with the mantle of silence and oblivion the nakednesse of those to whom we owe even a filial dutie pietie Concerning that Princesse my heart inclineth more to pitie I see good qualities in her and love them I see errours and pity them I see gentlenesse courtesie humilitie beautie wisedome liberalitie who can but affect these If they be carried to inconvenience who can but lament it In that sex in that place in that education in that company a woman a Princesse accustomed to pleasure to have their will by Religion by sight by example by instigation by soothing and approbation Happie yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch nay without shipwrack I do advert more than I finde set down by Writers while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events Besides the secret loathings in the estate of marriage which who knows but the actors bringing forth dislike then quarrels on both sides then crossing thwarting then hatred then desire to be freed besides all this impotencie and desire of revenge being seconded with shew of reason and backed with a colour of law and justice what wil it not do Her husband had killed a servant of hers whom he had dragged violently out of her bed-chamber Behold him therefore as Lawyers or such as pretended skill in law would alledge guiltie of death in their judgment He was not crowned but proclaimed King only by her sole authority never acknowledged by a Parliament so was he but a private man a subject to her his Soveraigne as are the wives and children of Kings Wherefore his Fact in slaying Rizio was flat treason for which he might have bin arraigned and suffered according to law But bearing the name of a King having many friends and kinred a legall proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty and might have caused an insurrection and much bloud-shed with uncertain event Wheresore in wisedome the most convenient way was to do it privatly and secretly secret justice is justice notwithstanding formalities are but for the common course of things This was an extraordinary case Justice is absolutly necessary the form whether this or that way is indifferent it may be altered or omitted the Princes power may dispense with forms in case of necessitie or conveniencie so the substance be observed Well I conceive that a Prince upon such suggestions upon dislike in anger and indignation might be drawn by his counsellours neither can I but conceive that these colours have been here represented to perswade or to sooth To be short that fact so lamentable and which I can never remember without lamenting every way in her own and her husbands person done by the Earle Bothwell he murdering her husband she marrying him the matter seemed extreame strange and odious in the eyes of many It is true Bothwell was cleared or rather not filed by an Assise but the Nobilitie judging him not to be sufficiently cleansed but rather being fully perswaded that he was the authour of the murder thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further triall And howsoever he had married the Queen yet did they not take themselves to be so farre bound in obedience to her as in that regard to desist from all further inquiring into that Fact Nay it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder not onely to escape Scot-free but to reap so large and rich a reward as was the Queens own person Besides they thought the consequent might prove dangerous if he who had massacred the father and married the mother should also have the son the onely barre and lett of his ambition to establish the Crown to himself and his posteritie in his power and custodie These were given out as the causes of their taking arms which were very plausible to the vulgar especially the safetie of the young Prince James There is no question they had also their own particular respects which are seldome wanting and do commonly concurre with the publick cause wherefore there joyned together the Earles of Argyle Glencairne and Marre the Lords Lindsay and Boyde These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them especially to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels power But Argyle repenting him went the next morning to the Queen and revealed all the matter and the Lord Boyde also was at last perswaded with many fair promises to forsake them and joyn with Bothwell The rest notwithstanding remained firme with whom Morton took part He thought he could do no lesse being so near a kinsman to the late King and so to the young Prince It is true he had been beholding to Bothwell but no benefit could binde him to assist him in this case for by so doing he should have given some colourable ground to that report which had so spred it self that it was beleeved a while about the Court of England that Murray and he were authours of the Kings murder To have remained neutrall would have been but ill taken on both sides The Lord Hume Cesford and Balcleugh though they had not subscribed with the other Lords yet did they hate Bothwell and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction The year preceding Bothwel had made an in-rode upon Liddisdale for the suppressing of theeves and apprehending of out-lawed Borderers with bad successe for he was wounded and hardly escaped with his life This year he resolves to repair his honour and by some notable exploit to gain the good-will of the people which that he might the more easily do the chief men of the name of Scot and Ker who were likely to â—…inder him were commanded to enter into prison in the Castle of Edinburgh and there to remain till his returne But they fearing some worse meaning went home to their houses The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter would not obey Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle there to make all things ready for this expedition The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprize him in it and therefore they appointed their Rendezvous at Liberton whither Morton onely came The Earle of Athole whither through his naturall slownesse or fearfulnesse by his not keeping that appointment caused the rest to break also and to stay still at Stirlin The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded went directly to Borthwick and lay about the Castle but seeing no appearance of their coming he kept such negligent watch that the Queen and Bothwell escaped and went back to the Castle of Dumbar The Lords thus frustrated went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there and to draw them to their side which they easily effected The Castle was kept by Sir James Belfoure whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof and who had
against ill men and the bare name of authority is of weight in the eyes of men as the name of theft odious from any countenancing whereof Noblemen should be farre as also from seeming to rise against any manner of Authority though Authority bee put even in mean mens hands as these were chiefly when the opposers of Authority can make no other end appeare but their own private and that blotted with the enormities of broken men yet what shall be given to a just anger what unto the time what unto youth all these plead pardon if not approbation The rather for that he taketh up himself from that sort of doing so soone as hee can get a right King to whom he might have accesse and to whom he might yeeld with honour which was ere long The next yeare 1444. the King taketh the government on himselfe directly Thither immediately the Earle Douglas concludeth to addresse himselfe and by all good means to obtain his favour to satisfie the people to satisfie all men that were offended and fully to change that course he had before followed Certainly repentance is worth misdeed and it may bee seen that the force of enmity hath driven him into these faults which as soone as he can he layeth aside So coming with a great company to Stirlin he deales with the King by the intercession of such as were about him and finding that he was appeased goeth on and puts himself and his estate in his Princes will partly purging himselfe of the crimes past partly confessing them ingeniously and telling him that what ever estate he should have from that time forth hee would owe it to the Kings clemency and not ascribe it to his owne innocency That if the King would be contented to be satisfied by good Offices hee would endeavour not to be short of any in fidelitie observance diligence and good will towards him That in repressing and punishing of theeves whose actions his enemies laid upon him there should no man bee more severe nor more carefull That he was come of a house that was growne up not by doing injuries to the weaker but by defending the weaker and common people of Scotland by arms Certainly a true conclusion undeniable by his greatest enemies But I have thought good to set downe all as it was conceived for whether there was any fault or not his submission was great and his repentance sufficient to purge it whatsoever it were Such is his respect to his soveraigne Prince and such the force of authority rightly placed in the due owner thereof And such was also the force of truth in his speech that