was nothing done against Law any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties And I am perswaded many Friends in either House do what they justly may when such sad Occasions happen And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons But Mr. Brown did not begin with this but with another here omitted by Mr. Nicolas though he had pressed it before in the Fifteenth day of my Hearing Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts of which this was one That if he express himself so he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine as to the Church This Mr. Brown said took away all Authority from Parliaments in that kind But under Favour this takes away nor all nor any that is due unto them Not all for my Words are about giving so much Power Now he that would not have so much given to the one as the other doth not take away all from either Not any that is due to them For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power as appears by the Comparative Words so much my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words as that that which is proper to the Church might not be ascribed to Parliaments And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law The Words of the Statute are Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered Judged or determined to be Heresy by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation Where 't is manifest that the Judging and Determining Part for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin is in the Church For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation and so the Law requires it Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given but there must preceed a Debate a Judging a Voting and a Determining Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine Heresie or no Heresie is in the Church But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience and for Punishment is in the Parliament with this Assent of the Clergy Therefore I humbly conceive the Parliament cannot by Law that is till this Law be first altered Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require To this Mr. Brown in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons said Two Things The one that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only and the Adjudging of that but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion If it be for Heresie only that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it upon the Neck of any Subject without Determination in Parliament then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion according to the First Clause in Magna Charta which establishes the Church in all her Rights And her main and constant Right when that Charter was made and confirmed was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of The other was that if this were so that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation we should have had no Reformation For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented First it is not as I conceive to be denyed that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please and by their Absolute Power may change Religion Christianity into Turcism if they please which God forbid And the Subjects whose Consciences cannot obey must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law But both King and Parliament are sub graviori Regno and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power But beside this Absolute there is a Limited Power Limited I say by Natural Justice and Equity by which no Man no Court can do more than what he can by Right And according to this Power the Church's Interest must be considered and that indifferently as well as the Parliaments To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition and by Absolute Power Abolished it without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation And then in her first Year An. 1559. She had a Visitation and set out her Injunctions to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation But then so soon as the Clergy was settled and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition a Synod was called and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation and that by a just and orderly Power Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self but may many ways be made such by Misinformation or otherwise And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power and yet preserves this Church in her just Right Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well For the Lord Brook tells us That what a Church will take for true Doctrine lies only in that Church Nay the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this For M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully That the Priests were Judges of Religion and the Senate of Law The Second Proof is That I made two Speeches for the King to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them These Speeches were read to the Lords and had I now the Copies I would insert them here and make the World Judge of them First I might shuffle here and deny the making of them For no Proof is offer'd but that they are in my Hand and that is no necessary Proof For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand which were not my making though I transcribed them as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands But Secondly I did make them and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases and being commanded to the Service I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign Thirdly As I did never
Answer was returned to the first That the People would not besatisfied nor believe he was Dead unless they saw him Dye publickly And to the second That time enough was given already and that if any farther delay were used the People would think Justice should not be done at all and resort thither again in Multitudes to the hazzard of Publick Peace The Earl made these two Suits and in the mean time one Offer was made to him It was this That if he would employ his Power and Credit with the King for the taking of Episcopacy out of the Church he should yet have his Life His Christian Answer was very Heroical Namely That he would not buy his Life at so dear a rate The Man that sent him this Message was his Brother-in-Law Mr. Denzill Hollis one of the great Leading Men in the House of Commons And my Lord Primate of Armagh avowed this from the Earl of Strafford's own Mouth And as he was of too Generous a Spirit to lye basely so being in preparing of himself to leave the World it cannot be thought he would with a Dying-Mouth bely his Brother These Answers being returned the Earl prepared himself And upon Wednesday Morning about Ten of the Clock being May the Twelfth he was Beheaded on the Tower-Hill many Thousands beholding him The Speech which he made at his End was a great Testimony of his Religion and Piety and was then Printed And in their Judgment who were Men of Worth and some upon some near the Scaffold and saw him Dye he made a Patient and Pious and Couragious end insomuch that some doubted whether his Death had more of the Roman or the Christian in it it was so full of both And notwithstanding this hard Fate which fell upon him he is dead with more Honour than any of them will gain who hunted after his Life Thus ended the Wiseest the Stoutest and every way the Ablest Subject that this Nation hath bred these many Years The only Imperfections which he had that were known to me were his want of Bodily Health and a Carelesness or rather Roughness not to oblige any And his Mishaps in this last Action were that he groan'd under the Publick Envy of the Nobles served a Mild and a Gracious Prince who knew not how to be or be made great and trusted false perfidious and cowardly Men in the Northern Imployment though he had many Doubts put to him about it This Day was after called by divers Homicidium Comitis Straffordiae the Day of the Murder of Strafford Because when Malice it self could find no Law to put him to Death they made a Law of purpose for it God forgive all and be Merciful The Earl being thus laid low and his great Services done in Ireland made part of his Accusation I cannot but observe two things The one That upon Sunday Morning before Francis Earl of Bedford having about a Month before lost his second Son in whom he most Joyed Dyed the Small Pox striking up into his Brain This Lord was one of the Main Plotters of Strafford's Death And I know where he with other Lords before the Parliament Sat down resolved to have his Blood But God would not let him Live to take Joy therein but cut him off in the Morning whereas the Bill for the Earl of Strafford's Death was not Signed till Night The other is That at this time the Parliament tender'd two and but two Bills to the King to Sign This to cut off Strafford's Head was one and the other was that this Parliament should neither be Dissolved nor Adjourned but by the consent of both Houses in which what he cut off from himself Time will better shew than I can God Bless the King and his Royal Issue I told you before the People came in a Tumultuous Way to call for Justice And half an Eye may see how and by whom they were set on In the mean time let me tell you farther that this Art being once begun without Consideration of the Danger or Care of the Dishonour of such Proceedings whensoever there was any thing proposed in the House of Commons which it was thought the Lords would stick at or the King not grant by and by the Rabble came about the Houses and called for this and that Justice as they were prompted God Bless the Government of this Kingdom or all is lost I must tell you farther that from the time that the Earl of Strafford was first brought to his Answer in Westminster-Hall the bitter and fierce Libels of the factious People came daily out to keep up and increase the Peoples Hate against him And though they were full of most notorious Untruths yet coming from that Party were swallowed and believed by the most Among divers others they spread one in which they delivered to the World that the Earl of Strafford drawing near to his End when he saw no Remedy but he must Dye fell into great and passionate Expressions against me That I and my Counsels had been the Ruine