same and apply what Counsells are here given the King of Spain to their own Affaires For if it be good counsel for the King of Spain to take To procure and maintain a perfect Vnion among his own subjects at home but on the Contrary To sow the seeds of Division among his Enemies abroad the same must be as good Counsel for the King of France also to take or any other Prince or Potentate what ever If it be good Counsel to the Spaniard Never to trust so much to any peace made with an Enemy as thereupon quite to lay aside his Armes it is altogether as good Counsel for any other Prince And the same may be said of any other of the General Maxims of Policy delivered here by our Author But as for what in Particular concerns the Advancement of the Spaniard and his Designs in order to the bringing about of his Universal Monarchy whether the Rules by our Author laid down were in sufficient to do the businesse or whether hough they were every way as full and proper as could be yet having not been precisely observed the businesse hath miscarried and the Spaniard hath not as yet arrived and perhaps now is never like to arrive to the end of his Desires all this needs not hinder but that thou shouldest look upon this Author as a man of a most clear wit Judgment and prize him as one that was full of knowledge and experience in the Affaires of the World and a most industrious and studious person In the Third and last place thou art to take notice as concerning this Translation that we have therein dealt so fairely nd Ingenuuosly with our Author as that we have perfectly and entirely preserved his own sense unto himâ— Neither have we stopt his foul mouth where he hath either used ill Language toward any of the Protestant Princes or cast dirt into the faces of the first Reformers Luther Calvin c. For to what end should we falsifie our Original by making our Author more Civil then he had a mind to be seeing we are never a whit the worse for being so miscalled by him nor is he himself a jot the wiser for using us so And to say the Truth we our selves take the same Liberty towards them and therefore for ought I see Hanc Veniam petimusque damusque vicissim We must even be content to allow each other this Liberty on both sides An Index of the CHAPTERS CHAP. I. Of the Causes of Humane Principalities Page 1. II. The Causes of the Spanish Empire p. 4 III. Of the first Cause of Empires namely God p. 6 IV. Of the Spanish Empire considered according to the First Cause p. 9 V. Of the Second Cause namely Prudence 15 VI. How the Clergy are to be dealt withal 25 VII What may be further added concerning Prudence and Opportunity 30 VIII The Causes by which the Spanish Monarchy may be enlarged and become lâ—sse 31 IX Of the King 32 X. What Sciences are required in a Monarch to render Him admired by all 45 XI Of Lawes both good and bad 50 XII Of Counsel 52 XIII Of Justice and its Contrary 57 XIV Of the Barons and Nobility of the Spanish Empire 60 XV. Of the Souldiery 66 XVI Of the Treasure of Spain 81 XVII Of the Peoples Love and Hate as also of Conspiracies 93 XVIII Of Preachers and Prophâ—sies 105 XIX Of such Kingdomes as are properly belonging to the King of Spain and of such also as arâ— his Enemies and of these which are in League with each other and which not 115 XX. Of Spain 125 XXI Of Italy 129 XXII Of Sicily and Sardinia 136 XXIII Of Germany 139 XXIV Of France 144 XXV Of England Scotland and Ireland 155 XXVI Of Poland Muscovia and Transylvania 162 XXVII Of Flanders and the Lower Germany 165 XXVIII Of Africk 185 XXIX Of Persia and Cataia 194 XXX Of the Great Turk and his Empire 197 XXXI Of the Other Hemisphere and the New World 211 XXXII Of Navigation 223 The Authors Preface THe Universal Monarchy of the World begining from the East and so coming at length to the West having passed through the hands of the Assyrians Medes Persians Greeks and Romans who were divided by the Imperial Eagle into Three Heads is at length come down to the Spaniard upon whom after so long Slavery and Division it is wholly conferred by Fate and that with greater Splendour then on any of his Predecessors to whom also according to the Vicissitude of Humane Affaires it did of right belong Now although I had not any Intention to write any thing touching either the Government or the Enlargement of the Spanish Monarchy which you most Noble Alfonso have desired me to do yet being at length delivered from my Tedious Sicknesse and my Ten years Afflictions though I am utterly deprived of the help of any Books and am as it were shut up as a Prisoner in this my Cell I shall notwithstanding in a brief and Compendious way give your Lordship an account what my Iudgment is concerning this Subject and shall give in the Causes of each several Point in General first not after a Natural nor a Theological but after a Political way and shall afterwards also descend to treaâ— more Particularly of the same Tho. Campanella A DISCOURSE TOUCHING The Spanish Monarchy CHAP. I. Of the Causes of Humane Principalities IN the acquiring and managing of every Dominion and Principality there usually concur three