out of the Grant of Edward the Confessor to the Abbot of Westminster which I am beholden to Mr. Lambard for at the bottom of which these words are set down I Syward Publick Notary instead of Rembald the Kings Majesties Chancellor have written and subscribed this paper but also out of Ingulph who makes mention of Turketulus some while after that Abbot of Crowland Chancellor of King Edred by whose Decree and Counsel were to be handled treated whatsoever businesses they were Temporal or Spiritual that did await the Judgement of the King and being thus treated of by him might irrefragably stand good And Francis Thinn that Learned Antiquary has reckoned up several who have discharged this Office as Turketill to King Ethelbald Swithin Bishop of Winchester to King Egbert Vlfin to King Athelstan Adulph to King Edgar Alsy Abbot and Prelate of Ely to King Ethelred Concerning which Office and the Seals which the Chancellor in old time had the keeping of I had rather you would consult with Camden's Tribunals or Seats of Justice and those things which John Budden at Wainfleet Doctor of Laws has brought out of the Archives into his Palingenesia than seek them at my hands As for Treasurers Dunstan was so to King Edred and Hugolin to the Confessor But that fifth title of Alderman of England is an unusual one Yet if I don't mistake my self he was the Chief President in Tryals at Law and an Officer to keep all quiet at home the same as now perhaps is commonly called the Lord Chief Justice of England This remarkable name I do not meet with neither in the Monkish Chronologers which are to be had at the Shops nor in the Records of our Laws But a private History of the Abbey of Ramsey in Huntingdon-shire has given us notice of one Ailwins Tomb with this Inscription HIC REQUIESCIT AILWINUS INCLITI REGIS EADGARI COGNATUS TOTIUS ANGLIAE ALDERMANNUS ET HUJUS SACRI COENOBII MIRACULOSUS FUNDATOR that is Here resteth Ailwin Kinsman of the Renowned King Edgar Alderman of all England and the miraculous Founder of this Sacred Monastery And by reason of his great Authority and Favour which he had with the King by a Nick name they called him Healfkoning i. e. Half-King Now Hâ—nry of Huntingdon sayes that Tostius Earl or to use his phrase Consul of Northumberland and Harald Sons of Godwin Earl of Kent were Justices of the Realm Aldermen may aptly be termed by the word Senators Those Judges did exercise a delegated power throughout the Provinces called Counties or Shires and the Graves and under-delegated power from them The word is as much as Governours and is the same thing as in High Dutch Grave in Landgrave Burgrave Palsgrave c. and what amongst some of our own people Reev We shall call them both as that Age did in a Latin term the one Comites i. e. Counts or Earls the other Vicecomites that is Viscounts or Sheriffs The name of Count is every where met with amongst the most ancient of the Monks which yet does very often pass into that of Duke in the subscription of Witnesses And in the Charter of the Foundation of Chertsey Abby in Surrey Frithwald stiles himself subregulus i.e. an under Kingling or petty Vice-Roy to Wulpher King of the Mercians make no question of it he meant he was a Count. A Viscount and a Vice-Lord are more than very like they are the very same Ingulph sayes it above And in the last hand-writing of King Edred we have I Bingulph Vice-Lord advised it I Alfer Viscount heard it These Counts and Viscounts or Earls and Sheriffs had in their Counties their several Courts both for private and for publick matters For private affairs they had every Month a Meeting called the County Court Let every Grave as we have it in Edward the Elder 's Laws every fourth Week convene and meet the people in Assembly let him do equal right to every one and determine and put an end to all Suits and Quarrels when the appointed days shall come For publick business King Edgar ordered the Court of Inquests or Inquiries called Tourn le Uiscount Let a Convention or Meeting be held twice every year out of every County at which let the Bishop of that Diocess and the Senator i. e. the Alderman be present the one to teach the people the Laws of God the other the Laws of the Land What I have set down in William the First at the end of the fourth Chapter of this second Book you ought to consider of here again in this place The inhabitants did not meet at this Court of Inquests at any season promiscuously and indifferently but as it is very well known by the use and ancient Constitutions of the Realm within a Month either after Easter or after Michaelmas In which Court seeing that not only the Count as now a dayes the Viscount or Sheriff does but also the Bishop did preside it does not at all seem difficult to trace the very original of this temporary Law That peradventure was the Synod of Antioch held in Pope Julius the First 's time and acknowledged in the sixth General Council held at Constantinople In this latter there are expresly and plainly two Councils or Meetings of the Bishops to be kept every year within three Weeks after Easter and about the middle of October if there be any small difference in the time it can be no great matter of mistake You may help your self to more other things of meaner note out of what has been said before about Hundreds Bourghs and the like And this may serve in brief for the Saxons who were entrusted with the care of their Laws CHAP. XXI Of the Norman Earls Their Fee Their power of making Laws Of the Barons i.e. Lords of Manours Of the Court-Baron It s rise An instance of it out of Hoveden Other Offices much alike with the Saxons I Shall be briefer concerning the Normans I mean their Earls and Barons Their Counts or Earls before the Conquest except those of Leicester and perchance some others were but Officers and not as yet hereditary When William bore the sway they began to have a certain Fee and a descent of Patrimony having together with their Title assigned to them a third part of the Revenues or Rents which did arise out of the whole County to the Exchequer This custom is clear enough in Gervase of Tilbury in the case of Richard de Redâ—eriis made Earl of Devonshire by Henry the First Jeoffrey de Magna Villa made Earl of Essex by Mawd the Empress It seems that the Saxon Earls had the self-same right of sharing with the King So in Doomsday Book we find it The Queen Edeua had two parts from Ipswich in Suffolk and the Earl or Count Guert the third and so of Norwich that it paid Twenty Pound to the King and to the Earl Ten Pound so of the Revenues
before the first Parliament under King James has been made against those Swill-bowls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Swabbers of drunken Feasts and lusty Rowers In full brimm'd Rummers that do ply their Dars who by their carowses tipling up Nestor's years as if they were celebrating the Goddess Anna Perenna do at the same time drink others Healths and mischief and spoil their own and the Publick 39. There was no choice of Prelates these are the words of Ingulph again that was merely free and canonical but the Court conferred all Dignities as well of Bishops as of Abbots by the Kings Ring and Staff according to his good pleasure The Election or choice was in the Clergy and the Monks but they desired him whom they had chosen of the King Edmund in King Ethelred's time was after this manner made Bishop of the Holy Island on the Coast of Northumberland And King Edgar in his Patent which he signed to the Abby of Glastenbury retained to himself and his Heirs the power of bestowing the Pastoral Staff to the Brother Elect. 40. To as many as King Knute retained with him in England to wit to the Danes for by their hands also was the Scepter of this Kingdom managed it was granted that they should have a firm peace all over so that if any of the English killed any of those men whom the King had brought along with him if he could not clear himself by the Judgment of God that is by Ordeal to wit by water and burning hot iron Justice should be done upon him But if he run away and could not be taken there should be paid for him sixty six marks and they were gathered in the Village where the Party was slain and therefore because they had not the murderer forth coming and if in such Village by reason of their poverty they could not be gathered then they should be gathered in the Hundred to be paid into the Kings Treasure In this manner writes Henry Bracton who observes that hence the business of Englishshire came into fashion in the Inquests of murder 41. Hand-Writings i.e. Patents and Grants till Edward the Confessors time were confirmed by the subscriptions of faithful Persons presâ—nt a thing practised too among the Britans in King Arthur's time as John Price informs us out of a very ancient Book of the Church of Landaff Those subscriptions were accompanied with Golden Crosses and other sacred Seals or like stamps 42. King Harald made a Law that whosoever of the Welch should be found with a Weapon about him without the bound which he had set them to wit Offa's dike he should have his Right Hand cut off by the Kings Officers This dike our Chorographer tells us was cut by Offa King of the Mercians and drawn along from the mouth of the River Dee to the mouth of the River Wye for about eighty miles in length on purpose to keep the English and Welch asunder CHAP. XXV The Royal Consorts great Priviledge of Granting Felons Estates forfeited to the King Estates granted by the King with three Exceptions of Expedition Bridge and Castle The Ceremony of the Kings presenting a Turf at the Altar of that Church to which he gave Land Such a Grant of King Ethelbald comprized in old Verse THe Donations or Grants of the Royal Consort though not by the Kings Authority contrary to what the Priviledge of any other Wife is were ratified also in that Age as they were by the Roman Law Which by the Patent of Aethelswith Wife to Burghred King of the Mercians granted to Cuthwuls in the year 868. hath been long since made out by Sir Edward Coke Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas Where also King Ethelred's ancient Charter proves that the Estates of Felons those I mean who concern themselves in Burglaries and Robberies are forfeited to the King Having already mentioned those Hand-writings or Grants which are from one hand and t'other conveyances of Tenure the fewel of quarrels I have a mind over and above what has been said to set down also these Remarks as being to our purpose and taken from the Saxons As for instance that those are most frequent whereby Estates are conveyed to be held with the best and fairest right yet most commonly these three things excepted to wit Expedition Repairing of Bridges and Building of Castles And that those to whom the Grants were made were very seldom acquitted upon this account These three exceptions are noted by the term of a three-knotted necessity in an old Charter wherein King Cedwalla granted to Wilfrid the first Bishop of Shelsey in Sussex the Village of Paganham in the said County For though in the Grants of King Ethelulph the Church be free says Ingulph and there be a concession of all things for the release of our Souls and pardon of our sins to serve God alone without Expedition and building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle to the intent that the Clergy might wholly attend Divine Service Yet in that publick debate of Parliament in the Reign of Henry the third concerning the ancient State Freedom and Government of the English Church and concerning the hourly exactions of the Pope and the Leeches Jugglers and Decoys of Rome that strolled up and down the Country to pick Peoples Pockets to the great prejudice of the Common-wealth they did indeed stand for the priviledge of the Church and produced as Witnesses thereof the Instruments and Grants of Kings who nevertheless were not so much inclined to countenance that liberty of the Church but that as Matthew Paris observes They always reserved to themselves for the publick advantage of the Kingdom three things to wit Expedition and the repairing or making up of Bridge or Castle that by them they might withstand the incursions of the Enemy And King Eâ—helbald hath this form I grant that all the Monasteries and Churches of my Kingdom be discharged from publick Customs or Taxes Works or Services and Burdens or Payments or Attendances unless it be the building and repairing of Castles or Bridges which cannot be released to any one I take no notice how King Ethelred the twelfth perhaps but by no means the fifteenth wherein an Historian of ours has blundred hath signed the third year of his Reign by the term of an Olympiad after the manner of the Greek computation or reckoning As likewise I pass other things of the like kind which are many times used and practised according to the fancy of the Clerks or Notaries However the last words which are the close of these Grants and Patents are not to be slighted These we may see in that of Cedwalla King of the South-Saxons made to Theadore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in the year 687. thus For a further confirmation of my grant I Cedwalla have laid a Turf of the Land aforesaid upon the holy Altar of my Saviour And with my own hand being ignorant
the Advowson and Presentation of Churches Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court A Clergyman convict out of the Churches Protection None to go out of the Realm without the Kings leave This Repealed by King John Excommunicate Persons to find Surety Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court A Lay-Jury to swear there in what case No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated till He or his Justice be acquainted AT length though late first Henry the Son of Jeoffry Plantagenet Count of Anger 's by the Empress Mawd came to his Grandfatherrs Inheritance Having demolished and levelled to the ground the Castles which had in King Stephen's time been built to the number of eleven hundred and fifteen and having retrieved the right of Majesty into its due bounds he confirmed the Laws of his Grandfather Moreover at Clarendon in Wiltshire near Salisbury John of Oxford being President by the Kings own Mandate there being also present the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Peers of the Realm other Laws are recognized and passed whilst at first those who were for the King on one side those who were for the Pope on the other with might and main stickle to have it go their way these latter pleading that the secular Court of Justice did not at all suit with them upon pretence that they had a priviledge of Immunity But this would not serve their turn for such kind of Constitutions as we are now setting down had the Vogue 44. If any Controversie concerning the Advowson and Presentation of Churches arise betwixt Laymen or betwixt Laymen and Clergymen or betwixt Clergymen among themselves let it be handled and determined in the Court of the Lord our King 45. The Churches which are in the Kings Fee cannot be given to perpetuity without his assent and concession Even in the Saxons times it seems it was not lawful without the Kings favour first obtained to give away Estates to Monasteries for so the old Book of Abington says A Servant of King Ethelred's called Vlfric Spot built the Abby of Burton in Staffordshire and gave to it all his Paternal Estate appraised at seven hundred pounds and that this donation might be good in Law he gave King Ethelred three hundred Marks of Gold for his confirmation of it and to every Bishop five Marks and over and above to Alfric Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Village of Dumbleton 46. Clergymen being arighted and accused of any matter whatsoever having been summoned by the Kings Justice let them come into his Court there to make answer to that of which it shall be thought fit that there answer ought to be made So that the Kings Justice send into the Court of Holy Church to see after what manner the business there shall be handled 47. If a Clergyman shall be convicted or shall confess the Fact the Church ought not from thenceforth to give him protection 48. It is not lawful for Arch-Bishops Bishops and Persons of the Kingdom to go out of the Realm without leave of our Lord the King And if they do go out if the King please they shall give him security that neither in going nor in returning or in making stay they seek or devise any mischief or damage against our Lord the King Whether you refer that Writ we meet with in the Register or Record NE EXEAS REGNVM for Subjects not to depart the Kingdom to this time or instance or with Polydore Virgil to William Rufus or to later times is no very great matter Nor will it be worth our while curiously to handle that question For who in things of such uncertainty is able to fetch out the truth Nor will I abuse my leasure or spend time about things unapproachable An sit hic dubito sed hic tamen auguror esse Says the Poet in another case And so say I. Whether it be here or no Is a Question I confess And yet for all that I trow Here it is too as I guess Out of King John's great Charter as they call it you may also compare or make up this Repeal of that Law in part Let it be lawful henceforward for any one to go out of our Realm and to return safely and securely by Land and by Water upon our Royal word unless in time of War for some short time for the common advantage of the Kingdom excepting those that are imprisoned and out-lawed according to the Law of the Kingdom and any People or Nation that are in actual War against us And Merchants concerning whom let such Order be taken as is afore directed I return to King Henry 49. Excommunicate Persons ought not to give suretiship for the Remainder nor to take an Oath but only to find Surety and Pledge to stand to the Judgment of the Church that they may be absolved 50. Persons of the Laity ought not to be accused or impleaded but by certain and legal Accusers and Witnesses in the presence of the Arch-Bishop or Bishop so that the Arch-Deacon may not lose his right nor any thing which he ought to have therefrom 51. If they be such Persons who are in fault as no one will or dare to accuse let the Sheriff being thereunto required by him cause twelve legal men of the Voisinage or of the Village to swear before the Bishop that they will manifest or make known the truth of the matter according to their Conscience 52. Let no one who holds of the King in capite nor any one of the Kings Officers or Servants of his Domain be excommunicated nor the Lands of any of them be put under an Interdict or prohibition unless first our Lord the King if he be in the Land be spoke with or his Justice if he be out of the Land that they may do right by him And so that what shall appertain to the Kings Court may be determined there and as to what shall belong to the Ecclesiastical Court it may be sent thither and there treated of CHAP. XI Other Laws of Church affairs Concerning Appeals A Suit betwixt a Clergyman and a Layman where to be Tryed In what case one who relates to the King may be put under an Interdict The difference betwixt that and Excommunication Bishops to be present at Tryals of Criminals until Sentence of Death c. pass Profits of vacant Bishopricks c. belong to the King The next Bishop to be Chosen in the Kings Chappel and to do Homage before Consecration Deforcements to the Bishop to be righted by the King And on the contrary Chattels forfeit to the King not to be detained by the Church Pleas of debts whatsoever in the Kings Court Yeomens Sons not to go into Orders without the Lords leave 53. COncerning Appeals if at any time there shall be occasion for them they are to proceed from the Arch-Deacon to the Bishop and from the Bishop to