the King understanding that it was true in his predecessour and hoping it would be true in himselfe moved also by the private commendation of his Courtiers not onely passed by and forgave what ever had been amisse in his life before but also received him into his most inward familiarity and did communicate unto him the secrets of his counsell Neither was the Earle unworthy thereof for his part but behaved himselfe so well that within a short time hee acquired the favour of the King by obedience of his Courtiers and servants by liberalitie and of all men by gentlenesse courtesie and modestie and put the people in hope that he would prove a meeke and sober-minded man The wiser sort doubted say our Writers whither so sudden a change would turne But why should wee thinke it a change or if it were a change it was very casuall very apparant and nothing to be wondred at for it is this in effect he had been untoward to base men why should he not yeeld to his King hee had slighted the shadow of authority in them why should he not acknowledge and reverence the beames of it in his Prince he had beene froward to his enemies why not gentle to his friends he had sought to make them smart that wronged him why not cherish those that did him good offices he had warred on them that had warred against him why should hee not keep friendship with those who kept friendship with him certainly these are not changes neither of nature nor of manners but are commonly wee fee in one and the same nature and proceed from one and the same cause which is greatnesse of courage and regard of due honour The greater despiser of basenesse the greater reverence of true greatnesse the greater repiner against compulsion the gentler and calmer being used courteously the harder enemy the faithfuller and sweeter friend so that wee may suspect these mens wisedome that did so farre mistake his true courage and accounted that a change which was but a continuation of his inbred disposition Two men are designed to have taken fray at the matter whose consciences were guilty of what they had deserved Alexander Levingston and William Creighton not for the change of his manners but for the change of his credit They had traiterously slain three innocent Noblemen his two Cousins and Malcolme Fleming They had kept himself back from his Prince and his Prince from him and were sory that ever they should have met in a friendly sort They would have been glad to have blowne the bellowes of dissention to have irritated the one and misinformed the other made their owne quarrell the Kings and so have caused the King and Countrey to esteem of it They were now disappointed of that and the Earle had accesse to informe the King of their misdemeanour in their Office and to move him to call them in question for it They knew hee would remember the wrong done to his Cousins they knew how unable they were to answer for many of their facts and therefore they retire themselves from Court Levingston to his owne house Creighton to the Castle of Edinburgh which hee had still in his keeping Neither was the Earle Douglas negligent in this oecasion that was thus offered to seeke justice by law and by justice to be avenged of his enemies for the wrong done by them against law Wherefore he diligently informed the King from point to point of their misbehaviour in their Office how they had abused him abused his rents to their owne private use and moved him to call them to an account thereof whereupon being summoned to a certain day they durst not compeir but to set a faire face on the matter they answered by Procuratours or by letters That they were ready to give an account of their government that they had beene very carefull of the King and Countrey desired nothing so much as to give an account thereof before equall Judges But for the present when the minds of men were preoccupied with the favour of their enemies and all accesse closed with armed men the King behoved to pardon that they did eschew not to come to judgment but to come in the danger of their deadly enemies and keep their lives for better times when the Captain of theeves being removed from the Kings side which they had
of times done before they would approve their innocency to the King and all honest men These reproaches and brags touched and were meant of the Earle Douglas Him it was they called Captain of theeves because of the border men of whom many were his followers That they removed him often before was idle boasting for he had abstained to come to the King so long as the King was in their custody so long as he was in the Castle of Edinburgh where they might have murthered him as they did his Cousins That he was their enemy he denied not and had just cause so to be but to take that excuse from them he gave them assurance he should not proceed against them any wayes but by order of law and offered for that purpose to goe from Court till they should come to it in safetie And to meet their reproach of captain of theeves and their boasting of the just administration of their Offices hee was ready to prove that they themselves were theeves that they had stollen the Kings revenues and distributed to their friends and converted them to their owne particular use and that they had traiterously against justice murthered his Cousins whereof he besought the King to grant him justice and so a new charge was given out and another day appointed for them to compeir Which being come and they not compeiring they were denounced rebells in a Convention kept at Stirlin the fourth of November and their goods and moveables confiscated Thereafter John Forrester of Corstorphin a depender of the Earle Douglas is sent with a power of men to intromet with their goods who having received their houses some he razed some he manned with new forces and provision and so without resistance he returned laden with great spoil Hee was scarce retired when Creighton assembled his friends and followers so suddenly as none could imagine furrowed the lands of Corstorphin together with the lands of Strabrock Abercorn and Black-nesse and amongst other goods he drave away a race of mares that the Earle Douglas had brought from Flanders and were kept in Abercorn doing more harme then he had received This may seem strange to any man neither do our Histories sufficiently cleare it either where he got these forces or whither he carried the goods They insinuate that he was aided and assisted under-hand by Bishop Kennedie and the Earle of Angus and Morton Angus was the Kings Cousin germain sonne to his fathers sister and by her brother to the Bishop Morton had married the Kings owne sister But of these the Bishops power lay beyond Forth for he was Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the Earle of Angus further beyond Tay so it is hard to conceive either how they could suddenly assemble to their folks or that they could conveene many except such as Angus had on the South side of Forth in Liddisdale Jedward Forrest and Bonkle likewise Mortons lands and friends were most part on the same side of Forth to make assistance against the Earle Douglas But how ever apparantly they did it not openly and this it was against order against authority and against Law and if the Earle Douglas had done it it would assuredly have been called an open Rebellion against the King theft oppression presumption arrogancie insolencie and faction as we heard it was before when he contemned the Governours onely and as it will be called perhaps hereafter If men alledge that the King was guided with the Earle Douglas counsell and his name used to a particular onely tell me I pray you was there ever any thing more formally than this against Creighton And if the Earle Douglas his particular was in it what then how many actions of justice are otherwise done without instigations of private men without the mixture of their cause without their particular suiting and particular insisting and if it be lawfull to any to seek justice for his own particular the Earle Douglas his particular was such as very well became him to insist in the wrong so manifest the murther so vile and traiterous And if that which is done against the lawes shall not be accompted wrong nor esteemed to touch the King because parties have their particular in that law none or few things shall be accounted to be done against the king or against law for there is almost ever some particular joyned and the same hath been and wil be the Earle Douglas his case This therefore cannot be accounted innocencie yea no lesse then open violence and plaine rebellion and presumption against the Earle clad now with justice and lawes and against the king as protector and Patron of justice No marvell then if the Earle Douglas was offended herewith both for his own cause whom the losse touched so neere and for such manifest contempt of the King and if therefore he seeke to be avenged thereof But there was a different forme to be used according to the different actours of which we seâ—… there are two sorts Creighton and Levingston were open enemies open actours they themselves obnoxious to the law against them the law will strike and so he proceeded with them he besieges openly