receive him with Demonstrations of great Joy and Gladness for his safe and happy arrival there The Habit of the Mayor Aldermen and Citizens were either Scarlet or Violet and his Reception was in great State and Pomp they meeting him in orderly Array without the City and so conveying him through it to St. Pauls Neither may we think him insensible of their Favours if Baker records the truth as indeed I am not able on any good grounds to contradict him when he says that the City of London was this King's Paradice nor provably consute the Reasons he gives for his Assertion viz. That what good Fortune soever befel him he thought he enjoy'd it not till he acquainted them with it And can we fancy he had not good Grounds and Inducements for this honourable Acknowledgment of their Kindness and Goodness shewn him by them besides the first Expressions thereof in the beginning of his Reign when he was so far from being well warm'd in his Seat that he was not yet enter'd upon the Throne by the Solemnity of a Coronation nor had taken possession of the Government with the usual Ceremonies and Customary Formalities Certain it is that I read in Fabian Shâ—riff of London in his days that he had considerable Sums of Money of the City more than once twice or thrice an Assistance as requisite often times as Men in Arms and not seldom more difficult for Princes to obtain There being idle men enough generally at all times ready to come in at the Sound of Trumpet or Drum if there be but an Assurance or Probability of good Pay which to compass is commonly a difficulty not so easily surmounted even by great Kings and Princes so scarce a Commodity is Gold and Silver Coin Neither do I find the City at any time complaining or opposing or joyning with his Enemies For notwithstanding his settlement on the Throne and his uniting the two Families into one by marrying Edward the Fourth's eldest Daughter he had a Lambert and a Perkin to disturb his Quiet and Repose about Title A Favour therefore doubtless this was not inconsiderable in those days For the City of London is known to have been able to do much had she been so inclined Whereof we may well believe the King was very sensible and so were the opposers of his peaceable tranquility were it only from this consideration that when in the Second of his Reign it was bleer'd about by his Enemies that the Earl of Warwick George Duke of Clarences Son was escap'd out of the Tower and a counterfeited Earl was provided to act the part of the true one to draw People to their Assistance which might have created no little trouble to the King and greatly endanger'd his Person and Dignity to disappoint and frustrate their Designs and fully lay open the Cheat of all Parties and Places of his Kingdom he chose London to shew therein the right Earl of Warwick to the People though the principal Scene of those Affairs were then laid in Ireland And the other side appear'd so fearful of the Effect thereof upon the Londoners and their Influence doubtless upon the rest of the Nation even Ireland it self though so far distant that to buoy up the Spirits of their own Party they thought it most effectual to report about the Island that that was a Counterfeit purposely train'd and taught by King Henry and shew'd by him in London to blind the Eyes of the Simple and Ignorant So sollicitous were both to encrease the number of their Adherents and draw the People of the Land to a belief of the honesty and sincerity of their Intentions and Equity of their Actions among whom the City of London is certainly the greatest Body fitly joyn'd together by good Laws and Constitutions greatly confirm'd by an orderly succession of her Magistrates and much strengthned by a long and large train of continual Successes But the City continued fix to the King's Interest and therefore the others Devices and Pretences work'd little or nothing upon the Citizens They were rather ready to rejoyce on all occasions for his victorious Success than pronâ— to take part with his Enemies against him whereof they gave him sufficient Testimonies at several times and seasons when they had opportunity to express their Affections in a more free and open way at such glorious Solemnities as Coronations Installations publick Receptions and Royal and Princely Marriages 'T is confess'd that towards the latter end of this King's Reign some of her principal Officers her Mayors and Sheriffs were sore troubled and vext in the King's Courts and large Sums of Money demanded of them for things pretended to be done by them illegally in their Offices and such of them imprison'd as refus'd to pay those Arbitrary Fines as may be seen in Stow's Annals but these were Troubles only of particular Men and common also to many others of the King's Subjects when Empson and Dudley were got into Authority and to humour the old King 's covetous itch after Riches a Vice incident mostly to Old Age reviv'd old forgotten Laws and rais'd large Sums of Money upon Offences against Penal Statutes wherein they acted so exorbitantly and took such arbitrary illegal and unjust Ways many whereof Baker reckons up in his Chronicle to compass their Ends that they themselves at length were become the principal Grievances of the Nation and suffered accordingly in the beginning of the next King's Reign both of them by the hands of Justice being made to pay their Heads for satisfaction to the People and their Promoters most shamefully Pillory'd and Imprison'd So little did it avail them to pretend they put the Laws in Execution or to call themselves the King's Promoters or Informers King Henry the Eighth as soon as he came to the Crown more regarding the Commons Crys and the Complaints of his People than he valued the pretended Loyalty of such profligate Villains as had no other way to pick up a Livelihood than by raking it out of other Mens Miseries and Troubles This Prince in his youth was so much addicted to Pleasures and Pastimes fine Sights and Shews Masks Justs and Tournaments and in his elder years to Cruelty and Tyrannical Oppression that one might be apt to expect and perhaps with some colour of reason that little was to be found in London in the beginning of this King's Reign but Jollity Joy and Rejoycing gaudy Shews and pleasing Objects delightful to the Eye and grateful to Sense a King's Example commonly drawing along with it his Subjects Imitation and that in the latter end scarce any durst presume to make opposition to a Man of so domineering a Spirit as by his own death-bed Confession never spar'd Woman in his Lust nor Man in his Anger And yet notwithstanding we meet with under this Prince Instances of the City's Power Boldness and undaunted Resolution and of the King's Favour to the Citizens The last may haply be concluded even from the Effects of
into his own Country there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue and long to continue But seems those hopes were soon blasted For the 〈◊〉 next year viz. the 15 we read of the late agrâ—â— peace's being violated and broken by the King 〈◊〉 according to my Author persevering in his wroâ—â— would in no wise be induc'd to hold his own graâ—â— but to execute all things after pleasure nothing â—â—ter Law and Justice These violations produc'd new War between King John and his Nobles 〈◊〉 ended not till after the Kings Death So troublesâ—â— was it to the Nation so dangerous to the King 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better adviâ—â— then what could not consist with the Kings keepiâ—â— his Royal Word That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepheard to clip shear pill and slay at own will and pleasure is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer â—â—â—lingly assent to than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉 When King John found himself too weak to â—â—tend with his Barons and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea and call'd in strangers his Assistance We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King who had a little â—efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter â—nd liberties granted ere while by him and excommuâ—icate the Barons We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over So many of â—hem were cast away at one time by Tempest who â—ere coming over Men Women and Children that â—â—'s said of 4000 not one escap'd alive So that we â—ay observe 't is an old trick to call in Foreigners â—pon the Natives when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉 When the King was found to have invited â—trangers to his aid the Lords also sent into France â—or help and succour When two Women fall a scolâ—ing and pulling one anothers head-cloths whoever â—â—rst began the fray it is much but both will be in â—â—ult before it end London was the place where the â—ords kept themselves together till the expected aid â—nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them â—nder Lewis the French Kings Son who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army came afterwards to London and was there received Hence he with the Lords departing won many Castles in the Land and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to â—hem by appointment Tho the Tower held long for â—he King yet 't was the City it seems that bare the â—way and adhered to the Lords What a strength â—â—ey were of we may observe out of Stow where â—ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lonâ—on but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted â—hat they set open their Gates and were ready to meet â—im ten miles off the City whereupon the King withâ—rew understanding their boldness and multitude â—hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be â—â—vourable to the Kings Party we find him quickly â—ischarg'd of his Office and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause that they spar'd not their own head Officer and Ruler when he lay under thâ— suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs so contrary to the mind of the Citizens The War still continuing and King John being not able to prevail tho thâ— Pope interceded by his Legaâ—e he had at last â—â— some writes all his Arbitrary designs quench'd with a Cup of Poyson at Swinstead Abby about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died â—â— the flux at another place Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death we meet with an eminent instance of Englisâ— mens Loyalty as well as of their love of liberty anâ— freedom for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hiâ— Reign and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him his his survâ—ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years 〈◊〉 age Yet as if all rancour and animosity against thâ— King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave the wheel of affairs was so turn'd as 〈◊〉 were in an instant that Lewis and his strangers weâ—â— disgusted and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaim'd and Crown'd King of the Land at an agâ— wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidanâ—â— without a Tutor It 's plain enough by this instancâ— that English hearts were more loyal than naturallâ— to desire the ruine of their Prince and his Family 〈◊〉 at any time they appear'd in Arms against him in defence of their Lives Liberties and Freedoms hoâ— ready have they shewed themselves to accord anâ— submit as soon as those men of ill Principles and Aâ—bitrary practices were remov'd from their Princâ— who had rais'd those clouds of discontent betweeâ— him and his People The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester who drew with them a very considerable reâ—inue They may be probably thought to hope to â—â—nfuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage than appeared by former Arbitrary actions â—o have been in his Father and so model the Goâ—ernment into a better frame in the time of that powâ—r they were as the chief Nobles most likely to â—ave under the King in his younger days Neither â—o I know but somwhat might proceed from reâ—orse of Conscience The Earl of Chester in the 2d â—ear of the Kings Reign taking his journey into the Holy-Land the Religion of those times having made â—hat the usual way of Expiation Some such intent of â—he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles saith my Author Another very probaâ—le occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom may be supposed to have risen from the Death-bed confession of a French Nobleman who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis's intent to 〈◊〉 destroy and quite root out those English Lords â—hat adhered to him as if in detestation of their disâ—oyalty to their own natural English Soveraign When â—he Barons came once to find that he whom they â—ad called in to defend them against their Kings Arâ—itrariness intended to violate and break their Coâ—enants established at first between them when he â—ould come to have opportunity and so turn their â—â—plored aid into their certain destruction they â—ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance and endeavour to frustrate his privy inâ—â—ntions by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented it self Conditional