Whatsoever Free-holder that is a Lay-man shall have in Chattel or in Rent and Revenue to the value of Sixteen Marks let him have a Coat of Male and a Head-piece and a Buckler and a Lance. 86. Whatsoever Lay person being a Free-man shall have in Chattel to the value of Ten Marks let him have a little Habergeon or Coat of Male and a Capelet of Iron and a Lance. 87. Let all Burghers or Towns-men of a Corporation and the whole Communities of Free-men have a Wambais and a Capelet of Iron and a Lance. 88. Let no one after he hath once had these Arms sell them nor pawn them nor lend them nor by any other way alienate them from himself or part with them nor let his Lord alienate them by any manner of way from his man i. e. his Tenant that holds under him neither by forfeit nor by gift nor by pledge nor by any other way 89. If any one shall dye having these Arms let them remain to his heir and if the heir be not of such estate or age that he may use the Arms if there shall be need â— let that person who shall have them the heir in custody have likewise the keeping of the Arms and let him find a man who may use the Arms in the service of our Lord the King if there shall be need until the heir shall be of such estate that he may bear Arms and then let him have them 90. Whatsoever Burgher shall have more Arms than it shall behove him to have according to this Assize let him sell them or give them away or so dispose of them from himself to some other man who may retain them in England in the service of our Lord the King 91. Let no one of them keep by him more Arms than if shall behove him according to this Assize to have 92. Let no Jew keep in his possession a Coat of Male or an Habergeon but let him sell them or give them or in some other manner put them away in that wise that they may remain in the service of the King of England 93. Let no man bear or carry Arms out of England unless it be by special order of our Lord the King nor let any one sell Arms to any one who may carry them from England nor let Merchant or other carry or convey them from England 94. They who are suspected by reason of their wealth or great estate do free or acquit themselves by giving their Oaths The Justices have Power or Jurisdiction given them in the case for this purpose If there shall be any who shall not comply with them the Justices the King shall take himself to the members or limbs of such persons and shall by no means take from them their Lands or Chattels 95. Let no one swear upon lawful and free-men i.e. in any matter against or concerning them who hath not to the value of Sixteen or Ten Marks in Chattel 96. Let no one as he loves himself and all that he hath buy or sell any Ship to be brought from England nor let any one carry or cause to be carryed out of England Timber for the building of Ships 97. Let no one be received or admitted to the Oath of bearing Arms but a Free-man To bring once for all something concerning a Free man that may not be beside the purpose The ancient Law of England bestowed that name only upon such persons as many as either being honoured by the Nobility of their Ancestors or else out of the Commonalty being of ingenuous Birth to wit of the Yeomanry did not hold that rustick fee or Tenure of Villenage dedicated to Stercutius the God of Dunghils and necessarily charged and burthened with the Plough tail the Wain and the Dray which are the hard Countrey-folks Arms and Implements To this purpose makes the term of Rustick or Countrey-man above mentioned in the Statutes of Clarendon and the place of Glanvill cited in the Tryal of Ordeal That the business may be more clearly asserted a Suit of Law being waged in the time of Edward the First betwixt John Levin Plaintiff and the Prior of Bernwell Defendant I have taken the Story out of an old Manuscript and the Reports of our Law and the Collection or Body of the Royal Rescripts do agree to it it was then after several disputes bandied to and fro and with earnestness enough decided by the judgement of the Court that those Tenants which hold in fee from the ancient Domain of the Crown as they call it are by no means comprehended under the title of free-men as those who driving their labour around throughout the year pay their daily Vows to Ceres the Goddess of Corn to Pales the Goddess of Shepherds and to Triptolemus the Inventer of Husbandry or Tillage and keep a quarter with their Gee Hoes about their Chattel And now death hath put an end to King Henry's Reign And I also having made an end of his Laws so far as Histories do help me out do at the last muster and arm my Bands for the guard of my Frontiers I wish they may be of force enough against Back-biters CHAP. XIX Of Law-makers Our Kings not Monarchs at first Several of them in the same County The Druids meeting-place where Under the Saxons Laws made in a general Assembly of the States Several instances This Assembly under the Normans called Parliament The thing taken from a custome of the ancient Germans Who had right to sit in Parliament The harmony of the Three Estates BUt however Laws are not without their Makers and their Guardians or they are to no purpose It remaineth therefore that we say somewhat in general of them They are made either by Use and Custom for things that are approved by long Use do obtain the force of Law or by the Sanction and Authority of Law-givers Of ancient time the Semnothei the Kings and the Druids were Law-givers amongst the Britans I mean Concerning the Semnothei whatsoever doth occurr you had before The Kings were neither Monarchs of the whole Island nor so much as of that part of Brittany that belonged to the Angles For there were at the same time over the single County of Kent four Kings to wit Cyngetorix Carvilius Taximagulus and Segonax and at the same rate in other Counties Wherefore we have no reason to make any question but that part wherein we live now called England was governed by several persons and was subject to an Aristocracy according to what Polydore Virgil John Twine David Powell and others have informed us The Druids were wont to meet to explain the Laws in being and to make new ones as occasion required as is most likely in some certain place designed for that purpose as now at this very time all matters of Law go to be decided at Spire in Germany at Westminster-Hall in England and Paris in France Their publick Convention or Meeting-place was constantly as Julius Caesar tells us
JOHANNES SELDENâ—S Armig. R. White sculpsit THE Reverse or Back-face OF THE English JANUS TO-WIT All that is met with in STORY Concerning the COMMON AND STATUTE-LAW OF English Britanny From the first MEMOIRS of the two NATIONS to the Decease of King HENRY II. set down and tackt together succinctly by way of Narrative Designed Devoted and Dedicated to the most Illustrious the EARL of SALISBURY Written in Latin by JOHN SELDEN of Salvinton Student of the Inner-Temple in LONDON and Rendred into English by REDMAN WESTCOT Gent. Haec facies Populum spectat at illa Larem London Printed for Thomas Basset and Richard Chiswell MDCLXXXII To the Right Honourable and truly Noble Lord Robert Earl of Salisbury Viscount Cranborn Baron Cecil of Essenden Knight of the Illustrious Order of the Garter Lord High Treasurer of England Master of the Court of Wards and Privy Counsellor to His Most Excellent Majesty JAMES King of Great Britain France and Ireland Heartily according to his high desert I devote and dedicate AND as it were with consecrated Flowr and crackling grain of Salt I offer up in Sacrifice I am not in condition to do it with a costly Victim or a full Censer GREAT SIR deign with favour to receive these scraps of Collection relating intirely what they are and as far as the present Age may be supposed to be concerned in ancient Stories and Customes to the English-British State and Government and so far forth to Your most Honoured Name Which Name of Yours whilest I one of the lowermost Bench do with dazzled eye-sight look upon most Noble Lord and great Support of your Country I devoutly lay down Upon its ALTAR This small Earnest and Pledge of my Obedience and Duty THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE TO THE READER Reader THOU canst not be such a Stranger to thy own Countrey as to need my commendation of the Learned Worthy and Famous AUTHOR of these following Sheets or that I should tell thee what a Scholar a Philologer a Humanist a Linguist a Lawyer a Critick an Antiquary and which proves him an absolute Master of all these and many other Knowledges what a Writer the Great SELDEN was Since it is liberally acknowledged by every body that knows any thing not only at home but abroad also among Foreigners that Europe seldom hath brought forth His Fellow for exquisite Endowments of Nature Attainments of Study and Accomplishments of Ingenuity Sagacity and Industry And indeed to save me the labour of saying any more concerning this Non-pareil in all kinds of Learning His own WORKS which are now under a Review and will e're long be made Publick in several Volumes will sufficiently speak his Character and be a more prevailing Argument to indear Him to thy good Opinion and firm Acquaintance than mine or any other Words can My business now is only to give thee some Account of the Author's design in this little Treatise and of those measures I took in Translating Him that is in restoring him to his own Native Language though his great Genius had made the Latin and several other Tongues as natural and familiar to Himself as the English was To speak first of the Author I do take this Piece to have been one of his first Essays if not the very first wherein he launched into the World and did not so much try the Judgement as deservedly gain the Approbation of the Learned which was certainly one Reason why though the whole matter of the Book be of an English Complexion and Concern yet he thought fit to put it forth in a Latin dress That this was his first Specimen or at least one of the first I gather from the time of his Writing it viz. in the Six and Twentieth year of his Age when I suppose he was not of any very long standing in the Temple I mean in all likelihood whilst he was on this side the Bar. For having fraught himself with all kind of Learning which the University could afford him which could be we must imagine no small time neither as I may be allowed to guess from that passage of his in this Book where he so affectionately recognizeth his Duty and Gratitude to his dear Mother OXFORD who if she had no other Antiquity to boast of is and ever will be Famous for This Her Scholar our great Antiquary who hath also such a Monument to be seen in her publick Library as will make her Glory and his Memory ever to flourish I say having after some competent time taken leave of Academical Institutions and being now engaged into the Study of Law he thought he could not do his Profession a better service than by looking back into former times and making a faithful Collection of what might be Pertinent and Useful to bring down along through all Changes and Vicissitudes of State the Light and Strength the Evidence and Reputation of old Institutes and Precedents to our present Establishments under our Gracious and Happy Monarchy May It as it is in its Constitution to the English people Gracious so be ever in its Success to It self and consequently to Us all Happy Here then thou wilt find the Rights of Government through all Ages so far as our Histories will help us Here thou wilt see from the first our KING setled in his just Power even in his Ecclesiastical surisdiction against the Papal Usurpation one shrewd Instance whereof is the forbidding Appeals to the Pope at such a time when the Popish Religion was at its Zenith in this Island that is when People in all probability were most Ignorant Here thou wilt easily be brought to acknowledge the Antiquity and Usefulness of Parliaments though under other Names till after the Conquest when all the Barons that is as that Title did at first import all Lords of Mannors all Men of Estate assembled together for the determination of publick Affairs which Usage because it produced too numerous and cumbersome a confluence was afterwards for better convenience retrenched into a popular Election by the Kings Writ to chuse some of the Chiefest to act for all the rest And sure enough if we in Duty keep up the Royal Prerogative and our Kings as ever they have done and ever I hope will in Grace and Clemency oblige the Peoples Consent in their Representatives we shall alwayes have such Laws such a Government such a Correspondence betwixt Prince and Subjects as must according to the Rules of Humane Prudence adding our Piety to it make this Kingdom of Great Britanny maugre the malice of the Devil and his Agents whatever Jesuits or Fanaticks a flourishing and impregnable Kingdom Having said this in General of the Author's design I shall not descend to Particulars which I leave to thy self Reader to find out in the perusal that may be of good Use and great Consequence to the Publick but fearing thou maist think I am so much taken up with the Author that I have forgot My self I have two or three words to
to brighten things that are grown out of use to furnish things obscure with light to set off things that are disdained with credit to make things doubtful pass for probable to assign to every thing it s own nature and every thing to its own nature and that it is a very brave and gallant thing as he sayes for those that have not attained their design yet to have endeavoured it when the Will as we say is accepted for the Deed. But I know too that every Cone or point of vision in the Opticks differs from a right angle and I know how odious a thing a Train or solemn Procession is in the publick Games Therefore dear Reader I bid thee heartily farewel and with a fortunate endeavour fetch out hence what may make for thy turn Why do I delay all this while to let thee in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Go thy wayes in o' Gods name Laudamus veteres sed nostris utimur annis Mos tamen est aeque dignus uterque coli We praise old times but make use of our own And yet 't is fit they both alike be known Go in and welcome heartily and be not unkind to thy Entertainer From the Inner Temple London Decemb. 25. 1610. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In laudem dignissimi Authoris politioris literaturae candidati Carmen CUm Jovis effoeti Pallas foret orta cerebro Vagitus teneros virgo patrima dedit Accurrit tacitéque novam subducere prolem Tentat abstrusis abdere Juno locis Jupiter ingenuam solerti indagine natam Quaeritat celeri permeat astra pede Stat cerebrique tuam cernens Seldene Minervam In natae amplexus irruit ille tuae Atque suam credit parilique ab imagine formae Illa fuit suavis suavis illa fuit Lisque foret nisi quae quondam Lucina fuisset Musarum testis turba novena fuit Quam cognata Jovis tua casta Minerva Minervae est Cum tantum fallax lusit imago Deum ALIUD DUm tuus ambiguâ Janus facieque biformi Respicit antiqua posteriora videt Archivos Themidis canos monumentaque legum Vindicat à veteri semi-sopita situ Hinc duplex te Jane manet veterane corona Gratia canitie posteritate decus Gulielmus Bakerus Oxon. ASTRAEAE BRIT ULtima caelicolûm terras Astraea reliquit Tu tamen alma redi terras Astraea revise Astraea alma redi tuis Britannis Et diva alma fave tuis Britannis Et diva alma fove tuos Britannos Et diva alma regas tuos Britannos Cantemus tibi sic tui Britanni Foelices nimium ô tui Britanni Tu tandem alma redis divum postrema Britannis Ultima coelicolûm terras Astraea revisit Alma redi sacro redolent altaria sumo Et tibi sacratis ignibus Alma redi Alma redi posuit Liber hic primordia juris Anglos quo poteris tu regere Alma redi Alma redi tibi templa struit Seldenus at aram Qui tibi nil potuit sanctius Alma redi E. Heyward In Epigraphen Libri Carmen QUisnam Iò mussat Posuisti Enyo Arma jam doctos Iber haùt Batavos Marte turbat Foedere jam Britannus Continet Orbem Clusium Audax quis reserat latentem Falleris Diae Themidis recludo Intima Haec portâ meliùs feratâ Pandit Eanus I. S. THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS BOOK I. CHAP. I. THE counterfeit Berosus with the Monk that put him forth both censured The Story of Samothes the first Celtick King The bounds of Celtica From Samothes say they the Britans and Gauls were called Samothei For which Diogenes Laertius is falsly quoted the word in him being Semnothei page 1. CHAP. II. An Account of the Semnothei Why so called the opinion of H. Stephen and of the Author Old Heroes and Philosophers went by the names of Demy-gods The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Venerable Goddesses the same as Eumenides dispensers of Justice And by Plutarch and Orpheus they are set for Civil Magistrates Judges in Scripture so called Elohim i. e. Gods These Semnai theai the same as Deae Matres in an old British Inscription p. 3 CHAP. III. One Law of Samothes out of Basingstoke concerning the reckoning of Time by Nights Bodinus his censure of Astrologers for otherwise computing their Planetary Hours A brief account of some of Samothes his Successors Magus Sarron Druis from whom the Druids c. p. 5 CHAP. IV. K. Phranicus 900. Years after Samothes being to reside in Pannonia intrusts the Druids with the Government In the mean time Brutus Aeneas his Grand-son arrives and is owned King by the Britans and builds Troynovant i. e. London Dunvallo Molmutius 600. years after is King and makes Laws concerning Sanctuaries Roads or High-wayes and Plow-lands K. Belin his Son confirms those Laws and casts up four great Cause-wayes through the Island A further account of Molmutius p. 6 CHAP. V. A brief Account of Q. Regent Martia and of Merchenlage whether so called from her or from the Mercians Annius again censured for a Forger and his Berosus for a Fabulous Writer p. 7 CHAP. VI. The story of Brutus canvast and taken to be a Poetick Fiction of the Bards Jeoffry of Monmouth's credit called in question Antiquaries at a loss in their judgements of these frivolous stories p. 8 CHAP. VII What the Trojan Laws were which Brutus brought in That concerning the Eldest Sons Inheriting the whole Estate confuted In the first times there were no Positive Laws yet mention made of them in some very ancient Authors notwithstanding a remark of some ancient Writers to the contrary p. 10 CHAP. VIII An Account of the DRUIDS out of Caesar's Commentaries whence they were so called Their determining in point of Law and passing Sentence in case of Crime Their Award binds all parties Their way of Excommunicating or Outlawing They have a Chief over them How he is chosen Their Priviledge and Immunity p. 12 CHAP. IX The menage of their Schools without Writing On other occasions they might use the Greek Letters as Caesar saith yet not have the language The Greek Letters then were others than what they are now These borrowed from the Gauls as those from the Phoenicians Ceregy-Drudion or the Druids Stones in Wales This Place of Caesar's suspected Lipsius his Judgement of the whole Book p. 13 CHAP. X. The Druids reckoning of time An Age consists of thirty Years What Authors treat of the Druids Their Doctrines and Customs savour of Pythagoras and the Cabbalists They were the eldest Philosophers and Lawyers among the Gentiles Some odd Images of theirs in Stone in an Abby near Voitland described p. 15 CHAP. XI The Britans and Gauls had Laws and Customs much alike and whence that came Some things common to them both set down in relation to the