of him and his House and that he cursed me bitterly Now as this is most false in it self so am I most able to make it appear so For his Lordship being to Suffer on the Wednesday Morning did upon Tuesday in the Afternoon desire the Lord Primate of Armagh then with him to come to me and desire me that I would not fail to be in my Chamber Window at the open Casement the next Morning when he was to pass by it as he went to Execution that though he might not speak with me yet he might see me and take his last leave of me I sent him word I would and did so And the next Morning as he passed by he turned towards me and took the Solemnest leave that I think was ever by any at distance taken one of another and this in the sight of the Earl of Newport then Lord Constable of the Tower the Lord Primate of Armagh the Earl of Cleveland the Lieutenant of the Tower and divers other Knights and Gentlemen of Worth Besides though during the time of both our Restraints and the nearness of our Lodgings we held no Intercourse each with other yet Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant of the Tower told me often what frequent and great expressions of Love the Earl made to me Which cannot stand with that base Slander which the lewd Libel vented But I leave that Honourable Person in his Grave and while I live shall Honour his Memory But must here a little go back For May the first after the King had declared his Conscience and his Judgment concerning the Earl of Strafford's Offences to both Houses as is before set down and was gone away a Letter was read in the Vpper House from the Scots in which their Army did earnestly desire to be gone It was moved to have a present Conference with the Commons about it and the Debate was very short many Lords being desirous
there present p. 28 32 35 42. Nay more this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis is allowed to the Governours of the Church in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time which would never have been allowed had it then been thought such a dangerous Business as 't is now made against me 2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure by Fine and Imprisonment This also I shewed in the old Commission Fol. 37. and is as I conceive in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament upon which the High-Commission is grounded For the King says there Fol. 13. And so 't is in the new That he grants this Power by Vertue of his Supream Authority and Prerogative Royal and of the said Act. Nay farther 't is added in this latter Commission and by our Authority Ecclesiastical which is not expressed in the former And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added had I any Plot as 't is urged either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity or to usurp Papal Power which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King And as for Fine and Imprisonment if that Power be not according to Law why was it first admitted and after continued in all former Commissions 3. The Third Clause was the Non Obstante which he said was against all Law and of such a boundless Extent as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England And he here desired the Lords that he might read it which he did with great Assurance of a Triumph But after all this Noise which Mr. Nicolas had made I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission 〈◊〉 62. Word for Word which I humbly desired might be read and compared It was so The Lords looked strangely upon it Mr. Nicolas was so startled that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply which he saw impossible to be made but interrupted me and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly that I need not stand upon that for he did but name that without much regarding it And yet at the giving of the Charge he insisted principally upon that Clause and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed Had such an Advantage been found against me I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together or Extreamly Impudent if I did 4. The Fourth Exception was That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical First whatsoever Power the High-Commission had was not taken by them till given by his Majesty and that according to Use and Statue for ought hath been yet declared Secondly they have not Power of Life or Limb therefore not so great Power as other Courts have Thirdly they may have more various Power in some respects but that cannot make it greater As for the Expression in which 't is said I took this Power that is put most unworthily and unjustly too to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying that I took on me the Power of both Swords But this was only ad Faciendum Populum For he knows well enough that to take both the Swords as the Pope takes them is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place Not to take both as under the Prince and given by his Authority and so not I alone but all the Commissioners take theirs 5. Fifthly To prove that this vast Commission as it was called was put in execution Mr. Burton is produced He says that when he was called into the High-Commission he appealed to the King and pleaded his Appeal and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known And it was our Duty considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court to inform his Majesty of it and we did so The King declared that he should submit to the Court as is confessed by himself Then he says because he would not submit to the Court he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal And he well deserved it that would not be ruled by his Majesty to whom he had appealed And the Commission had Power to do what they did Besides himself confesses all this was done by the High-Commission not by me Nor doth he urge any Threat Promise or Solicitation of mine any way to particularize the Act upon me and farther he is single and in his own Cause Then followed the last Charge of this Day which was the Patent granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St Pauls cryed out upon as Illegal and Extorted from the King and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years for which time it was granted This is the Fourth time that St Pauls is struck at My Lords let it come as often as it will my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable to both Church and Kingdom of England No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny or Pennyworth to other use than was limited to me I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service but of Humane Frailty And whereas 't is said this Patent was extorted from his Majesty as there is no Proof offered for it so is there no truth in it For his Majesty's Piety was so forward that nothing needed to be extorted from him Thus went I on Bonâ Fide and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent The Lord Keeper Coventry Mr. Noy and Sir Henry Martin And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it it cannot be imputed to me who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception And I marvel what security any Man shall have that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant And whereas it was said this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King That 's nothing so For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work yet these being inseparable from him may be used by him notwithstanding this or any other Patent And if these be inseparable as 't is granted they are no inseparable thing can be taken away or if it be taken 't is void in Law and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right both for Justice and Mercy And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me and as for that
Lecturers and that they had their Lectures Read by a Company of Learned and Orthodox Ministers by turns As appeared by the Munday Sermon at Burye during that Learned Bishop's time Nor were any forbid to Preach in the Afternoon so the Catechising were not omitted before it or with it And the Bishop is Living to Answer it if ought were then done amiss by him In all which he did nothing as any Deputy or Surrogate of mine but as Diocesan of the Place As for the Yearly Account to the King according to his Royal Instructions in that behalf though it were pressed here again to multiply noise yet nothing being new I gave my Answer as before and to that I refer my self 3. The Third Answer was concerning Mr. Lee of Wolverhampton The Evidence was a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell written by my Command to my Visitors there to this Effect That whether there were Cause or no they should either punish Mr. Lee or bring him into the High-Commission Had the Words or the Sense been thus they might well say It was hard for the Judge before whom the Party was to Answer to write thus But I called to have the Letter read again and the Words were these If there were found against him that which might justly be Censured then they should punish c. And the Reason why this strict care was taken was because the Dean of Windsor his Ordinary complained unto me that Mr. Lee's Carriage was so Factious there that he could contain him in no Order If he were a Man after this approved at Shrewsbury as Mr Walker witnesses I hope the Proceedings at Wolverhampton did him good But my Lords had it so fallen out that my Secretary had forgotten my Instructions and himself too and expressed himself amiss shall that slip of his had it been such be imputed to me I believe your Lordships would not willingly answer for every Phrase of your Secretaries Letters which yet you command them to write 4. The last Instance was the Sentence in the High-Commission against Mr Barnard for Words about Pelagian Errors and Popery First if he were Sentenced in the High-Commission it was the Act of the Court and not mine as has been often said Secondly no Proof is offer'd that he was Sentenced for those Words only Thirdly the Recantation howsoever refused by him as Mr. Pryn says it was makes mention of four Points for which he was Censured of which these words are one But not the words themselves but his Unjust and Scandalous Application of them to me which deserved them not And