 2. Besides the Bishops and Nobility there were the Clerus Populus the Inferior Clergy and People of England And 3. Not only the Great Clergy and the Temporal Nobility but the Principes diversi Ordinis a Regià potestate diversis Provinciis Vrbibus ad Vniversalem Synodum Convocati c. viz. The Chief and Principal Men of several Ranks and Degrees in Condition were summoned by virtue of the King 's Writ out of their several respective Counties Cities and Burroughs to this General Synod or Parliament And Sir if this be so I doubt not but that both your self and all judicious and unbiassed Persons who have not resolved to espouse a Party and who will not suffer themselves to be drawn aside by any novel unwarrantable Opinions but will fairly submit their Judgments to clear and perspicuous Truth when once it manifestly appears I say both you and they will certainly rest satisfied in these great and powerful Authorities which I have here presented to publick view and serious consideration and I think these have sufficiently made out and proved That 1. William the first vulgarly called the Conqueror did not get the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword nor made an absolute Conquest of the Nation at his first entrance 2. Nor that he abolished all the English Laws or changed the whole Frame and Constitution of the Saxon Government But 3. That the English had still Estates and Fortunes continued to them and that it was a great mistake in any to affirm That the King and his Normans divided and shared them all among them As likewise 4. In the fourth place It has been a grand Error to ascertain That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom in the Reign of William the Conqueror Now Sir as a corroborating Testimony to explain and enforce what I already have said I shall conclude my Discourse at present with a very memorable and studied Speech of a
there are yet extant the Manuscripts themselves of the Saxon Laws made in the Parliamentary Councils held by them here which are in the Language and Character of those Times and contain in them many of those things which are in the Norman Custumary It is no improbable Opinion That there was a former Establishment of our Laws in Normandy before the Time of Hen. 1. and that it was by Edward the Confessor who as all Writers of our History agree was a great Collector and Compiler of our English Laws He lived a long time with his Kinsman Duke William in Normandy who was willing to please the Confessor in hopes to be appointed by him to be his Successor wherein the Duke's Expectation did not fail him The Confessor having no Children and finding Normandy without a setled Government and wanting Laws advised with his Kinsman Duke William to receive from him the Laws of England which he had collected and to establish them in Normandy which Duke William and his Lords readily accepted for the good of their People and thereby obliged the Confessor Another proof hereof is That such Laws as the Normans had before the Time of Duke William were different from those in the Custumary and from the English Laws As their Law That the Husband should be hanged if his Wife were a Thief and he did not discover it The meaner People were as Slaves and the like and the Trial of Theft by Ordeil which then was not in England Wigorniensis reports That the Normans who came in with Queen Emma the Wife of Ethelred were so hated of the English for their injustice and false Judgment that in the Time of King Canutus they were for this cause banished and it is the less probable that they being so unjust themselves should introduce so just Laws as ours are Between the Conquest of Normandy by Rosâ—o and the Invasion of England by Duke William there were not above 160 Years that of Normandy was about Anno 912. that of England Anno 1060. It is not then consonant to Reason that those Normans Pagans a rough Martial People descended from so many Barbarous Nations should in the time of 150 Years establish such excellent Laws among themselves and so different from the French Laws among whom they were and all parts in the World except England And such Laws which were not only fit for their Dukedom and small Territory but fit also for this Kingdom which in those days was the second in Europe for Antiquity and Worth by confession of most Forreign Historians If we will give credit to their own Authors this Point will be sufficiently evinced by them These words are in the Proem of the Custumary which is entituled Descriptio Normanniae Hucusque Normannicae CONSVETUDINES LATOREM sive Datorem SANCTVM EDWARDVM Angliae Regem c. The same is witnessed by Chronica Chronicorum That St. Edward King of England gave the Laws to the Normans when he was long harboured there And that he made both the Laws of England and Normandy appears sufficiently by the conformity of them for which he cites several Particulars as of Appeals and the Custom of England ad probandum aliquid per credentiam duodecim hominum vicinorum which he saith remained in Normandy to that day Polydore forgetting himself what he wrote in another place saith of King Henry the Seventh that when a Doubt was made upon the Proposal of Marriage of his