and such as would gladly be seene in any of his actions and his fellowes who both in their Libel which was spread abroad vnder F. Lister the Iesuits name in this Apologie yea almost immediatly after this godly resolution are so farre from Christian spirit or ordinary modesty as it could not but be an exceeding ioy to all their friends to see any iot of Gods grace or assistance of his holy Spirit in them But as it seemeth by the latter end of this preface there is some kinde of resistance made against this assistance of Gods grace and holy Spirit Where this authour faigning vnto himselfe that these bookes against which he writeth could not be published in the style they goe in by any modest and Christian spirit he concludeth that they are published by some one or few discomposed passionate people or by some heretike c. and so as to such we shall answere saith he and not to our brethren yet doth his answere throughout all the Apologie light vpon the Priests although indeede the termes which are vsed would much better fit an heretike against an heretike so little doe they sauour either of modestie or Christian spirit CHAP. 6. How this present controuersie about the abuse of this newe subordination is deduced from Iohn of Gaunt and other matters most impertinent thereunto Apol. cap. 1. HAuing shewed through how foule darke vneuen and ill sauouring an entry this authour hath lead his deuoted to this Apologie the indifferent reader may probably coniecture that in the end there will be nothing to be seene but a boldnesse in auerring any vntrueth a sleight in casting mistes before his eyes to hold him still in ignorance of the trueth a defect of plaine dealing when he is driuen to say something and a heape of slanders with most odious insinuations to bring the Secular priests into contempt and obloquy In the first chapter of the Apologie intituled What great hurts haue come to England by emulation of the Laitie against the Clergie and of Secular priests against religious and of the state of the present controuersie in question he maketh an abridgement of the whole booke following and contriueth it in such manner as whereas he beginneth at Iohn of Gaunt he might asmuch to the purpose haue begunne at the diuision emulation and contention which the enemy raised in Cain against his brother Abel For although he intitle the Chapter of hurtes come to England by emulation and therefore a story of emulation in England may seeme to come neerer to his purpose yet his discourse being of emulation by which the reduction of England to the Catholike faith hath bene hindred he might aswell haue applyed the story of Abel and Cain as that of Iohn of Gaunt and Iohn Wickliffe who were dead and buried Iâ—… Stow. in vita Ric. 2. An. 1384. and this last also had his bones taken vp and burned aboue 40 yeeres after to wit in the yeere 1425. by commandement of Pope Martine the 5. which was an hundreth yeeres before the discontinuance of the Catholike faith in England or the least declining thereof as may appeare by the most zealous disposition of K. Henry 8. who in Anno 1521. deserued that most glorious title Defender of the faith But let vs see how handsomely he patcheth his geere together thus he beginneth the first chapter If euer the enemy of mankind did bestirre himselfe and all his power to let any publike good of the English nation it hath bene in this of the reduction of the Catholike faith For hindring whereof he hath tried all his possible meanes as before we haue noted but especially that of diuision emulation and contention hath bene his chiefest For by emulation of the Nobility against the Clergie and of Secular priests against religious he raised Iohn Wickliffe aboue 200. yeeres past whom Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster sonne to King Edward the 3. together with the residue of his faction vpon emulation he had with B. Arundel of London B. Wickam of Winchester and others did set vp and maintaine against those and the rest of the Clergie especially against religious men that had possessions Wickliffe being a Secular priest himselfe Thus saith this author and then he goeth forward affirming how that certaine motions were made concerning the taking away of the Abbey lands giuing them to the Crowne which motions were made vpon the same emulation vnder the Kings Richard 2 Henry 4 Henry 5 and others and tooke effect in the time of King Henry 8. And in the end concludeth that the want of restitution of Abbey lands was the hindrance of reconciliation in Queene Maries dayes But this doubtlesse argued rather an vnwillingnesse in the Laitie to part with the Church liuings of which they were now in possession then an emulation in them against the Clergie or religious And therefore in this conclusion the Author doth seeme much to forget himselfe who vndertooke to shew that emulation and not want of restitution of Church liuings hindered the reduction of England to the Catholike faith It seemeth that hee aimed onely at this that the controuersie being now principally betweene some Secular priests and some religious hee might driue into his Readers head some sinister conceit of the Secular priests and to that ende telleth a tale of the enemie of mankinde and how hee raysed a Secular Priest against religious and how that malice tooke effect in K. Henry the 8. dayes and the Laity would not restore the Church liuings in Q. Maries dayes And if the Reader can put all this together and cry out against the Secular Priests habetur intentum as truants vse to say in the schooles when they knowe not how to deduce the conclusion to their mindes in forme out of the premisses without laughter in the hearers We haue before shewed how that neither by Wickliffe nor by Iohn of Gaunt there could be any hinderance of the reducing of England to the Catholike faith and consequently how impertinent this story is to that for proofe