breeding of their Children the Marrying of their Wives the Governing of their Families burning Women that killed their Husbands and burning some Servants with the dead Master for company Together with some Remarks of their publick Government p. 16 CHAP. XII Women admitted to publick debates A large commendation of the Sex together with a vindication of their fitness to govern against the Salick Law made out by several examples of most Nations p. 18 CHAP. XIII Their putting themselves under protection by going into great mens service Their Coins of money and their weighing of it Some sorts of flesh not lawful to be eaten by them p. 21 CHAP. XIV Community of Wives among the Britans used formerly by other Nations also Chalcondylas his mistake from our Civil Custom of Saluting A rebuke of the foolish humour of Jealousie p. 22 CHAP. XV. An account of the British State under the Romans Claudius wins a Battel and returns to Rome in Triumph and leaves A. Plautius to order affairs A Colony is sent to Maldon in Essex and to several other places The nature of these Colonies out of Lipsius Julius Agricola's Government here in Vespasian's time p. 24 CHAP. XVI In Commodus his time King Lucy embraces the Christian Religion and desires Eleutherius then Pope to send him the Roman Laws In stead of Heathen Priests he makes three Arch-Bishops and twenty eight Bishops He endows the Churches and makes them Sanctuaries The manner of Government in Constantine's time where ends the Roman account p. 27 CHAP. XVII The Saxons are sent for in by Vortigern against the Scots and Picts who usurping the Government set up the Heptarchy The Angles Jutes Frisons all called Saxons An account of them and their Laws taken out of Adam of Bremen p. 29 CHAP. XVIII The Saxons division of their people into four ranks No person to marry out of his own rank What proportion to be observed in Marriages according to Policy Like to like the old Rule Now Matrimony is made a matter of money p. 30 CHAP. XIX The Saxons way of judging the Event of War with an Enemy Their manner of approving a proposal in Council by clattering their Arms. The Original of Hundred-Courts Their dubbing their Youth into Men. The priviledge of young Lads Nobly born The Morganheb or Wedding-dowry p. 32 CHAP. XX. Their severe punishments of Adultery by maiming some parts of the body The reason of it given by Bracton The like practised by Danes and Normans p. 33 CHAP. XXI The manner of Inheriting among them Of deadly Feuds Of Wergild or Head-money for Murder The Nature of Country-Tenures and Knights Fees p. 36 CHAP. XXII Since the return of Christianity into the Island King Ethelbert's Law against Sacriledge Thieves formerly amerced in Cattel A blot upon Theodred the Good Bishop of London for hanging Thieves The Country called Engelond by Order of King Egbert and why so called The Laws of King Ina Alfred Ethelred c. are still to be met with in Saxon. Those of Edward the Confessor and King Knute the Dane were put forth by Mr. Lambard in his Archaeonomia p. 37 CHAP. XXIII King Alfred divides England into Counties or Shires and into Hundreds and Tythings The Original of Decenna or Court-leet Friburg and Mainpast Forms of Law how People were to answer for those whom they had in Borgh or Mainpast p. 39 CHAP. XXIV King Alfred first appointed Sheriffs By Duns Scotus his advice he gave Order for the breeding up of Youth in Learning By the way what a Hide of Land is King Edgar's Law for Drinking Prelates investiture by the Kings Ring and Staff King Knute's Law against any English-man that should kill a Dane Hence Englescyre The manner of Subscribing and Sealing till Edward the Confessor's time King Harold's Law that no Welch-man should come on this side Offa's Dike with a weapon p. 41 CHAP. VXX The Royal Consorts great Priviledge of Granting Felons Estates forfeited to the King Estates granted by the King with three Exceptions of Expedition Bridge and Castle The Ceremony of the Kings presenting a Turf at the Altar of that Church to which he gave Land Such a Grant of King Ethelbald comprized in old Verse p. 43 THE CONTETNS BOOK II. CHAP. I. WIlliam the Conquerour's Title He bestows Lands upon his followers and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military service An account of the old English Laws called Merchenlage Danâ—lage and Westsaxen-lage He is prevailed upon by the Barons to govern according to King Edward's Laws and at S. Albans takes his Oath so to do Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones p. 47 CHAP. II. The whole Country inrolled in Dooms-day Book Why that Book so called Robert of Glocester's Verses to prove it The Original of Charters and Seals from the Normans practised of old among the French Who among the Romans had the priviledge of using Rings to seal with and who not p. 51 CHAP. III. Other wayes of granting and conveying Estates by a Sword c. particularly by a Horn. Godwin's trick to get Boseham of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Pleadings in French The French Language and Hand when came in fashion Coverseâ— Laws against taking of Deer against Murder against Rape p. 54 CHAP. IV. Sheriffs and Juries were before this time The four Terms Judges to act without appeal Justices of Peace The Kings payments made at first in Provisions Afterwards changed into Mony which the Sheriff of each County was to pay in to the Exchequer The Constable of Dover and Warder of the Cinque Ports why made A disorder in Church-affairs Reformed p. 56 CHAP. V. William Rufus succeeds Annats now paid to the King Why claimed by the Pope No one to go out of the Land without leave Hunting of Deer made Felony p. 59 CHAP. VI. Henry the First why called Beauclerk His Letters of Repeal An Order for the Relief of Lands What a Hereot was Of the Marriage of the Kings Homagers Daughter c. Of an Orphans Marriage Of the Widows Dowry Of other Homagers the like Coynage-money remitted Of the disposal of Estates The Goods of those that dye Intestate now and long since in the Churches Jurisdiction as also the business of Wills Of Forfeitures Of Misdemeanors Of Forests Of the Fee de Hauberk King Edward's Law restored p. 60 CHAP. VII His order for the restraint of his Courtiers What the punishment of Theft Coyners to lose their Hands and Privy members Guelding a kind of death What Half-pence and Farthings to pass The right measure of the Eln. The Kings price set for provisions p. 63 CHAP. VIII The Regality claim'd by the Pope but within a while resumed by the King The Coverfeâ— dispensed with A Subsidy for marrying the Kings daughter The Courtesie of England Concerning Shipwrack A Tax levied to raise and carry on a War p. 65 CHAP. IX In King Stephen's Reign all was to pieces Abundance of Castles built Of the priviledge of Coining Appeals to the Court of Rome now set
from these Eumenides meaning in very deed that he made his escape from the Civil Magistrates In a word the whole business we have been aiming at Orpheus compriseth in two Verses of that Hymn he has made upon those Goddesses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in a short Paraphrase speaks thus But ye with eye of Justice and a face Of Majesty survey all humane race Judges commission'd to all time and place See here plainly out of the most ancient Divine among the Heathens how Judges and the Dispensers of Law pass under the notion of these Venerable Goddesses and it was a thing of custom to term the Right of the Infernal Powers as well as the Doctrine of the Heavenly ones a thing Holy and Sacred What hinders then I pray but that one may guess that the Name and Title and Attributes or Characters of the Semnothei sprang forth and flowed from hence to wit from the Semnai theai or Venerable Goddesses Homer in his Poems calls Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is persons bred and nourished by Jove yea the Eternal and Sacred Scriptures themselves do more than once call Judges by that most holy name Elohim that is Gods The judgement is Gods not Mans and as Munster remarks out of Rabbi Kimchi whatsoever thing Scripture designs to magnifie or express with height it subjoyns to it the name of God God as Plutarch has it out of Plato who in his Attick style imitates our Moses hath set himself out as a pattern of the Good the dreadful syllables of whose very notto be uttered Name though we take no notice of the Cahalists art do strike move and twitch the ears of Mortals and one while when thorough ignorance they straggle out of the way do bring them back into the path or track of Justice another while when they are stopt up with prejudice and are overcast with gloomy darkness do with a stupendous dismal and continual trembling shake the poor wretches and put them into Ague-fits Nor let that be any hindrance that so splendid and so manly a name is taken from the weaker Sex to wit the Goddesses Let us more especially have to do with the Britans as those amongst whom are those choice and singular Altars not any where else to be met with in the whole World with this Inscription DEIS MATRIBUS To the Mother-Goddesses Concerning these Mother-Goddesses that excellent Learned Man that I may hint it by the by confesses he could with all his search find out nothing but if such a mean person as I may have leave What if one should imagine that those Goddesses whom Pausanias in his Attick stories calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the same as these Mother Goddesses for so those Names import The Mother of the Gods is a Title well known wherewith not only Berecynthia but also Juno Cybele Tellus Ceres and other Shee s among Mythologists are celebrated and made famous Be this if you will a thing by the by and out of the way as he tells us No great Wit ever pleased without a pardon Relying upon that the Readers Pardon I mean I undertook this Job whatever it is and upon confidence of that I come back to the business CHAP. III. One Law of Samothes out of Basingstoke concerning the reckoning of Time by Nights Bodinus his censure of Astrologers for otherwise computing their Planetary Hours A brief account of some of Samothes his Successors Magus Sarron Druis from whom the Druids c. WE do not any where meet with any Law enacted by Samothes his authority Yet one only one concerning the account of times Basingstoke the Count Palatine a very modern Historian attributes to him He defined sayes he the spaces or intervals of all time not by the number of dayes but of nights the same thing saith Caesar of the Gauls and Tacitus of the Germans and he observed birth-dayes and the commencements of months and years in that order that the day should come after the night Truth is the Britans do at this time observe that fashion which is most ancient and highly agreeable to Nature And the Evening and the Morning was the first day and so on sayes the Hebrew Writer whose Countrey-men the Jews also followed this custom The Peripateticks i. e. the followers of Aristotle do also at this rate reckon Privation in the number of their three Principles and hereupon John Bodin adventures to censure the common Astrologers that they according to the course of the Planets as they order it and repeat it over and over begin their unequal hours from the rising rather than the setting of the Sun They write that after this Samothes there came in play Magus Sarran Druis Bardus and others more than a good many in order of succession Sarron was not addicted to make Laws 't is Stephanus Forcatulus helps us to this but to compose them to put them into order and to recommend them to practice as one who reduced those Laws which his Grand-father Samothes and afterward his Father Magus had made into one Volume and with severe Menaces gave order for the keeping of them From Druis or Druides they will have the Druids so called a sort of Philosophers so much famed and talked of in Caesar Pliny and others believe it who list for me The whole business of the Druids at present I put off till Caesar's times CHAP. IV. K. Phranicus 900. Years after Samothes being to reside in Pannonia intrusts the Druids with the Government In the mean time Brutus Aeneas his Grand-son arrives and is owned King by the Britans and builds Troynovant i. e. London Dunvallo Molmutius 600. years after is King and makes Laws concerning Sanctuaries Roads or High-wayes and Plow-lands K. Belin his Son confirms those Laws and casts up four great Cause-wayes through the Island A further account of Molmutius ABout Nine hundred years after Samothes King Phranicus take it from the British story and upon the credit of our Jeoffry intrusts the Druids with the management of affairs whilst he himself resided in Pannonia or Hungary In the mean time Brutus the Son of Sylvius Posthumus King of the Latines and Grand-child to Aeneas for Servius Honoratus in his Comment upon Virgil makes Sylvius to be the Son of Aeneas not of Ascanius being happily arrived by Shipping with Corinus one of the chief of his company and coming to land at Totnes in Devonshire the Britans salute and own him King He after he had built New Troy that is London gave Laws to his Citizens and Subjects those such as the Trojans had or a Copy of theirs A matter of Six hundred years after Dunvallo Molmutius being King ordained my Authors besides Jeoffry of Monmouth are Ralph of Chester in his Polychronicon and Florilegus that their Ploughs Temples and Roads that led to Cities should have the priviledge to be places of refuge But because some time after there
arose a difference concerning the Roads or High-wayes they being not distinguished by certain Limits and Bounds King Belin Son of the foresaid Molmutius to remove all doubt caused to be made throughout the Island four Royal High-wayes to which that priviledge might belong to wit the Fosse or Dike Watlingstrete Ermingstrete and Ikeniltstrete But our Learned Countrey-man and the great Light of Britan William Camden Clarenceaux King at Arms is of opinion these Cause-wayes were cast up by the Romans a thing that Tacitus Bâ—de and others do more than intimate Moreover so sayes Jeoffry he ordained those Laws which were called Molmutius his Laws which to this very time are so famed amongst the English Forasmuch as amongst other things which a long time after Gildas set down in writing he ordained that the Temples of the Gods and that Cities should have that respect and veneration that whatsoever runagate Servant or guilty person should fly to them for refuge he should have pardon in the presence of his enemy or prosecutor He ordained also That the Wayes or Roads which led to the aforesaid Temples and Cities as also the Ploughs of Husbandmen should be confirmed by the same Law Afterwards having reigned Forty years in peace he dyed and was buried in the City of London then called Troynovant near the Temple of Concord by which Temple there are not wanting those who understand that Illustrious Colledge on the Bank of Thames consecrated to the Study of our Common Law now called the Temple and which he himself had built for the confirmation of his Laws At this rate Jeoffry tells the story but behold also those things which Polydore Virgil hath gathered out of ancient Writers whereof he wanted no store He first used a Golden Crown appointed Weights and Measures for selling and buying of things punisht Thieves and all mischievous sorts of men with the greatest severity made a great many High-wayes and gave order how broad they should be and ordained by Law that the right of those Wayes belonged only to the Prince and set dreadful Penalties upon their heads who should violate that right alike as upon theirs who should commit any misdemeanour in those wayes Moreover that the Land might not lye barren nor the people be frequently oppressed or lessened through Dearth or want of Corn if Cattle alone should possess the Fields which ought to be tilled by men he appointed how many Ploughs every County should have and set a penalty upon them by whose means that number should he diminished And he made a Law That Labouring Beasts which attended the Plough should not be distrained by Officers nor assigned over to Creditors for money that was owing if the Debtor had any other Goods left Thus much Polydore CHAP. V. A brief Account of Q. Regent Martia and of Merchenlage whether so called from her or from the Mercians Annius again censured for a Forger and his Berosus for a Fabulous Writer THe Female Government of Martia Widow to King Quintiline who had undertaken the Tuition of Sisillius Son to them both he being not as yet fit for the Government by reason of his Nonage found out a Law which the Britons called the Martian Law This also among the rest I tell you but what Jeoffry of Monmouth tells me King Alfred translated which in the Saxon Tongue he called Merchenlage Whereas nevertheless in that most elaborate Work of Camden wherein he gives account of our Countrey Merchenlage is more appositely and fitly derived from the Mercians and they so called from the Saxon word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a Limit Bound or Border These are the Stories which Writers have delivered to us concerning those times which were more ancient than the History of the Romans but such as are of suspected of doubtful that I may not say of no credit at all Among the more Learned there is hardly any Critick who does not set down Annius in the list of Forgers And should one go to draw up the account of Times and to observe that difference which is so apparent in that Berosus of Viterbium from Sacred Scriptures and the Monuments of the Hebrews one would perhaps think that he were no more to be believed than another of the same name who from a perpendicular position of the wandring Stars to the Center of the World in the Sign of Cancer adventured to foretel that all things should be burnt and from a like Congress of them in Capricorn to say there would be an universal Deluge The story is in Seneca CHAP. VI. The story of Brutus canvast and taken to be a Poetick Fiction of the Bards Jeoffry of Monmouth's credit called in question Antiquaries at a loss in their judgements of these frivolous stories SOme have in like manner made enquiry concerning our British History and stumbled at it From hence we had Brutus Dunvallo and Queen Martia There are some both very Learned and very Judicious persons who suspect that that story is patched up out of Bards Songs and Poetick Fictions taken upon trust like Talmudical Traditions on purpose to raise the British name out of the Trojan ashes For though Antiquity as one has it is credited for a great witness yet however 't is a wonder that this Brutus who is reported to have killed his Father with an Arrow unluckily aimed and to have been fatal to his Mother at her very delivery of him for which reason Richard Vitus now after so many Ages makes his true name to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Mortal should be mentioned by none of the Romans a wonder I say that the Latin Writers should not be acquainted with the name of a Latin Prince who gave both Name and Government to Britany Did Euemerus Messenius alone ever since the World began fail to the Panchoans and the Triphyllians Indeed it is an ordinary thing for Poets to ingraft those whom they celebrate in their Poems into Noble Stocks and Illustrious Families and by the assistance of their Muses heightning every thing above the truth to feign and devise a great many stories And what else were the Bards as Athenaeus tells us out of Possidonius but Poets reciting mens praises in song How many things are there in that Fabulous Age which in Joseph Scaliger's account would more aptly be called the Heroick Age of the World I mean down from that much talked of Deluge of Pyrrha to the beginning of Iphitus his Olympiads how many idle stories are there mixt with true ones and afterwards drest up and brought upon the stage Very many Nations sayes Trithemius as well in Europe as in Asia pretend they took their original from the Trojans to whom I have thought good to lend so much faith as they shall be able to perswade me of truth by sufficient testimony They are frivolous things which they bring concerning their own Nobility and Antiquity having a mind as it were openly to boast as if there had