Creighton in the Castle of Edinburgh and no question he had taken from him before whatsoever was without it The others not open enemies and actours themselves they were but secret stirrers up abetters and assisters of his enemies and among them Bishop Kennedie was the chiefe plotter and deviser the law could not well be had against him he must be met with in his owne way he had done besides the law he must be met with besides the law he had done disadvowedly he must be met with disadvowedly Therefore he writes to the Earle of Crawford who with Alexander Oglebee of Innerwharitie gathered a great hoast entred life and without resistance spoiled the Bishops lands either because they could not get himself or because they had a greater minde to the bootie then to the quarrell The Bishop using his own weapons curseth them but they made small reckoning of his curses Neverthelesse shortly after there fell variance between Crawfords eldest sonne the master of Crawford and the Oglebees about the Bailliarie of Arbroth for the Monks had given it from the Master to Innerwharitie and hereupon having assembled their forces on both sides they were readie to fight it out But the Earle of Crawford having gotten advertisement came into the field to have composed the busines and trusted they would have respected him and not have offered him any violence he entred in between the two parties where having stayed his sonnes companie he was going over to speak with the Oglebees to have brought matters to a parlee and treatie In the meane time one that neither knew what he was nor what his intent was runnes at him with a spear and slayes him hereupon the battells joyning the victorie fell to the Master of Crawford there being 500. slaine of the Oglebees side Alexander Oglebee taken and the Earle
of his father saying that he had no service for him nor for any such traitours son as his father was that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe and those that had done him better service then he was able to doe and though they had not been given yet would he never have given them to him So implacable he was and such pride had he conceived with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man and little knowing or considering what weight and 〈◊〉 may be in one man alone in whatsoever condition to 〈◊〉 sometimes and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Monarchs It came even so to passe in this man who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service as he had never the like in all his life which had been more shrewd if the 〈◊〉 of his horses and the undutifulnesse of some Scots that received him into their Castle of 〈◊〉 when he fled from Bannockburne had not stood him in better steed then all his huge Hoast and rich Kingdome wherewith he was so puffed up Whereby Princes and great men may learne not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions or reproachfull words Sir James being thus rebuked what could he do against a King a Monarch a victorious and triumphant King to whom all had yeelded with whom all went right well in his ruffe in his highest pitch in his grandor compassed about with his guards with his armies to controll him he was not able to plead for justice it would avail him nothing to reply could profit him lesse a Prince his victors word is a law nay more then a law for the time There was no contesting no contradicting were his speeches never so unjust he behoved to swallow this pill how bitter soever there was no remedy but patience Nay the Archbishop must be silent also and dares not mutter one word wherefore home he goes with this scorn to expect a better time of replying not in words but deeds and of showing what service he was able to have done to him The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire yet did fall out not very long after for within two or three years 1305. Robert Bruce came into Scotland not yet a King save in courage but having right to be King of the Countrey whom Edward had served in the same kind and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike for both did crave their fathers inheritance Sir James onely a Lordship and the Bruce a whole Kingdome which was but his due and he had done him better service then Sir James He had fought against his own Countrey for him spent the bloud of his friends and his owne in hope of it with great losse to himself and example to others not to do the like But neither duety nor desert nor promise could oversway his ambition and master it so farre as to suffer him to perform what he had promised and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools faire hopes and after so much imployment and many notable services to frustrate him he must needs also embitter all with a flouting answer to his demand To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue which doth never beseem a man much lesse a Prince wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James for his fathers refusing to serve him so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert though he had served him both were refused of their suits both their petitions were rejected the one with spight the other with derision What saith King Edward being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce N'avons nous antrâ—… chose a faire que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous speaking in French Have we nothing else to do but to conquer Kingdomes for you Kings Potentates Victors should not be pressed with their promises So they think and so men say lawes are not made for them which they leap over at their pleasure And it might be thought so perhaps if their power were perfect and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power that is able to range them under reason We shall finde it so even in this particular in the owne time although this were no time for him to reply no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is But the time being now come though not so fit as he could have wished yet as it was he behoved to use it and make vertue of necessitie And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England he came to Dumfreis and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme And here by the way we may observe Gods providence towards this Kingdome in preserving the liberties thereof who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English Now that he is gone he sends home our lawfull Prince and righteous successour to the Crown to fight our battles for us and to perfect the work which the other had begun onely for so much as about this time John Monteeth under colour of friendship had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money and he being taken and carried to London was by King Edwards command tortured and put to death with great cruelty and his armes and legs and head hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more but onely set down thesaid Wallaces Epitaph which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rime The Epitaph is in latine verse but the Authour is incertain and the more is the pity sor he deserves to have been better known Thus it is Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam Quae cuncta collit Sustulit Et tanto pro cive cinis pro finibus urna est Frigusque pro loricâ obit Ille licet terras loca se inferiora reliquit At fata factis supprimens Parte sui meliore solum Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu illud gloria At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset hostis proditi Artibus Angle tuis in poenas parcior esses Nec oppidatim spargeres Membra viri sacranda adytis sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas oras spargantur horas Laudes tuumque dedecus A verse whereof Buchanan needed not to have been ashamed Envious Death who ruines all Hath