Daughter to Scotland that thereby England might in time be subject unto Scotland The King answered No and that England as the Greater will draw it to Scotland being the less and incorporate it to the Laws of England as saith the Historian it did Normandy though the owner thereof was Conqueror of England And Sir Roger Owen in his Manuscript affirms That there is not any of our Historians that lived in the space of 200 Years immediately after the Conquest which doth describe our Laws to be taken away and the Norman Custom introduced by the Conqueror Some of them and not improbably mention the alteration of some part of them and the bringing in some Norman Customs effectual for the keeping of the Peace There is yet behind the great Argument most insisted on and often urged by the Gentlemen of another Opinion which is the Title of William who is called the Conqueror from whence they conclude That by his Conquest he changed the Laws and Government of this Nation and that his Successors reckon the beginning of their Reigns from his Conquest To this is answered That a posse ad esse non valet Argumentum the Conquering of the Land is one thing the introducing of new Laws is another thing but there is direct proof to the contrary of this Argument Duke William never Sir-named himself the Conqueror nor was so called in his life-time as may appear by all the Letters Pattents and Deeds that he made wherein he is called Guilielmus Rex Dux c. never Conquestor and our Ancient Historians give him the same Titles and not that of Conqueror In the Title of Nubrigensis's Book he is Sirnamed William the Bastard Malmsbury calls him William the First Hoveden William the Elder Adam de Monmoth saith That 1. Ed. 3. this word Conquest was found out to denote and distinguish the certain Edward because two of the same name were Predecessors to this King and to the Conqueror who claimed the Crown as Heir to Edward the Confessor but saith he we call him the Conqueror for that he overcame Harold Duke William himself claimed to be King of England as Successor and Adopted Heir of the Confessor by his Will and Harold's renounceing of his Title by Oath The Register of St. Albans Matth. Paris and others attest That the Barons of England did homage to him as Successor and he relied on them in his Forreign Wars and the Check given to him by the Kentish Men and the Forces gathered by the Abbot of St. Albans brought him to engage to confirm the Laws of the Confessor and as his Successor by legal Right they admitted him to be their King. Volaterus writes That he was made Heir to the Confessor and was Vncle to him Another affirms That Edward by his Will left England to him Paulus Aemilius and Fulgasius are to the same purpose Pope Alexander the 11th sent him a Banner as Witness that with a safe Conscience he might expel Harold the Tyrant because the Crown was due to him by the Confessor's Will and by Harold's Oath Agreeable hereunto are Gemiticensis Walsingham Malmesbury Huntington Ingulphus Paris Pike Wendover Gaxton Gisburn and others The Antient Deeds of the Abby of Westminster which were sometime in my Custody do prove this King William in his Charter to them sets sorth his own Title to the Crown thus Beneficio Concessionis Cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi In his second Charter dated Anno 15. of his Reign he saith in honour of King Edward who made me
his Heir and adopted me to Rule over this Nation In his Charter dated 1088. of the Liberties of St. Martins the Great in the Manuscript thereof are these words In Example of Moses who built the Tabernable and of Solomon who built the Temple Ego Guilielmus Dei dispositione consanguinitatis Haereditate Anglorum Basileus c. The Charter of Hen. 1. his Son to this Abby in honour of Edward my Kinsman who adopted my Father and his Children to be Heirs to this Kingdom c. In another Charter of Hen. 1. in the Book of Ely he calls himself the Son of King William the Great who by Hereditary Right succeeded King Edward It is true as to his pretence of Title by the Will of the Confessor Mathew Paris objecteth That the Devise was void being without the consent of the Barons To which may be answered That probably the Law might be so in Hen. 3. Time when Paris wrote and was so taken to be in the Statute of Carlisle and in the Case of King John. But at the time of Duke William's Invasion the Law was taken to be That a Kingdom might be transferred by Will. So was that of Sixtus Rufus and Asia came to the Romans by the Will of King Attalus the words by Annaeus Florus are Populus Romanus Bonorum meorum HAERES esto Bithinia came to the Romans by the last Will of their King Nicomedes which is remembred by Vtropius together with that of Libia Cicero in his Oration tells us That the Kingdom of Alexandria by the last Will of their King was devolved to Rome And Prasutagus Rex Icenorum in England upon his Death-bed gave his Kingdom to the Emperor Nero. As to Examples in this Point at Home This King William the first by his Will gave England to his younger Son William Rufus King Stephen claimed by the Will of Henry the first King Henry the eight had Power by Act of Parliament to order the Succession of the Crown