call it write that Males only are by right of inheritance capable of the Government of the French they do hold and maintain this argument tooth and nail with all the unkindness and spite as may be to the English Law which admits of Women to the Throne They urge that not only the Laws of Pharamond but Nature her self is on their side The Government of women 't is Bodin of Anjou sayes it is contrary to the Laws of Nature which hath bestowed upon men discretion strength of body courage and greatness of Spirit with the power of Rule and hath taken these things from women But sweet Mr. Bodin are not discretion strength courage and the arts of Government more to be desired and required in those who have the Tuition of Kings in their Minority than in the Kings themselves till they are come to age Truly I am of that mind For why then pray tell me did not that reason of yours wring the Guardianship of St. Louis out of the hands of the Queen-Mother Blanch why not out of Isabella's hands under Charles the Sixth why not of Catharine de Medicis whilst the two Brothers Francis and Charles her Pupils were incircled with the Crown why not out of the hands of Mary Louis the Thirteenth being at this very time King Were the Jews that I may go back to stories more ancient blind that they could not see the defects of Womens nature in the Government of Debora who triumphed over Sisera and is sufficiently commended in Holy Writ Were the Italians blind under the Government of the most prudent Amalasincta the Halicarnassians under that of the most gallant Artemisia the Egyptians among whom heretofore their Women managed Law-Courts and business abroad and the men lookt to home and minded huswifery and the Aethiopians under their Nicaula whom being very desirous of wisdom King Solomon the wisest man that has been ever since the world was honourably entertain'd were the Assyrians under the Government of their magnificent Semiramis the Massagetes under that of the revengeful Dame Thomyris the Palmyreâ—es under that of the most chaste Zenobia and that I may make an end once under that of other excellent women all Nations whatever none excepted but the Franks who as Goropius will have it came to throw off and slight female Government upon this account that in Vespaesian's time they had seen the affairs of their neighbours the Bructeri in East Friseland whilst that scornful Hag Velleda ruled the roast came to no good issue I do very well know that our perjured Barons when they resolved to exclude Queen Mawd from the English Throne made this shameful pretence That it would be a shame for so many Nobles to be subject to a woman And yet you shall not read that the Iceni our Essexmen c. got any shame by that Boadicia whom Gildas terms a Lioness or that the Brigantes i. e. York-shire-men c. got any by Chartismandua You will read that they got glory and renown by them both Reader thou canst not here chuse but think of our late Soveraign of Ever Blessed Memory the Darling of Britan Q. ELIZABETH nor canst thou whosoever thou art but acknowledge That there was not wanting to a Woman what Malmesbury writes of Sexburga the Queen Dowager of Cenwalch King of the West Saxons a great Spirit to discharge the duties of the Kingdom she levied new Armies kept the old ones to duty she governed her Subjects with Clemency kept her Enemies quiet with threats and in a word did every thing at that rate that there was no other difference betwixt her and any King in management but her Sex Of whose I mean Elizabeths superlative and truly Royal Vertues a rare Poet and otherwise a very Learned man hath sung excellently well Si quasdam tacuisse velim quamcunque tacebo Major erit primos actus veteresque labores Prosâ—quar ad sese revocant praesentia mentem Justitiam dicam magis at Clementia splendet Victrices referam vires plus vicit inermis 'T is pity these are not well rendred into English However take them as they are in blank Verse Should I in silence some her Uertues pass Which e're I so pass o're will greater be Shall I her first deeds and old facts pursue Present affairs to them call back my mind Shall I her Justice in due numbers sing But then her Clemency far brighter shines Or shall I her victorious Arms relate In peace unarm'd she hath got more to th' State What did the Germans our Ancestors they thought there was in that Sex something of Sanctity and foresight nor did they slight their counsels nor neglect the answers they gave when questions were put to them about matters of business and as Superstition increased held most of them for Goddesses Let him then whatever dirty fellow it was be condemned to the Crows and be hang'd to him who is not ashamed out of ancient Scrolls to publish to the world that they Women agree with Soldiers Bully-Rocks and Hectors mainly in this That they are continually very much taken up with looking after their body and are given to lust that Souldiers themselves are not nor endeavour to be more quick and sudden in their Cheats and Over-reachings that Soldiers deceive people at some distances of time but women lye alwayes at catch chouse and pillage their Gallants all the wayes they can bring them into Consumptions with unreasonable sittings up And other such like mad rude expressions he useth not unfitting for a Professor in Bedlam Colledge Plato allowed Women to govern nor did Aristotle whatever the Interpreters of his Politicks foolishly say take from them that priviledge Vertue shuts no door against any body any Sex but freely admits all And Hermes Trismegistus that Thrice great man in his Poemander according to his knowledge of Heavenly concerns and that sure was great in comparison of what the Owl-ey'd Philosophers had he ascribes the mystical name of Male-Female to the great Understanding to wit God the Governour of the Universe They the good women I have been speaking of from their Cradle at this rate men commonly talk of them do too much love to have the Reins of Government and to be uppermost Well! be it so that they do love to govern and who is it doth not love them Now a sin and shame be it for Lovers to grudge to their beloved that which is most desired and wished by them nor could I forbear out of conscience with my suffrage to assist as far as I could that Sex which is so great and comfortable an importance to mankind so sweet a refreshment amidst our sharpest toils and the vicissitudes of life and in a word is the dearest gift that Dame Nature could bestow upon Man But let us now return to Caesar's Gauls again CHAP. XIII Their putting themselves under protection by going into great mens service Their Coins of money and their weighing of it Some
of Letters have set down and expressed the mark or sign of the Holy Cross. Concerning Withred and a Turf of Land in Kent Camden has the same thing And King Ethelulph is said to have offered his Patent or Deed of Gift on the Altar of the holy Apostle St. Peter For a conclusion I know no reason why I may not set underneath the Verses of an old Poet wherein he hath comprised the instrument or Grant of founding an Abby which Ethelbald King of the Mercians gave to Kenulph Abbot of Crowland Verses I say but such as were made without Apollo's consent or knowledge Istum Kenulphum si quis vexaverit Anglus Rex condemno mihi cuncta catella sua Inde meis Monachis de damnis omnibus ultrà Vsque satisfaciat carcere clausus erit Adsunt ante Deum testes hujus dationis Anglorum proceres Pontificesque mei Sanctus Guthlacus Confessor Anachorita Hic jacet in cujus auribus ista loquâ—r Oret pro nobis sanctissimus iste Sacerdos Ad tumbam cujus haec mea donâ— dedi Which in Rhyme dogrel will run much after this hobling rate If any English vex this Kenulph shall I King condemn to me his Chattels all Thenceforth until my Monks he satisfie For damages in Prison he shall lye Witnesses of this Gift here in Gods fight Are English Peers and Prelates of my Right Saint Guthlac Confessor and Anchoret Lies here in whose Ears these words I speak yet May he pray for us that most holy Priest At whose Tomb these my Gifts I have addrest Thus they closed their Donations or Grants thus we our Remarks of the Saxons being now to pass to the Normans THE SECOND BOOK OF THE ENGLISH JANUS From the NORMAN Conquest to the Death of King Henry II. CHAP. I. William the Conquerour's Title He bestows Lands upon his followers and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military Service An account of the old English Laws called Merchenlage Danelage and Westsaxen-lage He is prevailed upon by the Barons to govern according to King Edward's Laws and at S. Albans takes his Oath so to do Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones WILLIAM Duke of Normandy upon pretence of a double Right both that of Blood inasmuch as Emme the Mother of Edward the Confessor was Daughter to Richard the first Duke of the Normans and withal that of Adoption having in Battel worsted Harald the Son of Godwin Earl of Kent obtain'd a large Inheritance and took possession of the Royal Government over all England After his Inauguration he liberally bestowed the Lands and Estates of the English upon his fellow-soldiers that little which remained so saith Matthew Paris he put under the yoke of a perpetual servitude Upon which account some while since the coming in of the Normans there was not in England except the King himself any one who held Land by right of Free-hold as they term it since in sooth one may well call all others to a man only Lords in trust of what they had as those who by swearing fealty and doing homage did perpetually own and acknowledge a Superior Lord of whom they held and by whom they were invested into their Estates All Bishopricks and Abbacies which held Baronies and so far forth had freedom from all Secular service the fore-cited Matthew is my Author he brought them under Military service enrolling every Bishoprick and Abbacy according to his own pleasure how many Souldiers he would have each of them find him and his Successors in time of Hostility or War Having thus according to this model ordered the Agrarian Law for the division and settlement of Lands he resolved to govern his Subjects we have it from Gervase of Tilbury by Laws and Ordinances in writing to which purpose he proposed also the English Laws according to their Tripartite or threefold distinction that is to say Merchenlage Danlage and Westsaxenlage Merchenlage that is the Law of the Mercians which was in force in the Counties of Glocester Worcester Hereford Warwick Oxford Chester Salop and Stafford Danlage that is the Law of the Danes which bore sway in Yorkshire Derby Nottingham Leicester Lincoln Northampton Bedford Buckingham Hertford Essex Middlesex Norfolk Suffolk Cambridge Huntingdon Westsaxenlage that is the Law of the West-Saxons to which all the rest of the thirty two Counties which are all that Malmesbury reckons up in Ethelred's time did belong to wit Kent Sussex Surrey Berks Southampton Winton Somerset Dorset and Devon Some of these English Laws he disliked and laid aside others he approved of and added to them some from beyond Sea out of Neustria he means Normandy which they did of old term Neustria corruptly instead of Westrich as being the more Western Kingdom of the Franks and given by Charles the Simple to Rollo for his Daughter Gilla her portion such of them as seemed most effectual for the preserving of the Kingdoms peace This saith he of Tilbury Now this is no rare thing among Writers for them to devise that William the Conqueror brought in as it were a clear new face of Laws to all intents and purposes 'T is true this must be acknowledg'd that he did make some new ones part whereof you may see in Lambard's Archaeonomia and part of them here subjoyned but so however that they take their denomination from the English rather than from the Normans although one may truly say according to what Lawyers dispute that the English Empire and Government was overthrown by him That he did more especially affect the Laws of the Danes which were not much unlike to those of the Norwegians to whom William was by his Grand-father allied in blood I read in the Annals of Roger Hoveden And that he openly declared that he would rule by them at hearing of which all the great men of the Countrey who had enacted the English Laws were presently struck into dumps and did unanimously petition him That he would permit them to have their own Laws and ancient Customs in which their Fathers had lived and they themselves had been born and bred up in forasmuch as it would be very hard for them to take up Laws that they knew not and to give judgement according to them But the King appearing unwilling and uneasie to be moved they at length prosecuted their purpose beseeching him that for the Soul of King Edward who had after his death given up the Crown and Kingdom to him and whose the Laws were and not any others that were strangers he would hearken to them and grant that they might continue under their own Countrey Laws Whereupon calling a Council he did at the last yield to the request of the Barons From that day forward therefore the Laws of King Edward which had before been made and appointed by his Grand-father Adgar seeing their authority were before the rest of the Laws of the Countrey respected confirmed and observed all over England But what then Doth it follow that
Patents signed with Crosses and subscribed with Witnesses names do give an undoubted credit and assurance to what I have said John Ross informs us that Henry Beauclerk was the first that made use of one of Wax and Matthew of Canterbury that Edward the first did first hang it at the bottom of his Royal Writings by way of Label whereas before his Predecessors fastned it to the left side Such a writing of Henry the first in favour of Anselm the last Author makes mention of and such an one of William's Duke of the Normans though a very short one and very small written Brian-Twine in his Apology for the Antiquity of the famous University of Oxford the great Study and support of England and my ever highly honoured Mother saith he had seen in the Library of the Right Honourable my Lord Lumley But let a circumcised Jew or who else will for me believe that story concerning the first Seal of Wax and the first fastning of it to the Writing A great many waxen ones of the French Peers that I may say something of those in wax and Golden ones of their Kings to wit betwixt the years 600 and 700 we meet with fashioned like Scutcheons or Coats of Arms in those Patterns or Copies which Francis de Rosieres has in his first Tome of the Pedigree or Blazonry of the Dukes of Lorain set down by way of Preface Nor was it possible that the Normans should not have that in use which had been so anciently practised by the French Let me add this out of the ancient Register of Abendon That Richard Earl of Chester who flourished in the time of Henry the first ordered to sign a certain Writing with the Seal of his Mother Ermentrude seeing that being not girt with a Soldiers Belt i. e. not yet made Knight all sorts of Letters directed by him were inclosed with his Mothers Seal How what is that I hear Had the Knightly dignity and Order the singular priviledge as it was once at Rome to wear Gold-Rings For Rings as 't is related out of Ateius Capito were especially designed and ingraven for Seals Let Phoebus who knows all things out of his Oracle tell us For Servants or Slaves so says Justus Lipsius and remarks it from those that had been dug up in Holland and common Soldiers were allowed iron ones to sign or to seal with which therefore Flavius Vopiscus calls annulos sigillaricios i. e. seal-Rings and so your ordinary Masters of Families had such with a Key hanging at it to seal and lock up their provision and utensils But saith Ateius of the ancient time Neither was it lawful to have more than one Ring nor for any one to have one neither but for Freemen whom alone trust might become which is preserved under Seal and therefore the Servants of a Family had not the Right and Priviledge of Rings I come home to our selves now CHAP. III. Other ways of granting and conveying Estates by a Sword c. particularly by a Horn. Godwin's trick to get Boseham