whereof it was brought But for the better discouering of this fellow his falshood and sinister dealing you shall vnderstand that this Iohn Wickliffe was a Secular Priest And although in receiuing that holy Order he also receiued so indelible a character as he must be still a Priest how wickedly soeuer he behaued himselfe yet he did not receiue any confirmation in grace but might fall into most great enormities as the most holy not confirmed in grace may doe And entring out of a melancholy humor which grew vpon him by being depriued of a benefice which he had into a good conceit of himselfe that he was not sicut caeteri homines as other men were hee changed his life from the ordinary life of the Secular Priests into a streighter rule and tooke another habit Io. Stow in Ed. â— An 1377. He and all his followers went barefooted and in course russet garments downe to the heeles and in
contempt of temporall goods his conuersation was with those Religious that had no possessions and ioined himselfe vnto the begging Fryers approouing their pouertie and extolling their perfection Euident tokens that hee had left the state of a Secular Priest and ascended to some higher degree of perfection But as it should seeme he was neither Monke nor Frier but talis qualis such as he was or as other perchance who came after him although they follow him not in all things For as it appeareth in our Chronicles hee preached against Monkes and other religious men that had possessions and taught such doctrine as hee was condemned for it in the Council of Constance as an heretike and his bones were taken vp and burned as is beforesaid Whereby also this authour is proued to forget himselfe very much to number him amongst the Clergie which is generally taken for such as are not onely in Orders but liue also in vnitie of the faith Wherefore purposing to tell a tale of emulation in the Clergie against the Religious he should haue taken some other to haue prooued it then Wickliffe who also by his pretence no doubt of greater perfection had forsaken the state of a Secular Clergie man as appeared by his habit and conuersation To these falshoods and couert calumnies against the Secular Priests this deceit of this author may be added That whereas the Chronicles doe mention that not only Iohn Wickliffe but foure doctors of diuinitie also one of euery Order of the begging Fryers ioyning with him were imployed by Iohn of Gaunt in his grudge against Bish Wickham of Winchester in whose defence the B. of London not Arundell as this author affirmeth but Courtney speaking as became him to doe Iohn of Gaunt threatned him also and swore that he would pull downe both the pride of him and of all the Bishops in England this author mentioneth onely the Secular Priest as he termeth him without any mention of the orders of Religion which were also imployed Moreouer it soundeth very foolishly that Iohn of Gaunt would set Iohn Wickliffe against the Monkes vpon an emulation which hee had against the Bishops their estates depending so little vpon the estate of the Monkes as when all the Abbyes in England were put downe the Bishops remained in as great honour as euer they did And wheras it is further said that the Abbey lands were taken from the Monkes and giuen to the maintenance of the crowne by the same emulation of the Clergie against the Religious in the time of K. Henry the eight it is most false the Abbyes being then put downe by a change of Religion which had not the beginning vpon any such emulation as this author affirmeth but vpon the perswasion of Longland B. of Lincolne the Kings confessor fortified by Card. Wolsey viz. that his Highnesse mariage with the Lady Katherine his brother Prince Arthurs wife was vnlawfull and against the word of God whereby the King being induced to seeke a diuorce but crossed therein with the Pope by Charles the fift nephew of the Lady Katherine and some others as well of the Laytie as the Clergie both Secular and Religious here in England it wrought in the King such a dislike of his Holines and others as it procured not onely the ouerthrow of the Abbyes but such a change in Religion as since the world hath seene Of this alteration therefore if any emulation were the beginning it was an emulation in the Cardinall who dealt with B. Longland to perswade the King as is mentioned and afterward did second him with all his might himselfe against the Emperour for hindering him of the Popedome and neither the sister nor the mother to ambition as this author would haue it but her daughter But the greatest folly committed by this author in this his exordium is not yet touched and that is that among all other histories impertinent to the cōtrouersie in question he would make his choyse of one wherein himselfe if we are not deceiued is notoriously disciphered Iohn Wickliffe was a Secular priest being a priest and neither Monke nor Friar and no Secular priest as differing from them in habit and conuersing with the religious Mendicants vnder pretence of greater perfection His followers tooke no name of him as both Monkes and Friers do of their founders and Sectaries of their Masters but went vnder the name which the common people gaue them to wit Lollards He was vsed as an instrument by Iohn of Gant to bring that to passe which this Duke had long conceiued in his mind For he saw saith the Historie Ioh. Stow. sup that it would be hard for him to obtaine his purpose the Church standing in his full state c. Wherefore he laboured first to ouerthrow aswell the liberties of the Church c. And to this end did Iohn Wickliffe bestow his talents for he was not onely eloquent saith the historie but also seemed to contemne temporall goods for the loue of eternall riches c. This authour being in a state which once was of Secular priests now no state of Secular priests not because he will be taken for either Monke or Frier or goe barefoote