lastly Dr Cumber Master of Trinity College in Cambridge was Prosecutor against him which Office so Grave and Worthy a Man would not I suppose have undertaken had there not been great and just Cause for it Hence they proceeded to the Sixth Additional Article which follows in these Words That whereas divers Gifts and Dispositions of divers Summs of Money were heretofore made by divers Charitable and well disposed Persons for the buying in of divers Impropriations for the Maintenance of Preaching the Word of God in several Churches the said Arch-Bishop about Eight Years last past wilfully and maliciously caused the said Gifts Feoffments and Conveyances made to the uses aforesaid to be overthrown in his Majesty's Court of Exchequer contrary to Law as things dangerous to the Church and State under the specious pretence of buying in Appropriations whereby that Pious Work was suppressed and trodden down to the great Dishonour of God and Scandal of Religion This Article is only about the Feoffments That which I did was this I was as then advised upon such Information as was given me clearly of Opinion that this was a cunning way under a Glorious pretence to overthrow the Church-Government by getting into their power more dependency of the Clergy than the King and all the Peers and all the Bishops in all the Kingdom had And I did conceive the Plot the more dangerous for the fairness of the pretence and that to the State as well as the Church Hereupon not maliciously as 't is charged in the Article but Conscientiously I resolved to suppress it if by Law it might be done Upon this I acquainted his Majesty with the thing and the danger which I conceived would in few Years spring out of it The King referred me to his Attorney and the Law Mr. Attorney Noye after some pause upon it proceeded in the Exchequer and there it was by Judicial Proceeding and Sentence overthrown If this Sentence were according to Law and Justice then there 's no fault at all committed If it were against Law the fault what e're it be was the Judges not mine for I solicited none of them And here I humbly desired that the Lords would at their leisure read over the Sentence given in the Exchequer which I then delivered in but by Reason of the length it was not then read Whether after it were I cannot tell I desired likewise that my Councel might be heard in this and all other points of Law 1. The First Witness was Mr. Kendall He says that speaking with me about Presteen I thanked God that I had overthrown this Feoffment 2. The Second Witness Mr. Miller says he heard me say They would have undone the Church but I have overthrown their Feoffment These two Witnesses prove no more than I confess For in the manner aforesaid I deny not but I did my best in a Legal way to overthrow it And if I did Thank God for it it was my Duty to do so the thing being in my Judgment so pernicious as it was 3. The Third Witness was Mr. White one of the Feoffees He says that coming as Councel in a Cause before me when that Business was done I fell bitterly on him as an underminer of the Church I remember well his coming to me as Councel about a Benefice And 't is very likely I spake my Conscience to him as freely as he did his to me but the Particulars I remember not nor do I remember his coming afterwards to me to Fulham nor his offer to change the Men or the Course so the thing might stand For to this I should have been as willing as he was and if I remember right there was order taken for this in the Decree of the Exchequer And his Majesty's Pleasure declared that no Penny so given should be turned to other use And I have been and shall ever be as ready to get in Impropriations by any Good and Legal way as any Man as may appear by my Labours about the Impropriations in Ireland But this way did not stand either with my Judgment or Conscience 1. First because little or nothing was given by them to the present Incumbent to whom the Tythes were due if to any that the Parishioners which payed them might have the more cheerful Instruction the better Hospitality and more full Relief for their Poor 2. Secondly because most of the Men they
wished it had fallen upon that same day when I Consecrated the Chappel However I was pleased that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival For upon that day his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford for three hours together at least and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies Septemb. 4. Sunday The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham his Servants and Family All seemed to be out of order that the Dutchess was ill called for her Maids and took her Bed God grant better things Septemb. 11. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen the Judges being then present The same Night I Dreamed that Dr Theodore Price admonished me concerning Ma 3. and that he was unfaithful to me and discovered all he knew and that I should therefore take heed of him and trust him no more c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow that he was dead of the Plague having not long before been with the King Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me and he found to be unfit upon Examination Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation not Ordained It was then Saturday Septemb. 26. Sunday That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford All that were present were cloathed with flourishing green Garments I knew none of them but Thomas Flaxnye Immediately after without any intermission of Sleep that I know of I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen He advised and invited me kindly to dwell with them marking out a place where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held But not staying for my Answer he subjoyned that he knew I could not live so meanly c. Octob. 8. Saturday the Earl of Northampton President of Wales returned out of Wales taking his Journey by Sea Octob. 9. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen Octob. 10. Munday I went on Horseback up to the Mountains It was a very bright day for the time of Year and so warm that in our return I and my Company dined in the open Air in a place called Pente-Cragg where my Registrary had his Country-House Octob. 30. Sunday Sir Thomas Coventry made Lord Keeper Novemb. 11. Friday I began my Journey to return into England Novemb. 17. Thursday Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son was born Novemb. 20. Sunday I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire Novemb 24. Thursday I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank There the Wife of my Freind for himself was then at Court immediately as soon as I came told me that the Duke of Buckingham then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries had a Son born whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth Decemb. 4. Sunday I Preached at Hurst I stayed there in the Country until Christmas Decemb. 14. Wednesday I went to Windsor but returned the same day Decemb. 25. Sunday I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day Decemb. 31. Saturday I went to the Court which was then at Hampton-Court There Januar. 1. Sunday I understood that I was Named among other Bishops who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation I was also at the same time informed that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France Januar. 2. Munday I returned to Hains-Hill For there not then knowing any thing of these Matters I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk When I had put these in order I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House to take leave of my Friends There if I mistake not I first knew what F. H. thought of me I told my mind plainly c. I returned Januar. 3. Tuesday I came to London and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat to my own House save only my Books the removal of which I unadvisedly put off till my own coming For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste and the multitude of business then laying upon me made it requisite that I should have my Books at hand In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham Januar. 4. Wednesday We met at White-Hall to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation I sent my Servant to bring my Books who brought them That Night I placed them in order in my Study And it was high time For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty came from the King to us and delivered to me the King's Order to be ready against the sixth day of February to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament Januar. 6. Friday Epiphany day We met again to consult concerning the Ceremonies and gave up our Answer to the King Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln then Dean to be present at the Ceremony It was then Munday The same day by the King's Command a Consultation was held what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague There were present the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids Januar. 17. Tuesday We gave in our Answer in Writing Subscribed this day This day also the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal to supply the place for him which he as Dean of Westminster was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles Januar. 18. Wednesday The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King to whom I shewed my Notes that if he disliked any thing therein c. The same day by the King's Command the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready agreeing in all things with the Kings Book It was Munday Januar. 29. Sunday I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause Book and Opinions of Richard Montague and what R. C. had determined with himself therein Methinks I see a Cloud arising and threatning the Church of England God of his Mercy dissipate it Januar. 31. Tuesday The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation that