of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Pleadings in French The French Language and Hand when came in fashion Coverfeu Laws against taking of Deer against Murder against Rape 3. AT first many Lands and Estates were collated or bestowed by bare word of mouth without Writing or Charter only with the Lords Sword or Helmet or a Horn or a Cup and very many Tenements with a Spur with a Currycomb with a Bow and some with an Arrow But these things were in the beginning of the Norman Reign in after times this fashion was altered says Ingulph I and these things were before the Normans Government Let King Edgar his Staff cut in the middle and given to Glastenbury Abbey for a testimony of his Grant be also here for a testimony And our Antiquary has it of Pusey in Berkshire That those who go by the name of Pusey do still hold by a Horn which heretofore had been bestowed upon their Ancestors by Knute the Danish King In like manner to the same purpose an old Book tells this story That one Vlphus the Son of Toraldus turned aside into York and filled the Horn that he was used to drink out of with Wine and before the Altar upon his bended knees drinking it gave away to God and to St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles all his Lands and Revenues Which Horn of his saith Camden we have been told was kept or reserved down to our Fathers memory We may see the conveyance of Estate how easie it was in those days and clear from the punctilio's of Law and withal how free from the captious malice of those petty-foggers who would intangle Titles and find flaws in them and from the swelling Bundles and Rolls of Parchments now in use But commend me to Godwin Earl of Kent who was to use Hâ—gesander's word too great a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 catcher at Syllables and as the Comedian says more shifting than a Potters wheel Give me saith he to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Boseham The Arch-Bishop admiring what it was he would be at in that question saith I give you Boseham He straight upon the confidence of this deceit without any more ado entred upon an Estate of the Arch Bishops of that name on the Sea-coasts of Sussex as if it had been his own by Inheritance And with the testimony of his people about him spoke of the Arch-Bishop before the King as the donor of it and quietly enjoyed it Those things I spoke of before to wit of Sword Horn c. smell of that way of investing into Fees which we meet with in Obertus de Orto but are very unlike to that solemn ceremony which is from ancient time even still used in conveying of an Estate and delivering possession wherein a green Turf or the bough of a growing Tree is required 4. They did so much abhor the English tongue 't is the Abbot of Crowland saith it that the Laws of the Land and the Statutes of the English Kings were handled or pleaded in the French language For till the thirty sixth year of Edward the third all businesses of Law were pleaded in French That also in Schools the Rudiments of Grammatical Institution were delivered to Boys in French and not in English Also that the English way and manner of Writing was laid aside and the French mode was made use of in all Charters or Instruments and Books Indeed it was such a fault to be ignorant in the French or not to be able to speak it that mainly upon this account in the Reign of William Rufus Vlstan Bishop of Worcester was censured as unworthy of his place and deprived of his dignity who as to other things according to the simplicity of that Age was Scholar enough The Abbot whom I quoted speaks thus of the French Character The Saxon hand was used by all the Saxons and Mercians in all their
hand-writings till the time of King Alfred who had by French Tutors been very well trained up in all Literature but from the time of the said King it did by disuse come to be of little account and the French hand because it being more legible and more delightful to sight had the preheminence grew more and more every day in vogue and use among all the English Nevertheless however this business went we are told that in the memory of our Fathers and that by an ancient order there were Lectures of the English-Saxon language read at Tavistock Abby in Devonshire 5. That his new Kingdom might not be disturbed by Riots and disorders in the night he ordered that at the Ringing of a Bell which they called the Curfew-Bell all the Lights and Fires should in every little Cottage a little after the dusk of the Evening be put out 6. He that should take a Deer or aprum a Boar so says Huntingdon but perhaps 't is caprum a Buck or a Roe was to have his eyes thrust or plucked out saith Matthew Paris 7. If any one had slain any one 't is Huntingdon writes this be it upon what cause or occasion soever he was sentenced to a Capital punishment he was to die for it 8. If one had forced any woman so I read aliquam any woman not aliquem any man as 't is in the common Prints he was to have his Privities cut off Forced her I sure enough and perhaps he that lay with a woman with her consent was notwithstanding that served in the same kind too And in this case I would have you hear what that great Lawyer Albericus Gentilis his opinion is This I say saith he that a man hath a greater injury done him if the woman were not ravished per force but were debauched and made willing because in this case her mind is estranged from her Husband but in that other not CHAP. IV. Sheriffs and Ihries were before this time Tha four Terms Judges to Act without Appeal Justices of Peace The Kingr payments made at first in Provisions Afterwards ehanged into Mony which the Sheriff of each County was to pay in to the Exchequer The Constable of Dover and Warder of the Cinque Ports why made A disorder in Church-affairs Reformed POlydore Virgil brings in at this time the first Sheriffs of Counties and here places the beginning of Juries or determining of Tryals by the judgment of Twelve but is out in them both This of Juries is convinced by a Law of Ethelred in Lambard's explications of Law-terms and by those irrefragable arguments which the famous Sir Edward Coke brings against it That other mistake of Sheriffs is confuted by what we have formerly noted out of Ingulph and by what we shall hereafter somewhere have occasion to remark Mars being impleaded in the Areopagus the place of Judgment at Athens for the murder of Halirothius the Son of Neptune whom he had slain for Ravishing his Daughter Alcippa upon his Tryal by twelve Gods was acquitted by six Sentences or Votes For if the number were equal and no majority the Person was not condemned but discharged My meaning why I put in this Story is to shew the most ancient use of this number of twelve in Tryals elsewhere as well as amongst us An Italian might well mistake in a concern of England yet take it not ill at my hands that I have given you this upon his credit 9. He appointed that four times every year there should be kept Conventions or Meetings for several days in such place as he himself should give order In which Meetings the Judges sitting apart by themselves should keep Court and do Justice These are our four Tserms 10. He appointed other Judges who without appeal should exercise Jurisdiction and Judgment from whom as from the bosom of the Prince all that were ingaged in quarrels addressing thither might have right done them and refer their controverlies to them 11. He appointed other Rulers or Magistrates who might take care to see misdemeanors punished these he called Justices of Peace Now one may well imagine that this name of Office is most certainly of a later date and a foreign Writer is to be excused by those rights which are afforded to Guests and Strangers since acting a Busiris his part against them would be downright barbarous I say he is to be excused so far as not to have his mistakes in the History of the English Nation too heavily charged upon him 12. In the Primitive State of the Kingdom after the Conquest Gervase of Tilbury in his Dialogue of the Exchequer saith this is a thing handled down from our Forefathers the Kings had payments made them out of their Lands not in sums of Gold or Silver but only in Victuals or Provisions Out of which the Kings house was supplied with necessaries for daily use and they who were deputed to this service the Purveyors knew what quantity arose from each several land But yet as to Soldiers pay or donatives and for other necessaries concerning the Pleas of the Kingdom or Conventions as also from Cities and Castles where they did not exercise Husbandry or Tillage in such instances payments were made in ready mony Wherefore this Institution lasted all the time of William the First to the time of King Henry his Son so that I my self Gervase flourished in the Reign of Henry the second have seen some people who did at set times carry from the Kings Lands victuals or provisions of food to Court. And the Officers also of the Kings house knew very well having it upon account which Counties were to send in Wheat which to send in several sorts of flesh and Provender for the Horses These things being paid according to the appointed manner and proportion of every thing the Kings Officers reckoned to the Sheriffs by reducing it into a sum of pence to wit for a measure of Wheat to make bread for a hundred men one shilling for the body of a pasture-fed Beef one shilling for a Ram or a Sheep four pence for the allowance of twenty horses likewise four pence But in process of time when as the said King was busie in remote parts beyond Sea to appease Tumults and Insurrections it so happened that ready mony was highly necessary for him to supply his occasions In the mean time there came in multitudes a great company of Husbandmen with complaints to the Kings Court or which troubled him more they frequently came in his way as he was passing by holding up their Ploughshares in token that their Husbandry was running to decay for they were put to a world of trouble upon occasion of the provisions which they carried from their own quarters through several parts of the Kingdom Thereupon the King being moved with their complaints did by the resolved advice of his Lords appoint throughout the Kingdom such persons as he knew were for their prudence and
as he was wont to do in the time of my Father but relieve it with a lawful and due relief In like manner also shall the Homagers or Tenants of my Barons relieve their Lands from their Lords with a lawful and just relief It appears that in the times of the Saxons a Hereot was paid to the Lord at a Tenants death upon the account of provision for War for here in Saxon signifies an Army and that which in our memory now in French is called a Relief Henry of Bracton sayes 't is an engagement to recognize the Lord doth bear a resemblance of the ancient Hereot Thereupon it is a guess saith William Lambard that the Normans being Conquerors did remit the Hereot to the Angles whom they had conquered and stripped of all kind of Armour and that for it they exacted money of the poor wretches To this agrees that which is mentioned in the State of England concerning the Nobles of Berkshire A Tain or Knight of the Kings holding of him did at his death for a Relief part with all his Arms to the King and one Horse with a Saddle and another without a Saddle And if he had Hounds or Hawks they were presented to the King that if he pleased he might take them And in an ancient Sanction of Conrade the First Emperour of Germany If a Souldier that is Tenant or Lessee happen to dye let his Heir have the Fee so that he observe the use of the greater Vavasors in giving his Horses and Arms to the Seniors or Lords John Mariana takes notice that the word Seniors in the Vular Languages Spanish Italian and French signifies Lords and that to have been in use from the time of Charlemain's Reign But these things you may have in more plenty from the Feudists those who write concerning Tenures 19. If any of my Barons or other men Homagers or Tenants of mine I return to King Henry's Charter shall have a mind to give his Daughter or Sister or Niece or Kinswoman in marriage let him speak with me about it But neither will I take any thing of his for this leave and licence nor will I hinder him from betrothing her except he shall have a design of giving her to an enemy of mine 20. If upon the death of a Baron or any other Homager of mine there be left a Daughter that is an Heiress I will bestow her with the advice of my Barons together with her Land 21. If upon the death of the Husband his Wife be left without Children she shall have her Dowry and right of Marriage as long as she shall keep her body according to Law and I will not bestow her but according to her own liking And if there be Children either the Wife or some one else near of kin shall be their Guardian and Trustee of their Land who ought to be just 22. I give order that my Homagers do in like manner regulate themselves towards the Sons and Daughters and Wives of their Homagers 23. The common Duty of Money or Coinage which was taken through all Cities and Counties which was not in the time of King Edward I do utterly forbid that henceforward this be no more done 24. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall be sick and weak according as he himself shall give or order any one to give his money I grant it so to be given but if he himself being prevented either by Arms or by Sickness hath neither given his money nor disposed of it to give then let his Wife or Children or Parents and his lawful Homagers for his souls health divide it as to them shall seem best And in Canutus his Laws Let the Lord or Owner at his own discretion make a just distribution of what he hath to his Wife and Children and the next of kin But at this time and long since Church-men have been as it were the Distributors and Awarders of the Goods of such persons as dye Intestate or without making their Wills and every Bishop as Ordinary in his own Diocess is the chief Judge in these cases John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury saith it and it is averred in the Records of our Law that this Jurisdiction also concerning Wills was of old long time ago in an ancient Constitution intrusted to the Church by the consent of the King and Peers However in what Kings time this was done neither does he relate nor do I any where find as William Lindwood in his Provincial acknowledgeth It is a thing very well known that after Tryal of right Wills were wont to be opened in the Ecclesiastical Court even in the Reign of Henry the Second Ralph Glanvill is my witness contrary to what order was taken in the Imperial Decrees of the Romans And peradventure it will appear so to have been before Glanvill as he will tell you if you go to him although you have quoted by my self some where a Royal Rescript or Order to a High Sheriff That he do justly and without delay cause to stand i. e. appoint and confirm a reasonable share to such an one that is that the Legatee may obtain and enjoy his right what was bequested to him by the Sheriffs help I come back now to my track again 25. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall make a forfeit he shall not give a pawn in the scarcity of his money as he did in the time of my Brother or my Father but according to the quality of his forfeiture nor shall he make amends as he would have done heretofore in my Brothers or Fathers time 26. If he shall be convicted of perfidiousness or of foul misdemeanors as his fault shall be so let him make amends 27. The Forests by the common advice of my Barons I have kept in mine own hand in the same manner as my Father had them 28. To those Souldiers or Knights who hold and maintain their Lands by Coats of Male that is per fee de Hauberke that they may be ready to attend their Lords with Habergeons or Coats of Male compleatly armed Cap a pee I grant the Plough-lands of their Domainsacquitted from all Gelds and from every proper Gift of mine that as they are eased from so great a Charge and Grievance so they may furnish themselves well with Horse and Arms that they may be fit and ready for my service and for the defence of my Realm 29. I restore unto you the Law of King Edward with other amendments wherewith my Father amended it Those amendments are put forth by Lambard Hitherto out of those Royal and general Letters directed to all the Subjects CHAP. VII His order for restraint of his Courtiers What the punishment of Theft Coyners to lose their Hands and Privy-members Guelding a kind of death What Half-pence and Farthings to pass The right measure of the Eln. The Kings price set for provisions 30. HE did by his Edict or Proclamation restrain