Galloway had by his wife Margaret eldest daughter to David two daughters as is most commonly reported Dornagilla and Mary Dornagilla his eldest daughter was married to John Balliol father to that John Balliol who was afterward Crowned King of Scotland Mary his second daughter was married to John Cummin Earle of Marre and by her Lord of Galloway called Read John Cummin slain by King Robert Bruce at Dumfrees Some write that this Alane had three daughters and that the eldest was married to one Roger Earle of Winton of whom seeing we have no mention in pretension to the Kingdome it is apparent that either there hath been no such woman or that she hath died without children Buchanan sayes he had three daughters at his death in the life of Alexander the second Also Boetius in his thirteenth book fol. 294. saith the same and calleth this man Roger Quincie Earle of Winton who saith he was made Constable for his father in law Alane and continued in that Office untill the dayes of King Robert Bruce and then being forfeited for treason the Office of Constable was given to Hay Earle of Arrall hee sayes also that John Cummin did not marry one of Alanes daughters but one of this Quincies Earle of Winton who had married the said Alanes eldest daughter which is carefully to bee marked Hollinshed sayes the same in his Chronicle of Scotland and calleth him Roger Quincie John Cummin had by Mary his wife one onely daughter called Dornagilla who was married to Archbald Douglas slain at Halidon hill father to this Earle William of whom wee now speake whereby hee was Grandchild to Mary and great Grandchilde to Margaret David of Huntingtons eldest daughter and by consequent reckoning from David of Huntington his daughter 1 Margaret 2 her daughter Mary 3 Martes daughter 4 this Earle William is the fourth person On the other side for Robert Stuart reckoning likewise from the said David of Huntington his daughter 1 Isabel her sonne 2 Robert Bruce Earle of Carrict 3 his sonne King Robert 4 his daughter Marjory 5 her sonne Robert Stuart is the fifth person which is a degree further then the Earle of Douglas who was in equall degree with Marjory his mother This reckoning is not unlike that whereby Robert Earle of Carrict did claim it before when he contended with Balliol for Bruce was a Male and a degree neerer equall with Balliols mother and this Earle was also the Male and a degree neerer then Stuart equall with his Mother and besides all this he was come of the eldest of Davids daughters which Bruce was not This was the ground of his claim but finding his pretension evill taken and disliked by all the Nobility and disputing that which had been decided long before in favour of King Robert Bruce who had been confirmed King and to whom Balliol had renounced whatsoever right he could claim to whom also and to his posterity they all and Earle Williams owne predecessours had sworn obedience and continued it the whole time of his life and of his sonne David the space of 64. yeares To which Robert Bruce and not to David of Huntington Robert Stuart was to succeed wherefore the Earles chiefest friends George and John Dumbars Earles of March and Murray his brothers in law by his first wife and Robert Ereskene his assured friend keeper of the three principall Castles in Scotland Dumbartan Stirlin and Edinburgh disswaded him from it And so he was contented to desist and joyning very willingly with the rest of the Nobilitie accompanied him to Scone and assisted at his Coronation being no lesse acceptable and commended for his modest acquiescing then he had been before displeasing for his unseasonable motion For the which in token of his good will and that hee might so much the more tie the Earle to him the new King bestowes two very honourable gifts upon him His eldest daughter Euphane on the Earles son James that failing heires Male the Crowne might so fall to his house The other benefit was bestowed upon the Earle himselfe the marriage of Margaret Stuart Countesse of Marre and Angus daughter and heire to Earle Thomas This Countesse of Marre and Angus did beare to this Earle George Earle of Angus that was married to one of King Robert the thirds daughters as we shall see in the house of Angus It is knowne that these two lived after from thenceforth in good friendship as Prince and Subject without suspition grudge or eye list on either partie for neither did the King remember it as an aspiring whereby to hold a continuall suspicious eye over him neither did he feare the King as jealous of it or as esteeming that he had suffered vvrong in the repulse nor seekking any means to prosecute it further laying aside all quarrells vvith the cause in sinceritie on both sides This should be the practice of all honest hearts and is the onely mean to end all debates entertain peace and keepe humane society farre contrary to this novv called vvisedome of diffidence distrust jealousie curbing and keeping under those vvith vvhom vvee have had any difference vvhich is the onely vvay to foster variance and to make enmitie eternall For trust deserveth truth and moves a man to deserve that trust and to be vvorthy of it Time vvins and allures even the wildest minds of men and also of beasts even of fierce lions if it bee not a monster in natuâ—…e or worse then a monster one amongst a thousand which is the onely true and solid policie that makes the hearts of men ours for men must be led by their hearts and by no other way and so imployed or else let no man thinke ever to make any great use of them King Robert after his Coronation made divers Earles and Barons or Lords and Knights amongst whom James Lindsay of Glenaske was made Earle of Crawford This same yeare the peace with England was broken which had been made with King David at his releasing from captivitie for foureteene yeares and had now continued not above foure or five yeares onely The occasion of it was this there is a yearely Faire in Roxbrough and some of the Earle of Marches servants going thither were slain by the English that kept the Castle thereof When the Earle of March craved justice and could not obtain it the next yeare when the Faire day came again hee having gathered a sufficient power of men invaded the Towne slew all the Males of any yeares and having rifled it and taken a great â—…poil and booty he burnt it to the ground We reade that a good while after this the Earle of Northumberland and Nottingham set forward toward Scotland with an army of three thousand men at armes and seaven thousand archers and sent forth Sir Thomas Musgrave with three hundreth speares and three hundreth archers to Melrosse to trie what hee could learne of the Scots in those parts with whom the Earle of Douglas encountring tooke Sir Thomas himself a
Galloway as hath been said and gave it to his second sonne this Archbald Thus much I thought good to advertise the Reader in this place for the better distinguishing of them Of William Lord of Niddisdale sonne naturall to this foresaid Archbald Lord of Galloway commonly called The black DOUGLAS THis William Lord of Niddisdale sonne naturall to Archbald Lord of Galloway is if any else worthy who should be 〈◊〉 of by himselfe being highly commended by Writers who say that he was the prime and principall of the youth of Scotland that he was a man accomplished with all abilities of body and minde straight and tall of stature not overcharged with flesh but big of bone a mighty personage valiant courteous amiable merrie faithfull and pleasant in company and converse of such extraordinary strength that whomsoever he strooke with Sword or Mace he fell to the ground were he never so well armed he was also wise and sober At one time having but 800. in his company he fought against 3000. English of which he slew 200. and tooke 500. prisoners This is he that is commonly called The blacke Douglas because he was of a blacke and swart complexion His first vassallage of note was at the inroad made by Robert Earle of Fise and James Earl Douglas when they burnt Cumberland Westmoreland and Northumberland In this expedition he is said to have gained great reputation for beside many other exploits not expressed he with other two only made great havocke of the enemies at the burning of the Suburbs of Carlile who offered to hinder him from passing tâ—…e bridge by slaying some and turning over others into the river Some say that he slew with his owne hands three of the most valiant of the English of which one was a chiefe Commander afterwards when the same Towne was besieged the enemies having made a sally whilest he repulsed them and followed too eagerly he was engaged too farre in the midst of his enemies and taken prisoner As he was led along toward the Towne by foure men having beene before disarmed and his weapons taken from him he strooke two of them to the ground with his fists and the other two betaking themselves to flight he returned safe to his company Hereupon his name was terrible to the English especially the common sort who did ordinarily affright and skare their children when they would not be quiet by saying The blacke Douglas comes the blacke Douglas will get thee These his vertues moved Robert the second to favour him so farre as to bestow his daughter on him though he knew him to be a bastard The Ladies name was Giles or Egidia and she was a mirrour of rare and singular beautie so that whithersoever she went she drew the eyes of all men towards her with admiration The chiefe noble youths of the land did sute her in marriage but the King preferred our William of Niddisdale for his worth before them all 〈◊〉 writeth that the King of France having heard of the â—…ame of her beautie sent a painter into Scotland privately who having drawne her portraiture truly and shewed it to the King he was so enamoured thereof that incontinent he dispatched Embassadours to desire her in marriage but all too late for she was married before their coming to Niddisdale The King gave him and his heires to be begotten by him with his daughter the Lordship of Niddisdale lying nearest unto Galloway with the Office of Warden of that Border and Sheriffeship of Dumfrees with the Office of Justice and Chamberlaine with a pension of three hundred pound sterling by yeare out of the great Customes of certaine Burrowes designed to that effect He had by this Lady a daughter who was married to Henry Sinclaire Earle of Orkney who bare to him a sonne called William afterward Earle of Orkney This daughter of his married to Orkney was named Giles after her mother as appeareth by a note that is extant of the