King and acquainted him both with the Thing and the Person Aug. 7. Wednesday An absolute Settlement between me and K. B. after I had made known my Cause at large God bless me in it Aug. 14. Wednesday A Report brought to me that I was Poisoned Aug. 17. Saturday I had a serious offer made me again to be a Cardinal I was then from Court but so soon as I came thither which was Wednesday Aug. 21. I acquainted his Majesty with it But my answer again was that somewhat dwelt within me which would not suffer that till Rome were other than it is Aug. 25. Sunday My Election to the Arch-Bishoprick was returned to the King then being at Woodstock Septemb. 19. Thursday I was translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury The Lord make me able c. The Day before viz. Sept. 18. When I first went to Lambeth my Coach Horses and Men sunk to the bottom of the Thames in the Ferry-Boat which was over-laden but I Praise God for it I lost neither Man nor Horse A wet Summer and by it a Casual Harvest The Rainy Weather continuing till Novemb 14. which made a marvellous ill Seed-time There was Barley abroad this Year within 30 Miles of London at the end of October Novemb. 13. Wednesday Richard Boyer who had formerly named himself Lodowick was brought into the Star-Chamber for most grosly Misusing me and Accusing me of no less than Treason c. He had broke Prison for Felony when he did this His Censure is upon Record And God forgive him About the beginning of this Month the Lady Davis Prophesied against me that I should very few Days out-live the Fifth of November And a little after that one Green came into the Court at St. James's with a great Sword by his Side swearing the King should do him Justice against me or he wou'd take another course with me All the wrong I ever did this Man was that being a poor Printer I procured him of the Company of the Stationers 5 l. a Year during his Life God preserve me and forgive him He was committed to Newgate Novemb. 24. Sunday in the After-noon I Christened King Charles his Second Son James Duke of York at St. James's Decemb. 10. and 29. Twice or Thrice in the Interim I advertised his Majesty of the Falsehood and Practice that was against me by L. T. c. This brake out then Jan. 1. The way to do the Town of Reading good for their Poor which may be compassed by God's Blessing upon me though my Wealth be small And I hope God will bless me in it because it was his own Motion in me For this way never came into my Thoughts though I had much beaten them about it till this Night as I was at my Prayers Amen Lord. Anno 1634. March 30. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Maij 13. I received the Seals of my being chose Chancellor of the University of Dublin in Ireland To which Office I was chosen Sept. 14. 1633. There were now and somewhat before great Fractions in Court And I doubt many private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service Good Lord preserve me Junij 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very Libellous Letter about his Censure in the Star-Chamber for his Histriomastix and what I said at that Censure in which he hath many ways mistaken me and spoken untruth of me Junij 16. I shewed this Letter to the King and by his command sent it to Mr. Atturney Noye Junij 17. Mr. Atturney sent for Mr. Prynn to his Chamber shewed him the Letter asked him whether it were his hand Mr. Prynn said he could not tell unless he might read it The Letter being given into his hand he tore it into small pieces threw it out at the Window and said that should never rise in Judgment against him Fearing it seems an Ore tenus for this Junij 18. Mr. Atturney brought him for this into the Star-Chamber where all this appear'd with shame enough to Mr. Prynn I there forgave him c. Julij 26. I received word from Oxford that the Statutes were accepted and published according to my Letters in the Convocation-House that Week Aug. 9. Saturday Mr. William Noye his Majesties Atturney General dyed at Brainford circa Horam Noctis Decimam And Sunday Morning August 10. His Servant brought me word of it to Croydon before I was out of my Bed I have lost a dear Friend of him and the Church the greatest she had of his Condition since she needed any such Aug. 11. One Rob Seal of St Albans came to me to Croydon told me somewhat wildly about a Vision he had at Shrovetide last about not Preaching the Word sincerely to the People And a Hand appeared unto him and Death and a Voice bid him go tell it the Metropolitan of Lambeth and made him swear he would do so and I believe the poor Man was over-grown with Phansie So I troubled not my self further with him or it Aug. 30. Saturday At Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate address to her when I had Occasion Septemb. 30. I had almost fallen into a Fever with a Cold I took and it held me above three weeks Octob. 20. The extream hot and faint October and November save three days frost the dryest and fairest time The Leaves not all off the Trees at the beginning of December The Waters so low that the Barges could not pass God bless us in the Spring after this green Winter Decemb. 1. Munday My Antient Friend E. R. came to me and performed great Kindness which I may not forget Decemb. 4. I Visited the Arches it was Thursday Decemb. 10. Wednesday That Night the Frost began the Thames almost frozen and it continued until the Sunday Sevennight after Dec. 15. X. E. R. Januar. 8. Thursday I Married the Lord Charles Herbert and the Lady Mary Daughter to the Duke of Buckingham in the Closet at White-Hall Januar. 5. Munday-night being Twelfth-Eve the Frost began again the Thames was frozen over and continued so till February 3. 1634. A mighty Flood at the Thaw Feb. 5. Thursday I was put into the great Committee of Trade and the King's Revenue c. March 1. Sunday The great business which the King commanded me to think on and give him account and L. T. March 14. Saturday I was Named one of the Commissioners for the Exchequer upon the death of Richard Lord Weston Lord High Treasurer of England That Evening K. B. sent to speak with me at White-Hall a great deal of free and clear expression if it will continue March 16. Munday I was called against the next day into the Forrain Committee by the King March 22. Palm-Sunday I Preached to the King at White-Hall Anno 1635. April 9. Wednesday and from thence-forward all in firm Kindness between K.
and Soul diers to fall up on me in the King's absence Sept. 21. I received a Letter from John Rockel a M an both by Name and Person unknown to me He was among the Scots as he tra velled through the Bishoprick of Durham he heard them inveigh and rail at me exceedingly and that they hoped Shortly to see me as the Duke was Slain by one least suspected His Letter was to advise me to look to my self Septemb. 24. Thursday A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots and this day the Meeting began at York and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls because of the Troubles of the Times Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court tore down all the Benches in the Consistory and cryed out they would have no Bishop nor no High Commission Octob. 27. Tuesday Simon and Jude's Eve I went into my upper Study to see some Manuscripts which I was sending to Oxford In that Study hung my Picture taken by the Life and coming in I found it fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor the String being broken by which it was hanged against the Wall I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament God grant this be no Omen Novemb. 3. Tuesday The Parliament began the King did not ride but went by Water to Kings Stairs and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church and so to the House Novemb. 4. Wednesday The Convocation began at St. Pauls Novemb. 11. Wednesday Thomas Vis count Wentworth Earl of Straffor d Accused to the Lords by the House of Commons for High Treason and restrained to the Usher of the House Novemb. 25. Wednesday He was sent to the Tower Decemb. 2. Wednesday A great Debate in the House that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause as accounted Causa Sanguints put off till the next day Decemb. 3. Thursday The Debate declined Decemb. 4. Friday The King gave way that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case I was Examined this day Decemb. 16. Wednesday The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons as being against the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject and containing divers other things tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence Upon this I was made the Author of them and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions and to prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper House I was na med as an Incendiary by the Scot tish Commissioners and a .... Complaint promised to be drawn up to morrow Decemb. 18. Friday I w as Accu sed by the House of Commons for High Trea son without any particular Charge laid against me which they said should be prepared in convenient time Mr. Denzell Hollys was the Man that brought up the Message to the Lords Soon after the Charge was brought into the Upper-House by the Scottish Commissioners tending to prove me an Incendiary I was presently committed to the Gentleman Us her but was permitted to go in his Company to my House at Lam beth for a Book or two to Read in and such Papers as pertained to my Defence against the Scots I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening to avoid the gazing of the People I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel The Psalms of the day Psal. 93 and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai gave me great Comfort God make me worthy of it and fit to receive it As I went to my Barge hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there and prayed for my safety and return to my House For which I bless God and them Decemb. 21. Munday I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House which Lady he kept avowedly and had Children by her In such a Case say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow what may be done for Honour and Religion sake This was not a Fine to the King but Damage to the Party Decemb. 23. Wednesday The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently which was done Januar. 