as he pleased by Will. And the Lords of the Council in Queen Mary's Time wrote to her That the Lady Iane's Title to the Crown was by the Will and Letters of Edward the sixth As the case of Hen. 8. was by Act of Parliament so Duke William after he had conquered Harold was by the general consent of the Barons and People of England accepted for their King and so his Title by Will confirmed And he both claimed and governned the Kingdom as an Heir and Successor confirmed their Antient Laws and ruled according to them This appears by Chronica Chronicorum speaking of William the Bastard King of England and Duke of Normandy he saith That whereas as St. Edward had no Heir of England William having conquered Harold the Vsurper obtained the Crown under this Condition That he should inviolably observe those Laws given by the said Edward It is testified likewise by many of our Historians That the Ancient Laws of England were confirmed by Duke VVilliam Jornalensis saith That out of the Merchen-Lage West-Saxon-Lage and Dane-Lage the Confessor composed the Common Law which remains to this day Malmesbury who lived in Duke William's Time saith That the Kings were sworn to observe the Laws of the Confessor so called saith he because he observed them most religiously But to make this Point clear out of Ingulphus he saith in the end of his Chronicle I Ingulphus brought with me from London into my Monastery Crowland the Laws of the most Righteous King Edward which my Lord King William did command by his Proclamation to be Authentick and Perpetual and to be observed throughout the whole Kingdom of England upon pain of most heinous punishment The Lieger-Book of the Abby of Waltham commends Duke William for restoring the Laws of the English-men out of the Customs of their Country Radburn follows this Opinion and these Laws of Edward the Confessor are the same in part which are continued in our GREAT CHARTER of LIBERTIES A Manuscript entituled De Gestis Anglorum saith That at a Parliament at London 4. W. 1. the Lawyers also present that the King might hear their Laws he established Saint Edward's Laws they being formerly used in King Edgar's Time. There is also mention of the twelve Men out of every County to deliver truly the Estate of their Laws The same is remembred by Selden's History of Tythes and Titles of Honour and in a Manuscript Chronicle bound with the Book of Ely in Cotton's Library One of the worthy Gentlemen from whom I differ in Opinion was pleased to say That if William the Conqueror did not introduce the Laws of Normandy into England yet he conceives our Laws to be brought out of France hither in the time of some other of our Kings who had large Territories in France and brought in their Laws hither else he wonders how our Laws should be in French. Sir I shall endeavour to satisfy his Wonder therein by and by but first with your leave I shall offer to you some Probabilities out of the History That the Laws of England were by some of those Kings carried into France rather than the Laws of France brought hither This is expresly affirmed by Paulus Jovius who writes That when the English Kings reigned in a great part of France they taught the French their Laws Sabellicus a Venetian Historian writes That the Normans in their Manners and Customs and Laws followed the English Polydore Virgil contradicting himself in another place than before cited relates That in our King Hen. 6. Time the Duke of Bedford called together the Chief Men of all the Cities in Normandy and delivered in his Oration to them the many Benefits that the English afforded them especially in that the English gave to them their Customs and Laws By the Chronicle of Eltham H. 5. sent to Cane in Normandy not only Divines but English Common Lawyers by the agreement at Troys So there is much more probability that the Laws of England were introduced into France and Normandy than that the Laws of Normandy or any other part of France were introduced into England If the Normans had been Conquerors of England as they were not but their Duke was only a Conqueror of Harold and received as Hereditary King of England yet is it not probable they would have changed our Laws and have introduced theirs because they did not use to do so upon other Conquests The Normans conquered the Isles of Guernsey and Jersey yet altered not their Laws which in their local Customs are like unto ours The like they did in Sicily Naples and Apulia where they were Conquerors yet the Ancient Laws of those Countries were continued I hope Mr. Speaker I have by this time given some satisfaction to the Worthy Gentlemen who differed from me that the Laws of England were not imposed upon us by the Conqueror nor brought over hither either out of Normandy or any other part of France but are our Ancient Native Laws I must now come to indeavour