descent of the Sinclairs Her husband is called Henry Sinclaire and his titles are Knight of the Cockle of the Garter and Prince of Orkney This note calleth William Douglas Lord of Niddisdale Prince of Danskine Duke of Spruce Sir William Sinclaire sonne to Henry and Giles is called Knight of the Golden Fleece and of the Cockle Prince of Orkney Duke of Holdenburgh Earle of Cathnes Lord Sinclaire Lord of Niddisdale with the valleyes of Neth Sheriffe of Dumfrees Great Admirall of Scotland Warden of the Marches Great Justice Generall Baron of Erkfoord Caverton Cowsland Rosseline Pentland Harbarshire Disart Newbrough in Buchan Titles to wearie a Spaniard which I have sâ—…t downe to recreate the Reader either by seeing his greatnesse or to laugh at the vanitie of the Writer and yet he hath forgotten one of his titles which is Chancellour of Scotland as Buchanan calls him and a confirmation given him by King James the second in the yeare 1456. April 29. wherein he calls him his Chancellour and Cousin This confirmation is of the Earledome of Cathnes united into one Baronie and his lands of Orkney in compensation of his claime and title to the Lordship of Niddisdale Offices and Pensions whatsoever that were given to William Douglas his Grandfather by his Mother by contract of marriage with Giles Stuart daughter to K. Robert by his wife Elizabeth Moore as is at length therein contained About the time of the field at Otterburne because some Irishmen that adhered to England had roaved upon the coasts of Galloway and carried away store of booty and spoile the Lord of Niddisdale to be revenged thereof gathered together a competent number of men by the aid of his brother-in-law Robert Earle of Fife and by licence from the King providing himselfe of Ships and vessels passed the seas into Ireland and besieged Carlinfoord a rich Towne in those parts The Townesmen fearing their Towne should be taken by assault obtained a truce for certaine dayes promising to give him a summe of money to have their Towne saved But in the meane time they assembled some 500. men through the help of a neighbour Towne called Dundalke and joyning with them they divided themselves into two squadrons or companies the one of which invaded Robert Stuart of Disdier who conducted the Earle of Fifes men and was gone abroad to bring in some prey the other assailed the Lord of Niddisdale who lay still before the Towne Notwithstanding of this unexpected sally they were received with such courage and valour that at last they were put to flight and immediately Niddisdale gave an hard assault to the Towne and carried it having taken and rifled it sufficiently he set it on fire and burnt it to ashes Others write that at his first landing the Citizens hearing it was the Lord Niddisdale whose name was so fearfully spread over all those quarters not only rendred the Town to him but also received him with great triumph as if he had been their King or Prince and
and though he had some colour of justice yet it tasted not so much of justice as of malice no not of indifferency which would be injustice having eye to the due circumstances so much as of partiality joyned with contempt of the King and his equall request and so it was constructed and gave more just occasions to his enemies surmising and the increasing of the Kings indignation which by yeelding and remitting a little of his priviledges and showing respect to the Kings entreaty he might have mitigated in some measure and that without any danger he could have incurred by the said Lord Harries enmitie although he should have been his enemy and perhaps he might have regained him to his friendship by remitting the offence The other fact which ensued upon this not so unjust but made as odious as carrying the odiousnesse of the other with it was Macklalane Tutor of Bombee the chiefe of that name and one of the principall houses in Galloway falling at odds with a servant of the Earle Douglas had slain him and was therefore with his brother who was partaker of the slaughter apprehended and put in prison in the Trevie a strong house belonging to the Earle His friends made means to the Courtiers and by them to the King informing him that Douglas carried a spleene against the man more for being a friend a favourer and follower of the best side so they called their owne then for killing of the man wherefore they besought him that he would not suffer a Gentleman of his rank who was also a good man otherwise however that had fallen out in his hands to bee drawne not to judgement but to certain and destinate death before one who was both judge and party By this and such like information whereby the eares of Princes are deceived while men go about to withdraw their friends from due punishment they perswade the King to send for Bombee and take the triall and judgement of him in his own hands desiring the Earle Douglas that iâ—… he had any thing against him he should come and pursue him before the King Amongst the furtherers of this sute Patrick Gray of Fowls uncle to the Tutor was chiefe he was directed with the Commission as one that both would be earnest therein being so neare to the party and would also bee respected being some way in kinne to the Earle Douglas having notice of his Commission and perceiving thereby they meant no other thing but to defraud him of justice for killing of his servant which he thought he could not suffer with his honour that he might doe what hee had determined the more calmely and with the 〈◊〉 offence as hee thought he courteously received the said Patrick Gray and intertained him with diverse purposes and caused the Tutor in the meane time to be tried by an Assise and being condemned to bee quickly conveyed a mile from thence to a place called Carling-work and there executed Afterward when Patrick Gray ignorant of what was done had delivered his Commission from the King he answered he was sory he was come too late and then told him what was done and desired him to excuse him to the King When he heard that and saw himselfe so deluded he presently in a great chafe and rage renounced all kindred and friendship and whatsoever band besides might seeme to tie him to the Earle vowing that from that time forth he should be his deadly enemy in all sort and by all means he could which the other little regarding dismissed him But however he little regarded it the French Proverb proveth true and is worthy to be regarded of all men That there is no little enemy for he had the power to be his death afterward with his owne hands and plotted it by his Counsell or set it forward being plotted and devised by others for being come to the King and relating the issue and effect of his message all was by him and the other Courtiers of the faction aggravated in the most haynous sort That the Kings commandments were contemned eluded and mocked That it was likely that the Earle Douglas was King That doubtlesse he aimed to be so yea hee behaved himselfe already as such That that was the meaning of his private conference with the King of England on that ground he gave licence to slay so many honest men to spoil and robbe That innocency now was contemned for brutishnesse faithfulnesse to the King punished for unfaithfulnesse That by the Kings indulgencie the common enemy was become insolent That it became him once to take upon him his place as King and do things by authority and by his power that then it would appeare who were friends who were foes These and such as these were the speeches of the Courtiers and interpretations of his actions such as it pleased them to make following their humour of faction or judgement But they neither considered the equitie that was done in punishing bloud by bloud nor the authority by which it was done for hee had authority and sufficient jurisdiction of old granted to him and given by former Kings to his Predecessours and their Heires for his service Neither did they observe what order and formality hee kept in his proceedings nor his honour interested in the revenging his servants death Neither what scorne to him it was on the other part if he had sent the party having thereby his priviledges infringed his servant slain and no satisfaction for it but to bee eluded by a Commission purchased by his enemies justice defrauded and the guiltie pulled out of his hands and by their credit with the King procuring him to hinder justice who should have beene the furtherer of it onely upon their particular private motion and by their factions inclining of his Majesty that way Upon these considerations what had beene more extraordinarily done would have beene excused by the same men in another then Douglas Now in him though done orderly it is thus traduced aggravated exaggerated amplified and named contempt of the King and affecting 〈◊〉 Crowne Such is the misery when Princes are moved by parties to command or request things that are unjust there being perill and inconvenients either in obeying or refusing their requests receiving hurt and prejudice in their rights scorne of their adverse party or denying to offend whom they would fain serve and happy is that man that can steere aright betwixt these rocks Happy hee who falleth into the hands of such a Prince as measureth and moderateth his commands according to equitie or if they bee inique when it falleth out so for what Prince may not fall into such weaknesse who tempereth his passion and moderateth his minde in the just refusall thereof taking it in good part and accounteth not his authority contemned when an unjust command is refused by his Subjects Whether it were on the displeasure of this fact or jealousie conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses it is hard to
beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from mee betake themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they uâ—…ed ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stiâ—…l behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was this their aspiring by vertue but by calumnies and flattering fostering the foresaid jealousie I know it is a maxime
yet was he nothing inferiour in place of authority in credit and account in action and employment as we said in the beginning Nothing was done but by him and under his shadow Bishop Kennedie had the greatest vogue he upheld the Bishop by his power and by him men did come to finde favour and did seek to have credit We will set down two examples for all the rest but those remarkeable and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been The one is of our own Nation the other of a Forrainer The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithfull franke and forward friend for the Earle Douglas so long as he was a friend to himself by any action He leaving himself Hamilton also left him I mean seeing the Earle had lost that so sair occasion if not to cast the Dice for the Crown as the Lord Hamilton said to him yet to cast the Dice for the victory and to give or take conditions of peace which he had at Abercorne being moe in number than the King the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this that same night He was received by the King but not greatly credited for he was committed to Rosselin a Castle then of the Earle of Orkneyes and afterwards say our writers freinds interceding for him he was released out of prison and received into most inward friendship Thus sarre they go but what friends these were or how the friendship was made they do not tell The Earle of Angus evidents tell us and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office For whether before to move him to intercede for him or after in token of thankfulnesse though it be most likely it was after because it is done at Tantallon which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin he giveth to this Earle George a memorable remembrance He I say being a noble man and a notable active man besides gives him his bond of service or Manreid and that in ample forme and submisse terms excepting none but the King and Queen And that I may not seeme to speak without a warrant in so great a matter scarce to be beleeved of some and that I do rather amplifie things than set down the naked truth I will set down the very words of the band as it is extant in the hands of the Earle of Angus which now is copied word by word that every man may judge of it as he thinks good Be it knowne to all men by thir present Letters me James Lord Hamilton c. to be comen and by these presents to become Man of speciall service and retinue for all the dayes of my life-time to an high and mighty Lord George Earle of Angus Lord Douglas and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland foregainst England Before and against all them that live or die may mine allegeance to our soveraigne Lord the King and my band of service to our soveraigne Lady the Queen Mary now present allanerly out-tane Promising all and sundry dutifull points in bands of retinue contained to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid as effeirs for all the said time In witnesse of the which thing I have gard set my seale At Tantallon the 13. day of the moneth of May the year of our Lord 1457 c. It hath been no small matter nor small authoritie of him to whom it is given that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand or expected to receive some I take it that he hath procured his libertie and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of to be of the Kings inward friends I suppose also that kinred hath been of some moment to move him to it The reason of my conjecture is because we have heard before that Elizabeth sister to Margaret Countesse of Marre and Angus and Grandmother to this Earle George was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow as some call him by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her and the Earle of Angus and he Cousins twice removed or fourths in kin as we speak But this I referre to them that have the monuments of that House However what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof than what is here done to the House of Angus Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it It is but folly to think so Houses have their beginning and grouth Mine to day thine to morrow This same Lord Hamilton by these beginnings within a few years 17. or 18. at most shall lay such grounds of greatnesse as shall lift his House above any subjects to the very top of all so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posteritie and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governour Let us remember the changes of the world and the vicissitudes of Fortune and let every man bear with patience and hear with calmnesse either what he is now or what he was before And this for the first domestick witnesse of honour and authoritie credit and greatnesse of the House of Angus in this mans person The other amongst Forrainers was greater which is this The King of England Henry the sixth being overthrowne and put out of his Kingdome and Countrey of England by the Duke of York Edward the fourth he and his son and his Queen being come into Scotland for refuge he indents with George Earle of Angus for his assistance to help to restore him to his Kingdome and bindes himself to give unto George Earle of Angus and his heires Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber worth 2000. Marks sterling of yearly rent 2. That he should erect it in a Dutchie and infeft the said Earle therein in as free Knight-service as any Land in England and that the Earle and his heires should be Dukes thereof 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England it should be lawfull for the said Earle to repaire to England to his Dutchie or to Court or where he pleased with an hundred horse in train 4. And that if there happened to be warre betwixt the Countreyes it should be lawfull for him to send 24. armed men who should be under the King of England his protection to gather and up-lift for his use the rents and revenues of the said Dutchie 5. That it should be lawfull for him during the warres between the two Countreyes to serve the King of Scotland which should no wayes prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands neither should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England or any other Court of Justice and that neither he nor his Tenants should be fined for his non-compearance
the Enemie had time to flee safely And now many that before kept within doores for fear began to creep out of their corners and come forth to the Street and joyne themselves with the Earle of Marres men so that the case was quite altered For the Victours and Conquerours leaving their prisoners and their spoyle fled for life to save themselves and divers became prisoners unto their prisoners namely those who had taken Morton and Glencairne The Regent was taken by David Spense of Wormiston who was himself killed while he laboured to save the Regents life and the Regent also received his deaths wound They might have utterly destroyed the Enemie but that at their first entry the Tividale men had taken away all their horses so that they could not pursue them And so they escaped we may say on both sides for both were victorious both were vanquished in a few houres space A rare and remarkable example how available and of what moment it is to use diligence and expedition and how dangerous in time of Warre to be negligent and secure But especially this accident doth make good that often repeated observation of that great Warriour Julius Caesar Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest that in all the exploits of Warre fortune hath great power either to frustrate or make successefull But what he cals fortune we know to be providence and ought so to call and acknowledge it which turnes the wheele of humane affairs beyond and contrary to their expectation If we may judge of the justice of the cause by the perpetuall successe of the maintainers and by their meeknesse and moderation therein the Kings side have had the better and the juster The Regent died that same night and was buried in the Chappell of Stirlin Castle with such solemnitie as the Town and time could afford The Grand-father being dead the next Regent was Marre being chosen the 8. or 9. of September the same year 1571. There were three put on the list Argyle Marre and Morton It is strange they