the Arch-Bishop and if the Arch-Bishop shall be wanting in doing of Justice they must come in the last place to our Lord the King that by his precept or order the Controversie may be determined in the Arch-Bishops Court so as that it ought not to proceed any further without the Kings assent This Law long since the famous Sir Edward Coke made use of to assert and maintain the Kings Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as a thing not of late taken up by him but anciently to him belonging 54. If a Claim or Suit shall arise betwixt a Clergyman and a Lay-man or betwixt a Layman and a Clergyman concerning any Tenement which the Clergyman would draw to the Church and the Lay-man to a Lay-fee it shall by the recognizance of twelve legal men upon the consideration and advisement of the Lord Chief Justice be determined whether the Tenement do appertain to Alms i. e. to the Church or to Lay-Estate before the Kings own Justice And if it shall be recognized or adjudged to appertain to Alms it shall be a Plea in the Ecclesiastical Court But if to a Lay-fee unless they both avow or avouch the Tenement from the same Bishop or Baron it shall be a Plea in the Kings Court But if each of them shall for that fee avouch the same Bishop or â—aron it shall be a Plea in that Bishops or Barons Court so that he who was formerly seised shall not by reason of the Recognizance made lose the Seisin till it shall by Plea be deraigned 55. He who shall be of a City or a Castle or a Burrough or a Manner of the Kings Domain if he shall be cited by an Arch-Deacon or a Bishop upon any misdemeanour upon which he ought to make answer to him and refuse to satisfie upon their summons or citations they may well and lawfully put him under an Interdict or Prohibition but he ought not to be Excommunicated By the way seasonably remark out of the Pontificial Law that that Excommunication they call the greater removes a man and turns him out from the very Communion and Fellowship of the Faithful and that an Interdict as the lesser Excommunication separates a man and lays him aside only forbidding him to be present at Divine Offices and the use of the Sacraments I say he ought not to be Excommunicated before that the Kings Chief Justice of that Village or City be spoken with that he may order him to come to satisfaction And if the Kings Justice fail therein he shall be at the Kings mercy and thereupon or after that the Bishop may punish him upon his impleadment with the Justice of the Church 56. Arch-Bishops Bishops and all Persons whatsoever of the Kingdom who hold of the King in capite and have their possessions from our Lord the King in nature of a Barony and thereupon make answer to the Kings Justices and Officers and perform all Rights and Customs due to the King as other Barons do they ought to be present at the Tryals of the Court of our Lord the King with his Barons until the losing of Limbs or death be adjudged to the party tried 57. When an Arch-Bishoprick or Bishoprick or Abbacy or Priory of the Kings Domain shall be void it ought to be in his hand and thereof shall he receive all the profits and issues as belonging to his Domain And when the Church is to be provided for our Lord the King is to order some choice persons of the Church and the Election is to be made in the Kings own Chappel by the assent of our Lord the King and by the advice of those persons of the Kingdom whom he shall call for that purpose and there shall the Person Elect saving his order before he be Consecrated do Homage and Fealty to our Lord the King as to his Liege Lord for his life and limbs and for his Earthly Honour 58. If any one of the Nobles or Peers do deforce to do Justice to an Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-Deacon for themselves or those that belong to them the King in this case is to do justice 59. If peradventure any one shall deforce to the Lord the King his Right the Arch-Bishop Bishop and Arch-Deacon ought then in that case to do justice or to take a course with him that he may give the King satisfaction 60. The Chattels of those who are in the Kings forfeit let not the Church or Church-yard detain or keep back against the justice of the King because they are the Kings own whether they shall be found in Churches or without 61. Pleas of debts which are owing either with security given or without giving security let them be in the Kings Court. 62. The Sons of Yeomen or Country people ought not to be ordained or go into holy Orders without the assent of the Lord of whose Land they are known to have been born CHAP. XII The Statutes of Clarendon mis-reported in Matthew Paris amended in Quadrilegus These Laws occasioned a Quarrel between the King and Thomas a Becket Witness Robert of Glocester whom he calls Yumen The same as Rusticks i. e. Villains Why a Bishop of Dublin called Scorch-Uillein Villanage before the Normans time I Confess there is a great difference between these Laws and the Statutes of Clarendon put forth in the larger History of Matthew Paris I mean those mangled ones and in some places what through great gaps of sence disjointings of Sentences and misplacings of words much depraved ones whose misfortune I ascribe to the carelesness of Transcribers But the latter end of a Manuscript Book commonly called Quadrilegus wherein the Life of Thomas Arch Bishop of Canterbury is out of four Writers to wit Hubert of Boseham John of Salisbury William of Canterbury and Alan Abbot of Tewksbury digested into one Volume hath holp us to them amended as you may see here and set to rights It is none of our business to touch upon those quarrels which arose upon the account of these Laws betwixt the King and Thomas of Canterbury Our Historians do sufficiently declare them In the mean time may our Poet of Glocester have leave to return upon the Stage and may his Verses written in ancient Dialect comprising the matter which we have in hand be favourably entertained No man ne might thenche the love that there was Bitwene the K. H. and the good man S. Thomas The diuel had enui therto and sed bitwen them feu Alas alas thulke stond vor all to well it greu Uor there had ere ibe kings of Luther dede As W. Bastard and his son W. the rede That Luther Laws made inou and held in al the lond The K. nold not beleue the lawes that he fond Ne that his elderne hulde ne the godeman S. Thomas Thought that thing age right neuer law nas Ne sothnes and custom mid strength up iâ—old And he wist that vre dere Lourd in the Gospel told That he himselfe was sothnes and custum nought Theruore Luther custumes
he nould graent nought Ne the K. nould bileue that is elderne ad iâ—old So that conteke sprung bituene them manifold The K. drou to right law mani Luther custume S. Thomas they withsed and granted some The Lawes that icholle now tell he granted vawe zuf a yuman hath a sone to clergi idraw He ne sall without is lourdes icrouned nought be Uor yuman ne mai nought be made agen is lourds will free Those that are born Slaves or that other sort of servants termed Villains he calls by the name of Yumen We call free born Commoners alike as Servants as it were with a badg of ignobleness or ungentility Yeomen and those who of that number are married men Gommen for it was Gomman in the old Dutch not Goodman as we vulgarly pronounce it which signified a married man Words as I am verily perswaded made from the Latin Homines which very word by Ennius and Festus according to the Oscan Idiom is written Hemones and in our Language which comes pretty near that spelling of the Poet Yeomen And the Etymon or Origination of the word it self is very much confirmed by the opinion of some of our own Country Lawyers who take but with a mistake Homines i. e. men that do homage and Nativos i. e. born Slaves in ancient Pleas to be terms equipollent and of the same importance The Constitution of Clarendon style those Rusticks or Countrymen whom he calls Yumen and Rusticks and Villains those among the English were slaves or servants were anciently synonymous words meaning the same thing For whereas Henry Londres Arch Bishop of Dublin had treacherously committed to the flames the Charters of his Rustick Tenants the Free Tenants called him as we read in the Annals of Ireland Scorch-Uillein as if one would say the burner or firer of Villains Nor should I think it unseasonable in this place to take notice of a mistake or oversight of Thomas Spott a Monk of Canterbury who writes that the English before the Norman Conquest knew nothing of private servitude or bondage i. e. had no such thing as Villanage among them For he is convinced both by the Maid of Andover King Edgar's Miss as also by the Laws signed and sealed by King Ina and by that Donation or Grant Torald of Bukenhale made to Walgate Abbot of Crowland wherein among other things a great many servants are mentioned with their whole suits and services Take it also out of the Synod of London Anselme being President of it since here belike there is mention made of Servants That no one henceforward presume to use that ungodly practice which hitherto they were wont in England to do to sell or put to sale men that is Servants like brute Beasts But we do not do civilly to interrupt the Poet We must begin again with him he once more tunes his Pipes Another thing he granted eke as ye mow novise Yuf a man of holi Chirch hath eni lay see Parson other what he be he ssal do therevore Kings service that there valth that is right ne be vorlore In plaiding and in assise be and in judgement also Bote war man ssal be bilemed other to deth ido Be granted eke yuf eni man the Kings traitor were And eni man is chateux to holi chirch here That holi chirch ne solde nought the chateux there let That the K. there other is as is owne is ne wette Uor all that the felon hath the Kings it is And eche man mai in holi church is owne take iwis He granted eke that a chirche of the Kings fe In none stede ene and ever ne ssold igiue be As to hous of religion without the Kings leve And that he other the patron the gift first gave S. Thomas granted well these and other mo And these other he withsede that did him well woe 1. Yuf bituene twei leud men were eni striving Other bituene a leud and a clerc for holi chirch thing As vor vouson of chirch whether shold the chirch giue The K. wold that in his court the ple ssold be driue Uor as much as a leud man that the o parti was Chanliche was under the K. under no bishop nas CHAP. XIII The Poet gives account which of those Laws were granted by Thomas a Becket which withstood Leudemen signifies Laymen and more generally all illiterate Persons THat which this Author of ours calls Leudemen the Interpreters of Law both our Common and the Canon Law call Laicks or Laymen For as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. people as it is derived by Caesar Germanicus upon Araetus his Phaenomena after Pindar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. from a Stone denotes a hard and promiscuous kind of men so the word Leudes imports the illiterate herd the multitude or rabble and all those who are not taken into holy Orders Justus Lipsiuâ— in his Poliorceticks discourses this at large where he searches out the origination of Leodium or Liege the chief City of the Eburones in the Netherlands As to what concerns our language John Gowes and Jeoffry Chaucer who were the Reformers and Improvers of the same in Verse do both make it good Thus Jeoffry No wonder is a leude man to rust If a Priest be foule on whom we trust However that it signifies an illiterate or unlearned person as well as one not yet in orders what he saith elsewhere informs us This every leud Uicar and Parson can say And Peter of Blois and others use this expression as well Laymen as Scholars But let not Chaucer take it ill that here he must give way to our Glocester Muse. II. Another was that no clere ne bishop nath mo Ne ssolde without Kings leue out of the lond go And that hii ssolde suere up the boke ywis That hii ne sold purchas no uvel the K. ne none of is III. The third was yuf eni man in mausing were I brought And suth come to amendment ne age were nought That he ne suore vp the boc ac borowes find solde To stand to that holy Chirch there of him toky wold IV. The verth was that no man that of the K. buld ought In cheife or in eni servise in mausing were ibrought Bote the wardeins of holy chirch that brought him thereto The K. sede or is bailifes wat he ad misdo And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring And bote hii wolde by their leue do the mausing V. The vift was that bishoprikes and Abbeis also That vacans were of prelas in the K. hand were ido And that the K. sold all the land as is owne take Uort at last that him lust eni prelat there make And than thulke prelat sould in is chapel ichose be Of is clarks which he wuld to such prelace bise And than wan he were ichose in is chapel right yere Homage he solde him do ar he confirmed were VI. The sixt was yuf eni play
to chapitle wore idraw And eni man made is appele yuf me dude him unlaw That to the Bishop from Ercedeken is appele sold make And from Bishop to Arcebissop and suth none other take And but the Ercebisops court to right him wold bring That he sold from him be cluthe biuore the King And from the K. non other mo so that attan end Plaining of holi chirch to the K. shold wend. And the K. amend solde the Ercebissops dede And be as in the Popes stude and S. Thomas it withsede VII The seuethe was that plaiding that of det were To yeld wel thoru truth iâ—light and nought iâ—old nere Althei thoru truth it were that ple sold be ibrought Biuore the K. and is bailies and to holy chirch nought VIII The eighth that in the lond citation none nere Thoru bull of the Pope of Rome and clene bileued were IX The nithe was that Peters pence that me gadereth manion The Pope nere nought on isend ac the K. echone X. The tethe was yuf eni Clarke as felon were itake And vor felon iproved and ne might it not forsake That me sold him verst disordein and suth thoru there law And thoru judgement of the land hong him other to draw Uor these and vor other mo the Godeman S. Thomas Fleu verst out of England and eke imartred was Uor he sei there nas hote o way other he must stiffe be Other holy chirch was isent that of right was so fre CHAP. XIV The Pope absolves Thoms a Becket from his Oath and damns the Laws of Clarendon The King resents it writes to his Sheriffs Orders a Scisure Penalties inflicted on Kindred He provides against an Interdict from Rome He summons the Bishops of London and Norwich An Account of Peter Pence TO the Laws of Clarendon which I spoke of the States of the Kingdom the Baronage and with them the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury took their Oaths in solemn manner calling upon God There were Embassadors sent to Pope Alexander the third that there might be that bottom also that he would further confirm and ratifie them But he was so far from doing that that he did not only pretend that they did too much derogate from the priviledge of the Clergy and wholly refuse to give his assent to them but also having absolved Thomas the Arch-Bishop at his own request from the obligation of that Oath he had bound himself with he condemned them as impious and such as made against the interest and honour of holy Church King Henry as soon as he heard of it took it as it was fit he should very much in dudgeon grievously and most deservedly storming at the insolence of the Roman Court and the Treachery of the Bishop of Canterbury Immediately Letters were dispatcht to the several Sheriffs of the respective Counties That if any Clerk or Layman in their Bayliwicks should appeal to the Court of Rome they should seise him and take him into firm custody till the King give order what his pleasure is And that they should seise into the Kings hand and for his use all the Revenues and Possessions of the Arch-Bishops Clerks and of all the Clerks that are with the Arch-Bishop they should put by way of safe pledge the Fathers Mothers and Sisters Nephews and Neeces and their Chattels till the King give order what his pleasure is I have told the Story out of Matthew Paris You see in this instance a penalty where there is no fault It affects or reaches to their Kindred both by Marriage and Blood a thing not unusual in the declension of the Roman Empire after Angustâ—â—s his time But let misdemeanors hold or oblige those who are the Authors of them was the Order of Arcaliâ—s and Honorius Emperors to the Lord Chief Justice Eâ—tâ—chianus nor let the fear of punishment proceed further than the offence is found A very usual right among the English whereby bating the taking away the Civil Rights of Blood and Nobility none of the Posterity or Family of those who lose their honours do for the most hainous crimes of their Parents undergo any penalties But this was not all in those Letters I mentioned he added threats also 63. If any one shall be sound carrying Letters or a Mandate from the Pope or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury containing an interdiction of Christian Religion in England let him be seised and kept in hold and let Justice be done upon him without delay as a Traitor against the King and Kingdom This Roger of Hoveden stands by ready to witness 64. Let the Bishops of London and Norwich be summon'd that they may be before the Kings Justices to do right i. e. to answer to their charge and to make satisfaction that they have contrary to the Statutes of the Kingdom interdicted the Land of Earl Hugh and have inflicted a sentence of Excommunication upon him This was Hugh Bigod Earl of Norfolk 65. Let St. Peters pence be collected or gathered and kept safe Those Pence were a Tribute or Alms granted first by Ina King of the West-Saxons yearly at Lammas to be gathered from as many as had thirty pence as we read it in the Confessor's Laws of live-mony in their house These were duly at a set time paid in till the time of Henry the eighth when he set the Government free from the Papal Tyranny About which time Polydore Virgil was upon that account in England Treasurer or Receiver general I thought fit to set down an ancient brief account of these pence out of a Rescript of Pope Gregory to the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York in the time of King Edward the second Diocess li. s. d. Canterbury 07 18 00 London 16 10 00 Rochester 05 12 00 Norwich 21 10 00 Ely 05 00 00 Lincoln 42 00 00 Coventry 10 05 00 Chester 08 00 00 Winchester 17 06 08 Exceter 09 05 00 Worcester 10 05 00 Hereford 06 00 00 Bath 12 05 00 York 11 10 00 Salisbury 17 00 00 It amounts to three hundred Marks and a Noble that is two hundred Pounds sterling and six Shillings and eight Pence You are not to expect here the murder of Thomas a Becket and the story how King Henry was purged of the crime having been absolved upon hard terms Conveniunt cymbae vela minora meâ— My little Skiff bears not so great a Sail. CHAP. XV. A Parliament at Northampton Six Circuits ordered A List of the then Justices The Jury to be of twelve Knights Several sorts of Knights In what cases Honorary Knights to serve in Juries Those who come to Parliament by right of Peerage sit as Barons Those who come by Letters of Summons are styled Chevaliers NOt long after the King and the Barons meet at Northampton They treat concerning the Laws and the administration of Justice At length the Kingdom being divided into six Provinces or Circuits there are chosen from among the Lawyers some who in every of those Provinces