21. Thursday A Parliament Man of good Note and Interessed with divers Lords sent me word that by Reason of my patient and m oderate Carriage since my Commit ment four Earls of great power in the Upper-House of the Lords were not now so sharp against me as at first And that now they were resolved only to Se quester me from the King's Coun cil and to put me from my Arch Bishoprick So I see what Justice I may expect since here is a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge was brought up against me Febr. 14. Sunday A. R. And this if I Live and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month Anno 1642. God bless me in this Febr. 26. Friday This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustin's day my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Henry Vane the Younger It consisted of fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in particular The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers I spake something to it And the Copy of that also is among my Papers I had Favour from the Lords not to go to the Tower till the Munday following March 1. Munday I went in Mr. Maxwell's Coach to the Tower No noise till I came into Cheapside But from thence to the Tower I was followed and railed at by the Prentices and the Rabble in great numbers to the very Tower Gates where I left them and I thank God he made me patient March 9. Shrove-Tuesday ........ was with me in the Tower and gave great engagements of his Faith to me March 13. Saturday Divers Lords Dined with the Lord Herbert at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth Three of these Lords in the Boat together when one of them saying he was sorry for my Commitment because the buil ding of St. Pauls went slow on there-while the Lord Brooke replied I hope some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building March 15. Munday A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament Ten Earls ten Bishops ten Barons So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business As appears by a Letter hereto annexed sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines to attend this Service Upon
all the Envy they could upon me alone Thirdly Here 's the same Phrase used by my Lord of London that was used a little before by me Namely that these Canons would be for the good of the Kirk And yet here 's never a wise Observation upon it as was upon me that they would be for the good not of that Church but of the Church Now for the force of Mr. Henderson's Logick for these Arguments out of doubt are his Ross writ to the Prelate of London to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book because the Press staid and he obtained them Therefore this Book was Canterbury's work as is before asserted Certainly if Mr. Henderson had any Learning in him he would be ashamed of this stuff Ross sent to me for the Explanation of some things which perhaps were my Additions or Alterations in that Book and used the Prelate of London for his means and the Press staid and I know not what As if any of this could make me Author of that Book Which yet if I were I would neither deny nor be ashamed of Howsoever he should do well to let Canterbury alone and answer the Learned Divines of Aberdeen who have laid him and all that Faction open enough to the Christian World to make the Memory of them and their Cause stink to all Posterity 5. But say they the Book it self as it standeth interlined margined and patched up is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters and the Changes and Supplements themselves taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals by which he makes it to vary from the Book of England are more pregnant Testimonies of his Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions which he would have put in Execution upon us than can be denyed In the next place the Book it self is brought in Evidence and that 's a greater Evidence than all that is expressed in my Letters A greater Evidence But of what Not that the Book was of my sole making which they have hitherto gone about to prove and which the former part of this Argument would seem to make good But now these Interlinings and Margins and Changes and Supplements are pregnant proofs of my Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions First I Praise God for it I have no Popish Spirit And God bless me as to the utmost of my knowledge I had no Wicked Intentions in any thing which I did in or about that Service-Book For the other stuff which fills up this Argument That these Changes and Supplements are taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals and that by these the Book is made to vary from the Book of England I cannot hold it worth an Answer till I see some particulars named For in this I could retort many things could I think it fit to put but half so much Gall into my Ink as hath made theirs black In the mean time I would have them remember that we live in a Church Reformed not in one made New Now all Reformation that is good and orderly takes away nothing from the old but that which is Faulty and Erroneous If any thing be good it leaves that standing So that if these Changes from the Book of England be good 't is no matter whence they be taken For every line in the Mass-Book or other Popish Rituals are not all Evil and Corruptions There are many good Prayers in them nor is any thing Evil in them only because 't is there Nay the less alteration is made in the Publick Ancient Service of the Church the better it is provided that nothing Superstitious or Evil in it self be admitted or retained And this is enough till I see particulars charged Yet with this That these Variations were taken either from the first Book of Edw. 6. which was not Popery or from some Antient Liturgies which savour'd not of Popery The Large Declaration professeth that all the variation of our Book from the Book of England that ever the King understood was in such things as the Scottish Humours would better comply with than with that which stood in the English Service That which the Large Declaration professeth I leave the Author of it to make good Yet whosoever was the Author thus much I can say and truly That the Scottish Bishops some of them did often say to me that the People wou'd be better satisfied by much to have a Liturgy composed by their own Bishops as this was than to have the Service-Book of England put upon them But to what end is this added out of the Large Declaration Why 't is to cast more hatred upon me For thus they infer These Popish Innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him without the King's knowledge and against his Purpose This is as false as 't is bold For let them prove that any one particular be it the least was so added by me to that Book and let no Justice spare me In the mean time here I take it upon my Salvation that I inserted nothing without his Majesties Knowledge nor any thing against his Purpose Our Scottish Prelates do Petition that somewhat may be abated of the English Ceremonies as the Cross in Baptism the Ring in Marriage and some other Things But Canterbury will not only have those kept but a great many more and worse super added which was nothing else but the adding of Fuel unto the Fire I cannot remember that ever any such Petition was shewed to me This I remember well that when a deliberation was held whether it were better to keep close to the English Liturgy or venture upon some additions some of your Scottish Bishops were very earnest to have some Alterations and some Additions And they gave this for their Reason Because if they did not then make that Book as perfect as they could they should never be able to get it perfected after Canterbury therefore was not the Man that added this Fuel to your Fire And whereas to heap on farther hatred it is said That I did not only add more but worse Ceremonies I can say nothing to that Because I know no one Ceremony in the one Book or the other that is Bad. And when they give an Instance in the Ceremonies which they say are worse in their Book than in ours I shall give such answer as is fitting and such as I doubt not shall be sufficient And now it seems they 'll come to particulars For they say 1. This Book inverteth the Order of the Communion in the Book of England as may be seen by the numbers setting down the Order of this new Communion 1. 5. 2. 6. 7. 3. 4. 8. 9. 10. 11. Of the divers secret Reasons of this Change we mention one only injoyning the Spiritual Sacrifice and Thanksgiving which is in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion with the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion and that under the Name of Memorial or
to my Hands to the State and there left them to do what they pleased in it But that for which they were Sentenced was a Book Written by Mr. Burton and Printed and sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council and a Letany and other Scandalous things scattered and avowed by Dr. 〈◊〉 and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he was thought to deserve less Favour than the rest because he had been censured before in that great Court for gross abuses of the Queens Gracious Majesty and the Government in his Book Intituled Histriomastix This Censure being past upon these Men though I did no more than is before mentioned yet they and that Faction continued all manner of Malice against me And I had Libel upon Libel scattered in the Streets and pasted upon Posts And upon Friday July 7. 