as Iohn Wickliffe did and his followers or basely clothed for these are outward mortifications which of what edification soeuer they are yet are not worthy of that honour which is due to the inward mortifications which lie hid and are not seene by the corporall eye But because Pope Gregorie the 13. hath so declared it yet so as he being filius populi as people say hath no other name but what the people giue him he is imployed not by Iohn of Gant himselfe in his owne person for this great Duke died aboue 200 yeeres since but by Iohn of Gant in some of his posteritie who hath somewhat to bring to passe which he hath long conceiued in his mind for the effecting of which this godly Father is busied in the corrupting the Cleargie of England or the vtter ouerthowing it which at this present he and his doe worke by taking from them their good name and fame and making them odious without iust cause to the people And to the end that he would be knowen not to haue spent his time idlely in Wickliffe his schoole he hath not onely imployed his tongue but his pen also and in his first platforme of Reformation hath ordeined that none of the Clergie shall possesse any temporall liuings but shall liue vpon such pensions as shall to certaine of his company and some secular Priests ioyned with them in their wisedome seeme necessary for their maintenance But let vs now see whether this authour can fit himselfe better in the next point In the beginning also saith he of this Queenes dayes the little affection which the Laitie did beare vnto the Clergie procured by some vnquiet spirits as also the small vnion of diuers Clergie men among themselues some holding with the heretikes and politikes by beate of faction
publique submission and in expresse words acknowledged his errour in that he had not so long a time obserued that saying Qui nescit dissimulare nescit viuere he that knoweth not how to dissemble knoweth not how to liue How farre foorth M.D.B. noted in the margent was a cause of that visitation I know not but if we doe not mistake the man hee was sent into England long before this visitation came to the College And as for the other two Priests whose names are set in the margent in this sort G G.E.G. who are said to haue conspired with the Councell in England and for more grace and gratification haue writ two mischieuous bookes the one saith this authour against D. Allen the other against F. Parsons and the Iesuites giuing them vp to Walsingham the Queenes Secretarie affirming also among other points to make the parties more odious as our men their successours doe at this day that these men depended of Spaniards and were enemies to their Countrey We heartily wish that this authour may liue in as good credit as the one of them liueth after all his trouble in Italy or elsewhere and die as penitent as the other died after his troubles in France He who writ against the Iesuites was too priuie to their actions aswell in England as elsewhere to be deceiued in them And if the Appellants be the men whom here this authour meaneth by these words their successors they may purge themselues very well from any offence in hauing the like thought For it is well knowen that Fa. Parsons in Spaine caused many aswell others as Priestes to subscribe as priests to the title of the Infanta now Dutches of Burgundie Fa. Tancard also hath made many to set their handes to three blanks although some refused to do it as they haue themselues reported at their returne into England We haue moreouer vnderstood that Fa. Parsons was a chiefe dealer in the sending of those Armadoes which the Spaniards haue set out for the inuasion of our Countrey and there are in England with whome hee dealt most earnestly to goe in the Nauie which was set out in the yeere 1596. who refusing to be imployed in any action against their Countrey were for that cause sent away from the College told that it was not conuenient that they should stay in the College where they had giuen example of such repugnance There is moreouer sufficient proofe that after the euill successe of the Spanish attempts Fa. Parsons carried a youth to the king of Spaine who pronounced a certaine speech for the purpose which being ended Fa. Parsons began to vrge the king to giue one attempt more affirming that he silly fellow would write his letters into England and nothing doubted to effect what should be to the great furtherance of such a iourney We haue also certaine intelligence that the Iesuites had deuised a meanes to haue had the tower of London seazed into their hands and how they would haue it held vntil the Spaniard came to rescue them Diuers of their letters haue bin shewed to diuers prisoners for proofe against them when they haue answered in defence of the Iesuites that they thought them free from such stratagems And amongst the rest there is one of the 10. of Iune 1596. wherein there are these wordes It may be if the kings faintnesse and pusillanimitie hinder vs not as heretofore it hath the Armado will be with you about August or September This is one good helpe Ireland wil be onely for vs. The Earle of Tyrone and Odonell would gladly haue helpe from hence and they are well contented to let the Spaniards haue certaine holdes and forts for their vses This will greatly pleasure to trouble and disquiet England and in the mean time serue for harbour for the ships that shall passe that way c. It were necessary you should make it knowen aforehand that no Cath. man or woman shall take harme either in body or goods Let euery man be quiet till the Spaniards be landed then shall there presently proclamation be made of all securitie There were 200. copies of these proclamations printed in Spaine Certaine other letters also haue bene seene of Fa. Parsons to his fellow Iesuits in England wherein he hath wished that the Catho would vnite themselues together set vp a king of England And in his