should have made Argyle one who had been all this while on the contrary faction and was now but a reconciled Enemy at most unlesse they were sure how to carry it Many thought Morton should have been the man but he nothing ambitious of the title which was but matter of envie helped to cause Marre be chosen who was a very sufficient and trusty Nobleman able to discharge the place and who had the Kings person in keeping within the Castle of Stirlin The main thing that he did in his Regencie was that he conveened the Countrey and lay about the Town but wanting Artillerie to batter it he returned again to Leith where having divided the Kingdome into quarters he appointed the severall divisions to come to him by turnes with whom having broken the Mils about Edinburgh he placed Souldiers in the villages and Gentlemens houses about it to hinder all kinde of provision from it In the South parts of the Kingdome Balcleugh and Farnihaste did molest the Kings side especially the town of Jedburgh Wherefore Morton both for this cause as also for a particular against Farnihaste who claimed to be Bailiffe of Jedward Forrest which belonged to the Earle of Angus by inheritance sent for the chief Gentlemen of the Merse and desired them to subscribe a Band by which all those that were by name insert therein did binde themselves to assist other and all of them to aid and assist the Warden Sir James of Coldinknows In this Band were contained the townsmen of Jedward the Laird of Badrule together with the Trumbles and Rutherfords and divers others The first that wascalled they being all assembled together in Mortons lodging at Leith was Sir David Hume of Wedderburne who flatly refused to subscribe it but said Hee was ready to serve the King as became a faithfull Subject so farre as hee was able but that hee would not binde himself in any Band to any man further than hee was already bound in duty especially such men with whom he would not enter into any societie fellowship or combination He understood chiefly the Trumbles and Rutherfords which names were infamous and most of them reputed theeves and Badrule a notorious one Morton seeing him thus resolute lest the rest might by his example refuse likewise caused him go aside into a back-room and called in the rest The first of which was Patrick Hume of Polwart who hearing of the Trumbles and Rutherfords refused also to be joyned with them or to subscribe When Morton asked him his reason he answered roundly Because sayes he it may be some of these men have helped to steal Wedderburnes cattell And hath Wedderburne any cattell stollen from him sayes Morton Yes my Lord answered the other that he hath He did not tell me so much sayes Morton But it is true my Lord saith Polwart Well sayes Morton will ye subscribe this Bond I cannot my Lord saith he as the case stands If you do not saith he you shall do worse Worse my Lord saith the other nay rather than do worse I will do it No but saith Morton I do not mean to compell you No but my Lord saith hee you have said enough and so he signed it accounting it threatning and compulsion and so himself no whit bound by his subscribing The rest of the Gentlemen being called seeing Polwarts hand at it made no more scruple but set to theirs likewise After this Morton went to dinner and being set hee remembred himself and sent one to call Wedderburne out of the back-roome and when hee came he asked him Why he did not come to dinner I was saith he lawfully committed my Lord and I would not break prison but stayed till I was lawfully released These dealings made some that were rigid censurers think hardly of Morton that hee would use such infamous men and tolerate them for his own ends especially being a publicke person and in the place of justice Yet others did excuse him as being necessitated thereunto by the times there being no other way to counter-poyse the power of Farnihaste and Balcleugh but by these Trumbles and Rotherfords alledging withall that it is not fit or possible to observe those Schoolrules precisely in Politick affairs which it seemes hath been his opinion also In February Morton being absent in S. Andrews about the installing of his Archbishop Master John Douglas those in Edinburgh watching and laying hold on this opportunitie went forth and setting fire in the town of Dalkeith burnt some twenty houses thereof and having spoyled and pillaged it returned safe to Edinburgh There was little other thing of moment done by either side during Marres time And now by the Garrisons which lay about Edinburgh hindering Victuall to be brought to them their scarcitie increased so much that they sent to procure an Ambassadour from France and another from Queen Elizabeth to mediate a Peace And for the preamble of
I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlesly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Postscript THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne â—…ster sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie abake who are practitioners and
and forged thing under his name secondly or stoln from him at unawares thirdly or that being busied some other way he did not take heed to it Fourthly or that he hath been ill informed Fifthly or mis-taken it Sixthly or that hee is mis-led and mis-carried with some passion or prejudice So in the point of controlling Princes he cannot endure that the Sacred Majestie Gods Vice-gerent should be constrained or forced any way that is absurd and abominable Yet if he mis-governe the Countrey so that the state of the Common-weale bee in danger the blame must bee laid on his evill Counsellours those they may lay hands on and take order with them nay hang them if they please and place good men about him whose better advice he may follow But by no meanes must they touch or meddle with himself in person This opinion is such that I beleeve hee against whom he writes hath not written any thing that may seeme more hard For if we may call his commandements when they are unjust stolne and so dis-obey them wee are not bound to obey his unjust commandements And if wee may take order with his counsellours who will be his counsellour Or who will execute his unjust will Nay how can subjects do either of these two without a manifest controlling and forcing of him Since hee will oppose and interpret all as done against himselfe and call it Treason and Rebellion against him So that in effect all comes to one Besides this way leaves that ground which men so carefully pretend to avoyd which is to call all his commandements stolne though they bee never so clearly his and albeit they bee never so good as also of calling his Counsellours evill though they bee not so Whereby hee makes them Judges both of his Commandements and Counsellours so that they may call it in question whether they bee good or not which doth brangle and indeed over-turne all that absolute power which he gave them before I will not omit here to tell your Lordship of another distinction that some use against unlawfull commandements They grant that we should not give them Active Obedience that is that we should not do the thing commanded but that we must yeeld Passive obedience that is Suffer what punishment the Prince shall be pleased to lay upon us for our refusing to do what he commands whether it be a pecuniarie mulct imprisonment or death it self But if this be rightly weighed in the balance of reason if the commandement be unlawfull the punishment inflicted for refusing to obey it is also unlawfull and the commanding of us to under-go that punishment is likewise unlawfull Therefore there is no necessitie of obedience to that command according to Blackwoods rule for it is not the Kings it is stolne Therefore if a Tyrant command a thing unlawfull under the pain of paying a summe of money a man is no more bound to pay the money than hee is to obey the commandement for both are unlawfull Farre lesse is he bound to submit himself to a corporall punishment or to lay down his life or to enter into prison which takes away his libertie as dear to him as his life and doth oftentimes endanger both his life and goods by consequence If I say he can get these things avoided he is not bound in conscience to under-go them but may lawfully with-draw himself from them and shun them What hee is to do when he cannot eschue these things is not a case of duty but of prudencie for that same question will come to bee considered when a man hath to do with a Robber to whom he owes no obligation of obedience if hee bee not able to resist him how farre hee shall yeeld to him Let us put the case then That a Tyrant would for our dis-obeying of his unlawfull commands invade us his subjects by Armes wee are not so bound to him but wee may avoide the blow nay the subject in this case may warde the blow and put by his Princes Weapon he may hold his hands if it be necessary and if hee cannot otherwayes save himself And what will these that stand for Passive Obedience answer to those that suppose this case That the Prince and his subjects were in a ship and the Prince should command a leake to be made in the ship by which the water might come in and drown both them and himself They will perhaps say