also to satisfy the Wonder If they were not brought out of Normandy or some other part of France how come they then to be written in the French Language Sir It is to me an Argument That because they are written in French therefore they were not brought in by Duke William the Norman for the French Tongue was not the Language of Duke William and the Normans They had not been then in Duke William's Time past four descents in that part of France and it is improbable that they in so short a Time should lose their Native Tongue and take up and use the Language of another Countrey which was conquered by them The Normans came from Sweden Gothland Norway and Denmark between whose Languages and with the High-Dutch their Neighbours there is a great affinity but between these Languages and the French there is none at all Vlphilus holds that the Dutch Tongue came from the Goths Jornandus saith The Goth's Tongue came from the Dutch. All agree That between those Languages and the French there is no affinity It is so improbable that Duke William should cause our Laws to be in French that when he proclaimed them as Ingulphus testifies he commanded that they should be used in the same Language they were written in English to his Justices and gives the Reason Lest by Ignonorance we should happen to break them But it hath been further objected If Duke William did not cause our Laws to be written in French what then should be the Reason that the Grand Custumary of his Norman Laws were written in the French Tongue The Reason thereof is given That the Normans being a Rough and Martial People had few Clerks amongst them but made use of those French amongst whom they then lived and whose Language they then began to be acquainted with and to understand But when they were in England they had not so much use of those Clerks and that Language but more of the English And probably it might be that the Confessor had been so long in France that he was more Master of that Language than the Normans and that the Normans understood that Language better than the English and thereupon the Custumary was written in the French Tongue But it doth not therefore follow that Duke William must cause the English Laws to be written in the French Tongue but it is more likely that he might cause them to be continued in their Native Idiom which was much nearer in affinity to his own Northern Language than the French was That the French Tongue was not introduced as to our Laws and other things by Duke William into England appears in that the French was in great use with us here both before and some-time after his Invasion Beda affirms That in Anno 640 it was the Custom of England to send their Daughters into the Monasteries of France to be brought up there and that Ethelbert Ethelwulf Ethelred and other Saxon Kings married into the Royal Blood of France Glabor notes That before the Time of Duke William the Normans and English did so link together that they were a Terror to Forreign Nations Ingulphus saith That the Saxon Hand was used until the Time of King Alfred long before the Time of Duke William and that he being brought up by French Teachers used the French Hand And he notes many Charters of Edward and Edgar written in the French Hand and some Saxon mixt with it as in the Book of Dooms-day That Edward the Confessor by reason of his long being in France was turned into the French Fashion and all England with him But that William the first commanded our Laws to be written in the English Tongue because most Men understood it and that there be many of his Patents in the Saxon Tongue I suppose we may be satisfied that William the first did not cause our Laws to be written in French though the French Language was much in use here before his Time. And if he did not introduce the French Language into England the Argument falls That because they are written in French therefore he brought them in But Sir I shall offer you some Conjectures how it came that our Laws were written in French which I suppose might be begun in the Time of our K. Hen. 2. who was a Frenchman born and had large Territories and Relations in France and with French-men of whom great Numbers came into England and they and the English matched and lived together both here and in some parts of France Hence it came to pass as Giraldus Cambrensis notes that the English Tongue was in great use in Burdeaux and in other parts of France where the English-men were resident and conversant the like was when the French-men were so conversant in England Mathew Westminster writes That he was in hazard of losing his Living because he understood not the French Tongue and that in King Hen. 2. and King Stephen's Time who had large Dominions in France their Native Country and the Number of French and of Matches with them was so great that one could hardly know who was French and who English Gervasius Tilsberiensis observes the same And Brackland writes That in Rich. 1. Time preaching in England was in the French Tongue Probably Pleading might be so likewise and in King Iohn's Time French was accounted as the Mother Tongue There are scarce any Deeds of our Kings in French before Hen. 2. his Time the most are in Ed. 1. and Ed. 2. their Time. That our Laws were pleaded and written in French before Edw. 3. his Time appears by the Stat. 36. Edw. 3. c. 15. which recites the Mischief of the Law being in French and enacts That the Law shall thereafter be pleaded in English and enrolled in Latin. This is one ground of the mistaken Opinion of Lambard Polydore Speed and others That