into Ireland Yet thither we hear of the Kings sending him oftentimes secret Messengers and comsorting him with many rich gifts and the next year we read of his being fetch'd home again to still the grudges springing up between the King and his Nobles and continue amity amongst them which prov'd but so much the more mischievous to the Realm For this exorbitant Favourite's power more and more encreasing he having the keeping of the Kings Treasure and Jewels convey'd many of them some of great value out of the Land and brought the King by means of his wanton Conditions to manifold Vices as Adultery and others whereupon by the Lords Counsel and Resolution taken at Lincoln he was shortly after exil'd into Flanders to the Kings great displeasure In comes Gaveston again though he had before abjur'd the Realm with this condition by the Barons added that if he were found again in any Lands subject to the King's dominions he should be taken as a Common Enemy and Condemned But being recall'd by the King he ventures on his favour and afterwards demeans himself worse and worse In so much that we read that he disdain'd the Lords of England and of them had many spiteful and slanderous words so that there 's the less wonder that the Queen and the whole Court were sorrowful because they saw the King as Stow words it not very sound so great was his Joy and Jollity for his receiving him in safety Whereupon the Lords of one mind saith my Author consented to put him to death which they soon after effected by taking the Castle wherein he was and so having him in their hands smote off his Head For this was the King grievously displeas'd with those Lords and vow'd we hear to revenge his Death so that after this he sought occasion against them to grieve and displease them If the foremention'd disorders with many before express'd by Authentick Writers to have fallen out under this King If Treachery Robberies Rapes Extortions Divisions Civil discords at home slights contempts and losses abroad and much blood-shed in Battels fought and lost both at home and abroad If murrain of Beasts and scarcity of Grain dearness of Victuals sickness and mortality of Men ravages and outrages of cruel insulting Enemies and almost a general desolation in several places of the Land be glories that can eternize a Man's memory to succeeding Generations I know not whether this Kings Name and Reign may ever be forgotten as long as England stands a fixt Island in the midst of the Ocean In the midst of these troubles and crosses you are not to suppose the City of London scap't free from partaking in the Common misery of the Land In the first of this King's Reign I find that he and his new Married Bride were received joyfully by the Citizens and so conveyed to Westminster but the times afterwards grew so cloudy and full of storms that I don't think they had over much reason to rejoyce more than the rest of their poor distressed fellow Subjects Yet Providence in good time delivered the City out of these troubles and with advantage too as may be observed and remark't in the end of this and beginning of the next Kings Reign Twice more particularly in this Kings Reign do we read of a breach made on the Cities Priviledges by constraining the Citizens at their own charges to raise and maintain a certain number of Soldiers and send them whether they were appointed but the last time it seems it was conditionally that it should not be made a President which possibly was to appease them when they refused to go out of the City to fight unless they might according to their liberties as Stow says return home again the same day before Sun-set For 't is plain how great soever their respect was towards their Soveraign that they had no great kindness for some about him And therefore when aid and assistance was requested of them against the Queen who with her Son Edward was newly Landed and pretended Reformation of abuses they made this plea or excuse as favouring rather Reformers than makers of Grievances yet with profession of due obedience and Honour to the King the Queen and their Son who was after his Father the Right and Lawful Heir to the Crown At the Parliament of Whitebands held in the twefth of this King whether the Barons came in Arms the Citizens were the Keepers of the Kings peace in the City a thousand of them well Armed by the Majors order watching by day and as many by night in divers Wards and at several Gates thereof under the inspection of two Aldermen with Officers assigned to Ride about every night to oversee them and the rest of the Citizens were enjoyned to have their Arms in readiness upon a very short warning for more surety And what pray now was the effect of all this but that the peace was kept the City guarded it and no disturbance hapned that I read of notwithstanding there was so great an Army then on foot Ill men were removed several things were ordained for the good of the Realm Transactions were carried on without violence or blood-shed the Parliament was peaceably dissolved and every one returned home in quietness safety and security But on the contrary afterwards in the later end of this Kings Reign when the Courtiers were much disgusted in the City by reason of many violences committed and much harsh dealing used by some towards their fellow Subjects in the time of their power under the wings of Authority and pretence of Law and Justice the Citizens were so far from keeping the King's peace as before that they soon shew'd openly their favour good will and kindness for the Queen who under the glozing pretence of reforming the ill Government was come into the Land with a considerable force of Soldiers and had sent to the Mayor and Commonalty for their aid help and assistance in carrying on this her pretended Reformation A work generally highly acceptable to all such as think themselves oppressed and glorious in the Eyes of the people but such is the misery fate and infelicity the frailty and imperfection incident to all sublunary attempts that it very seldom if ever fully answers the expectation of every one concern'd Neither was the Citizens affection to the Queen and her Party barely shewn in words and expressions but it went much farther and was publickly brought into Act by beheading such as they took to be the Queens enemies not so much as sparing the Bishop of Exeter himself a great man among the spiritualty who had been there left by the King to have the Rule of the City in his absence The occasion is said to have sprung from his stiff and peremptory demanding of the Keys of the City Gates by vertue of his Commission which highly exasperated the Commons against him and so much the more because as was the saying he had rais'd an Army to withstand the Queen a fault
wind and turn it about to their interests and bend it to their own irregular Desires and Designs since that they lik'd not to have them confin'd within the limits and bounds thereof This manner of acting however by the by appears to me the most beaten Path to Destruction and the high way to the Actors unavoidable Ruin and I think I have reason History and Experience all on my side This the City seems well to have understood and therefore with Prudence chose rather to yield to the times for a season than presently to strive against the running stream and immediately to fall a rowing against high wind and Tide but as soon as ever the flowing waters began to Ebb and the tide was a turning the City Barge struck in with the returning waves and assisted to steer the Ship of the Common-wealth to a quite different Haven from that whither the Court was furiously driving her before And then for the most favourable of the Citizens to shew themselves but faint Regardless friends was far less beneficial to the desolate forsaken King than for others of them to appear earnest Enemies in so critical a Juncture was disadvantagious to this unfortunate Prince as he may well be term'd either for having none but ill Councellors and faithless Trencher-friends about him and hearkning so much to their pernitious and destructive advice or else for the defect of his Judgment in not discerning between their private self ends and his own special and particular interest viz. Impartiality in doing Justice to all States and Persons from the highest to the lowest squaring all his own actions by the known Rules of the Law of the Land to the pleasing of his people not by the compass of other mens unstable fancies and anomalous Plat-forms to the loss of his Subjects love and affection and the unhappy fate that attended him upon this his ill conduct when he was violently thrown out of the Chair of State into a profound Abyss of miseries and infelicities and irrecoverably cast out of a Regal Throne into an unavoidable Prison between which and his grave he had but few steps to make For we are to know that as in the tuming of fortunes wheel the spoke that is got upermost presently begins to decline and so runs downwards till it comes to be the under-most of all or like as Sysiphus stone forc'd up e'en almost to the very top of the Hill presently tumbles down again to the bottom with a swiftness and violence not to be stop't by the strength of art or nature so this Prince arriv'd in a manner to the heigth of his desires by the Caprice of fortune or rather by the over-ruling power of a superior Being was suddenly and unexpectedly beyond Recovery hurl'd down from the Grandeur of a Potent King into the lowest Station among Men the Confinement of a Prison and that too occasion'd by the very same way and means whereby he thought to have secur'd to himself amore fixt and setled enjoyment of his greatness as comes now of course to be shewn in manner following After the suppression of the opposite Party under the shadow of Law and Justice diffention happening between the two Dukes of Norfolk and Hereford both then great at Court to the mutual accusation of each other the King greedily lays hold on the opportunity and instead of permitting them according to the Custom of those times where clear proofs were wanting to make good their accusations by the Sword in a single Combat as had been also before appointed unadvisedly banishes them both the Land the first for ever and the latter for a term of years with this hard measure into the bargain that they should not sue for a release of their Judgments on pain of Treason whereby he made both his Enemies and the latter so much the more dangerous the nearer he stood Related to the Crown and the more inveterate in that the King had procur'd the Letters Pattents before granted him to sue by Attorney for Lands descended to him to be revok'd by Assent of Parliament and declar'd to be against Law and had afterwards upon his Father John of Gaunts death violently seis'd on all his Estate whereto Hereford was Heir Then amidst the murmurs of the People for misgovernment and ill guidance of the Realm away goes the King for Ireland with a puissant Army when he thought he had left all things secure in England by the advantage he had made of the last Parliament by engrossing whatever he pleased into his own hands by the tricks found out to raise Money of the Subject by Blanks c. and the Subsidy he had gain'd in Parliament during his Life upon the continuance whereof without molestation he openly declar'd his general Pardon should stand and no otherwise and managed his Arms therewith success enough but ill news out of England that the Duke of Hereford by his Fathers death Duke of Lancaster was landed in England under colour of claiming his Inheritance and rais'd people as he went alarm'd him and bad advice afterwards which detain'd him longer than his promise in Ireland so loath were his Counsellors to spare his company under the shelter of whose Person and presence lay their greatest hopes of protection quite ruin'd him For coming over and finding the Army gone away which the Earl of Salisbâ—ry had rais'd against his coming and had newly voluntarily disbanded it self upon the Kings tarrying too long behind the Earl in Ireland his courage fail'd him and he trusting more to flight than fighting the treachery of his Principal Officers deceiv'd him and he himself also by soothing words and faiâ— promises was decoy'd into the Duke of Lancaster's hands who soon secur'd him fast enough withoâ—â— any intent to let him loose again in haste Now the King is in hold let us see how the Citizens behav'd themselves in this great Turn and Change of the Times They had in this Kings Nonage in his Grandfathers dayes appear'd the undaunted Assertors of his Right and Title and in the beginning of his Reign contributed much to his Security and Settlement on the THRONE But a new Generation being sprang up in Twenty Years space and their old Services at last so ill requited by new attempts on their Liberties by Inditements and blank-Charters instead of standing up with their Lives and Fortunes in the Kings Defence and Vindication they openly devoted themselves to anothers Service and became the known Favourers of that Party which assisted to Depose this unhappy Prince and set up in His Room the Duke of Lancaster under the Name and Title of Henry the Fourth As is provable both from Statute-Law viz. the Act made in the First of this New King to be seen in the Statute-Book Cap. 15. An. 1. H. 4. Where we find express mention of the good and lawful behaviour of the Mayor Sheriffs and Aldermen and all the Commonalty of the same City of London towards him and Stow's general Chronicle