1637. a Note was brought to me of a short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Canterbury had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Now what kind of Saints and Martyrs these were may appear by their Libellous Writings Courses with which Saints and Martyrs were never acquainted And most certain it is that howsoever the Times went then or go now yet in Queen Elizabeth's Time Penry was Hanged and Vdal Condemned and Dyed in Prison for less than is contained in Mr. Burton's Book as will be evident to any Man that compares their Writings together And these Saints would have lost their Lives had they done that against any other State Christian which they did against this And I have yet one of the desperatest Libels by me that hath ordinarily been seen which was sealed up in form of a Letter and sent to me by Mr. Pryn with his Name to it And but that it is exceeding long and from the present business I would here have inserted it To return then The Faction of the Brownists and these three Saints with their Adherents for they were now set at Liberty by the House of Commons and brought into London in great Triumph filled the Press almost Daily with Ballads and Libels full of all manner of Scurrility and more Untruth both against my Person and my Calling These were cried about London-streets and brought many of them to Westminster and given into divers Lords Hands and into the Hands of the Gentlemen of the House of Commons And yet no Order taken by either House to suppress the Printing of such known and shameless Lyes as most of them contained A thing which many sober Men found much fault withall and which I believe hath hardly been seen or suffered in any Civil Common-wealth Christian or other But when I saw the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own Honour to suffer these base and Barbarous Courses against an Innocent Man and as then not so much as Charged in general I thought fit to arm my self with Patience and endure that which I could not help And by God's Blessing I did so though it grieved me much more for my Calling than for my Person And this spreading of Libellous Base Pamphlets continues to this Day without controul and how long it will continue to the Shame of the Nation I cannot tell While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell I found I was by the course of the House to pay in Fees for my Dyet and Custody Twenty Nobles a day This grew very heavy For I was stayed there full ten weeks before so much as any General Charge was brought up by the House of Commons against me which in that time came to Four Hundred Sixty Six Pound Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence And Mr. Maxwell had it all without any Abatement In the mean time on Munday December 21. upon a Petition of Sir Robert Howard I was Condemned to pay Five Hundred Pounds unto him for false Imprisonment And the Lords Order was so strict that I was commanded to pay him the Money presently or give Security to pay it in a very short time I payed it to satisfie the Command of the House but was not therein so well advised as I might have been being Committed for Treason Now the Cause of Sir Robert Howard was this He fell in League with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck The Lord Viscount Purbeck being in some weakness and distemper the Lady used him at her pleasure and betook her self in a manner wholly to Sir Robert Howard and had a Son by him She was delivered of this Child in a Clandestine way under the Name of Mistress Wright These things came to be known and she was brought into the High-Commission and there after a Legal Proceeding was found guilty of Adultery and Sentenced to do Pennance Many of the great Lords of the Kingdom being present in Court and agreeing in the Sentence Upon this Sentence she withdrew her self to avoid the Penance This Sentence passed at London-House in Bishop Mountain's time Novemb. 19. An. Dom. 1627. I was then present as Bishop of Bath and Wells After this when the Storm was somewhat over Sir Robert Howard conveyed her to his House at ....... in Shropshire where she Lived avowedly with him some Years and had by him ... Children At last they grew to that open boldness that he brought her up to London and lodged her in Westminster This was so near the Court and in so open view that the King and the Lords took notice of it as a thing full of Impudence that they should so publickly adventure to outface the Justice of the Realm in so fowl a business And one day as I came of course to wait on his Majesty he took me aside and told me of it being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and added that it was a great Reproach to the Church and Nation and that I neglected my Duty in case I did not take order for it I made answer she was the Wife of a Peer of the Realm and that without his leave I could not attach her but that now I knew his Majesty's pleasure I would do my best to have her taken and brought to Penance according to the Sentence against her The next day I had the good hap to apprehend both Her and Sir Robert and by Order of the High-Commission-Court Imprisoned her in the Gate-House and him in the Fleet. This was as far as I remember upon a Wednesday and the Sunday sevennight after was thought upon her to bring to Penance She was much troubled at it and so was he And therefore in the middle of the week following Sir Robert dealt with some of his Friends and among the rest with one Sir ....... of Hampshire who with Mony corrupted the Turn-Key of the Prison so they call him and conveyed the Lady forth and after that into France in Man's Apparel as that Knight himself hath since made his boast This was told me the Morning after the escape And you must think the good Fellowship of the Town was
glad of it In the mean time I could not but know though not perhaps prove as then that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived this conveyance And thereupon in the next sitting of the High-Commission Ordered him to be close Prisoner till he brought the Lady forth So he continued close Prisoner about some two or three Months For this the Fine above mentioned was imposed upon me as being a most Unjust and Illegal Imprisonment Whereas the Parliament to the great Honour of their Justice be it spoken have kept me in Prison now full thirteen Months and upward and have not so much as brought up a particular Charge against me and how much longer they will keep me God knows Now say that all Forms of Law were not observed by me yet somewhat was to be indulged in regard I did it to vindicate such a crying Impiety But yet I do here solemnly protest I observed the Order of the Court in which I sat and that Court setled by an Act of Parliament 1. Eliz. And I did not knowingly err in any particular More I could say in these my sufferings but I will blast no Family of Honour for one Man's fault On Thursday Januar. 21. 1640. A Parliament-Man of Good Note in the House of Commons and well interessed in divers Lords gave me to understand that some Lords were very well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since my Commitment And that four Earls of great power in the House should say that the Lords were not now so sharp against me as they were at first and that now they were resolved only to Sequester me from the King's Counsels and to put me from my Arch-Bishoprick I was glad to hear of any favour considering the Times but considering my Innocency I could not hold this for favour And I could not but observe to my self what Justice I was to expect since here was a Resolution taken among the Leading Men of the House what Censure should be laid upon me before any Charge so much as in general was brought up against me CAP. VI. UPon Friday Feb. 26. I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustine's day my Charge in general Articles was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Hen. Vane the Younger It consisted of Fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in Particular and that I in the mean time might be kept safe Upon this I was presently sent for to the House and the Articles were Read to me at the Bar. When the Clark of the Parliament had done Reading I humbly craved leave of the Lords to speak a few words which were to this effect My Lords This is a great and a heavy Charge and I must be unworthy to live if it can be made good against me For it makes me against God in point of Religion Against the King in point of Allegiance And against the Publick in point of Safety under the Justice and Protection of Law And though the King be little if at all mentioned yet I am bold to Name him because I have ever been of Opinion that the King and his People are so joyned together in one Civil and Politick Body as that it is not possible for any Man to be true to the King as King that shall be found Treacherous to the State Established by Law and work to the Subversion of the People Though perhaps every one that is so is not able to see thorough all the Consequences by which one depends upon the other So my Charge my Lords is exceeding heavy in it self though I as yet do not altogether feel the weight of it For 't is yet as your Lordships see but in Generals And Generals make a great noise but no Proof Whereas 't is Proof upon Particulars that makes the weight of a Charge sit close upon any Man Now my Lords 't is an old and a true Rule Errare contingit descendendo Error doth most often happen and best appear when Men descend to Particulars And with them when I shall be Charged I hope my Innocence will furnish me with a sufficient Answer to any Error of mine that shall be thought Criminal or any way worthy the Cognizance of this High and Honourable Court. As for Humane Frailties as I cannot acquit my self of them so I presume your Lordships will be favourable Judges of them Since in the Transaction of so many businesses as passed my Hands Men far abler than ever I can be have been subject to them and perhaps to as many and as great But for Corruption in the least degree I humbly praise God for it I fear no Accuser that will speak Truth But my Lords that which goes nearest unto me among these Articles is that I should be thought foul and false in the profession of my Religion As if I should profess with the Church of England and have my Heart at Rome and labour by all cunning ways to bring Romish Superstition in upon the Kingdom This my Lords I confess troubles me exceedingly and if I should forget my self and fall into passion upon it I should but be in that case which St. Jerome confessed he was in when he knew not how to be patient when Falshood in Religion was charged upon him And yet that was nothing so high a Charge as this which is laid against me Which is not only to be basely false my self but withal to labour to spread the same Falshood over the whole Kingdom And here I humbly besought their Lordships that I might a little inlarge my self and I did so But because I purpose here to set down the general Articles that were brought up against me and that one of them comes home to this point of Religion I shall put it off till I come to that Article and there set it down at large what I now said And this I do to avoid an useless and a tedious Repetition Here then follow the Articles themselves as they were that day Charged upon me with my general Answer to each of them And more I cannot give till Particulars shall be put up against me CAP. VII ARticles of the Commons assembled in Parliament in maintenance of their Accusation against William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury whereby he stands Charged with High Treason and other High Crimes and Misdemeanours 1. That he hath Trayterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom And instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law And to that end hath wickedly and Trayterously advised His Majesty that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament And this he affirmed was warrantable by the Law of God I did never endeavour to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom of England nor to introduce an Arbitrary or