Duke William brought in hither both the Norman Laws and Language which I apprehend to be fully answered and the contrary manifested by what I have said before on this Subject Polydores Mistake may appear the more when he asserts that by the Stat. 36. Edw. 3. Matters are to be enrolled in English which is contrary to the express Words that they are to be enrolled in Latin. Many of our Law-Books were written in Latin before the Norman Invasion as appears by the Ancient Rolls of Mannors and Court Barons and our Old Authors Glanvill Bracton Tilsbury Hengham Fleta the Register and the Book of Entries The Records at Westminster and the Tower and other Records yet extant are in Latin and many Books of our Law in Latin were translated into English about Edw. 3. his Time. Most of our Statutes from Edw. 1. his Time till about the middle of Hen. 7. his Reign are enrolled in French notwithstanding this Stat. 36. Edw. 3. except the Stat. 6. R. 2. some others in Latin R. 2. H. 4. H. 5. and H. 6. used to write their Letters in French and some of our Fleadings
did not That they were ignorant of it is not easily to be presumed because they lived within ten of three hundred Years ago and no doubt but there were some Learned Men among them that knew the ancient Constitutions of the Nation And if they did then were they guilty of the greatest madness and folly that ever was when the Commons prayed that King En plein Parlement que nostre Seigneur le Roy soit Rot. Parl. 15. R. 2. N. 13. estoise ausi frank en sa Regalie Liberte Dignite Royale en son temps come ascuns de cest Noble Progenitors Roys d' Eng †furent en lour temps nient contresteant ascun Estatut ou Ordinance fait devant cest hures a contraire mesment en derogation de la Libertee Franchise de la Corone qu'il soit adnulle de nul force puis touz les Prelates Seigneures Temporels prierent en mesme le manere sur ce nostre Seigneur ledit Roy mercia les dits Seigneurs Communes de la grant tendresse affection qu'ils avoient a la Salvation de son Honeur de son Estate a cause que lour dit priers requestes luy semblerent honestes resonables il sagrea assenta pleinement a ycelles Now can any Man of but an ordinary understanding think That the Parliament intended by this Act to out themselves of all their Ancient and Legal Rights and totally to give up their Estates and Fortunes to the King 's absolute Disposition Is it possible almost to be supposed that they designed to confound and overthrow the whole Polity and Government of the Kingdom and reduce all to the Arbitrary Will and Power of a New Conqueror without a Conquest What Man is there that is not become servile to Common Opinion and implicit Suppositions of so Inventive a Faculty as to conjecture such grand Absurdities And yet these and many more are the direct Consequences of those that endeavour to maintain and justify these pernicious Principles For the Petition and Law is that Rich. 2. should be as free in his Regality Liberty and Dignity Royal as any of his Noble Progenitors Kings of England then it naturally follows That he was to be as Free and Absolute as William the Conqueror And then what is the Conclusion and Result But that the The Anonymus Author against Mr. Petyt p. 43. English were neither to have Estates nor Fortunes left them and therefore it could be no great Matter to them by what Law Right or Property Men held their Estates And so farewel to Parliaments But we know and are well assured That never any such Imagination entred into the Ras Stat. 15 R. 2. f. 161. Minds of the Lords and Commons in 15. R. 2. not only by the Laws made then in that Parliament but by those in the next Id. 16. R. 2. fo 163. Parliament held the next Year after The Commons granted to the King That pur la grant Affiance Affection and 〈◊〉 Parl. 16 R. 2. N. 8. Assurance for the great Trust Affection and Assurance they had in the Noble Person of the King in his most excellent Knowledg and his most sage Discretion and also for the great tenderness they had for his Crown and the Kingdom les drots dicels and the Rights thereof s'accorderant assenterent they agreed and assented in full Parliament That the King by good deliberation and Assent of the Lords of his Wise Council might take the whole Matter touching the Statute of Provisors to him and that he should have full Power and Authority to modify the said Statute against the Pope and Court of Rome and to Ordain by the Deliberation and Assent aforesaid in such manner as he should think best to the Honour of God and of Holy Church and the Salvation of the Rights of his Crown and of the Estate and Profit of this Realm and to put the same in execution when done And that au proschein Parlement at the next Parliament all the Matter aforesaid should be fully shewn as ditz Communes to the said Commons and the Reason thereof is memorable viz. au fin quils purront alors par bon avisement agreer si Dieu plest a ycelles That the Commons then might upon good advice agree thereto if it should so please God. From all which it evidently appears 1. That no Law could be made in Richard the Second's Time or in any of his Progenitors Kings of England which cannot but take in William the First without the Assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament 2. That none of those Kings could abrogate or make void such Laws when made without the like assent 3. That though the General Phrase viz. That King Richard should be and stand as free in his Regality Liberty and Dignity Royal in his Time as any of his Progenitors were in Theirs and that the King says That the Desires and Requests of the Commons seemed honest and reasonable to him and therefore he gave his Royal Assent to that Law Yet neither the King nor the Lords could ever believe that it was honest and reasonable or that it was any part of the Liberty and Dignity of the Crown to change the whole Frame and Constitution of the English Government by altering and making Laws at Will by taking away the Subjects Possessions and bestowing them upon whomsoever he pleased by destroying the ancient Course and Power of Parliaments and in a word by turning all things topsy turvy And thus we have the Evidence and Proof of the greatest Authority that can be given against the Absurdity as well as falseness of King William's Absolute Conquest viz. a Law and Statute of the Kingdom To conclude all I shall make bold to borrow the words of that great Assertor of the Protestant Cause against the Intollerable Usurpations of Papal Power the so eminently Learned and Pious Thomas now Lord Bishop of Lincoln in his Treatise of Popery or the Principles and Positions approved by the Church of Rome c. in Quarto pag. 116. and say If any Man can truly and impartially as to the sum and substance of the Testimonies here cited for I neither need nor will undertake for every particular Circumstance or Typographical Error either shew 1. That I have misquoted the Authors and Books I cite and that such Passages do not occur in the places quoted 2. Or if they do occur that I have mistook their meaning as to the Purposes for which they are produced I say If any Man can and will ingeniouâ—â—y shew me either of these I shall be so far from not confessing my Fault or declaring how I was misled into it that I shall have a hearty value for any such friendly admonition and receive it with all the grateful acknowledgment as becomes me For my only design is the Detection of Error and Establishment of Truth to future Generations and not to have the World imposed upon by the Tricks Impostures and Artifices which too many have been guilty of either to promote their own particular Gain and Interest to which such care not what they Sacrifice or upon a far worse and more grievous Consideration to bring the whole Nation into dividing Parties and Factions and thus by Embroyls and Entanglements to throw them at last into fatal Convulsions to the destruction both of Prince and People FINIS
capiatur nisi SERVITIUM SUUM LIBERUM quod de Jure nobis facere debent facere tenentur prout STATUTUM est eis illis à nobis datum et concessum JURE HAEREDITARIO in perpetuum PER COMMUNE CONCILIUM TOTIUS REGNI NOSTRI praedicti The Second Branch is 2. Hoc quoque praecipimus UT OMNES Id. c. 63. HABEANT ET TENEANT LEGES EDWARDI REGIS in omnibus rebus adauctis hiis quas constituimus AD UTILITATEM ANGLORUM Sir I think by these two Branches you may plainly see King William when he came in was so far from forcibly taking away the Lands and Possessions of the English and sharing them among his Normans that he doth if possible more strongly establish their Estates to them by confirming the good and ancient Laws of Edward the Confessor which were their best security of all they enjoyed before his entrance and not only so but by freeing them from all unjust Taxes and Exactions excepting only their free Service which of right was owing to him and which they were to do as it was agreed on by themselves and granted by him to them by hereditary Right for ever and that by the Common Council of the whole Kingdom and this was done too wholly for the sake and benefit of the English I shall trouble you Sir with one more very memorable Record as late as to the 26. Hen. 3. which shews That from before the coming in of this Norman Conqueror down to that Time the English had a Property continued to them and so then this MIGHTY MAN of VICTORY did not govern them as an entire and absolute Conqueror what-ever our late Writers have been pleased to publish to the World. The words of the Record are Pro Jacobo Archamgere Communia de Term. Sanct. Mich. 35. fin An. 36. incipien H. 3. Rot. pr. penes Remem dom Thes Jus Anglorum ab Antiq. p. 112 113. Serjantia tempore Edwardi Confes Rex Baronibus Mandamus vobis quod occasione arrentationis Serjantiarum assessae per Robertum Passelewe non distringas Jacobum de Archamgere per 2. Marc. dimid de Tenemento quod de nobis tenet per Serjantiam in Archamgere in Comitatu Southampton c. per Chartam Beati Regis Edwardi Antecessoribus ipsius Jacobi super hoc confectam sed ipsum Jacobum de praedictis 2. Marcis dimid ' quietum esse faciatis in perpetuum quia Chartam praefati beati Edwardi confirmavimus ipsam volumus inviolabiliter observari Breve est in forulo Marescalli Mandatum est Vicecomiti South-hampton comparat die Jovis die 15. Jan. Anno Domini c. The English of it is this For Jacob Archamgere The King to the Barons