Law to the Destruction of the Duke of Glâ—ucester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewscury For that the King against his Promise procured the Duke of Ireland sundry Rebells about Cheshire where diverse Murders by him were committed For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon at the Solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Gloucester and sent him to Callice there to be choked and murdered beheading the Earle of Arundel and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham For that the Kings Retinue and rout gathered out of Cheshire about the apprehension of those Nobles committed diverse Murders Rapes and other Fellonies besides refusing to pay for their Victuals For that the King condemned the Nobles aforesaid for divers rodes made within the Realm contrary to his open Proclamation For that the King doubly Fined Men for their Pardons For that the King to oppress his whole subjects procured in his last Parliament that the Power thereof was committed to certain Persons For that the King being sworn to Minister right did notwithstanding enact in the last Parliament that no mediation should be made for the Duke of Lancaster contrary to his said Oath For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope and all other forraign Power the King notwithstanding procured the Popes Excommunication on such as brake the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown Statutes and Laws of the Realm For that the King banished the Duke of Lancaster for 10 years without any Cause as the same King openly affirmed For that the King unlawfully revoked the Letters Patents made to the said Duke of Lancaster in An. 21. For that the King contrary to the Laws and will of the Justices suffered Sheriffs to continue longer than one year and placed such therein as were unfit For that the King repayed not to his Subjects debts of them borrowed For that the King in the time of Truce and Peace exacted great Subsidies and wasted the same about frivilous matters For that the King refused to execute the Laws Saying that the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast For that the King by procuring by Statutes that he might be free as any of his Progenitors did under colour thereof subvert Laws according to his Will For that the King procured Knights of the Shires to be made to serve his own will For that the King enforced Sheriffs to be Sworn to execute all Commandemens under the Great Seal Privy Seal or Signet contrary to their accustomed Oaths For that the King to wrack mony from his Subjects procured 17 several Shires to submit themselves to his Grace whereby great sums of mony were Levied For that the King being Sworn to observe the Liberties of the Church notwithstanding at his Voyage into Ireland enforced diverse Religious Persons to give Horse Armour and Carts For that the Justices for their good Councel given to the King were with evil Countenance and threats rewarded For that the King of his own Will in passing into Ireland carried with him the Treasures Reliques and other Jewels of the Realm which were used safely to be kept in the Kings own Coffers from all hazard and for that the same King cancelled and razed sundry Records For that the King by writing to Forreign Princes and to his own Subjects is reputed universally a most variable and dissembling man For that the King would commonly say among the Nobles that all Subjects Lives Lands and Goods were in his hands without any forfeiture For that the King suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Marshal-Law contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm For that the Subjects being only bound by their Allegiance were yet driven to take certain New Oaths for serving the folly of the King For that the King by his private Letters would charge the Ecclesiastical Ministers in any new Canonical matter to stay contrary to his Oath For that the King by force in his Parliament banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury without any good Ground For that the King by his last Will passed under the Great Seal and Privy Signet gave unto his Successors certain Money and Treasure upon Condition to perform all the Acts and Orders in the last Parliament which being ungodly and unlawful he meant as ungodlily to dy in For that the King in the 11th of his Reign in his Chappel in the Manour of Langley in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster and Yorke and others received the Sacrament of the Lords Body that he would never impeach the Duke of Gloucester his Uncle for any thing before done and yet to the Contrary procured him to be murdered For that the King most fraudulently and untruely against his own Oath Banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury and wasted his Goods in which Article in private Conference between the said Arch Bishop the King in a manner prophesied and doubted that the like would happen of himself and thereupon shewed a special Token to the Arch Bishop That if he sent the same at any time that the Arch Bishop should look that the King would come to him These were the Imputations laid to his charge and that they were then thought true or at least not contradicted is self-Evident all seeming highly desirous of a Change and few dispos'd to espouse the depos'd Kings Cause and Interest so furious and violent was the Current of the Times as to bear away well nigh all before it That Parliament being so full of the new Kings Favourers and so empty of the old Kings true and cordial Friends that I remember to have read of but one viz. the Loyal Bishop of Carlisle who after a little Demur of a few dayes time upon a Motion made in Parliament about the disposal of King Richard stood up boldly and undauntedly for his old Lord and Master in the midst of his professed and declared Enemies and known Deserters His Speech as a rare Example of Fidelity giving us the very Quintessence of Loyalty I shall venture to set down out of Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle with the Consequents as follows My Lords The Matter now propounded is of marvellous Weight and Consequence wherein there are two Points chiefly to be considered The First whether King Richard be sufficiently put out of his Throne The Second whether the Duke of Lancaster be lawfully taken in For the First How can that be sufficiently done when there is no Power sufficient to do it The Parliament cannot for of the Parliament the King is the Head and can the Body put down the Head You will say but the Head may bow it self down and may the King resign It is true but what force is in that which is done by force And who knows not that King Richard's Resignation was no other But suppose he be sufficiently out yet how comes the Duke of Lancaster to be lawfully in If you say by Conquest you speak Treason For what Conquest without Arms And can a Subject take Arms
Sheriffs by the King newly come to London and lodg'd in the Tower fared better in this year's Mayoralty than he did within some few years after wherein he continued Mayor For being taxt by the King for the escape of one that had slain a Prior related to the King he put off the charge of this matter from himself to the Sheriffs for so much as to them belong'd the keeping of the City-Prisons Whereupon he returned home and the Sheriffs Rob. Belyngton and Ralph Aschewye were detain'd for a space Pâ—isoners and others chosen in their places but how they got off my Author sets not down In the 39th year Edw. the King's Son's Wife was honourably received at London by the Citizens and the City adorn'd with rich Cloaths for the more state Yet notwithstanding all this Respect it was not long before the King seiz'd their Liberties anew for certain Money which the Q. claim'd for her right of them So that about Martins-tyde they were in a manner necessitated to give her 400 Marks before their Liberties were restor'd them and the King's Under-Treasurer discharg'd who for the time was made Custos or Keeper of the City What had she no other way to recover her Money if it was due but the Cities Liberties must presently be seized on The King's Brother had got well the last year by falling out with the City and getting their Liberties seiz'd Was it not then do ye think cunningly done of the Queen to try the same trick over again 'T was it seems too gainful a project to suffer it quietly to lye still without further prosecution before it grew too stale Though the Citizens and their Franchises were thus carpt at by Court-Favourites yet we find them still continuing their wonâ—ed respect to the King and Queen when they came to London where they were honourably received this very same year and so convey'd to Westminster When the Citizens had to do with the Court and the King was pleased to interest himself in the affair History tells 〈◊〉 that they were more than once compelled to draw theâ— purses for Peace sake and Reconciliation but when they had their other fellow Subjects to deal with they proved Matches hard enough as particularly in their suiâ— with the Abbot of Waltham which was at last accorded in the 40th year to their own advantage Come we now to the 41th year a year not lightly to be forgotten by the worthy Citizens and such aâ— bear any respect to this honourable City by reason oâ— the many troubles that the Heads thereof underwent aâ— this time through the power and malice of some ill disposed Persons who bore no Good will to this ancienâ— foundation Hitherto we have met with but light Skirmishes a few trivial matters in comparison of whaâ— you shall here find related out of Fabian to have happened in the Mayoralty of Richard Hardell and Shrievalties of Rich. Ewell and William Ashwey A. C. 1257 The Relation is as followeth almost word by word In this 41th year and beginning of the same waâ— found in the Kings Wardrobe at Windsor a Bill or Rolâ— closed in green Wax and not known from whence it should come in which was contained divers Articles against the Mayor and Rulers of the City and that by them the Commonalty of the City was grievously taxed and wronged which Bill was presented at length to the King Whereupon he sent John Mansel one of his Justices unto London where on St. Paul's day by thâ— Kings Authority he called a Folk-moot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross there being present Richard dâ— Clare Earl of Gloucester and divers others of the Kingâ— Council Whereupon the said John Mansel caused the said Roll to be read before the Commonalty and afteâ— shewed to the People that the Kings pleasure and mind was that they should be ruled with Justice and thaâ— the Liberties of the City should be maintained in every point and if the King might know those Persons that so had wronged the Commonalty they should be grievously punished to others example That done John Mansel charged the Mayor that every Alderman in his Ward should upon the morrow following assemble his Wardmoots and that all those Wardmoots should assemble in one place and choose of themselves 36 Persons without any Counsel or advice of any of their Aldermen and present them before the Lords and him at the same hour the next day in the Bishops Pallace at Pauls Upon the morrow all was done according to his Command When the said 36 Persons were presented before the said John Mansel Henry Baa Justices and others he said unto them that they upon their Oaths should certifie all such persons as they knew guilty in the Articles before shewed to the Commonalty Whereupon the 36 answered that it was contrary to â—heir Liberties to be sworn so many for any matter of Trespass between the King and any of his Citizens Wherefore they required a sparing with which answer John Mansel being discontented warned them to appear before the Kings Council at Guild-hall upon the morrow following where they kept their day Thither â—ame the said Justices John Mansell and Hen. Baa Sir Hen. Wengham Chancellour of England Philip Lovel Under treasurer and divers others of the Kings Council Then the said John Mansell exhorted the said Persons â—o be sworn by many means as he the other day had â—one but all was in vain For they excused themselves â—at it was contrary to their Oath and Liberty of their City Wherefore the Kings Council departed from the Hall in part discontented and shewed to the King the â—id Citizens demeanour Upon Candlemas Eve the Mayor being warned that the King would come to Westminster he with the more part of the Aldermen â—ode to Knightsbridge and tarried there to salute the King and know his further pleasure But when thâ— King came near that place and heard of their beinâ— there he sent to them an Esquire of the Houshold anâ— charged them that they should not presume to come iâ— to his sight with which message they being greatâ—â— discomforted returned home to the City Afterwardâ— in the Octaves of the Purification Michael Tony anâ— Adam Basynge returned from Court who before weâ—â— sent by the Mayor to such Friends as they had in thâ— Court to know the cause of the Kings high displeasurâ— and brought word back that the King was well minded towards the City but he was in full purpose to havâ— such persons chastized that had oppressed the Commoâ—alty of the same Upon the morrow following came uâ— to the Guild Hall John Mansell with others of thâ— Kings Council who to the People there assembleâ— shewed many fair and pleasant words Amongst whicâ— he declared that the Kings Mind and Will was to coâ—rect all such persons as had oppressed the Commonalty of that his dearest beloved City and asked of the Coâ—mons whether they would be agreeable to the samâ— The which incontinently many such as knew littâ—â— what the