Causes that is to say God Prudence and Occasion All which being joyned together are called by the name of Fate which is nothing else but a concurrence of all the Causes working by vertue of the First And hence also is Fortune sprung which is the Successe of Earthly things whether it be good or evil whichâ— if it be rightly known is called Prudence but if otherwise it is then called Fate Fortune or Chance As for example if a man find that which he had long sought after it is called Vnderstanding and Prudence but if he light upon a thing which he did not seek after nor knew where it was it is called Chance or Fortune Among these three Causes One sometimes prevailes in the ruling of things more then Another and perhaps more then the Other two Yet notwithstanding if we will confesse the truth they are all Three Politically concurring in the businesse Do but take notice of the Kingdome of the Iewes wherein God was the Principal Agent who by sending Moses and Aaron furnished out the Other Two Causes For Moses was a person of extraordinary Wisdome and Knowledge not onely in Divine but in Humane things also for he was well versed in all the Learning of the Egyptians and managed a War for King Pharaoh against the King of Ethiopia whom he vanquished in the War and whose daughter also he took to Wife as both Flavius Iosephus and Philo testifie And yet for all this he despised not the advice of Iethâ—â— his Father-in-law touching
Authority as we find it testified by daily Experience Or else it may indeed be desired at the Popes hands that it should be so and it may also be declared that the King is willing to yield that in all Causes whatsoever there should be Appeales to the Pope if so be that it may be but every where allowed to appeal first to a Councel of Three Bishops or else that Appeales in all Causes of the Laity shall come at length to the Pope but passing first by degrees through a Councel consisting of two Bishops and the King and so to be referred afterward to a General Councel and last of all to come to the Pope for Appeals from General Councels are very seldome heard of and besides the very Name of a Councel is hateful to the Pope So that in conclusion the determination of all Causes will alwaies rest with the King who by this means shall be a Gainer where he seems to be a Loser CHAP. VII What may be ufrther added concerning Prudence and Opportunity THat Prudence ought in the first place to agree in all things with Divine Fate hath already been shewed it remaineth now that we speak of all the rest of the parts of Prudence and shew whitherto all its Vertues and especially Opportunity ought to be referred for as much as it is the property of Prudence to know how to make use of Occasion We have already also declared upon what Interests and under what Confederacy with the Pope the Monarchy of Spain ought to proceed at least as far as was fit to be committed to writing for the most secret Arcana and Mysteries of State are not thus to be made Publick It is therefore Manifest that the Occasion which the King of Spain hath consists chiefly in this that his Neighbouring Enemies are weak and at discord among themselves touching both Points of Religion and matters of State but his Remoter Enemies are more Powerful so that these if his weaker Neighbours were once overcome seem the more easily conquerable The Spaniard hath besides a Notable Occasion from the Extraordinary advantage of Navigation and by his having Dominion in all places round about the whole Earth in a Circle And it seems to me that the attaining to the Empire of the whole World is a very feasible businesse for Him to bring about if there could be such an Uniting of things together by degrees as I shall shew hereafter according to the General Rules of Politick Prudence Where we shall at length come to Particular Actions examined according to Nearer and Remoter Relations But first of all the Politick Relation of Spain at home is to be strengthened and afterwards the Forrain is to be looked after Thus therefore I proceed on to the businesse CHAP. VIII The Causes by which the Spanish Monarchy may be enlarged and become lesse THe Occasions by which the Spanish Monarchy may be kept up or perhaps be enlarged also are these First of all The Virtue of the King Secondly the Goodnesse of the Lawes thirdly the Wisdome of the Councel fourthly the Iustice of the Officers of State fiftly the Obedience of the Barons sixtly the Multitude and good Discipline of Souldiers and Commanders Seventhly a Full Treasury Eightly the Mutual Love of the People among themselves and toward their King Ninthly Good Preachers in their Sermons speaking for subjection to Kings Tenthly the Good Agreement betwixt his own Kingdomes and the Disagreement betwixt his Neighbours And on the contrary this Monarchy hath these things that may be the ruine of it as First A wicked King Secondly Bad Lawes Thirdly an Ignorant Councel Fourthly Vnjust Officers of State Fifthly a Disobedient Nobility Sixthly the Want of Souldiers and Commanders and those He hath not well disciplined Seventhly Want of Mony Eighthly The Mutual