that they would not do it although he should command it But would they give him a Passive Obedience Would they suffer him to kill them for their refusall Would they give him leave and way to do it Or would they set aside such ceremonie and stay him from it calmely Put the Augre or Wimble out of the way or keep it from him Hold his hands or if there were need even binde him rather so to save themselves and him Which if it be right and lawfull to do for preserving a private ship what shall be said of the Bark of the Common-wealth I pray you if a Tyrant do such things which will cast it into danger of drowning and shipwrack Now the ground of all this First That tyrants must bee obeyed Secondly that they must not be controlled nor resisted but get ever a Passive Obedience Thirdly that they must no wayes bee deprived and farre lesse touched in their persons is in this forsooth That they are Gods which name as they alledge inferres all these Obedience not resistance not depriving c. And indeed to bee God carries more with it it imports both Active and Passive Obedience to whatsoever he commands without exception to kill his sonne with Abraham for each man to kill his brother as the Levites did But how farre these called Gods come short of that priviledge notwithstanding of the name I have said before and therefore this appellation will not import any of the rest by any necessary consequence no more than it doth absolute Active Obedience Neither are Princes there compared to GOD because of equall soveraignity or obedience due to them but because of the likenesse of the action and to warne them to imitate him in justice And to draw an argument from a Comparison of things to prove an equality in them in that wherein they are not matched or compared is against the law of Similies or Comparisons Secondly those who dispute in this sort speak onely of absolute Monarchs as they call them but the name of Gods is not onely given to absolute Monarchs It is given to the Judges of Israel before they had Kings the Turks use at this day when they go to law this phrase Let us go to God by which they mean not their absolute Monarch the Emperour but any inferiour Judge even the lowest and meanest as no question even a Sheriffes depute or a Barons Bailiffe sit in the place of God when they sit to do justice betwixt parties yet no man for that doth attribute absolute power to them
untill that time hee had tempered retaining it with the bridle of equitie and himselfe within the compasse of the lawes Now whether altogether and onely for these causes foresaid or if irritated by a new occasion of malicious speeches uttered by Creighton That the Kingdome of Scotland would never be at rest so long as the house of Douglas was on soot That in the vuine thereof stood the good of the Realme and peace of all Estates That it was necessary a man of so turbulent a nature so puissant and powerfull by his Kindred and Alliance whom no benefits could appease nor honours satiate should hee cut off and the publicke peace established by his death or if Creighton contrived this speech to make Douglas the more odious and his owne quarrell seeme the juster against him for both are written so it is that the Earle caused certaine of his friends and servants lie in wait for him as hee was riding from Edinburgh toward Creighton but he escaped being acquainted with the plot as some write well accompanied and excellently well mounted but not without being wounded himselfe and having slaine some of his adversaries in his escape Others attribute his escaping not to any foresight or fore-knowledge but sayeth that hee was assailed in the night at unawares and being astonished at the first yet afterward recollecting himselfe for he was a man of good courage hee slew the formost he met with and having received some wounds brake through them and saved himselfe in Creighton Castle where he remained not long but his wounds being scarce well cured he conveened his friends and coming on the sudden to Edinburgh had almost surprised the Earle Douglas who was there in quiet manner and looked for no such thing but he getting advertisement hereof did advertise the King that he could no longer endâ—…re Creightons hidden malice and practises against his life and estate and his now open attempts also wherefore hee desired to bee excused thâ—… hee could no more repair to Court so long as Creighton was there and so retired himselfe to his house to remain as a male-content for a season In the meane time finding his enemies thus to increase in credit at Court and with their credit as commonly it cometh to passe in number and power hee to strengthen himselfe also on the other side against them entered into a new confederacy with the Earles of Crawford and Rosse men of greatest puissance and force next the Douglasses that were in Scotland in their times or rather he renewed the old friendship that had been betwixt them For their houses were in old time in great friendship with the houses of Douglas as hath beene shewed and the house of Crawford was particularly obliged unto them by divers good Offices from the dayes of Robert the second and in this same mans time had been helped against the Ogelbees at Arbroth as his father also had at the Earle Douglas desire spoyled the Bishop of Saint Andrewes Kennedies lands And besides this Beatrix Douglas the Earle Douglas Lady was daughter to one of the Earles of Crawford and could not but bee of kinne to this Earle The summe of their band was That they should every one assist and defend another together with their friends and dependers against all men That they should have the same friends and the same enemies with reservation alwayes and exception of their duety to their Prince But whether this band was made of new as some write or if it were of old continued from hand to hand and then renewed as though it were intended in speciall against Crcighton and his partakers and due exception of the King expressely contained in it is uncertain however they so possessed the King that hee interpreted all as done against himselfe And therefore matters being come to publick Hostilitie betwixt Douglas and Creighton and the Countrey divided into factions when the Earle of Crawford and Rosse had sent to Creighton and given up all friendship with him as an enemy to their dearest friend by vertue of the foresaid League hee acquainted the King therewith and with all vehemencie exaggerated the League as a conspiracy against him and his royall Authority and that it was very dangerous for him when such great houses and powerfull men had combined together The King apprehending it to bee so having once settled that opinion in his minde did upon that ground build all his interpretations of the Earle Douglas actions and framed his owne actions accordingly against him Neither was Douglas so fortunate or circumspect as to avoid the occasions of fostering that opinion in the King but as commonly happeneth when ruine is to come on men all things worke that way so fared it with him in two facts The first was on the person of the Lord Hanris who was too hardly used of him as appeares The other on the Tutor of Bombee more justly yet so that his carriage in it seemed to confirme that which his enemies alledge against him that he exercised his authority and used his priviledges more absolutely then the King had reason to be contented with The occasion of the first and the forme thereof was Sir William Harris of Terreglis having been the Earle Douglas ancient dependar had now in this frowne of Court and diversity of factions whether to please the Court and because he accounted it justest to follow it or because indeed he misliked things done by the borderers who followed Douglas withdrawn himselfe from his dependance and if he sided not openly with the other party which hee could nor durst hardly doe lying so neare to Douglas yet did hee not follow him as hee was wont and so either by a reall enmitie in private or a kinde of neutrality in publick had procured the like behaviour of the Earle to him to behave himselfe as neutrall in his affaires and as hee had abstracted his dependance and attendance from him so the other abstracted his Protection from him This when the Annandians perceived they ready upon all such occasions made a rode and furrowed his lands hereof when he complained to the Earle and had received answer according to the foresaid coldnes betwixt them he would needs attempt some redresse by his own power and hereupon assembling a number of his friends he rode into Annandale to have rendered them the like and either to recover his owne or repaire his losses out of their goods But he was overthrowne by them and taken prisoner and so brought to the Earle Douglas hee esteeming him as his owne servant and taken within his bounds where his jurisdiction by regallity or otherwayes was extended put him to assise They of the Jury found him guilty being taken after hee had seized the goods with red hand as they term it and so being convict of theft he was condemned executed and hanged as a thiefe and that notwithstanding the Kings earnest request for his life by letter A pitifull matter and greatly to be lamented