matter meant cried without discretion Yeâ— Yea Yea nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons the said Joâ—â— Mansell discharged the Mayor Sheriffs and Chambeâ—lain of their Offices and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower and put in the rooâ— of the Sheriffs Michael Tony and John Audrian Aâ— over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages before madâ— were delivered unto the said John Mansel which 〈◊〉 there sealed and redelivered to the Chamberlain Whâ—â— the Commons had beheld all this business they returnâ—â— unto their Houses all confused Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair that they who usually have been such brisk assertâ— of their Liberties should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall but rather called by an order from Court and filled with the populace for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King Lords and Commons in being to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes and determining of the Subjects Liberties or so to regulate its Jurisdiction Power and Authority as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice and by the ordinary course of Law Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use so that the Rabble being intermixt it might be no hard matter to get a â—ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings â—hen on foot The Mobile being as liable to be wrought â—pon by fear or fair promises as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments â—nd the favour of more potent Grandees while as the â—iddle sort of People like the golden mean between â—wo Extreams are not generally so capable of being â—rawn aside after the lure being too many to be brib'd â—nd not few enough to be frighted not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur nor so low â—ean and despicable as to be imposed upon by the empty â—ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue sprung â—p at first from Vice and nourished by and amidst reâ—eated Debaucheries This matter thus ordered John Mansell with divers â—f the Kings Council kept their Courts daily the Sunâ—ays except till the 1st Sunday of Lent which that yeaâ—â—as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the Ciâ—y out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men â—o that 36 men were impannelled and sworn to enquire â—f the aforesaid Articles and what Persons of the City â—ad offended in them This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall no man was called to answer nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest or any other Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs with the forementioned Inquest and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning At which season coming into the Kings Exchequer they found sitting there the Earls of Glocester and Warwick Joh. Mansell Hen. Baa Justices the Constable of the Tower the Custos of the City and divers others of the Kings Council Then was called by name Ralph Richard Hardell that year Mayor Nicholas Batts Nicholas Fiz Josne Mathew Bockerel John Tolesham and John 〈◊〉 Minoure Aldermen Then John Mansell said that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens had found them culpable that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means as by the saiâ— Inquisition appeared and forthwith caused it to be read before them When the more part thereof was read he said unto them Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed as by altering of the Tolls and otheâ— good ancient Customs turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralpâ— Richard and his Company denied and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them or any of them by any such means and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City Then Heâ—â—â— Baa Justice asked of them whether they would abiâ—â— the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard reâ—â— before 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not beâ—n sworn but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer There John Mansell asked of the Mayor whâ—â— was their Law and Custom The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King he should defend himself by 12 Citizens for Murder or slaying of a man by 30 Citizens and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell and also by the Mayor and Aldermen day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Councel Upon the day following the King with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer the aforesaid Inquisition was read That done the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name and two Aldermen more which before were not called viz. Arnâ—ld Thedmare and Henry Waldmode When Ralph Richard Hardâ—ll had heard â—he King speak in the matter he took such fear that he â—nd Nicholas Batt without further Answer put themâ—elves in the King's grace saved to them their Liâ—erties and Franchises of the City But the other six â—esought the King of his wisdom that they might be â—â—dged after the Laws and Customs of the City Then was laid to their charge that over many wrongs by â—hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the Ciâ—y they had alter'd the King's Beam and order'd it to â—e advantage of themselves and other rich men of the City Whereupon the Parties answered and said That â—e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City â—or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his â—raught toward the Merchandise so that the buyer had â—y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his adâ—antage and the seller so much disadvantage now for â—â—differency and equality of both persons it was orâ—ain'd that the Beam should stand upright the cleft â—ereof inclining to neither party as in weighing of â—old and Silver and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉 for all things four pounds only in every draught â—fter these Reasons and others by them made the King commanded that upon the morning following a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross and so that Court was dissolved and the Mayor and the others returned to London Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled these six Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people and knowing that the Aldermen or Worshipful of the City should have
much like that which I find in a modern Author thus Englished BY the Authority of God Omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghâ—st and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blâ—ssed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all other Apostles and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God We excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our â—oly Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or Counsel by crossiâ—g in part or in whole those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any Statutes Ordinances thing against them or any thing therein contained which have brought in any Customs to the contrary or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in and all Writers of such Oâ—dinances or Councils or Executioners and all such as shâ— presume to judge according to such Ordinances All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are or at any time shall be knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur thâ— Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the saâ—â— if being admonished they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Seaâ— Thus far the words of the Curse Nor was the maâ—ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes and the Bishops in their Vestments with buâ—â—ing Tapers in their Hands standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read and signed all throwing down their Tapeâ—â— extinguished and smoaking cry out So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence and go against this Curse 〈◊〉 extinct and have no better savour than these Snuffs 〈◊〉 then the King having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast said with a loud voice So 〈◊〉 me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faitâ—fully as I am a man as I am a Christian as I am Knight and as I am a King crowned and anointed But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force When as 〈…〉 known that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome who pretended to dispense even with the Almigâ—ty's Laws whose Power was at that time openly prâ—fessed to be believed sufficient by the â—â—nerality of Eâ—rope to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenantâ— and from whom Dispensations more than a good maâ— might be had for Money The confirmation of the foâ—mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament For we read of a Tax called Scutage that â—s 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England then granted to the King which extended to a large summ of Money viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more For upon occasion of this large Tax I find the number of the Knights Fees in England at those days in possesâ—ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above Upon supposition that â—he Clergy paid nothing it is said that the Tax would â—ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. whereâ—y we may guess what a deal of the Land even almost â—ne half was then belonging to the Clergy Devotion as the times went then brought forth Riches and the Daughter since devoured the Mother Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls and commandâ—ng a Folk-moot to be assembled according to the forâ—er Ordinances made asked license of the Commonalâ—y of the City to pass the Sea and promised there in â—resence of a great multitude of People that he would â—e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the â—outh of Sir Hugh Bygot chief-Chief-Justice and to mainâ—ain their Liberties unhurt whereupon the People for â—y made an exceeding shout Observe here the turn of â—hings the Courtiers seem to have sought not long time â—â—nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City by a Folk-â—oot of the Commons Now the King to prevent the â—ffect of ill mens advice hath bound himself to ask their â—ave before he goes out of the Land for a season E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to â—â—rve for a property to destroy their own Cities Liberâ—â—es Now the conservation of the whole Nations welâ—â—re is put into their hands What greater Evidence can â—e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power â—nd Influence than to find the Citizens entrusted by â—ing Lords and Commons with so high a charge We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant as the Kinâ— could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'â— of them was to prevent the Evil and Mischief thâ—â— might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counselloâ— who might be persuading the King at every turn to gâ— out of the Realm he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends though to the Peoples oppressioâ— in his absence What trouble affliction and oppressioâ— the land suffered under this Kings Uncle Richard thâ— first 's Imprisonment at the Hands of the Kings Officeâ—â— who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity on pretence of raising Money for the Kings Râ—demption I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself where I have related somwhat of thâ— charge of the Kings Ransom than stay to repeat it ovâ—â— again A fuller description the curious may meet wiâ—â— in Neubrigensis l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly therâ—of Some I believe may have observed in these unsettlâ—â— times that they have fared much better and more eâ—sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Suâ—jects who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of thâ— Kings presâ—nce than such who being many scores â—â— may be Hundreds of Miles distant have liv'd so â—â— phrase it in the shadow I know not but 〈◊〉 â—resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army Certâ—in enough it is by the History that 〈◊〉 this Kinâ— Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom 〈…〉 ways in France that Dissention arose'â— Englaâ—d between the Kings Son Edward and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucestâ—r which might have immediately brougâ—â— no small trouble to the Land had not there been greâ—â— endeavours used to prevent it wherein this Honourabâ—â— City shew'd much of her