letters of the 24. of Ianu. 1600. to the Earle of Anguise he confesseth that he dealt in such matters for 8. or 10. yeeres But if all these and many other as infallible proofes did faile vs F. Parsons booke of Succession would so farre conuince his dealing in State matters in the behalfe of Spaine as the Appellantes may without scruple charge him with it yet without any intention to make him more odious knowing it a thing very impossible if they were so minded And thus much concerning this authour his folly in indeuouring to gall the Appellantes with the name of Successors to such as affirmed that the Iesuites depended of the Spaniards and were enemies to their Countrey The next fit of emulation here mentioned is against D. Allen when he was to be made a Cardinall and it is set out with a very rich margent and much to our present matter in controuersie I warrant you But not beeing able to preuaile in this against the Card himselfe sayth this author they began to set more earnestly against the Iesuits his chiefest friends and constant defenders as well in stirring vp the schollers in Rome against the Fathers that gouerned them as also to make a faction against them by Secular Priests in England as may appeare by a letter of the Cardinals owne written most earnestly not sixe moneths before his death to a priest named Mush c. There is a speciall Treatise comming forth of the troubles of that Romane English Colledge to which I am to referre the Reader and to note no other thing in this place then that the misdemeanours of the Iesuits was the cause of all those troubles But concerning this foolish assertion that there was a faction against the Iesuits by Secular priests in England the cōtrary is most cleare as all England may witnesse and there is a letter extant of M. George Blackwell the now Archpriest wherein hee inueigheth mightily against those who had made the report that the priests and Iesuites were at strife Ianuary 1596. to th◠C. Caietane And this letter is kept in the English Colledge at Rome registred as an Oracle although perchance not for this clause so much as for the immoderate but false extolling of the Iesuits in doing infinite deeds of charitie out of the profits of their patrimonies nam minima sunt c. sayth M. Black it is not worth the speaking of which they receiue of almes c. And whereas the Card. Allen his letter is here brought to testifie a faction of either the schollers at Rome or the Secular priests in England against the
discouered in his imploying of Hesket who was executed at S. Albones for his seruice done to the same F. Holt the Iesuit and other the plotters of the raising of the noble Ferdinand Earle of Darby to the Crowne of England by the assistance of Sir William Stanley and other such like After which the good Earle likewise enioyed his life but a little while but died an vntimely death in the prime of his age How farre forward this Owen also mentioned here might be in these actions we leaue it to men of vnderstanding he being pew-fellow with F Holt in the English affaires as it should seeme by this Author And certaine letters of his of the 5. of April 1596 doe shew euidently that he was a dealer with the Spanish faction against England And whereas this Author among other his impertinent stuffe doeth here gird at the dimission of M.D.B. out of the English Colledge at Rome to quit perchance the story of that infamous expulsion of F. Parsons out of Baliol Colledge in Oxford he hath made his answer to this and set it to M. D. Ely his notes vpon the Apologie But this is also here to be noted that he was sent into England very honourably and was admitted into the sodalitie of our Lady which was at that time a fauour so ioyned with those who were esteemed well of by the Iesuits as if any of that sodalitie had bene factious or behaued themselues contrary to their liking they were expelled or reduced to a kinde of Nouiceship as some Iesuits in England can testifie This also is certaine that the visitation of which there is mention made in this Apologie to haue bene about that time was long after his departure vpon an open breach and parts-taking in the Colledge betweene the Iesuits and many of the Students And thus much concerning Iohn of Gaunt Iohn Wickliffe the dissolution of Abbeyes in the time of King Henry the 8 the Q. Mary Priests the going to Church the emulation against the institution of the Seminaries the dealings of the Counsell by spies to further the diuision begun in and for the Seminaries the parting of some Gentlemen from D. Allen F. Parsons Sir Frances Englefield and the whole body of Catholicks vnited in certaine affaires of our Countrey more matters against the Seminaries the writings of G. G. and E. G. against D. Allen F. Parsons and the Iesuits the hinderance of D. Allen when he was to be made Cardinall and the setting vp of his emulator and the breaking foorth of all factions against the Iesuits in Rome Flanders and England Now we shall come to more domesticall affaires And first of all we must vnderstand that Fa. Parsons comming to Rome in the yeere 1597 made an end of those stirres which were betweene the English students and the Iesuits which we are not here to examine but referre the Reader to the particuler discourse which is made thereof That which concerneth vs here is the bold and vnshamefast assertion of this Author who to make a lewd entrance into a like relation he telleth his Reader that the association which was begun in England by the Priests was deuised by the relicks of the troublesome which F. Parsons had after his comming to Rome acquieted These are his words But the relicks of those that had bene troublesome and vnquiet before comming into England and conferring againe with their consorts of their former actions and designements frustrated as they thought by F. Parsons dealing at Rome resolued to begin againe but after another