might preside in the Seat of Justice Commissioned by the Name of Itinerant Justices or Justices in Eyre See here the List and Names of those Justices out of Hoveden Hugh de Cressi Walter Fitz-Robert Robert Mantel for Norfolk Suffolk Cambridge Huntington Bedford Buckingham Essex Hertford Hugh de Gundeville William Fitz-Ralph William Basset for Lincoln Nottingham Darby Stafford Warwick Northampton Leicester Robert Fitz-Bernard Richard Gifford Roger Fitz Reinfrai for Kent Surrey Southampton Sussex Barkshire Oxford William Fitz-Steeven Bertam de Uerdun Turstan Eitz-Simon for Hereford Glocester Worcester Shropshire Ralph Fitz-Steeven William Ruffus Gilbert Pipard for Wiltshire Dorsetshire Somersetshire Devonshire Cornwall Robert de Wals. Ralph de Glanville Robert Pikenot for York Richmond Lancashire Copland Westmoreland Northumberland Cumberland These he made to take an Oath that they would themselves bona fide in good faith and without any deceit or trick 't is the same Author whose words I make use of keep the under-written Assizes and cause them inviolably to be kept by the men of the Kingdom He mentions them under this specious Title The ASSISES of King HENRY made at Clarendon and renewed at Northampton 66. If any one be called to do right or be served with a Writ before the Justices of our Lord the King concerning Murder or Theft or Robbery or the receiving and harbouring of those who do any such thing or concerning Forgery or wicked setting fire of houses c. let him upon the Oath of twelve Knights of the Hundred or if there be no Knights there then upon the Oath of twelve free and lawful men and upon the Oath of four men out of each Village of the Hundred let him go to the Ordeal of Water and if he perish i. e. sink let him lose one foot The Knights who are wanting here are perhaps those who hold by Knights service or if you had rather that hold by Fee betwixt whom and those who served in War for wages or pay which in the Books of Fees are called Solidatae the same peradventure as by Caesar are termed Soldurii that is Soldiers by Nicolaus Damascenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by our Monks Bracton Otho Frisingensis and Radevicus in the Camp Laws of Barbarossa are styled Servientes that is Serjeants there is an apparent difference both of them being placed far below the dignity of those honorary Knights who are called Equites aurati But yet I do very well know that these honorary Knights also were of old time and are now by a most certain right called forth to some Tryals by Jury To the Kings Great or Grand Assise I say and to a Suit of Law contested when a Baron of Parliament is Party on one side i. e. Plaintiff or Defendant To the Assise in that it is the most solemn and honourable way of Tryal and that which puts an utter end to the claim of the Party that is cast To such an unequal suit that there may be some equality of Name or Title as to some one at least of the Judges for the Jury or twelve men are upon such occasion Judges made and as to the more honourable of the two parties whether Plaintiff or Defendant For the Peers of Parliament who are the greater Nobles amongst whom by reason of their Baronies Arch-Bishops and Bishops heretofore a great many Abbots such as are Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons who though they be distinguished by Order and honorary Titles yet nevertheless they sit in Parliament only as they are Barons of the Realm And those who at the Kings pleasure are called in by Letters of summons as Lawyers term it are styled Chevaliers not Barons For that of Chevalier was a Title of Dignity this of Baron anciently rather of Wealth and great Estate Which Title only such Writs of Summons bestowed till Richard the seconds time who was the first that by Patent made John Beaâ—champ of Holt Baron of Kiderminster Now both ways are in fashion CHAP. XVI The person convict by Ordeal to quit the Realm within Forty dayes Why Forty dayes allowed An account of the Ordeals by Fire and Water Lady Emme clear'd by going over burning Coulters Two sorts of tryal by Water Learned conjectures at the rise and reason of these customs These Ordeals as also that of single Combat condemned by the Church 67. AT Northampton it was added for the rigour of Justice remember what was said in the foregoing Chapter that he should in like manner lose his right Hand or Fist with his Foot and forswear the Realm and within Forty Dayes go out of the Kingdom into banishment He had the favour of Forty Dayes allowed him so saith Bracton that in the mean time he might get help of his friends to make provision for his Passage and Exile And if upon the tryal by water he be clean i. e. innocent let him find pledges and remain in the Realm unless he be arighted for Murder or any base Felony by the Community or Body of the County and of the Legal Knights of the Countrey concerning which if he be arighted in manner aforesaid although he be clean by the tryal of Water nevertheless let him quit the Realm within Forty Dayes and carry away his Chattels along with him saving the right of his Lords and let him forswear the Realm at the mercy of our Lord the King Here let me say a little concerning the Tryal by Fire and Water or the Ordeals It is granted that these were the Saxons wayes of tryal rashly and unadvisedly grounded upon Divine Miracle They do more appertain to Sacred Rites than to Civil Customs for which reason we past them by in the former Book and this place seemed not unseasonable to put the Reader in mind of them He who is accused is bound to clear himself 't is Ralph Glanvill writes this by the Judgement of God to wit by hot burning Iron or by Water according to the different condition of men by burning hot Iron if it be a free-man by Water if he be a Countrey-man or Villain The party accused did carry in his hand a piece of Iron glowing hot going for the most part two or three steps or paces along or else with the soles of his feet did walk upon red hot Plough-shares or Coulters and those according to the Laws of the Franks and Lombards nine in number The Lady Emme the Confessor's Mother being impeached of Adultery with Aldwin Bishop of Winton was wonderfully cleared by treading upon so many and is famous for it in our Histories being preserved safe from burning and proved innocent from the Crime There were two sorts of watery Ordeal or tryal by Water to wit cold or scalding hot The party was thrown into the cold water as in some places at this day Witches are used he who did not by little and little sink to the bottom was condemned as guilty of the Crime as one whom that Element which is the outward sign
in the borders of the Carnutes the middle Region of all France Some think that a Town at eight Miles distance from the Metropolis of those people commonly called Dreux was designed for that use Whilst the Saxons governed the Laws were made in the General Assembly of the States or Parliament In the front of King Ina's Laws 't is above Eight Hundred and Eighty years that he first reigned we read thus It Ine mid godes gift West-Saxna Cyning mid getbeat a mid lere Cenredes mines fader a hedde a Erconwald mine hiscops a mid eallum minum ealdor mannum tham yldestan Witan mines theode be beodeth c. which in our present English speaks thus I Ina by the Grace of God King of the West-Saxons by the advice and order of Kenred my Father and of Hedda and Erconwald my Bishops and of all my Aldermen and of the Elders and Wise Men of my people do command c. There are a great many instances of this kind in other places Moreover Witlaf and Bertulph who were Kings of the Mercians near upon Eight hundred years ago do in their instruments under their hands make mention of Synods and Councils of the Prelates and Peers convened for the affairs of the Kingdom And an ancient Book has this passage of Abendon Here was the Royal Seat hither when they were to treat of the principal and difficult points of State and affairs of the Kingdom the people were used to meet and flock together To this may be added that which Malmesbury sayes of King Edward in the year of our Lord 903. The King gathered a Synod or Assembly of the Senators of the English Nation over which did preside Pleimund Arch-Bishop of Canterbury interpreting expresly the words of the Apostolical Embassy These Assemblies were termed by the Saxons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Meetings of the Wise Men and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the Great Assemblies At length we borrowed of the French the name of Parliaments which before the time of Henry the First Polydore Virgil sayes were very rarely held An usage that not without good reason seems to have come from the ancient Germans So Tacitus sayes of them Concerning smaller matters the Princes only concerning things of greater concern they do all the whole body of them consult yet in that manner that those things also which it was in the peoples power to determine were treated of by the Princes too And I have one that hath left it in writing that when there was neither Bishop nor Earl nor Baron yet then Kings held their Parliaments and in King Arthur's Patent to the University of Cambridge for ye have my leave if you can find in your heart to give credit to it as John Key does by the counsel and assent of all and singular the Prelats and Princes of this Realm I decree There were present at Parliaments about the beginning of the Normans times as many as were invested with Thirteen Fees of Knights service and a third part of one Fee called Baron's from their large Estates for which reason perhaps John Cochleius of Mentz in his Epistle Dedicatory to our most Renowned Sir Thomas More prefixt before the Chronicle of Aurelius Cassiodorus calls him Baron of England But Henry the Third the number of them growing over big ordered by Proclamation that those only should come there whom he should think sit to summon by Writ These Assemblies do now sit in great State which with a wonderful harmony of the Three Estates the King the Lords and the Commons or Deputies of the People are joyned together to a most firm security of the publick and are by a very Learned Man in allusion to that made word in Livy Panaetolium from the Aetolians most rightly called Pananglium that is all England As in Musical Instruments and Pipes and in Singing it self and in Voices sayes Scipio in Tully's Books of the Common-wealth there is a kind of harmony to be kept out of distinct sounds which Learned and Skilful Ears cannot endure to hear changed and jarring and that consort or harmony from the tuning and ordering of Voices most unlike yet is rendred agreeing and suitable so of the highest and middlemost and lowermost States shuffled together like different sounds by fair proportion doth a City agree by the consent of persons most unlike and that which by Musicians in singing is called Harmony that in a City is Concord the straightest and surest bond of safety in every Common-wealth and such as can by no means be without Justice But let this suffice for Law-makers CHAP. XX. The Guardians of the Laws who In the Saxons time seven Chief One of the Kings among the Heptarchs styled Monarch of all England The Office of Lord High Constable Of Lord Chancellor ancient The Lord Treasurer Alderman of England what Why one called Healfkoning Aldermen of Provinces and Graves the same as Counts or Earls and Viscounts or Sheriffs Of the County Court and the Court of Inquests called Tourn le Viscount When this Court kept and the original of it I Do scarce meet before the Saxons times with any Guardians of the Laws different from these Law-makers In their time they were variously divided whose neither Name nor Office are as yet grown out of use The number is made up to give you only the heads by these to wit the King the Lord HighConstable the Chancellor the Treasurer the Alderman of England the Aldermen of Provinces and the Graves Those of later date and of meaner notice I pass by meaning to speak but briefly of the rest The King was alwayes one amongst the Heptarchs or seven Rulers who was accounted I have Beda to vouch it the Monarch of all England Ella King of the South-Saxons so sayes Ethelwerd was the first that was dignified with so high a Title and Empire who was Owner of as large a Jurisdiction as Ecbright the second was Ceâ—lin King of the West-Angles the third Aethelbrith King of the Kentish-men the fourth Redwald King of the Easterlings the fifth Edwin King of Northumberland the sixth Oswald the seventh Osweo Oswald's Brother after whom the eighth was Ecbright His West-Saxon Kingdom took in the rest for the greatest part The Office of Lord High Constable which disappeared in Edward Duke of Buckingham who in Henry the Eighth's time lost his Head for High-Treason was not seen till the latter end of the Saxons One Alfgar Staller is reported by Richard of Ely Monk to have been Constable to Edward the Confessor and Mr. Camden mentions a dwelling of his upon this account called Plaissy in the County of Middlesex He of Ely sets him out for a Great and Mighty Man in the Kingdom And indeed formerly that Magistrate had great power which was formidable even to Kings themselves They who deny there were any Chancellors before the coming in of the Normans are hugely mistaken Nor are they disproved only
for the Officer of the Gate the Porter who gives admission to strangers In a different Character Accordingly in the Latin the Author's Citations are printed in Italick which because they are so frequent I thought fit rather to notifie by a distinction as usual in the Margin thus Intercidona Pilumnus Deverra These were Heathen Deities to whom they attributed the Care of their Children who else they thought Silvanus mighâ— like Oberon King of the Fairies surprize or do some other mischief to In the FIRST BOOK CHAP. 1. Pag. 2. lin 23. Among the Celts and Gauls Who are reckoned for one and the same people as for instance those Gauls who removed into the Lesser Asia mixing with the Greeks were called Gallo-Graeci but by the Greeks were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence by contraction I suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 41. Bellagines that is By-Laws From By that is a Village Town or City and Lagen which in Gothish is a Law so that it signifies such Laws as Corporations are govern'd by The Scots call them Burlaws that is Borough-Laws So that Bellagines is put for Bilâ—gines or Burlagines This kind of Laws obtains in Courts Leet and Courts Baron and in other occasions where the people of the place make their own Laws CHAP. II. Pag. 4. l. 7. Adrastia Rhamnusia Nemesis Which is all but Nemesis the Goddess of Revenge called Adrastria from King Adrastus who first built her a Temple and Rhamnusia from Rhamnus a Village in the Athenian Territory where she was worshipped L. 42. Elohim that is Gods And so Judges are properly called according to the original notation of the word whose Root 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alaâ— though in Hebrew it signifie to curse yet in the Arabick Language a descendent of the Hebrew it betokens to judge Thus 't is said in the Psalms God standeth in the Congregation of the Gods and I have said Ye are Gods c. L. 45. It subjoins to it the name of God To wit that Name of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 El which signifies a mighty God In this sense the Cedars of God arâ— lofty stately Cedars and by Moses his being fair to God is meant that he was exceeding fair Pag. 5. lin 18. Not only Berecynthia but also Juno cybele Why Cybele is the very same Goddess who was called Berecynthia from Berecynthus a Hill of Phrygia as also Cybelus was another where she was worshipped And she had several such Names given her from the places of her worship as Dindymene Pessinuntia Idaea Phrygia This then was a slip of our worthy Author's memory or his haste CHAP. III. Pag. 5. lin 34. Not by the number of dayes but of nights Thus in our common reckoning we say a Sennight that is seven nights septinoctium for what in Latin they say septimana seven mornings and a fortnight that is fourteen nights Again for Sundayes and Holy-dayes the Evening which concludes the fore-going day is said to be their Eve that is Evening And the Grecians agree with us in setting the night before the day in that they call the natural day which is the space of twenty four hours comprehending day and night 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Night-day not Day-night CHAP. IV. Pag. 6. lin 22. King phranicus It is so ordinary a matter for Historians when they treat of things at great distance of time to devise Fables of their own or take them up from others that I doubt not but this Phranicus was designed to give name to France whereas it was so called from the Franks who came to plant there out of Franconia a Countrey of Germany called East-France L. 29. With Corinus one of the chief of his company From whom Cornwall had its name formerly called in Latin Corinia or Cornavia say some now Cornubia And possibly if that were so Corinium also or Cirencester a Town in Glocestershire and Corinus too the River Churne that runs by it own their appellations to the same Noble person L. 31. New Troy that is London Called also Troynovant and the people about it called Trinobantes or Trinovantes from whom also the City it self was styled Augusta Trinobantum that is the Royal Seat of the New Trojans L. 40. King Belin. Who gave name to Billinsgate that is Belin's Gate as King Lud to Ludgate Pag. 8. lin 39. Eumerus Messenius Some such fabulous Writer as our Sir John Mandevil who tells us of People and Countreys that are no where to be found in the World CHAP. VI. Pag. 9. lin 19. In the time of Brennus and Belinus The first of these was General of the Gauls who were called Senones and going into Italy with them sackt Rome There he built the City Verona called by his Name Brennona as he had done Brennoburgum now BranDenburg in Germany From his prowess and famed Exploits it is supposed that the Britans or Welsh do to this day call a King Brennin Of the other viz. Belinus some mention hath been made already CHAP. VII Pag. 10. lin 24. Locrinus Camber and Albanactus From the first of these three Brethren to wit Locrinus it is said that the Welsh call England Lboegr that falling to the eldest Sons share from the second Camber that a Welsh-man is named Cumra and the Countrey Cambria and from the third Albanactus that Scotland or at least good part of it retains the term of Albania a title still belonging to the King of Britain's second Brother the Duke of York Though for my part for this last name of Albanactus I am somewhat of opinion that it might be devised by some smattering Monk purposely in favour of the Trojan Story as much as to say in a mungrel word Albae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King of Alba a City of Italy built by one of Aeneas his Sons L. 29. Gavelkind From the Saxon gafel or gafol a Debt or Tribute and tyn or kynd the Kindred or Children or as Mr. Lambard gif eal tyn i. e. given to all who are next of Kin or as Vorstegan give all kind i. e. give to each Child his part An ancient custom of the Saxons whereby the Fathers Estate was equally divided amongst his Sons as it is still amongst the Daughters if there be no Sons It obtains still in several places especially in Kent by the concessions of the Conqueror Pag. 11. lin 22. The Laws of second Venus Not having Plato by me nor any other means to inform my self better I imagine that by the first Venus they mean the force of Lust and Beauty which doth so naturally incline people to a desire of union and copulation and by the second Venus consequently is intended that prudential reason by which men according to wholsome and equal Laws easily suffer themselves to be gathered into Societies and to comply with one another in mutual indearments P. 12. lin 12. Jupiter's Register 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek Proverb is the skin of that Goat which nursed him in his Childhood of