nor league with them from the notorious 〈◊〉 these fraudulent Gibeonitish Ambassadours put upon theâ— by their lying words and from the murmuring of thâ— whole Congregation against them Notwithstanding all this we find they let them live lest Wrath shoulâ— have been upon them because of the Oath they 〈◊〉 sworn unto them And that they did well in keepinâ— this so solemn a league and Covenant though obtainâ—â— by Fraud and hastily made we have divine Authority to assure us from the Lord in the Three Years Famine he sent upon the Land in King David's Days foâ— Saul and his bloody House because in his Zeal to thâ— Children of Israel and Judah he sought to slay the Gibeonites and so violated the Oath made by their 〈◊〉 Fathers hundreds of years before We cannot with out the greatest breach of Charity suppose that 〈◊〉 holy a Man as David one after Gods own Heaâ— made use of this only as a pretence to ruine and exâ—â—pate Saul's Family and settle the Crown the faster 〈◊〉 his own Head and to fix it the surer to his posterity aâ—ter him If any of us were so Atheistical as from thâ—â— instance to look upon Religion as only a piece of 〈◊〉 Policy our Suspicious Thoughts and Censures woulâ— be soon answered from David's own manner of actiâ—â— in this particular who is recorded to have spared 〈◊〉 Son of Jonathan Saul's eldest Son and that too upâ—â— account of the Lord's Oath that was sworn betweeâ— them many Years before As the Scriptures plainâ—â— shew us that Joshua and the Princes of Israel did we in keeping the Oath they had sworn though draw into it by Fraud and Deceit so in them we find 〈◊〉 ill it fared with Zedekiah the last King in Jerusalâ—â— after he had broken the Oath which Nebuchadnezzâ— had made him swear by God We doubt not but the there was force enough upon him to compel him 〈◊〉 it may be the price of a Kingdom likewise induced him thereto for the benefit of his present occasions but how ill went it with Judah for his breaking that Oath by whatsoever force at first gained of him even to the destruction of the chief City solitary desolation of the Land for many Years and utter ruine of the Monarchy for ever after For afâ—er the Captivity we find it reduced back again into a kind of Common-Wealth under Rulers and but one of them of David's Line mentioned in the Scriptures that I remember Governours the high Priests the Maccabees the Sanhedrim unto the coming of Shilo So fatal to the Jewish Nation was their Princes Irreligion There is no respect of Persons with the Almighty at whose Tribunal all must once stand to be judged High and Low Rich and Poor Noble and Ignoble Kings Princes and People as sure as the Scripture which we esteem the word of the great God is infallibly true But whither has the overflowing of my thoughts carried me To go back again therefore into the way from whence I have so far deviated In this same 44th year of King Henry wherein he commanded all of Twelve Years and upwards in London to swear to be true to him and his Heirs we read of further grudge and displeasure beginning to kindle between the King and his Lords The occasion is related to be for that the Barons with consent of the Peers discharged one and admitted another for Justice unwitting the King The displeaâ—ure hence arising and encreasing more and more was â—owever a little appeased for a while by the Policy of the Kings Brother and some Prelates of the Land â—n this Year the Chronicler thought it worthy remark â—o make mention of the variance that fell out between â—he Londoners and the men of Northampton at a Fair â—here held for a man of that Town there slain which occasioned a long Suit and Plea between them to 〈◊〉 great vexation and trouble of both Parties wherein 〈◊〉 the end the City had the better That City that 〈◊〉 able to make a Contest with the King 's whole 〈◊〉 is likely enough to match a particular Town In the 45th shortly after Alhallontide the Baroâ— admitted and made Sheriffs of divers Shires namiâ—â— them Guardians and Keepers of the Counties and Shiâ—â— and discharged such as the King had before admittâ—â— Neither would they suffer the Justices but such as 〈◊〉 of their own admission to keep the Itinerary 〈◊〉 The Law allowed them power and they were 〈◊〉 it seems to use it The King as any may easily suppose was grievously discontented therewith insomucâ— as saith the Chronicle that after that Season he â—â—boured what he might to disannul the former Ordinanâ—â— and Statutes and cause them to be broken To thâ— end on the second Sunday in Lent was read by thâ— King's Command at Paul's Cross a Bull of Pope 〈◊〉 the 4th as a Confirmation of another Bull before pâ—â—chased of his Predecessor Alexander the 4th to absolâ—â— the King and all others that before had sworn 〈◊〉 maintain the Articles made at Oxford and afterwaâ—â— the said Absolution was shewed throughout Englâ—â—â— Wales and Ireland streight charge being given to 〈◊〉 that none be so hardy to withstand or disobey the 〈◊〉 said Absolution And if any were found disobediâ—â— to this Commandment that he should be put in Prisâ—â— without Ransom or Deliverance till the Kings Plâ—â—sure were further known The Pope could pretend 〈◊〉 absolve on either side if he were well paid 〈◊〉 then could any Oaths be suppos'd to avail without sâ—â—able Power to compel their Observance Yet hitheâ—â—â— the Commons of the City held their Power formeâ— granted them For we read of another License â—â—ven to the King at a Folk-Moot to sail into 〈◊〉 according whereunto he departed the morrow followâ—ng from London Anno 46. Tbomas Fiz Thomas being Mayor Phiâ—â—â— Walbrook Richard Taylor Sheriffs about Martintide â—he Jews felt the Peoples Fury to some of their costs â—o odious was that Nation grown in many parts of â—he World since our Saviour's Crucifixion which had been formerly the darling of Heaven that it must have been a very small mattâ—â— that would not easily have â—â—rred up the common People of the Land where they lived against them In this Year is unkindness â—oted to have arisen between the Londoners and the Constable of the Tower for that contrary to the Ciâ—ies Liberties he took certain Ships passing by with Wheat and other Victuals into the Tower and made â—he Price at his Pleasure Hence might great harm have ensued had not by the Policy of wise men the matter been committed to the Chief Justice and others by direction of the Kings Council to set an order and Rule between the said Parties The effect whereof was that after Evidences and Priviledges produced to â—he advantage of both it was firmly adjudged that â—f the Constable or any other Officer of the Tower would at any time take any Wheat or Victuals to the â—â—se of the King or the Tower he should come into
and Profit of the Realm which Oath by his license and most gracious favour they â—ntended to observe and keep One of the Ingredients â—hat according to the Royal Psalmist goes to the comâ—osure of a Citizen of Zion who shall abide in the Lords Tabernacle and dwell in his Holy Hill is that â—e changeth not though he sweareth to his own hurt â—nd moreover continued the Mayor to avoid all ocâ—asion that might grow of grudge or variance beâ—ween him and his Barons within the City they would â—ut all Aliens and Strangers out thereof if he were so â—ontented The King shewed as if he was well pleaâ—â—d with this Answer so that the Mayor with his faâ—our departed and sent Answer to the Barons acâ—ording to the same their Liberties alway upholden â—id saved The Barons lying so near London and â—ith so considerable a strength 't was time for those â—obles who were against those Statutes to be packâ—â—g as fast as they could for fear of the associated â—ords But the King is said to have sent after them â—â—vers Persons of his Houshold and of the Citizens of â—â—ndon to induce them to return and tarry with him 〈◊〉 that season according to the Mayor's former words all Aliens suspected of any favour owing to the one Party or the other were put out of the City Impartiality is rarely found among the Children of men though it is so commendable a Virtue not to have respect of Persons But not long after we hear of their being placed in Offices many of them in Windsâ—â— Castle by Edward the King's Son So usual is it for contesting Parties to receive and prefer one anothers outcasts No wonder then if we sometimes see the same done in private Families when at variance among themselves which is so oft acted over and over again in publick differences Then Watch and Ward was kept dayly in the Câ—ty and in the night certain assigned to ride about the Town with some Foot-Men allotted to them to search all the Town over But hence harm ensuing by reason that evil disposed Persons under colour oâ— Watch-Men seeking for strangers robbed and spoileâ— many Houses in one part of the City while the ridiâ—â— Watch was in another place a standing Watch was oâ—dained in every Ward The mind of the City being made known by their publick Mouth the Mayor 't was time for men of a different Interest to endeavouâ— to draw the King further off from it Accordinglâ— we find the King departs from the City when â—â— heard the Barons were coming into it The Baroâ—â— enter the City the Sunday before St. Margaret's day and the King shortly after returns to Westminster wiâ—â— the Queen and ohers of his Council Soon after 〈◊〉 Hugh le Spencer is made Chief Justice and Keeper 〈◊〉 the Tower by consent both of the King and the Bâ—rons Upon the morrow following Maudlin Day was a Writ directed to the Mayor and Aldermâ—â— charging them that the King's Peace be firmly 〈◊〉 within the City for in the same it was expressed thâ— the King and his Barons were lovingly agreed Fuâ—thermore in the same Writ it was commanded that if within the Precincts of the City were any person or persons known that would withstand the foresaid Ordinances and Statutes that all such should be attached and put in Prison and their Goods also attached for the King till they knew his further Pleasure Well had it been for many great persons if this agreement had lasted longer but like other Worldly things this new peace was also transitory However here we meet with another instance of the Cities Concern of the Cities Power of the Cities Influence 'T was the Citizens concern to keep the Peace thus happily and quietly made 'T was their Power you here find engaged to see to it And their Influence upon either party you may guess by the due care taken to inform them of the late mutual Agreement In these days of Misrule and time of the Barons residing in the City we are given to understand that many Robberies were committed by divers therein and much harm done but little corrected they were so born out and maintained by their Masters Such is the too too common effect of Civil broils The Commons of the City were far out of Rule by the incensing of riotous Persons so that in the Assemblies and Courts kept at Guild-Hall or other places Worshipful men were little or nothing regarded and simple indiscrcet persons carried away the voice As the City was in those days powerful so the Lords seem well to have known it when to obtain the more favour of the Citizens they willed them to shew them if they had any of their Liberties withdrawn that they might again to them be restored and also to think of some new ones to their Weal and Profit and they would labour to the King to have them granted Can any one desire greater Evidence than Ocular Demonstration The City had a great many good and beneficial Liberties and Franchises already granted to the Emulation and Envy of many of her ill-willers Yet here our own Eyes may easily certifie us of a large offer voluntarily made to her Citizens by such as had Power to encrease them had they had the discretion at that time to have made a good use of it For the Mayor having upon this kind offer assembled the Commons at Guild-Hall and willed the Officers to devise such things as might be beneficial to the City they counselling together are said to have made such a note of Statutes Provisions and Ordinances to their own singular Profit and so prejudicial to all other Foreign Merchants coming to the City to all other Fairs and Markets of England and the universal Weal of the Realm that upon overseeing them the Heads told them they were neither lawful nor charitable and such as they knew would not be admitted So common is it in too too many concerns for private Interest to be brought up in the Van while the publick is left lagging behind as it were a loof off in the Rear The Heads of the City willing the Commons to devise other Ordinances their first being so uncharitably ordered and they I know not upon what account nor upon whose Incitation proving refractory and refusing both those and others right necessary for the Common-Weal of the City were rejected and put off saith my Author For men to go to logging of Bills when they cannot otherwise hinder their passing is a known Practice After St. James's day we hear of the Barons departure from London towards Windsor where they turned out the Aliens before plac'd therein by the King's Son Edward who thereupon with other associates rode to the King with Complaints in their Mouths against the Barons for spoiling them of their Goods But these being then put off by the King with a promise of Justice till more of his Council were with him he with other Attendants sailed into France whence being returned after Michaelmas to