We command you that by the occasion of the Rent of Serjanties assessed by Robert Passelewe you shall not distrain Jacob of Archamgere by two Marks and an half for the Tenement which he holds of us by Serjantie in Archamgere in the County of Southampton and granted by the Charter of the Blessed King Edward to the Ancestors of this Jacob but he the said Jacob shall for ever be freed from the aforesaid two Marks and an half because we have confirmed the Charter of the aforementioned St. Edward and we will have it to be inviolably observed I shall make no Remarks upon this Charter because it is obvious to every intelligent Reader the thing I drive at is to prove That the English were not violently dispossessed of their Properties which they quietly held and enjoyed in the Time of Edward the Confessor but that they still enjoyed them as before notwithstanding all the vain pretences to the contrary And now Sir I shall close up this third Point with a remarkable Passage or two out of Ordericus Vitalis a famous Historian who lived and writ in the latter end of the Reign of H. 1. and beginning of K. Stephen and for that reason must needs be admitted next to a Testis Ocularis for a Testimony beyond all exceptions His words are Omnia disponente Deo in spatio Orderic Vitalis Eccles Hist lib. 3. fol. 503. trium mensium per Angliam pacata sunt cunctique Praesules Regnique Proceres cum Willielmo concordiam fecerunt ac ut Diadema Regium sumeret sicut Mos Anglici Principatus exigit oraverunt Hoc summoperè flagitabant Normanni qui pro fasce Regali nanciscendo suo Principi subierunt ingens discrimen maris Praelii Hoc etiam divino Nutu subacti optabant Indigenae Regni qui nisi coronato Regi servire hactenus erant soliti The next Paragraph but one to this goes on thus Denique Anno ab incarnatione Domini MLXVII Indictione V. in die Natalis Domini Angli Lundoniae ad Ordinandum Regem convenerunt Normannorum Turmae circa Monasterium in armis equis nè quid doli seditionis oriretur praesidio dispositae fuerunt Adelredus itaque Archiepiscopus in Basilica Sancti Petri Apostolorum Principis quae Westmonasterium nuncupatur ubi Edwardus Rex venerabiliter humatus quiescit in praesentia Praesulum Abbatum Procerumque totius Regni Albionis Gulielmum Ducem Normannorum in Regem Anglorum consecravit Diadema Regium capiti ejus imposuit Gulielmus Rex multa Lundoniae Id. lib. IV. fol. 505 506. postquam coronatus est prudentèr justè clementerque disposuit quaedam ad ipsius Civitatis commoda vel dignitatem alia quae genti proficerent Universae Normulla quibus consuleretur Ecclesiis terrae Jura quaecumque dictavit optimis rationibus sanxit Judicium Rectum nulla persona nequicquam ab eo postulavit Neminem nisi quem non damnare iniquum foret damnavit Suis quoque Primatibus digna se gravitate praecepit diligenter aequitatem suasit Esse jugiter in Oculis habendum aeternum Regem cujus vicerint praesidio Nimium opprimi victos non opportere victoribus professione Christianâ pares nè quos justè subegerint injuriis ad rebellandum cogerent Seditiones interdixit caedem omnem rapinam fraenans ut Populos armis ita legibus Arma. Tributis cunctis rebus ad Regium fiscum reddendis modum qui non gravaret imposuit Latrociniis Invasionibus Maleficiis locum omnem intra suos terminos denegavit Portus quaelibet itinera Negotiatoribus patere nullam injuriam fieri jussit Sic omnino proba ejus in regnando initia fuere incrementa probitatum ad utilitatem Subditorum liquidò fulsere que in bonis perseverantia laudabilisque finis evidentibus signis confirmavere The sence of which is King William having sworn inviolably to observe the Laws of Edward the Confessor as I have already acquainted you and being crowned King the whole English Nation in three months time quietly submitted to him which the Historian observes to be by Divine Providence And they much relyed upon the force of that Solemn Oath he took
and great cause they had for their doing so for Remarkable is it that in the beginning of his Reign he made a conscience to keep it and this the Historian plainly proves for so far was he from pretending to be a Conqueror or from exercising absolute Power and Soveraignty over the English that you see he denied to none right Judgment who required it of him he condemned none but those who deserved it by the condemnation of the Law he strictly commanded his great Men to whom he had given the Estates of those who had been hold in Arms against him under King Harold that they should behave themselves with all due moderation and temper and he invited them to Acts of Iustice by his Example He charged them always to have God before their Eyes by whose Arms they had so far overcome That they should nay ought not too much to oppress those they had got the better of who were Christians with them lest those whom they had justly subdued should by such their Oppressions be forced to rebel again he strictly forbad them all Violences that they should restrain themselves from all Cruelties and Rapines That as the People should be kept in Peace by his Arms so their Arms should submit to and be governed by the Laws Nor did he only give this admirable Advice but he prudently governed himself and set