fashion to wit by deuising a certaine new Association among themselues with offices and prelacies of their owne institution where unto meaning to be chosen by voyces of such as they would procure to fauour them his Holines should be inforced afterward to confirme them c. What is it vpon which this audacious companion will not aduenture who so shamelesly will report a matter controllable by all the Catholicks in England who can witnes that this Association was begunne long before the yeere 1597 and consequently before Fa. Parsons came to Rome as may apparantly be gathered out of this place of the Apologie Yea Fa. Parsons himselfe as good proofe will bee made had vnderstanding of this Association when he was in Spaine and M. Iames Standish who was one of the first dealers therein was at Rome before Fa. Parsons came thither And could this fellow without a vizard publish that it was deuised by the relicks of those troublesome as hee termeth them whose designements were frustrated as they thought by Fa. Parsons dealing at Rome Is it not easily seene with what spirits assistance this is written when as this very same Author in the same booke Ca. 7. fol. 89. turneth this matter to M. Mush and an other vpon his returne from Rome the death of the Card. which was in the yeere 1594 and fol. 90. bringeth witnes of his owne that it begun about 4. or 5. yeres before a letter dated the 2. of May in the yeere of our Lord 1601 And fol. 96. the examination of Fisher conuinceth most plainely that it was begun before his being returned backe out of England in the yeere 1597 as appeareth fol. 93. Moreouer that which here in generall termes he calleth offices and prelacies of the Priests institution in the 7. Chap. fol. 90 he calleth a superioritie as it were of Archbishops the one for the South the other for the North which if it had bene so was no prelacie of these Priests institution as all Christendome will witnes But there was no such matter as M. Blackwell his pen will witnes which was vsed to proue how inconuenient it was for one to haue so great a charge neither can this Author proue that euer there was any thing intended but an order or rule vnder which who would might liue and those who would not might chuse And there is asmuch confessed in this Apologie Cap. 7. fol. 90 where wee finde in the letters of the sixe Assistants to the Nuntius in Flanders of the 2. of May 1601 that there were Chapters in the new constitutions of the Association of those that are to bee admitted or expelled Which is a demonstration that this fellow enlargeth himselfe too farre beyond the trueth in this point as also when he affirmeth that those relicks of the troublesome at Rome deuised a new Association in England with offices and prelacies of their owne institution as if they were Archbishops the one for the North the other for the South as Cap. 7. he explicateth himselfe and addeth here in this place a stranger conceit then was in all the rest that is that his Holines should be inforced afterward to confirme them For how this force should be offered to his Holines we do not vnderstand especially if it were true as it is as far from the trueth as that which we haue already shewed which fol. 90. is said that this Association was to the preiudice of others And
any money for them onely they must pay for the sawce which according to the custome of the faire they must haue or els they must haue no goose O happy day wherein that faire was first instituted and a secret discouered which no Catholike Kings or Prelats could euer attaine vnto And thrice happy are they who by the light as it should see me of that day did see to make that Statute in the third yere of the Archipres byterie of M. George Blackwell vidi preuaricantes c. 18. Octob. 1600 wherein al right to appeale to Rome being most Catholikely conserued the penalties therein conteined doe onely light vpon such as haue set their hands to that which is prefixed to the Appeale which is nothing els but the causes thereof without which according to the custome and Canons of holy Church the appeale is of no force and are therefore by name to be expressed as we haue before shewed out of the Clementine Appellantide Appellationibus Now it remaineth that we shew when and vpon what occasions the Statutes were made by which the prouisions from Rome and some Appeales to Rome were forbidden First concerning these prouisions there was a statute made either in the 30. or 35. or as some other affirme 25. Edward 1. which was aboue 300. yeeres since wherein it is agreed and established that they should not be suffered There was also the like statute made in the 25. yere of Edw. 3 to the like effect by which it was forbidden that any should be placed in any dignitie without the assent of the King The same is also forbidden in the Parliament holden in the 38. of the same King The occasions of enacting these statutes are set downe as well in that of the 25. of Edw. 1. as elsewhere the iustice of those which were made in the time of Edw. 3. is the more apparant by a letter which hee and his nobles sent in the 17. yeere of his reigne to his Hol. to haue redresse for such defaults as were in that kind committed The Letter was to this effect King Edward and his Nobles perceiuing the derogation that was done to the Realme by such reseruations prouisions and collations of benefices as the Pope practised here in England wrote to him requiring him that sith the Churches of England had beene founded and endowed by noble and worthy men to the end the people might be instructed by people of their owne language and that he being so farre off could not vnderstand the defaults yet his predecessors and hee more then had been vsed by diuers reseruations prouisions and collations made to diuers persons some strangers yea and some enemies to the Realme whereby the money and profits were carried forth their Cures not