was the name â—hen usually given to Canaan the Land of Promise wherein our blessed Saviour was Crucified to compleat the works of our Redemption the 〈◊〉 penny of every mans Substance moveable throuâ—â— out the Land of the lay fee and of the Spiritâ—â—â—ty by the Pops Assent three Dysmes to be 〈◊〉 three years A politick pretence vsed in those days get mony An invention somewhat suitable here 〈◊〉 to have latter ages found out and sometimes as bâ—neficial viz. To pretend war with a neighbour Nâ—tion and then get mony towards the raising an 〈◊〉 to carry it on If they could afterwards compass 〈◊〉 take mony on both sides to lay it again that 〈◊〉 good advantage but to get mony twice to 〈◊〉 it was double gain Much about this time t is that 〈◊〉 read in Stows Annals of a Quo Waranto set on foot 〈◊〉 an Assembly of Nobles met at London by the Kinâ— Command where by many to their no small 〈◊〉 were called before the Justices to shew by 〈◊〉 right they held their Lands But it was thought 〈◊〉 afterwards to cease any further prosecution thereâ—â— After that John Warren Earl of Surry being demanâ—ed on that writ what right he had to his Landâ— boldly drew out his Sword and said that thereâ—â— he held his Grand-Fathers Lands and by that 〈◊〉 keep them Wherein doubtless he would not 〈◊〉 failed of many Powerful Abettors and assistants 〈◊〉 the Kings Justices too rigorously proceeded in 〈◊〉 aâ—â—air We find it cost the Lord Cheif Justice of 〈◊〉 Allen dela Zâ—nch his life and the Earl only a 〈◊〉 of mony notwithstanding that he made that allaâ—â— upon the other before the other Justices of the 〈◊〉 He having affirmed by the Oath of 25. Knights at Wiâ—chester that he committed not that Fact upon any pâ—â—tended malice nor in contempt of the King this 〈◊〉 the Issue of the Quo Warranto in those days 55 was the year wherein my Author acquaints 〈◊〉 that the Citizens so well contented Prince Edâ—â—rds mind that he labour'd to the King his Father for them and procur'd their Charter in such 〈◊〉 confirm'd that they should after their Ancient â—riviledges choose of themselves a Major and two Sheriffs which Sheriffs were to have the Offices thereunto belonging to farm as before had been â—ccustomed except that instead of 350 l. paid aâ—â—retimes for the Fee-farm they should then pay 450 l. But that a quam diu placuerit was then thought of I don't find After this Confirmation thus granted and pass'd by the Kings broad Seal upon July the 14th we find the Citizens assemâ—led at Guildhal where they chose for their Major John Adryan 〈◊〉 and for Sheriff Walter 〈◊〉 and John 〈◊〉 And upon the 16th Presenâ—ed them to the 〈◊〉 at Westminster Edward being â—resent 〈◊〉 â—â—ey were admitted and Sworn â—nd Hugh Son of Othon discharg'd of the Rule of â—he City Then the Citizens of their free Will â—o writes Fabian gave unto the King an 100 Marks â—nd to Edward 500 Marks which the King well â—ccepted And soon after they receiv'd their Charâ—â—er of Confirmation bearing date July 21st and â—5th of the Kings Reign The Annals of this year my Author ends with 〈…〉 mischance hapning in London viz. The falâ—â—ng down of Saint Mary Bow Steeple in Cheapside â—o the slaying of Women and Children In the next year 56 he gives us the Relation of â—n other unfortunate accident that fell out in Norâ—ich through occasion of a fray between some Serâ—ants of the Monastery there standing and some of â—he Citizens This was carried on to such an height â—â— violence and fury that many of the Town were wounded and slain and the Abbey with all it's buildings except a little Chappel burnt down and destroyed But this afterwards cost the place the death of near upon 30 young Men of the Town who were Indicted Judg'd Cast Hang'd and Burnt as Occasioners and Executors of that Deed to the great sorrow of the Citizens and so much the rather for that they thought the Prior of the place was the Occasioner of all that mischief but he was born out it seems and defended by the Bâ—shop of Norwich Hard medling in those times with any of the Church-men they were grown so powerful and high Crested What destroy goods of the Church hah In days much later what a difference arose between Pope Paul and Fum'd the Common-wealth of Venice upon their Imprisoning an offending Church-man guilty 〈◊〉 less an offence than Murder The Thunderbolt oâ— Excommunication had been but a small matter had his Popeship but had power to have vented his Rage in an higher manner If the Romish Clergy so domineer over those Countries which have for many ages continued in Popery can we Englishmen rationally hope to be free their utmost revenge if they can but once get such an head over us as they have long desired and hop'd for No No thâ— thinking part of the Nation are all pretty weâ— satisfied of their purposes Plots and designs Leâ— them do their worst gnash upon us with their teeth and think to eat us up as bread Let them begiâ— a Massacre if they durst as soon as they pleasâ— it 's much but they 'll find to their cost free Englisâ— Spirits in English bodies who will not so easiâ— be brought to their lure as they may perhaps haâ— foolishly perswaded themselves from their converâ— with a few debauch'd unthinking men amongst 〈◊〉 King Henry dyes in the 57th year of his 〈◊〉 while his Son Edward was absent in th◠〈…〉 But upon notice hereof he returns for 〈◊〉 and in Auguâ—t comes to London where of the Cittizens he is received with all Joy and honoâ—â— and so conveyed to Westminster He had newly got for the Citizens their Priviledges restorâ—d in his Fathers days let us now see how matters were carried in his Reign between the City and the Court We shall find the City a powerful match still tho she met with many troubles and Enemies yet she weather'd them out in spight oâ— all attempts In the second year of this King Edward there was a great contest at Guildhal about the Major Certain attempts we hear of made the year before by some of the Citizens to have made such a Major as they listed but being then disappointed of their Accessaries it was hinder'd for that time but in this years beginning took further effect On Simon and Jude's day when Philip le Taylor before chosen Major should have taken his charge at the Guildhal divers Citizens put him beside the Majors seat and set therein Sir Walter Harvy who the year before had been Major This contention being brought before the King upon hearing the reasons of both parties when he could not bring them to an agreement he took occasion to put both the Candidates aside and chose Henry Forâ—ick for Custos of the City who so continued for a time So ready were some always to deprive the City of the use of her Liberties upon her
Parliament holden at Westminster But in these present papers I think it may be more noted for what I am going now to relate verbatim out of Fabian In this year a Citizen of London Named Thomas Pywelysdon the which in the time of the Barons War before in the story of King Henry shew'd had been a Captain and a great stirrer of the Commons of the said City for to maintain the Baron's party against the Kings was newly accused that he with others of evil disposition should make Conventicles and Assemblies to the new disturbance of the City whereof Report was made unto the King the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Ralph Sandewych then Custos or Guardian of the City Then the said Thomas with others was put in sure keeping till the matter was duly enquired of After which Inquisition made and found report was made unto the King Then the King sent down a Writ and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the City whereof the Effect was thus that the said Thomas Pywelysdon William de Heywood Richard de Coundris Richard le Cofferre Robert de Derby Albyne de Darby William Mayo Mercer and Ivo Lyng Draper with divers others to the number of fifty Persons should be banished out of the City for ever And if any of the said fifty eight Persons were at that time of the Proclamation voided the City for fear or otherwise that they should so remain and not return unto the City upon pain of Life losing These being thus discarded and exiled the City who it may be would have stood firm to the City's old Liberties and Priviledges the rest of the Chief remaining might perchance hope the eafier to keep the Commons in aw whatsoever new Customs they should introduce for their own lucre and advantage thâ— to other men's dammage Here you may perceive â—ow jealous Governours are of all Meetings and Assemblies but what are of their own constitution and ordering The Caviliers doubtless can relate many Stories of their own experience hereof in Olivers days Neither are many of our Coffee-houses and Clâ—b meetings I believe very grateful to some persons in the World though their open business there is mostly to drink smoke talk trade and the like By the aforesaid relation we may likewise observe Once counted an Offender and ever thought so Here Thomas Pyweldon or Pywelysdon for his name I find diversly Written though the same man be meant a noted man in the Barons War for which he had suffered deeply after their overthrow by long imprisonment and the charge of redeeming his Liberty for a great Sum of money of this same King Edward then only Prince was nevertheless after about sixteen years respite banished the City for ever on an accusation of attempting a new disturbance That any thing was prov'd against him I have not read besides the mention here of making Assemblies or Meetings Had there been any thing material found against him I scarce believe he should have scap't so well with his Life seeing old Crimes seem to have been remembred though new faults were pretended An Act of Oblivion is a very good Plaister in a publique Universal Offence But whatever Offender of Note thus pardoned out-lives the greatest number of those qually reputed guilty with him and times be so much turned that the ballance of the Nation leans very much on the governing side I think that man's life hangs but by a very slender thread whose safety and security depends only upon Pen Ink and Paper and not upon the Governours natural inclination to justice and honesty in the constant keeping and observing of his word and promise When in the late Wars on this side the World Messina in Sicily was reduc'd under the Spanish government by the French's forsaking it to whom the Messineses had before subjected themselves tho a general pardon was by the Spaniards publickly granted whereupon many return'd to the Cityâ— yet if my memory deceive me not there passed no long time before the publick news told us of the accusing and I think condemning of a Principal Man of that City for a new endeavour to stir up another Rebellion and Revolt therein New accusations and new offences pretended how unlikely soever may sometimes serve to blind the unthinking vulgar Herd but a man of thought doubtless will be apt to suspect that the old grudge lies at the bottom How easy and usual it is to suborn false Witnesses against a Man Jezabelâ— practice and the endeavour of the Chief Priests Elders and Council of a much later date may inform a Protestant Reader if he hath no experience in the world to instruct him The Citizens were accustom'd before this year to make good advantage to themselves by lodging Merchant strangers and selling their Merchandize for them for which they received so much in the pound But at this time by means of those Merchant strangers it was brought to pass that they hired Houses for themselves and their Wares so that no Citizen should intermeddle with them which was to the damage of many particular private men as well as to the hindrance of the Kings Custom and prejudicial as affirms the Book to the Realm in general by many deceits and frauds used by them Here was a new Custom disadvantagious to many of the Citizens introduc'd but for what reason at first permitted whether to advance Trade by drawing more Forreigners to the City or else to weaken their power and bring down lower the Citizens high stomachs by cutting off some of their gain and parting their Trade with others I pretend not to deliver until I meet with better Information my self than hitherto I have in the point Certain it is from the story that the King much advantag'd himself by searching into their fraudulent and deceitful dealings and punishing them for those offences by a considerable fine The 15th year was chargeable to the Jews who were fain to pay great sums of mony to the King which they were assessed at saith the Chronicle but out of an other Author it is recorded that the Commons of England granted to the King the fifth part of their movables to have the Jews banished out of the Land which to prevent the Jews of their own Wills gave the King great sums of mony Here then was taking mony of both sides A subtle Court way of Trading This year there was such a plenty of Wheat that according to my Authors Computation it was sold at London for Ten Groats the Quarter five pence the Bushel But the next year through distemperature of the weather we find the price raised up to 14 d. the Bushel after to 18 d. and encreasing yearly duâ—ing this Kings Reign and his Sons so that it stands upon Record to be sold at last for 40 s. the Quarâ—er and above The 18th may be remark'd by â—s for the Kings Honourable reception at London â—nd the punishment of divers offending Justices Sir