easy Boundaries to those Services Taxes Aids quod de jure Apud Lambar LL. Wil. prim fol. 170. c. 55. facere debent which were due to him by the Law he absolutely denied all Pardons and Grace to Robbers and all disturbers of the Publick Peace and wicked Persons He commanded all the Roads to be free and open for Travellers and that no Injuries should be done them so that the beginning of his Reign was as it were a Golden Age and his Clemency and other Acts of Goodness still shone brighter to the happiness of his Subjects which was confirmed towards the Loyal and Dutiful by his steady and commendable perseverance Where in all this is there any pretence to absolute Conquest and despotical Dominion And now to conclude I shall produce an Evidence that is omni exceptione major it is Gulielmus Pictavensis who as Ordericus Vitalis in fine litri tertii writes was Regis Gulielmi Capellanus and writ the Acts of William the First And he categorically says it That Nulli tamen Gallo datum est quod Anglo cuiquam injustè fuerit ablatum that is according to the Judgment given in Sharborn's case That those who had kept themselves unconcerned and had neither consilio vel auxilio assisted Harold against William had the full and free benefit of the Saxon Laws and had not their Estates unjustly taken from any of them and given to his French and Normans Gulielm Pictavens in Gesta Gulielm Ducis Norman Regis Anglorum fol. 208. But I will leave this Sir and now come to your fourth and last Question The Fourth Question IV. Whether it be not a Grand The Anonimâ—â— Author against Mr. Petyt p. 37. Error to affirm That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom OVr Government saith the Learned In his Argument for the Bishops Right in judging in Capital Causes in Parliament Postscript p. 2. and most judicious Mr. Hunt by a King and Estates of Parliament is as ancient as any thing can be remembred of the Nation The attempt of altering it in all Ages accounted Treason and the punishment thereof reserved to the Parliament by 25. Ed. 3. The conservancy of the Government being not safely to be ledged any where but with the Government it self Offences of this Kind not pardonable by the King because it is not in his Power to change it This is Our Government and thus it is established and for Ages and immemorial Time hath thus continued a long succession of Kings have recognized it to be such This too perhaps will be granted Sir in some sence that for a long Series and Tract of Time the Government hath been so but the main pinch and stress of your Question as I apprehend it is this Whether after William the Conqueror had setled himself as well as he could on the English Throne he did admit any of the English to fit in the Great Council of the Nation and to Advise and Consult de arduis Vrgentibus negotiis Regni And I hope this I shall make plain and evident to you That the Grand Court of Parliament was in substance the same that it was before the coming in of this Conqueror and that there were English Men Members of it in the Time of the Conqueror 'T is not to be denied but that the same Courts that were in the Saxon Time for administration of Justice continued after William the first was made King and the Footsteps of them remain yet to this day I shall mention a few and so come to the main Point in Argument 1. As it was their Wisdom to preserve 1. County Courts LL. Hen. 1. c. 6 apud Lambard fol. 180. the Ancient Land-marks so was it likewise both their Wisdom and their Care to continue their due Privileges and Interests Their County Courts were still kept up and every County had its Court and every Court its wonted Jurisdiction no complaint LL. Guil. â— 42 fol. 168. must be to the King's Court if Right might be done in the County no Distress must be taken but by Warrant from the County and that must be after complaint thrice made The LL. Guil. c. 64. County Court must be called as our Ancestors have appointed such as will not come as they ought shall be first summoned and in case of default distrained at the fourth default Reddatur de rebus hujus hominis quod calumpniatum est quod dicitur Ceargel insuper Regis forisfactura that is The Complainant shall be satisfied out of the Distresses so taken and the King also for his Fine These are the express Laws of the Conqueror's own establishment The last of which also was confirmed by another express Law saving that he would allow but of two Summons and two Distresses before Execution I shall give you a memorable case to prove the continuance of this Court. Odo the Conqueror's half Brother Selden ' s Titles of Honour 2d Part c. 5 f. 581 â— Eadmer His Nov. l. 1. p. 9 videsis notas ad eundem p. 197. de placito apud Pinendenem inter Lansrancum Archiepiscopum Odonem Bajocensâ—m Episcopum was by him made Earl of Kent and therewith had the Gift of a large Territory in Kent and taking advantage of the King's displeasure at Stigand the Arch-bishop of Canterbury possessed himself by Disseisin of divers Lands and Tenements belonging to that See. Lanfrank the succeeding Arch-bishop being informed hereof petitioned to the King that Iustice might be done him secundum Legem Terrae and the King sends forth a