prouided for according to the founders minds they therefore vpon due considerations thereof signified vnto him that they could not suffer such enormities any longer and therefore besought him to reuoke such reseruations prouisions and collations wholly to auoid such slanders mischiefes and harmes as might ensue and that the Cures might be committed to persons meete for the exercises of the same beseeching him further without delay to signifie his intention sith they meant to bestow their diligence to remedie the matter and see that redresse might be had Giuē in full Parliament at Westminster 18. of May Anno Dom. 1343. Thus far out of Iohn Stow 17. Edw. 3. where he also citeth Auesburie and Honingford Secondly concerning the forbidding of the appeales to Rome we find a Statute made in the 27. of Edw. 3. against those who shall drawe any person in plea out of the Realme of a thing whereof the knowledge appertained to the Kings Court or of such things whereof iudgement was giuen in the Kings courts or should sue in any other courts to defeate or let the iudgements giuen in the Kings Court. To these and other Statutes to the like effect the author of the Apologie affirmeth that the Catholike Bishops neither did nor could assent But whatsoeuer may be said for or against this position concerning the appeales no man can in reason think but that they both might very well and did assent to those statutes which were made against the prouisions or bestowing of dignities in England without the kings consent the causes are so apparantly layd downe by the King and the Nobles for that abridging of his Holines his promoting whom he would and to what dignities hee would in England And thus much may be alledged in the behalfe of the consent of the spirituall Lords to the statute against those appeales That in the new great abridgement printed Anno 1551. there is this clause set to the end of some statutes But the spirituall Lords assented not to this statute And there is no such note set to any of these Statutes which we haue here cited It is also euident that these statutes were not made vpon any heate of emulation against the Clergie for as we finde that in the 38. yeere of King Edw. 3. the statutes against those prouisions made in the 25. and 27. of the same King are confirmed although there be some fauour giuen to the Lords and Prelats offendors so in the 39 yeere of the same King which was the next yeere after we find that the Clergie in England was in as great honour as any Clergie in the worlde as may be shewed by the offices which the Bishops and Priests had then in England For the Bishop of Canterbury was Lord Chancellour of England the Bishop of Bath was L. Treasurer the Archdeacon of Lincolne was Lord priuie Seale the Parson of Somersam was master of the Rolles ten beneficed Priests were masters of the Chancerie the Deane of S. Martins le grand was chiefe Chancellour of the Exchequer Receiuer and Keeper of the Kings Treasure and Iewels the Archd. of Northampton was Chancellor of the Exchequer a Prebendarie of S. Martins was Clerk of the priuie Seale a Prebendarie of S. Steuens was Treasurer of the Kings house the Parson of Auon or Oundell was master of the Wardrobe the Parson of Fenny Stanton was one of the Chamberlaines of the Excheq and Keeper of the Kings Treasury and Iewels Other of the Clergie are noted to haue ben in office also in France in Ireland as well as in England Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth sonne of King Edward 3. hauing the gouernement of England committed vnto him in the time of his fathers last sickenesse which was in the 50. and 51. of his reigne disposed so farre of matters and offices as he conceiued some possibility to attaine to the Crown and to depriue his nephew Richard of Burdeaux who was sonne to the Blacke prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third But perceiuing that it would be hard for him to obtaine his purpose so long as the Church stood in that estate it did and the citizeens of London enioyed their liberties hee laboured to ouerthrow them both
For the ruine of the Citie liberties he deuised that it should no more be gouerned by the Maior and Aldermen but by some Captaine appointed for the purpose And that the Marshall of England who then was a trustie friend of his and placed in that office by him should vse his authoritie as well in London and the liberties thereof as els where which the Commons taking in euill part rose together in great multitudes and in heate of emulation to vse this authors words sought the Duke and the Marshall with such fury as if the Bishop of London had not happened to appease them the Duke and the Marshall had not escaped them But when all was quiet and the best of the Citie for the common sort would not obey it had giuen such satisfaction as the king commanded the Duke tooke exceptions thereat affirming that they knew his minde and were not ignorant how to make satisfaction with which words sayth the historie the citizens were much troubled for quoth they among themselues hee would haue vs to proclaime him King but this shall neuer be done The way which hee tooke to ouerthrow the estare of the Church was by countenancing Iohn Wickliffe who by reason of an hypocriticall demeanour among the Common people had gotten an opinion of holinesse Hee had liued as a secular priest but afterward hee changed his habit and conuersed with the Friars mendicants Hee and his company went bare footed and in course russet garments down to the heeles They preached especially against Monkes and other religious men that had possessions and for this cause got in some fauour with the Religious who had no possessions and were assisted by them in that cause This Wickliffe being called before his Ordinary to answere for certaine wordes spoken by him was brought in by the Duke and the Marshal into S. Pauls Church in London and