then thought unpardonable by the Londoners who in words and deeds espoused the Queen's Cause seis'd on the Tower of London and kept it for the Queens use and not long afterwards received her into their City with great Joy and Honour A demonstrative evidence in my opinion of the City's strength and power For if London when she pleas'd could maintain the King's peace in the midst of Arms as was shewn above so inviolably as that none dar'd in opposition to break it and afterwards in the very same age and within the compass of half a dozen years did actually assert the Qeens cause and assist her in her proceedings as was pretended for Reformation of the Realm tho the Consequence thereof was in truth the unfortunate Kings resignation what greater instance can there be to shew her great influence upon the whole Nation in those unsetled times London having so visibly appeared in favour of the Queen the Prince and his party and contributed so much towards this notable revolution of affairs we have no reason to think but that out of Common gratitude her Citizens were to be aboundantly rewarded and that they themselves out of self interest and natural Prudence would so well and wisely look to their own affairs as to make hay while the Sun shines to the procuring new grants and Graces and so accordingly we find the event For in the first year of Edward the third Fabian tells us he confirmed the Liberties and Franchizes of the City making the Major Chief Justice in all places of Judgment within the same next the King every Alderman that had been Major Justice of Peace in London and Midlesex and such as had not been Justice in his own Ward Granting them also the Fee-farm of London for three hundred pounds and that they should not be constrained to go out of the City to â—o fight or defend the Land for any need A priviledge greater than what was claimed as their liberty in his Fathers days when unwilling to engage against the Queen and Prince they refused not to go out on condition of returning the same day as is related before But the most beneficial of all the grants was that the Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings hands but only for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City It having before been a Common thing to have their Liberties seized on as hath been plainly manifested in the Precedent Relation on almost every petty disgust conceived by the Court against them were it but for the pretended offence of a particular Officer or for mony alledged to be owing by the City to some great ones at Court or some such like small trivial pretence But now at this time they took such care to have their Liberties setled and secured by this Royal Grant that it may be thought almost if not wholly a thing impossible for the City to forfeit her Charter and have it justly according to that grant taken from her The bringing of Southwark under the Rule of the City and the power allowed their Major to appoint such a Bailiff there as liked him best was a very advantagious favour at the same time by this King Edward bestowed on London but not comparable with the former grant which may most deservedly be esteemed Paramount to all others A particular Officer may offend and oftentimes does nay many may but for a City a whole City so great and glorious a City as London Traiterously to Rebel and so forfeit all her Liberties Priviledges and Franchises at one clap seems to me so great a contradiction as to imply little less than an Impossibility in Nature not to go a step or two higher This King being one of the most powerful Princes of his time and in the strength of his age very succesful in his Wars against the French King 't is not for us hastily to imagine there was any occasion given for so wise and good a King to contest with his Subjects much less with his Loyal Citizens We are rather to expect to hear of the City's Triumphs and glory the Joy and rejoyceing wherewith she often received her Victorious King returning Conquerour from France the frequent Justings Tiltings and Tournaments shewn thereat for his Recreation and entertainment the Wealth Riches and Ability of her head Officers whereof one to Londons great glory is said to have sumptuously feasted four Kings at once in the thirty first of this Kings Reign besides the famous Black Prince many Noble Knights and others to whom with the King he gave many Rich Gifts the splendor of the Citizens in general oâ— publick occasions and the harmonious concord of all in their own private and particular concerns relating more especially to the Cities good order and Government This King may be supposed too great and too good either to create or to permit differences and discord at home He had wherewithal to exercise his Wisdom and valour abroad in forreign Countries and such success too in his Enterprizes as might make him both feared and beloved by his Subjects at one and the same time Yet notwithstanding such still was Londons power strength and resolution to maintain her Liberties that this Victorious Prince Conquerour over others having sent out Justices into the Shires to make enquiry about his Officers offences and delinquences and the City of London not suffering as Stow tells us any such Officers to sit as Justices in their City as Inquisitors of such matters contrary to their Liberties he thought good rather to appoint those Justices their Sessions in the Tower for Inquisition of the damages of the Londoners and they refusing unless conditionally to answer there and a tumult thereupon arising among the meaner sort claiming their Liberties he esteemed it greater prudence to wave the Justices sitting as to that place and forgive all offences than to enter into a contest with such powerful tho Loyal Subjects as the Londoners were and such undaunted assertors of their own rights priviledges franchises and liberties For as 't is plain the City was very potent so we may as certainly perhaps conclude the Citizens no less suspicious of any thing done under the shadow of this Kings Authority if but looking towards the least breach of their Priviledges as the Commons of England in general seem to have appeared jealous of their Common liberty when upon this Kings laying claim to the Kingdom of France they procured a Law whereby it was enacted that the King should not Rule England as King of France and so Subject them to the insolencies of a fellow-Subjects Deputyship Would you know what esteem and respect the house of Commons in this King's reign had for â—he City Look in Cotton's abridgment of the Records â—n the Tower and there you may find the Commons â—ver and anon petitioning the King that the City â—f London may enjoy all her Liberties and the King's â—nswers generally to such petitions seem rather to â—rant than
of any of the Kings Officers but only at the Kings Sute Sealed with the Great or Privy Seal except the Kings Justices according to their Charter That they shall by themselves enquire of Customs and impositions hapning or arising within the City That the Major and Chamberlain for the time being shall have the keeping of the City Orphans Lands and Goods No small advantage in those times when the Court of Wards was in being and greatly beneficial still by reason of the Deceits many poor Orphans meet with from Cheating or Insolvent Guardians and Trustees whereas the City's security is unquestionable and her Credit not in the least to be doubted of That the Interpretation of any word or Sentence touching their said Liberties which may severally be taken may be taken according to the intent and Claim of the said Citizens That the City may enjoy all such Liberties as any other Town in the Realm if they have any other than the Citizens have That no protection Royal be allowed in Debt Account or Trespass wherein a Freeman of London is ten pounds with several others By the Answers whereunto we find the Kings Will was that the Citizens of London should in no wise be restrained of any of their Liberties or ancient customs approv'd Such as were most useful and advantagious at the present time were by his Majesty granted and if any appear to have been denyed the denyal seems rather conditional than plain and direct in down right terms So cautious was the King in his Answers so careful not to displease this powerful Coporation and so well advis'd as not to shew himself Ungrateful at his first coming to the Crown to those who had so Cordially erewhile espous'd his interest and so stoutly defended his cause but a little before In the sixth of this King at the request of the Commons the Abridgment tells us it was enacted that the City of London should enjoy all such Liberties as they had in the time of King Edward the third or as were to them confirm'd by the King now and that Victuallers particularly should be â—under the Mayors Rule and have no particular liberties by themselves In the seventh we find it among the Commons Petitions enacted that the Citizens of London shall enjoy all their whole Liberties whatsoever with this Clause licet usi non fuerunt vel â—busi fuerunt notwithstanding any Statute to the Contrary Whether then 't is possible for any Corporate body endowed with so transcendent Priviledges by the publick Act and Deed of the known Legislators of the Land to forfeit and lose them all of a sudden Judge ye At the same time we read of a grant made by the same Authority that the Mayor and Aldermen should take no other Oath in the Exchequer than they did in the time of King Edward the third How careful were the Commons do we see in this Age to prevent the Citizens from being enslav'd in either their Bodies or their Souls They sha'nt be impos'd upon by their good Wills in so much as an Oath much less have Creeds Articles and Oaths by the dozens thrust upon them to Swear and subscribe to In the same year we have the Commons petitioning the King again in the Cities behalf so Sollicitous were they for her good and welfare That free choice may be made of the most able men for Aldermen as well of such as were the year before as of others yearly See we here the House of Commons pleading for a free choice an Election without disturbance threats or menaces and that particular Citizens should not be impos'd upon nor overaw'd And if they had formerly chosen good Men and found them so by experience that they should not be oblig'd next year to pass them by and choose others such as possibly might prove friends to them the backward way and over the left shoulders The Electors might pick and choose as they please which is the benefit of a free Election And as the Commons pray so the King grants as long as there is good Government in the City thereby What could be desir'd more As long as the Aldermen were lyable to be pass'd by every year as well as the Common-Council-Men 't is very unlikely that they should displease the City much less thwart and contradict the Common voice oâ— her Citizens for a few sprinklings of Court Holy Water Observe this was at the Parliament helâ— at Salisbury some scores of Miles from London yet 't was not the distance of place that could breed distance of affection Remove the national assembly to the other end of the Land to the utmost Coasts of Great Brittian yet Londons Name reaches thither 'T is not the place that makes our Westminster Conventions so mindful of her but her Merit her Power her Influence the respect and esteem they have for her Glory Honour and Renown to see her ever continue the fixt unmovable Defendress of the Protestant Religion under the Defender of the Faith In the Ninth the Commons require at the petition of the Mayor and Commonalty of London that the Patent lately made to the Constable of the Tower may be Revok'd The reason is plain 't was prejudicial to the City to have the Victuals brought to her upon her dearest and best beloved Thames made to pay Toll and Custom to another How Glorious and Gracious must we needs think that City to be in the peoples Eyes when we find their Representatives not once nor twice but so constantly almost at every 〈◊〉 pleading her Cause vindicating her Liberties and asserting her Rights And these we know are part of the Legislative power A general act of Oblivion is a Royal Grant not every day bestow'd upon the Subject and a grace not often obtain'd without much importunity and intercession We have reason therefore to believe the Londoners look't upon it as no small favour that at the Common's request the King granted a Pardon to the Citizens of London in the Eleventh of his Reign of all Treasons Felonies and other offences of loss of life For so Pardons run whether the parties were guilty of such crimes and delinquences or not and 't is a salvo that Wise men disdain not sometimes to make use of and why should they not unless a Pardon must of necessity imply a Crime We have heard how careful the House of Commons were under this King to secure the Cities Liberties ascertain her Rights defend her Priviledges and keep off encroachments that she might not be abus'd nor impos'd on Let me next have leave before I pass forwards to give a hint or two to intimate how ready the Commons were to free the City from Annoyances in order both to the Citizens health and the Cities Ornament that nothing offensive either to the Eyes or the Nostrils might be found therein 'T is to be seen Enacted among the Commons Petitions in the sixteenth of this King that all the filth upon Thames side in a certain place