Religion to let you know that their said Lordships have assigned and appointed you to attend on them as Assistant in that Committee And to let you know in general that their Lordships do intend to examine all Innovations in Doctrine or Discipline introduced into the Church without Law since the Reformation and if their Lordships shall in their Judgments find it behoveful for the good of the Church and State to Examine after that the degrees and perfection of the Reformation it self Which I am directed to intimate unto you that you may prepare your Thoughts Studies and Meditations accordingly Expecting their Lordships pleasure for the particular points as they shall arise and giving you to understand that their Lordships next sitting is upon Friday next in the Afternoon I recommend you to God's protection being Your very loving Friend and Brother Jo. Lincoln West Coll. 12 Martij 1640. To my very loving Friends and Brethren Dr. Brownrig Mr. Shute Dr. Featly Mr. Calamy Dr. Hacket Mr. White Dr. Westfield Mr. Marshal Dr. Burges What use will be made of this Committee for the present I shall expect but what it shall produce in future I dare not prophesie But it may be it will prove in time superiour to the National Synods of England And what that may work in this Church and State God knows I setled my self in my Lodging in the Tower where I yet am and pass my weary time as well as I can On Saturday Mar. 13. Divers Lords dined with the Lord Herbert Son to the Earl of Worcester at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth As they came back after Dinner three young Lords were in a Boat together and St. Paul's Church was in their Eye Hereupon one of them said he was sorry for my Commitment if it were but for the building of St. Pauls which would go but slowly on there-while The Lord Brook who was one of the three replyed I hope one of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that building This was told and avowed by one of the Lords present And when I heard it I said now the Lord forbid and bless his poor Church in this Kingdom CAP. IX ON Munday Mar. 22. the Earl of Strafford's Tryal began in Westminster-Hall And it continued with some few Intermissions till the end of April The Earl got all the time a great deal of Reputation by his Patient yet Stout and clear Answers and changed many Understanding Mens Minds concerning him Insomuch that the great Lawyers of his Council affirmed there openly That there was no Treason appearing to them by any Law Upon this the House of Commons who were all the while present in a Body left the Hall and instead of leaving the whole Cause to the Judgment of the Lords in the ordinary Way of Parliaments betook themselves to their Legislative Power and so passed a Bill of Attainder against him and having none made a Law to take away his Life This Bill was denyed by two or three and fifty as able Men as any in the House of Commons But the Faction grew so hot that all their Names were Pasted up at the Exchange under the Title of Straffordians thereby to increase the Hatred of the People both against him and them and the Libels multiplyed This Bill went on with great haste and earnestness which the King observing and loth to lose so great and good a Servant his Majesty came into the House of Lords and there upon Saturday Maii 1. Declared unto both Houses how carefully he had heard and observed all the Charge against the Earl of Strafford for he was present at every Days Hearing and found that his Fault whatever it were could not amount to Treason And added That if they meant to proceed by Bill it must pass by him and that he could not in his Conscience find him guilty nor would ever wrong his Honour or his Conscience so far as to pass such a Bill or to that Effect But advised them to proceed by way of Misdemeanour and he would concur with them in any Sentence This displeased mightily and I verily think it hastened the Earl's Death And indeed to what end should the King come voluntarily to say this and there unless he would have abode by it whatever came And it had been far more Regal to reject the Bill when it had been brought to him his Conscience standing so as his Majesty openly professed it did than to make this Honourable Preface and let the Bill pass after The House of Commons and some Lords too it seems eagerly bent against the Earl of Strafford seeing by this the King 's bent grew more sharp and pursued the Bill the more violently In so much that within two or three Days after some Citizens of London and Prentices came down in Multitudes to the Parliament called there for Justice and pretended all Trade was stopp'd till Justice was done upon the Earl of Strafford Who brought on the People to this way I would not tell you if I did certainly know but wise Men see that plain enough without telling These People press upon the Lords in a way unknown in the English Government yea or in any setled Government in Christendom In conclusion they are taught to threaten the King and his Court in a strange Manner if they may not have speedy Justice The Bill comes up to the Lords when the House was none of the fullest but what made so many absent I know not and there it past And upon Sunday May 9. the King was so laid at and so frighted with these Bugbears that if Justice were not done and the Bill Passed for the Earl of Strafford's Execution the Multitude would come the Next Day and pull down White-Hall and God knows what might become of the King himself that these fears prevailing his Majesty gave way and the Bill passed and that Night late Sir Dudly Carlton one of the Clerks of the Council was sent to the Tower to give the Earl warning that he must prepare to Dye the Wednesday Morning following The Earl of Strafford received the Message of Death with great Courage yet Sweetness as Sir Dudly himself after told me On Munday Morning the Earl sent for the Lord Primate of Armagh to come to him He came and the same Day visited me and gave me very high Testimony of the Earl's Sufficiency and Resolution And among the rest this That he never knew any Lay-man in all his Life that so well and fully understood Matters of Divinity as the Earl did and that his Resolutions were as firm and as good In this Interim before the Day of his Death he made by his Friends two Suits to his Majesty The one that he might Dye privately within the Tower the other That his Death might be Respited till the Saturday that he might have a little more time to settle his Estate His Majesty sent these Requests to the Houses
I may write to any Judge for Information And there is nothing Peremptory in the Letter The Words are If things be rightly suggested But howsoever the Letter is Dell's and if he have done amiss in it he is here present to Answer And it will be a hard business with Men of Honour if when any Lord shall Command his Secretary to Write and give him Directions for the Matter he shall afterwards be answerable for every slip of his Secretary's Pen especially in so high a way as 't is Charged on me But the best is here 's nothing amiss that I know CAP. XXVII The Sixth Day of my Hearing THE First Charge of this Day concerned the Censure Deprivation and Imprisonment of Mr Huntly The Witnesses produced are Four 1. Mr. Merifield comes on first He says That himself was Committed by the Lords of the Council and that there I said that he the said Merifield deserved to be laid by the Heels and to be called into the Star-Chamber This Man was as I take it Mr Huntly's Attorney and if I did speak those Words concerning him surely his Words and Carriage deserved it Else I am confident the Lords would not have Committed him for a naked and an orderly following of his Clyent 's Cause especially in the presence of two Judges Justice Jones and Justice Crook who he says himself were present And this Answer I gave Mr Brown who in the Sum of his Charge against me omitted not this Case of Mr Merifield for so was this Attorney's Name 2. The next Witness is Mr Huntly himself He says That I said unto him that he being an Ecclesiastical Person and in an Ecclesiastical Cause ought not to decline the Church-Censure Then followed his Imprisonment and his Action for false Imprisonment and the rest of his proceedings In all which the High-Commission proceeded against him and he proceeded against the High-Commissioners nothing done by me or against me in particular So nothing of this Charge falls upon me but the Words and for them they are very far from offering to Exempt any Clergyman him or other from the Temporal Laws it things cognizable by them But I humbly conceive his Oath of Canonical Obedience considered that he ought not to decline the Ecclesiastical Judicature in things meerly Ecclesiastical And if in this my Judgment I do Err yet it is Error without Crime And surely my Lords no Treason 3. The Third Witness is John Dillingham He says That Mr Huntly moved before the Lord Chief Justice Richardson and that the Judge replyed By his Faith he durst not do him Justice To this my Lords I answer Here 's never a Word that he durst not do him Justice for fear of me that 's not said by the Witness and ought not by Conjectures be inforced against me But howsoever if he spake those Words the more shame for him He is Dead and I will not rake into his Grave but if he so spake