was bidden by them to sit downe as hauing much to answere which when the Bishop Courtney of London vnderstoode hee countermanded it Whereupon the Duke and the Marshall tooke occasion of anger against the Bishop and the Duke threatned to pull downe both the pride of him and of all the Bishops of England He had before caused all the goods of the Bishop Wickham of Winchester to be seized on and would not suffer him to make his answere and had persecuted others who had bene most vsed by his father in the gouernement of the Realme But shortly this Bishop had his temporalties restored vnto him by king Edward against the Dukes will and presently after the Duke and he were made friends at the very beginning of the reigne of King Richard the second who succeeded King Edward the third And this accord was not onely made betweene them but also betweene the Duke and the citie And thus ceased that heate of emulation so soone as it was begun and yet it began not vntill the 50 or 51 yeere of K. Ed. the 3 in whose 17 25 27 38 yeres of his reigne the statutes before cited were begun to be treated of made concerning the abridging of prouisions for dignities from Rome and the forbidding of Appeales in some cases to Rome besides what we brought concerning the first of these two points out of a statute made aboue 300 yeres since to wit in the 25 of Ed. the first By which it may appeare that it was treated concerning these points before Wickliffe rose how deceitfully these matters are layd vpon a heate of emulation against the Clergie And although in the 9 yere of the reign of K. Rich. the 2 there was a Bil put vp in the Parliament against the Clergy for their temporalties the King hearing sayth the story the inordinate cryings out of the Laity the iust answeres of the Clergy cōmanded that the bil should be cancelled such inordinate petitions to cease affirmed that he would preserue the church during his time in as good state as he foūd it or in better And the king being then not past 20 yeeres of age no doubt but his nobles counselled him in this his answere which is an argument that at that time the aduersaries of the Clergy did beare no great sway in England In the 18. yeere also of his reigne the Clergie and religious men being oppugned by certaine fauourers of those hypocritical Lollards the King being in Ireland certified therof hastened home and threatned those fellowes that if they did from thencefoorth fauour the Lollards or in any wise comfort them he would extreamly punish them By which it is euident that what was enacted or confirmed by him in the 16 yeere of his reigne which was two yeres before this or at other times concerning those points cannot bee construed to haue bene done by heate of emulation against the Clergie King Henry also the fourth who was sonne of Iohn of Gaunt and succeeded King Richard the second was so great an enemy to these Lollards as in the beginning of his reigne at a Parliament held in London he made a statute against them wherein it was enacted that they should be apprehended and deliuered to the Bishop of the Diocesse and if they were found obstinate they should be degraded and committed to the secular iurisdiction to be executed And in the fifth yere of his reigne when some to relieue his want made a motion in the Parliament to haue the Clergie depriued of their temporalties and Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterburie had giuen his reasons to the contrary the king and his Nobles stood for the Bishops and those knights of the parliament who were actors against the Clergie were brought to confesse their offence and to aske forgiuenesse thereof To conclude no one of these statutes were euer repealed by any of our princes Catholike or other which concerned those prohibitions of prouisions from Rome or pleading of matters out of this Realme the knowledge whereof did appertaine vnto the kings Court although some particular clause concerning the punishment of the offenders hath been repealed As for example where it was lawfull for any man or at the least not punishable by our lawes to kill such as were out of the kings protection or to be taken as the Kings enemies by offending against these statutes And in the first yeere of Queene Mary whom the Author of the Apologie will bee ashamed to number amongst the worst kings for according to the statutes of our Realme what prerogatiues soeuer any kings haue had they are to be vnderstood to be fully and wholly in the Queenes who come by succession to the Crowne when no doubt these statutes were in minde it was enacted that all offences made felonie or limitted or appointed to be within the case of Premunire by any act or actes of Parliament statute or statutes made sithence the first day of the first yere of the raigne of the late king of famous memory King Henry the eighth not being felony before nor within the case of Premunire
and also all and euery branch article and clause mentioned or in any wise declared in any of the same statutes concerning the making of any offence or offences to be felony or within the case of Premunire not being felonie nor within the case of Premunire before and all paines and forfeitures concerning the same or any of them should from thenceforth be repealed and vtterly void and of none effect King Henrie the eighth also when he was so deuoted to the Catholike faith and particularly to the Sea of Rome as he gaue monethly 60000 angels towards the pay of an Armie vnder Mounsieur de Foy for the deliuery of Pope Clement the 7 when he was holden prisoner in the Castel Angel in Rome by the Duke of Bourbon his Armie and the prince of Oringe Yea when Pope Leo the the tenth esteemed of him as of the best prince in Christendome and either to his deserts or vnder them gaue him this glorious title Defender of the faith he did so far foorth execute the law of Premunire against all forraine prouisions of