Hatred of the People among themselves and toward their King Ninthly False Prophets or else perhaps True ones that may rise up against Monarchy Tenthly The Discord of his Own Kingdomes and the Agreement among others All which things are Prudently to be considered and weighed seeing that the present Disagreement among the Enemies of Spain and his Power at Sea all over the World have rendred the Attempt not only of maintaining but of enlarging this so great a Monarchy very feasible CHAP. IX Of the King HE cannot govern the World that cannot govern an Empire neither can he rule an Empire that cannot a Kingdom nor he a Kingdom that cannnot a Province nor he a Province that cannot a City nor he a City that cannot a Village nor he a Village that cannot a Family nor he a Family that cannot a single house nor he a single house that cannot govern himself neither can he govern himself that cannot reduce his affections and bring them within the compasse of Reason which very thinâ— no man is able to do except he submit himself to the will of God For whosoever rebels against God who is the Supreme Wisdom against him shall all things that are subordinate to him rebel also and that justly and by the Law of Retaliation which is most just in all both Governments and Actions of Men. Having therefore weighed in onr mind and coâ—sidered all the Ideas and Formes of Humane Government we say that the King of Spains endeavours must be that He may arrive to the Highest pitch of Wisdom that may be For every Virtue is an Affection of the Mind consisting in a certain Mean beyound which if it arise or fall beneath it it comes to be a Vice Now it is Reason that constitutes this Mean And therefore we are to say that Actions alone do not render a man Vertuous but to this purpose there is required also a Natural Inclination in the Person which is derived both from the Complexion of his Parents from the Aire and from the Stars Seeing therefore that the Kingdom of Spain is not an Electtive one but descends by succession I say that the King ought to have but one wife for to have more is contrary to Reason it self which is to be of a tall Stature and she must be both fruitful and Eloquent and must excel all other women in the endowments both of Body and Mind Neither must he look after the Noblensse of her Family only for so she may chance to be barren or may some other waies be not so pleasing to Him and he should be overwhelmed with all those mischieifs that Henry the Eighth was or the Duke of Mantua Whence Francis the Duke of Tuscany might seem to deserve commendation if he had married Blanch only because he wanted an Heir to succeed him The King is likewise to exercise the Act of Copulation with his Queen under a Fortunate Planet onely and after Digestion is finished and besides he must not do this till after he hath abstained some reasonable time from the said Act to the end that his seed may be the more fruitful and when ever he hath any thing to do with his
Wisest and ablest Commanders for War that are about him Thus we read Sophia Wife to the Emperour Iustinian dealt with Narses who being thereby very much incensed he took occasion to invite the Lombards into Italy to the infinite prejudice and losse both of the Emperour and Empresse Covetousnesse also proves the ruine of Kings as we see in Antiochus who pillaged the Temple of Iupiter Dodonaeus and in Caligula who having profusely wasted all his own most greedily gaped after other mens estates whence they both came to be hated by their Subjects and so died a miserable death Such a one also was Midas who wished That whatsoever he touched might presently â—urn to Gold whereas he could neither eat his Gold nor could it procure him an houres sleep when he wanted it that is to say it was of no use at all to him but it onely laid him open to the spoyl of him that had but the Skill to make use of his Iron Caligula in one year consumed riotously seventeen Millions of Crowns which his Predecessor Tiberius had scraped up together and was afterward reduced to that want that he was forced to betake himself to spoyl his Subjects and to practise all manner of Cruelties upon them King Solomon also what in building of Sumptuous Palaces and Temples and about other most chargeable Pomps and Magnificences expended the better part of a Hundred and twenty Millions which his Father David had left him and notwithstanding that he had no trouble upon him from any part yet did he so excessively overburden his Subjects with Taxes that being become Intolerable to the greatest part of his People he lost a great part of his Kingdome in his Son Rehoboam We do allow in our King a desire of Honour but so that he aspire to it by the steps of Vertue for otherwise He will gain onely the opinion of being Proud which was the ruine of Alboin and Attila And indeed Honour is the Witnesse to Vertue and therefore whosoever is a Vertuous Person he shall attain to True Honour without any Flattery which hath been the overthrow of many a Prince in the World And hence it will also follow that a Prince should not enter into so strict a Tye of Friendship