of England wherein we read at the latter end of the Life and Reign of King Richard the Second That after the Duke was come from Coventry to St. Albans about five or six Miles before his coming to London the Mayor and the Companies in the Liveries with great Noise of Trumpets met the Duke doing more Reverence to him than to the King Rejoycing that GOD had sent them such a Prince that had Conquer'd the Realm i. e. the Court-party within one Months space Whereupon when the Duke was come within two Miles of the City he stopt his Army as if out of Reverence and Acknowledgment and in Submission thereto and ask't Advice of the Commons thereof what they would do with the King who Answered they would He should be led to Westminster upon which to them He was delivered and they led him accordingly to Westminster and from thence by Water to the Tower Nay some of the Londoners publickly shew'd themselves so much His Enemies as to Assemble together with an intent to have met Him without the City and there to have Slain him for his former Severities But the Mayor and Rulers and best of the Commonalty upon Information hereof with some difficulty reclaim'd them therefrom After the Citizens had thus receiv'd the King into their Custody and in effect thereby made a publick Declaration of their Minds and Opinions as to the great Change succeeding the Duke we are told entred London by the chief Gate and Rode through Cheapside to St. Pauls and there Lodg'd for some time so secure was he of the Citys good Will and Affection to him and afterward in October held a Parliament in Westmimster-Hall where the old King's Deposition and the new King's Election were compleated I shall not stay to make a long Paraphrase upon the Cityes proceedings in this Affair it being Matter of Fact and undeniable that the City consented hereto from the aforesaid passages which may be likewise thought very much to have influenc'd the Nation in their Elections to that Parliament if from the Annalists Computation we may safely and truly aver that the Parliament-Men were chosen after these Transactions at London because Forty dayes at least interven'd between this time and the first Wednesday in October whereon he sayes the Parliament began If any be desirous of another Observation I leave them to their own Liberty to infer from History and the Premises that it much conduc't to facilitate the King's Deposition that he had no known and generally acknowledg'd Heir of his own Body lawfully begotten boldly to stand up for Him and strongly plead his Cause in Armour for his own particular Interest as well as out of a due sence of his Duty Neither indeed do I well see how he could have any since that he had none by his first Wife that I read of his second Queen was too young another Heir was publickly pointed out to the Nation and he himself was also loosely addicted as seems plain beyond dispute His Lascivious living being hinted to us in Burton's Historical Remarks of London among the Articles drawn up against him and we have great reason to think it was an imputation too true when we read of several Ladyes expell'd the Court in the Eleventh of his Reign by the Procurement of the contesting Lords and a little before the sitting of the Wonder-Working-Parliament and take Notice out of Cotton's Abridgment of the House of Commons Request in the Twentieth Year for the avoiding the outragious Expences of the King's house and namely of Bishops and Ladyes and the King's Answer thereto made That he would be free therein and that the Commons thereby had offended against him his Dignity and Liberty Such was his Indignation against them for desiring to controul him in this Point and so highly incens'd was he thereat that to Appease him the Exhibiter of the Bill was adjudg'd to dye as a Traytor though upon some great Ones importunity his Life was for that time spared and he himself at length restor'd in Blood and to the recovery of his Goods Livings Lands and Tennements at the next King 's comming to the Crown But how I trow come the Bishops to be complain'd of by the Commons among the Misses Were they such Courters of Ladyes as instead of rebuking to follow or rather give bad Examples to the King and Country Yet now I think on 't these were Popish not Protestant Bishops Though I scarce believe every one of them that to the view of the World gives himself a Protestant Title is able well and truly to plead not Guilty If Noli-fet-ole-chery be a Motto rightly father'd upon one of our Western Diocesans How all things in a manner concur'd to further King Richard's Deposition and that he was actually depos'd hath already been spoken of which nevertheless barely did not content the Party but they would needs have it done in a formal and solemn way First the King must make a publick Renunciation of all Right Title and Claim to the Crown then Commissioners are by the States appointed in their Names to pronounce the Stentence of his Deposition from the Throne and make to him a Resignation of their homage and fealty for their Loyalty seems plainly enough to have been gone before Neither did they think this enough but were resolv'd over and above to leave Articles against him upon Record wherein are expressed the ill things done by others in his Reign and as they say by his Authority whereby they designed to justifie what they had done towards the unhappy Kings Deposition which visibly pav'd the way to his Grave So pernicious is it for Princes to suffer their Authority to be abus'd to shelter other mens Crimes or their Names to be made use of without a Present Resentment to carry on Designs hateful to the People though they never consent thereto themselves as their own Act and Deed. For I hope we may charitably Conclude what the worshipful Knights Sir Mayor and Sir Haughty the other-ill belov'd wight did in laying a trap to catch the Contesting Lords in the 11th year of this King was without the Kings privity because he swore it as in page 〈◊〉 though possibly they shrouded themselves under the shelter of his Authority and pretended his Warrant and Command for what they design'd and endeavoured And perhaps they had as Sir Richard Bakâ—r words it a warrant Dormant to prosecute the Kings Ends without the Kings Knowledge The Articles and Objections laid against the King are to be found in Cotton's Abridgment 1. H. 4. whence I trust I may securely transcribe them without hazarding the Courteous Readers Displeasure to shew him the grievances of the age as they are there exprest in this form of words Besides the Kings Oath made at his Coronation First for wasting and bestowing of the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and over-charging the Commons with Exactions For that the King by undue means procur'd divers Justices to speak against the
City of London appears emulous of the Old Imperial City of Rome both in the Courage of the Women and valour of her men as if resolved not to yield to her Fame on any account in Glory and Merit nor come behind her in the Heroick Acts of either of the Sexes while one continues as potent in the Brittish World by the Spirit of the Citizens and influence of her Actions as the other once was famous for her Arms all over Europe Asia and Africa And who knows whitherto she may come in time as how far the Fates or rather Providence have decreed to advance her Was she so powerful so many Ages since what is she now since that she 's very much encreased in the Strength and Number of her Inhabitants and her private Buildings are reform'd from Wood and Earth into Brick and publick into Stone low humble Cottages into stately Edifices and who dares be so positive to aver that they may not in time be chang'd into Marble Hitherto have I treated the Reader with variety of Proofs and Evidences sufficiently I hope demonstrative of the Repute Fame Honour Glory and Renown Magnificence Grandeur Strength Power and Influence of this so Triumphant a City whose Approbation and Assistance hath setled Kings upon their Thrones and the dissatisfaction of whose Inhabitants hath sometimes left the way open to the ruine of Princes In the Examples and Instances whereof the Concurrence of her Citizens was for the most part general and universal at least so far as concern'd the Majority But now I shall produce an Instance and not easie perhaps to be parallell'd from either Divine or prophane Writings to shew how influential the bare shadow of her Name hath been in State-Affairs and how contributary to the transforming of a Subject into a King without any apparent assent of the Main Body of this ancient Corporation which I am so far from thinking a diminution of her Glory that I rather look upon it as here circumstantiated to be an Argument of the City's great Power Reputation and Esteem under this Consideration That if that aspiring Protector the bloody Duke of Gloucester better known by the Name of Crook-back'd Richard the Third could do so much by the shadow what might he not have done could he have but enjoyed the substance As in Divinity Circumstances make many an Action good or bad so in History the Design and Event not seldom ennobles or debases an Enterprize 'T is not so much the bare Act or thing done in this particular that is to make good my Assertion as the Deduction from the Consequences thereof whether real or designed which come now to be related in this manner following When that ambitious Crook-back'd Duke upon his Brother's Death had got his eldest Son and Heir and the rightful King into his hands and by treacherous Plots devis'd Crimes and false Calumniations taken away the Lives of those true and trusty Friends of the old King that were most likely to continue faithful to his young Son and Heir in his Minority and loyally stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes against the open Attempts or secret Designs of his Treacherous Uncle and thereby remov'd many of the Rubs out of the way to his aspir'd greatness His next Care was to get the Peoples Consent to the turning of his Ducal Corronet into a Regal Crown and their Concurrence to acknowledge him for their King whereas before he was but Protector But how should this be done A Pretence must be found to cajole them seeing that he had so little Equity and Justice on his side to confirm them to him The City of London was known to be powerful and populous and their Example was thought to do much with the rest of the Nation to make them if not approve at least connive at his Nephew's Deposition and his own Exaltation therefore the Citizens were to be Caress'd and their Approbation to be sought Whereupon he seeks for and procures Instruments fit for his turn that to honour his ambitious Desires stuck not openly to turn Renegado's to Truth Honesty and Loyalty so that they migh◠get Worldly Honour and Preferment thereby Among whom none of the less noted nor least useful are reckon'd the present Lord Mayor of London a Man of a proud Heart and highly desirous of Advancement how little soever he deserv'd it and two brazen-fac'd Sons of the Church both great Preachers of more Learning than Virtue of more Fame than Learning So useful hath the Pulpit in the Church been always thought to carry on Intreagues in the State The Contrivance was first to prepare the People and break the Matter at Paul's-Cross and then Motion it to the Citizens at Guild-hall to accomplish which and bring his purpose to perfection the Duke cared not so his dead Father were thought or call'd a Cuckold his Mother a Whore his Brethren Bastards and his Nephew illegitimate to the shame of the whole House of York such Fires of Ambition rul'd and rag'd in his Heart The flattering Clergy-men readily did their Parts in the Pulpit as far as they were able but with so ill success to the Duke's Cause and their own Reputation that he was wholly disappointed of the desir'd Acclamations and they lost their Credit and Estimation among the People ever after One lost his Life after his Sermon the other his Voice in the midst of his Preaching and so was forc'd to leave off and come down From Paul's Cross away go we the Tuesday following the Doctor 's Sermon to Guild-hall and there we find the Mayor upon the Hustings and all the Aldermen assembled about him and the Commons of the City gather'd before them To whom the Duke of Buckingham newly come thither attended with divers Lords and Knights from the Court makes a long and large Oration about the Grievances under the late King his many unnecessary Taxations great Severities and the looseness of his Life to cast dirt thus upon the late King's Government was thought then it seems an effectual Means to make way for this Popish Successor 〈◊〉 them of the Doctor 's Sermon and desires them to joyn with him and others in a Petition to the Duke to take upon him the Name and Office of a King hoping by his many Arguments and Perswasions with the volubility of his Tongue to obtain the Citizens Concurrence in a full Cry of of King Richard King Richard But they were it seems by the story very deaf of hearing on that Ear to his no little wonder and amazement Wherefore upon further consultation with the Mayor and others privy to the Design Buckingham resumes his Discourse and rehearses the same over again with a louder Voice as if the Citizens had not all heard or not well understood the meaning of his former Speech But neither did this move their Affections nor produce a Word in favour of the Motion from the Auditors Then Mr. Recorder by the Mayor's Advice was pitch'd upon to second