Pag. 28. lin 11. Now you for your part are Gods Vicegerent in the Kingdom They are the words of Pope Eleutherius in his Letter to Lucy the first Christian King which was in the year of our Lord 183. From whence we may fairly conclude that in those early dayes the Pope of Rome according to his own acknowledgement had no such pretensions as now for several Ages since they have made upon the Rights of Princes to the great disturbance of the World and reproach of Christian Religion And indeed this is the more considerable in that such was the simplicity of devotion in those early Converts and such the deference which Princes who embraced the Christian Faith especially from the Missionaries of Rome had for that Holy See as appears by this one single instance that it had been no hard matter nor could be judged an unreasonable thing for them to lay claim to a right and assert a power which was so voluntarily offered Further I add that seeing the Donation of Constantine besides that it was alwayes look't upon as a piece of forgery was at best supposing it true but an Imperial Grant and Concession which would not be of authority enough to bear up the Popes Supremacy in all other Kingdoms of the earth and seeing Pope Boniface who was the first that with bare face own'd it his complyance with Phocas was so grosly wicked that none of their own Writers but are ashamed to make that transaction betwixt those two an argument for the Papal pretence Seeing I say it is so if the Pope be intitled as their Canonists pretend to an Universal Dominion by vertue of his Office and by Commission from Christ and his chief Apostle S. Peter how came it to pass that the Bishops of Rome all along till Boniface were so modest as not to challenge any such rights or powers nay upon occasion to declare against such pretences as Antichristian which if that be true that the Pope is by his Office and by a Divine Commission instated into a Supremacy was in effect no less than to betray the cause of Christ and his Church how came it to pass that Eleutherius should neglect such a seasonable and exemplary opportunity of maintaining and exercising his right and should rather chuse to return it in a complement back to the King his Convert VICARIVS verò DEI estis in Regno sayes he You are GOD's VICAR in your Kingdom which Title now the Pope doth with as much arrogance challenge to himself as here one of his Predecessors doth with modesty ascribe to the King Lin. 32. With the title of Spectabilis Towards the declension of the Roman Empire it was usual so to distinguish great Offices with peculiar Titles as Spectabilis Clarissimus c. so among the Italians Magnifico to a Senator of Venice Illustrissimo to any Gentleman Eminentiâ—â—â—mo to a Cardinal So with us the term of Highness is given to a Prince of the Blood Excellence to a Vice-Roy or a Lord Lieutenant and to a General of an Army Grace to an Arch-bishop and to a Duke Honour to a Lord Worship to an Esquire c. CHAP. XVII P. 29. lin 43. Fabius Quaestor Aetheâ—verd Why he calls him Fabius Quaestor is at present past my understanding Did he take upon him a Roman name Was he in any such Office as Quaestor i. e. Treasurer or Receiver General wherein he behaved himself like a Fabius or did he intitle his Book by that name I am to seek CHAP. XVIII Pag. 31. lin 19. Whatsoever there was in Pandora of Good and Fair. She was a Woman made by Jupiter's own order and designed to be the pattern of female perfection to which end all the Gods contributed to the making of her several gifts one Wisdom another Beauty a third Eloquence a fourth Musick c. CHAP. XIX P. 32. lin 27. Wapentakes Which in some of our Northern Countreys is the same as we call other-where a Hundred from the Sâ—xon word waepen i. e. arms and tac i. e. touch as one should say a touching or shaking of their Arms. For as we read it in King Edward's Laws when any one came to take upon him the Government of a Wapentake upon a day appointed all that owed suit and service to that Hundred came to meet their new Governour at the usual place of their Rendezvouz He upon his arrival lighting off his Horse set up his Lance an end a Custom used also among the Romans by the Prator at the meetings of the Centumviri and according to custom took fealty of them The Ceremony of which was that all who were present touch't the Governours Lance with their Lances in token of a confirmation whereupon that whole meeting was called a Wapentake inasmuch as by the mutual touch of one anothers Arms they had entred into a confederacy and agreement to stand by one another This fashion they say the Saxons took up from the Macedonians their Progenitors Others will have it from tac to take and give this account of it that the Lord of the Hundred at his first entrance upon the place was used to take the Tenants Arms surrendred and delivered up to him by themselves in token of subjection by way of Homage Sir Thomas Smith differs from both these for he sayes that at the Hundred meeting there was a Muster taken of their Weapons or Arms and that those who could not find sufficient Pledges for their good abearing had their Weapons taken away so that in his sense a Wapentake is properly Armilustrium and so called from taking away their Weapons or Arms who were found unfit to be trusted with them L. 40. For the Ceremony of the Gown He alludes to the Roman Custom with whom the youth when they arrived at mans estate were then allowed to wear togam virilem to put on a Gown the habit of men whereas before that they were obliged to wear a Coat peculiar to the age of Childhood called Praetexta whence Papyrius though yet a Child being admitted into the Senate house for his extraordinary secrecy and manly constancy was called Papyrius Praetextatus Pag. 33. lin 9. Morgangheb Or Morgingah from Morgin which in High Dutch signifies the Morning and gab a gift to wit that Present which a man makes to his Wife that morning he marries her CHAP. XX. Pag. 34. lin 3. Tityus his Liver A Gyant who for ravishing of Latona was adjudged to have his Liver after death prey'd upon continually by a Vulture which grew up again as fast as it was wasted The equity of which punishment lay in this that the Liver is reputed the source and seat of all lusts and unlawful desires and doth naturally as some Physicians hold receive the first taint of Venereal distempers the rewards of impure mixtures according to that of Solomon speaking of an Adulterer Till a dart strike thorough his Liver from whence they gather that that which we now call the French Pox was not unknow even in
upon the payment of the Hereot Lin. 42. In French is called a Relief From the Verb Relever to raise again and take up the Estate which had faln into the Lords hand by the death of the Ancestor It is a summ of money which the new Homager when he is come to age payes to the Lord for his admission or at his entrance into the estate Whence by the old Civilians 't is called Introitus and in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This summ was moderately set wherein it differed from Ransom which was much more severe The Kings rates upon his Homagers were thus An Earls heir was to give an hundred Pounds a Barons an hundred Marks a Knights an hundred Shillings at most and those of lesser estate less according to the ancient custom of their Tenures as Spelman quotes it out of the Charter of Henry the Third Pag. 61. lin 11. Of the greater Uavasors They were a sort of Gentlemen next in degree to the Barons They did not hold immediately of the King but of some Duke Marquess or Earl And those that held from them again were called Valvasini or the lesser Vavasors There is little certainty what their Offices or Priviledges were or indeed whence they were so called whether qu. ad valvas stantes or valvae assidentes for their sitting or standing at their Lords door if those of that quality did so as some would have it or that they kept the doors or entrances of the Kingdom against the enemies as Spelman sayes or whether from Vassalli as the Feudists derive the name from that inferiour Tenure they had mediately from the King by his great Lords which seems the more likely because these greater Vavasors who did so hold are sometimes termed Valvasores regii and Vassi dominici that is the Kings Vassals Lin. 27. Her Dowry and right of Marriage In the Latin it is dotem suam maritagium Now Dos is otherwise taken in the English than in the Roman Laws not for that which the man receives with his Wife at marriage a Portion but for that which the Woman hath left her by her Husband at his death a Dowry And Maritagium is that which is given to a Man with his Wife so that 't is the same as Dos among the Romans saith Spelman But that is too general I think that the man should be obliged to return at his death all to his Wife that he had with her beside leaving her a Dowry I am therefore rather inclined to Cowell who tells us Maritagium signifies Land bestowed in marriage which it seems by this Law was to return to the Wife if her Husband dyed before her The word hath another sense also which doth not belong to this place being sometime taken for that which Wards were to pay to the Lord for his leave and consent that they might marry themselves which if they did against his consent it was called Forfeiture of marriage Lin. 35. The common Duty of Money or Coinage So I render the word Monetagium For it appears that in ancient times the Kings of England had Mints in most of the Countreys and Cities of this Realm See Cowell in the word Moniers For which priviledge 't is likely they paid some duty to the chief place of the Mint Thus in Doomesday we read as Spelman quotes it that in the City Winecestre every Monyer paid twenty shillings to London and the reason given pro cuneis monetae accipiendis for having Stamps or Coins of Money For from this Latin word Cuneus which our Lawyers have turned into Cuna from whence the Verb Cunaere comes our English word Coyn. Now it is more than probable that the Officers of the Chief Mint might by their exactions upon the inferiour Mints give occasion for the making of this Law Lin. 42. Or Children or Parents By Parent here we are to understand not a Father or Mother but a Cousin one a-kin as the word signifies in French and as it is used in our Laws And indeed the Latin word it self began to have that sense put upon it in vulgar speech toward the declension of the Empire as Lampridius informs us Pag. 62. lin 21. A pawn in the scarcity of his money That is if he were not able to pay his forfeit in specie i. e. to lay down the money he was to give security by a pawn of some of his Goods or Chattels See Cowell in the word Gage This in Latin is called Vadium a pawn or pledge from Vas vadis a surety Hence Invadiare to pawn or ingage a thing by way of security till a debt be paid Lin. 23. Nor shall he made amends From the French amende in our Law-Latin emenda which differs from a Fine or mulct in this that the Fine was given to the Judge but Amends was to be made to the Party aggriev'd Now there were three sorts of this Amende the Greater which was like a full Forfeiture the Mid-one at reasonable terms and the Least or Lowest which was like a gentle Amercement This distinction will help to explain the meaning of this Law L. 30. Per sée de Hauberke This in Latin is called Feudum Hauberticum i. e. Loricatum sayes Hotoman from the French word Haubert that is a Coat of Mail when a Vassal holds Land of the Lord on this condition that when he is called he be ready to attend his Lord with a Coat of Mail or compleat Armour on Now Haubert as Spelman tells us properly signifies a High Lord or Baron from Haut or hault high and Ber the same as Baro a Man or Baron And because these great Lords were obliged by their place and service to wait upon the King in his Wars on Horse-back with compleat Armour and particularly with a Coat of Mail on hence it came sayes he that the Coat of Mail it self was also called Haubert though he doth afterward acknowledge that the word is extended to all other Vassals who are under that kind of Tenure But then at last he inclines to think that the true ancient writing of the word is Hauberk not Haubert as it were Hautberg i. e. the chief or principal piece of Armour and Berg he will have to signifie Armour as he makes out in some of its compounds Bainberg Armour for the Legs and Halsberg Armour for the Neck and Breast and derives it from the Saxon Beorgan i. e. to arm to defend Add to this saith he that the French themselves and we from them call it an Haubergeon as it were Haubergium Lin. 33. From all Gelds The Saxon word geld or gild signifies a Tribute or Tax an Amercement a payment of money and money it self whence I doubt not but the best sort of money was called Gold It is from the Verb geldan or gyldan to pay In Latin it is Geldum and not Gilda as Cowell writes it For this signifies quite another thing a Fraternity or Company of Merchants or the like Whence a Gild-hall that
thus words it quibus sors tantum contulit extra domos in pascuis ut triginta argenteorum pretium excederet who had an Estate besides Houses in Lands which might exceed the value of thirty silver pence Lin. 15. Out of a Rescript of Pope Gregory We have the whole Letter set down in Spelman which speaks in English thus GREGORY the Bishop Servant of the Servants of God to his Worshipful Brethren the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York and to their Suffragans and to his beloved Sons the Abbots Priors Arch-Deacons and their Officials appointed throughout the Kingdom of England unto whom these Letters shall come Greeting and Apostolical Benediction In what manner the Pence of S. Peter which are due or owing to our Chamber are to be gathered in England and in what Bishopricks and Dioceses they are owing that there may arise no doubt on this occasion we have caused it to be set down in this present Writing according as it is contained in the Register of the Apostolick See Out of the Diocess of Canterbury seven pounds and eighteen shillings sterling Out of the Diocess of London sixteen pounds ten shillings And so of the rest Yeoven at the old City April 22. in the second year of our Popedom There is some difference though in the account of the Dioceses For after Lincoln he leaves out Coventry and puts Chichester for Chester 8 l. and then after Bath he puts in Salisbury and Coventry with a mistake 10 l. 10 s. for 5 s. and leaves York last Besides every body knows there are more Dioceses now than were then This was Gregory the Fifth that wrote this and it was our Author tells us in the time of King Edward the Second But Edward the Third in the year of the Lord 1365. and of his Reign 39. forbad these Peter-pence to be paid any more at Rome or to be gathered any longer in England CHAP. XV. Pag. 81. lin 10. Into six Provinces or Circuits As they are for number still with two Judges a piece though at first three How these differ from what they now are as to the Counties the Reader may easily satisfie himself Here are thirty seven of them as we now reckon only with this difference that Monmouth and Rutland are left out and Richmond and Copland are put in Pag. 82. lin 27. And if he perish i. e. sink let him lose one foot For that in this tryal by water was the sign and proof of guilt if the party thrown in did not swim which is quite contrary in the tryal of Witches as you will find in the next Chapter which treats of Ordeals Lin. 39. The Kings great Assise Assise is a word that hath many significations in our Law It is here in the Title taken for a Statute The Assises i. e. the Statutes and Ordinances of King Henry made at Clarendon But in this place it is used for a Jury and it is either the Great or Grand Assise which serv'd for the right of Property and was to consist of twelve Knights or the Petty Assise which served for the right of Possession only and was made up of twelve lawful men CHAP. XVI Pag. 86. lin 34. The superstitions and fopperies These you have also in Sir H. Spelman with an Incipit Missa Judicii which shews that the Church of Rome did once approve of these Customs which since she hath condemned notwithstanding her pretence of being Infallible I would to God she would deal as ingenuously in throwing off those other errors and corruptions we do so justly charge her with CHAP. XVII Pag. 87. lin 21. Hogenhine Or Agen-hyne that is ones own servant It is written also Home-hyne that is a servant of the house Lin. 33. Holding in Frank Pledge The Latin is francus tenens Wherefore amend the mistake and read holding in Frank Fee For Frank Pledg is a thing of another nature as belonging to a mans Behaviour and not to his Tenure Now Frank Fee is that which is free from all service when a man holds an Estate at the Common Law to himself and his heirs and not by such service as is required in ancient demesne Pag. 88. lin 12. The Falcidian Law So named from one Falcidius who being Tribune of the people in Augustus his time was the Maker of this Law Lin. 33. Twenty pounds worth of Land in yearly revenue So I render 20. libratae terrae For although Cowell in proportion to Quadrantata or Fardingdeal of Land which he saith is the fourth part of an Acre seems at first to gather that Obolata then must be half an Acre Denariata a whole Acre and by consequence Solidata twelve Acres and Librata twenty times twelve that is two hundred and forty Acres Yet this was but a conceit of his own For by having found the word used with reference to Rent as well as Land thus 20. libratas terrae vel reditûs he is forced to acknowledge that it must signifie so much Land as may yield twenty shillings per annum To which opinion Spelman also gives his assent But what quantity of Land this Librata terrae is cannot so easily be determined Cowell out of Skene tells us it contains four Oxgangs and every Oxgang thirteen Acres if so then it is fifty two Acres and twenty of them which make a Knights fee come to one thousand and forty Acres which somewhat exceeds the account here set down of six hundred and eighty out of the Red Book of the Exchequer But there is a great deal of more difference still as the account of the Knights fée is given by others In one Manuscript we read that A Yardland contains twenty four Acres four Yard-lands make one Hide that is ninety six Acres and five Hides make a Knights fee that is four hundred and eighty Acres the Relief whereof is a hundred Shillings Another Manuscript hath it thus Ten Acres according to ancient custom make one Fardel and four Fardels that is forty Acres make a Yardland and four Yardlands that is one hundred and sixty Acres make one Hide and four Hides that is six hundred and forty Acres make one Knights fee. A third reckons it otherwise that sixteen Yard-lands make a whole Knights fee which if we make a Yard-land to be twenty four Acres according to the first account comes to three hundred eighty four Acres but if according to the second we take it for forty Acres it amounts to six hundred and forty Acres And saith he when they are taxed at six Shillings four Pence that is every of the sixteen Yard-lands which make up the Fee at so much they make the summ of one hundred Shillings or five Pound which was the ancient Relief of a Knights fee. But this is a mistake either of the Author or the Citation it is six Shillings three Pence which makes that just summ from whence we learn also what proportion was observed by the Lord in setting and demanding of the Relief upon the next