dignities and authority to be practised within his Realme without his assent as the Cardinal Wolsey notwithstanding an extraordinary affection in the king towards him dared not to exercise his power Legantine vntill he was licenced therunto by the king vnder his hand and broad seale Io Stow. 21. Hen 8. which he pleaded that he had when he was indited afterward in a Premunire for his exercise thereof And yet was the king himselfe a sutor to the Pope to giue that authority to the Cardinal as may be seene in the tenth yeere of his reigne which was about three yeeres before he was intituled Defender of the faith But all aswell princes as other must stand to this good fellow his checke and if they displease him it is enough to haue them accounted in the highest degree of badnesse how pious and godly soeuer hee esteemed them before with the same breath But now concerning that which is sayd by the Priests of Bishop Watson that he refused vpon these statutes all externall iurisdiction offered him ouer his fellowe prisoners this good fellow sayth that it is most contumelious and false Whome shall we beleeue in this case those who were Priests and fellow prisoners with him and were present at the offer and his refusall and are eare witnesses therof or this peremptorie fellow who careth not what passeth him But perchance his reason may ouerpeaze the relation of these witnesses although for many respects most reuerend For sayth hee that had bene to deny his Holines Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in England Marke I pray you this reason and weigh it with that which is before saide and shewed concerning this point Card. Wolsey would not exercise his power Legantine in England vntill he had licence of his Maiestie as appeareth by his plea before cited and yet neither the king nor he denied his Holines Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in England as appeareth by that the king of England made request to Pope Leo to constitute Card. Wolsey his Legate in England and behaued himselfe so Catholikely as hee was called Defendor of the faith Also the most Catholike Bishops who liued in the times of many and those most Catholike Princes without al doubt obserued the law yet no way were to be touched as this peremptory companion would haue them with a deniall of his Holines iurisdiction in England And in the Parliament holden 16. Rich 2. the Bishops doe make a difference betweene authoritie in the Pope to excommunicate and the execution thereof in England Moreouer this Doctor Watson when he was made a Bishop hee had licence of her Maiestie who then was before he would take vpon him to vse his Episcopall iurisdiction in England as he related himselfe to some yet liuing of credit And no doubt this was done vpon the same ground that lawe of Praemunire standing in full force in her time as being neuer repealed but rather suffered voluntarily to stand in full force as may be gathered by an acte primo Mariae yet no Catholike doubteth but that her Maiestie did acknowledge the Popes authoritie in England as appeareth by her repealing diuers statutes made by her father to take away the Popes authority in England Anno 1. 2. Philip. Mariae So that the folly of this fellow is exceeding great in giuing this reason why the Bishop could not refuse all externall iurisdiction offered him from his Holines Againe although Doctor Watson were Bishop of Lincolne and had vsed his iurisdiction in that Diocesse by the licence or permission of Queene Mary yet he was neuer Bish of Ely in which Dioces these prisoners liued who offered him that externall iurisdiction so that his refusing all externall iurisdiction ouer his fellowe prisoners is no way to be brought within the compasse of denying his Holines Ecclesiastical iurisdiction in England And if his Episcopal iurisdiction were so inlarged by his Holines that he might haue vsed it ouer all England yet might he most iustly haue refrained from the present exercise thereof in that ample maner hauing neuer had any such license or assent from his Soueraigne according to that Statute which was made 25. Edw. 3. wherein it is enacted that first the Kings license to chuse was to be demanded and after election his royall assent was to be had And as he was not to expect that a Prince of a contrary Religion should legitimate any such authoritie in him so he was to assure him selfe that a Prince of a contrary Religion would take hold of that Statute against him seeing that Princes who were of the same Religion did both enact it and cause it to be most strictly obserued and yet they neuer denyed his Holines Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in England And by this it is made most manifest how Bishop Watson might acknowledge his Episcopall iurisdiction from Rome and yet refuse to exercise the same without deniall of the Popes Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in England any more then for 200. yeeres together al the Catholike Bishops in England did before him But I cannot a little marueile that this authour would compare the association intended in England with this Archipresbyterie which is so pontificall or maiesticall as the Title which by vertue thereof he vseth is enough to make such meane men as his fellowes are not to know which way to looke For thus he writeth himselfe George Blackwell by the grace of God and the ordinance of the Sea Apostolike Archpriest of England We will put the case that the association intended had gone forward but then how sayth he would that haue stood without externall turisdiction seeing that one of these two points they must confesse that either they would haue asked confirmation thereof from Rome and consequently it would haue beene an externall iurisdiction as well as this of the Archpr. or else they would haue gouerned absolutely of themselues without any dependance or approbation of his Holinesse And