it seems he was none of those Judges which Jethro advised Moses to make for the ease of himself and the good of the People Mr Brown in summing up of his Charge pressed this Speech of the Judge hard upon me which inforces me to add thus much more That this 〈◊〉 lays it hard upon the Judge not upon me For no Proof is offered that I did Solicit him in that Cause And if he wanted Courage to do Justice why sat he there 4. The Fourth Witness was Mr Pit a sworn Officer he says The Order concerning Mr Huntly was from the Council and that there was then a full Board So this was no single Act of mine He says farther That he was not simply Prohibited but only till he had acquainted the Lord Keeper with it or those Judges whose Courts it concerned And this was so Ordered as I concelve to remedy the tedious and troublesome Interpositions of Mr Huntly Where it is not unfit for me to inform your Lordships that this Cause of Mr Huntly's was in my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot his time I had nothing to do in it but as any other ordinary Commissioner then present had And here at the entring upon my Answers this Day I did in general put the Lords in mind that nothing of late times was done either in Star-Chamber or at Council-Table which was not done in King James and Queen Elizabeth's Times before I was born and that many Parliaments have been since and no Man accused of Misdemeanour for things done there much less of Treason Nor is there any one Witness that hath charged me That that which I did was to overthrow the Laws or to introduce Arbitrary Government That 's only the Construction made on 't at the Bar which as it is without all Proof for any such Intention so I am confident they shall answer for it at another Bar and for something else in these Proceedings Then followed the Charge about Prohibitions In which are many Particulars which I shall take in Order as the several Witnesses Charge them upon me 1. The First is Mr Pryn. He says That An 4 Caroli he brought a Prohibition and that thereupon I should say Doth the King give us Power and then are we prohibited Let us go and Complain First If this were An 4 Caroli it was long before the Article so that I could neither expect the Charge nor provide the Answer Secondly I humbly conceive there 's no Offence in the Words For if a Prohibition be unjustly granted upon Misinformation or otherwise or if we do probably conceive it is ill grounded I hope 't is no Sin to complain of it to the King the Fountain of Justice in both Courts Yea but he says farther That I said I would lay him by the Heels that brought the next And this Mr Burton witnesses with him First if I did say so they were but a few hasty Words For upon second thoughts it was not done Next I desire your Lordships to consider what manner of Witness Mr Burton is who confesses here before your Lordships that he brought the next with a purpose to tempt me You know whose Office that is and so Mr Burton hath abundantly shewed himself and proclaimed his Religion 3. As for Mr Comes he says just the same with Mr Pryn and I give the same Answer Then about taking down of a Pew in a Church in London my Notes are uncertain for the Name which Pew was set above the Communion Table That I required to have it pulled down That they came to me to have an Order for it and that thereupon I should say You desire an Order of Court that you may have it to shew and get a Prohibition But I will break the Back of Prohibitions or they shall break mine And this is joyntly Witnessed by Mr Pocock and Mr Langham And this they say was Thirteen or Fourteen Years ago Excellent Memories that can punctually swear Words so long after But my Lords
subministrat 19. Secretarius Windebank Papista acerrimus Regi omnium infidelissimus qui non solum secretissima etiam quaeque Regia prodit revelat sed etiam Consilia quibus optime Negotio consuleretur communicat Ipse ad minimum ter in hebdomada per nocturna Conventicula cum Legato conversatur injungitque quae scitu digna cogitat Cujus causa aedes vicinas Legati Domo conduxit quem saepius per portam horti adit hac enim vicinitate facilitatur congressus Dictus Secretarius ad partem Societatis conjuratae muncribus emptus est quibus sustentatur ut magis seriò officium peragat Filium suum expresse Romam misit qui Romano Pontifici sese insinuare debebit 20. Cavalliero Digbi Cavalliero Winter Dominus Mountagu Jun. qui Romae fuit Mi-lord Sterling Cognatus Comitis d'Arondel Eques Comitissa de Neuport Ducissa Buckingham plerique alii qui in Conditionem hane jurarunt omnes in opere sunt vigilantissimi Horum alii Aulicorum alii Politicorum Officiorum spe inescantur alii ad sexdecim Pileos Cardinales vacantes attendunt qui ideo ab aliquot annis otioss detinentur ut spem vanam expectantibus imponant 21. Praeses nominatae Societatis erat Mi-lord Gage Sacerdos Jesuita ante triennium defunctus Habebat is Palatium lascivis Picturis exornatum quae prophanitatem in aedibus mentiebantur Palliabatur vero illis Monasterium quo quadraginta Moniales sustentabantur tanto Palatio occultatae Situm 〈◊〉 in Platea Reginae quam Statua Regina aurea decorat Istam Plateam totam Jesuitae Seculares emerunt redegeruntque in Quadratum ubi tacitae Collegium Jesuiticum exstruitur ea spe ut quam primum Reformatione universali incepta aperte elaborari possit Legatus Pontificius triplici Charactere sive Cifra utitur Uno quo cum omnibus Nunciis communicat altero cum solo Cardinale Barbarino Tertio quo secretioria nonnulla communicanda occultat Quaecunque per hebdomadam ab Societate aut aliis Exploratoribus excepit illa uno fasciculo consarcinat sub inscriptione Al Monsignor Stravio Archidiacono di Cambray dedicat ab quo tandem promoventur Romae His ita constitutis si singula ad trutinam ponantur satisfiet in specie omnibus Articulis propositis QUIBUS 1. COnjuratio in Regem Dominum Archiepiscopum detegitur Media quibus exitium utrique minatur demonstratur 2. Pericula Regno utrique imminentia recensentur 3. Exortus incendii illius Scotici progressus enarratur 4. Media quibus turbae istae Scoticae sedari possint suggeruntur postquam enim resciverint Scoti à quibus in quem finem animi ipsorum accendantur consulent sibi properè neque utriusque partis vires succumbere sinent ne medius sese interponat qui utramque quaerit 5. Quo ense Regis petatur jugulum etiam turbis istis sopitis Cunei Confessio oculataque demonstratio docet 6. Lous Congregationis in AEdibus Capitanei Redae nominatur 7. Dies expeditionis octiduae per Redam Legatum injungitur 8. Quomodo nomina Conjuratorum innotescere possent 9. Ubi tota ista Congregatio possit circumveniri 10. Infideles nonnulli ab parte Regis praecipuorum de nomine notificantur plures quorum nomina non occurrunt habitationes tamen notae sunt de nomine facile ab Reda extorqueri poterunt Si cautè in his procedetur nervus totius negotii in apricum prodibit ita Sagitta praevisa effugietur periculo quod ut succedat prospere Creator Omnipotens faxit A further Evidence and Confirmation of some things in the Relation concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury THE Relation of this horrid Plot by a chief Actor in it with which the Arch-Bishop acquainted the King not many Days before this Parliament began lay concealed among the Arch-Bishop's Papers without any Prosecution of the Conspirators for ought appears who are since dispersed in part by the Parliament but neither Dissolved nor taken off this Plot but more active in it putting forth their last and utmost Endeavours in all Places to accomplish this their Design which they have almost brought to Maturity to our Shame and Grief by new raised Civil Wars both in Ireland and England Two things in this Plot which concern the Arch-Bishop may perchance seem strange to different sorts of Men. First That the Pope's Legat should presume to tempt the Arch-Bishop with the Offer of a Cardinal's Cap and that certainly no such Proffer was ever made unto him But to put this out of Question The Bishop himself under his own Hand among other Memorials in the Journal of his Life found in his Pocket hath these two remarkable Notes Anno 1633. August 4. Sunday News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death and the King resolved presently to give it me That very Morning at Greenwich there came one to me SERIOUS-LY and THAT AVOWED ABILITY TO PERFORM IT and OFFERED ME TO BE A CARDINAL I went presently TO THE KING and ACQUAINTED HIM BOTH WITH THE THING and PERSON August 17. the same Month Saturday I had A SERIOUS OFFER MADE ME AGAIN TO BE A CAR-DINAL I was then from Court but so soon as I came thither which was Wednesday August 21. I ACQUAINTED HIS MAJESTY WITH IT But my Answer again was That somewhat dwelt within me that would not suffer that TILL ROME were other than it is So that by his own Notes it appears a Cardinal's Cap was twice proffered him very seriously and that he acquainted the King with it not by way of Complaint to crave Justice against the Party who durst presume to tempt him with such a Foreign Dignity to be the Pope's Sworn Instrument but by way of Advice and to sound his Majesty's Opinion hereof as his Answer imports Neither did he absolutely disclaim the Dignity it self as if he might in no case accept it but conditionally Till Rome should be other than it is now and then he would not refuse it Indeed the Arch-Bishop in his Reply to Fisher challengeth this Title Patriarch of another World as his Due being given to his Predecessor Anselme and therefore cannot brook any other Pope in point of Sovereignty to Lord it over him here and this made him refuse the Cap. But had he resisted the 〈◊〉 Landing or Continuance here which he never did for ought appears but entertained some Familiarity with him at first though they afterwards grew more strange or peremptorily refused the first Offer with Indignation thrust out the Legat or Offerer by Head and Shoulders prosecuted him as he did poor innocent Puritans upon the Statute of 23 Eliz. c. 1. as a Traytor for attempting to seduce and subject him to the See of Rome or brought him publickly into the Star-Chamber or High-Commission as he did some others for lesser pretended Crimes and Scandals he had discharged the part of a good zealous Prelate and Protestant But here was no