with any One or Two of his Subjects as to indulge them the liberty of transgressing the bounds of Justice and the Lawes without controul For by so doing the Principal Persons of his Nobility and Commanders in War laying aside all duty will look upon him as an Abject Unworthy person And which is more they sometimes in these cases enter into Conspiracies against Him and that very person whom He advanced to so much honour as to make him his Favourite may chance to usurp the Kingdome as we read it happened betwixt Gyges and Candaules King of Lydia So likewise Sejanus did much mischief to the Emperour Tiberius who notwithstanding was as subtle and crafty as any man But yet Macro did more who made an end of him Neither can any thing be more destructive to a Prince then to single out One onely to be his Friend and Favourite And hath not Antonio Perez been of very ill Consequence to the Present King If the King hate any particular persons he must by no means discover it unlesse he find that they are hated by the People also as are commonly all Hereticks Infidels Usurers and Publick Executioners of Justice upon Malefactors for by so doingâ— He shall the more indear himself to the People He must also take notice that Accusations among his Subjects do not so much avail his Kingdome as Calumnies hurt itâ— and therefore He ought alwaies to encline rather to the Accused Party And to the end that he may attain to the highest degree of his Subjects Love and Affection He must set up some Court of Grace that shall be above all other Courts whatsoever that all such persons as are condemned to death may have yet some left to whom they may appeal And the King ought to pardon Offenders often where it may be done safely enough and where the Condemned person hath not been admitted to make his Appeal to the Kings Deputies or hath not offended either against the State or Religion and these Offenders by Him pardoned may be sent out either for Souldiers or else to the Gallies and this will do very much good And of this Court of Grace I would have the King himself to be President and it should consist onely of his Queen and his Children and one Bishop only The King must also with all Modesty and Humility put his chiefest trust in God and repose but little confidence in his own strength especially when He is not endued with any Extraordinary Prudence for the managing of the same and all the weightiest of his Actions must be referred to God as the Author of them that so they may be lookt upon by all with the greater reverence and esteem Let him never hope with a few to vanquish a greater number nor with Undisciplined and unruly Souldiers nor to conquer a forraine enemy in his own Country of which things I have elsewhere spoken He must alwayes remove all Fear far from him and â—e must discover his onely Fear to be lest any Sad Disaster should befall either Religion or his Subjects And in all His Expeditions He must shew himself to the Height of Valour and even of bold Daring too provided that â—e do it with Reason and that so He may the more inflame the courage of his Souldiers Neither ought he ever to seem to be Jealous of the Worth of any one lest he should so betray His own Timorousnesse and Poorenesse of Spirit And therefore to the end that his Subjects may not rebel His safest course will be to keep them alwayes up in Armes rather then to let them lie unarmed quietly at home for being in Armes they will the easier be kept within the bounds of Obedience Because that if they be by fair and Prudential meanes kept in awe they will be ready to make use of their Armes at all times for their Kings advantage but if though Unarmed they be otherwise then fairely dealt with by their Prince they will be apt to revolt from him or which is worse will find Armes which they will turn against Him An example of this kind we have in David and Sâ—ul who was Jealous oâ— David seeing his Valour and Worth The King ought also as often as he begins to be Jealous and fearful of the Greatnesse of any of his Subjects under the shew of honouring him to send him abroad out of the Country he is powerful in to some other as Ferdinand King of Arragon dealt with the Great Duke Consalvus removing him from Nâ—ples where he might possibly have raised Commotions in the State to Spain where he was not able to do any such thing Neither yet are such Men too much to be slighted for by this meanes the Prince might incurre the hatred
is Impossible but that things should alwayes succeed ill with Him so long as there is no provision made for the remedying of this mischief Yet I do not say that a Kings whole strengh consists only in his Mony but He is to consider that Mony alone will do little toward the subduing of an Enemy And indeed we read that Iulius Caesar by his great knowledge in Military affaires and having withal the love of his Souldiersâ— though they were but a very Small Army to speake of yet for all this conquered the whole World And so likewise the Saracens Tartarians and Hunnes without any Mony made themselves Lords of almost the whole World We confesse therefore that Mony is of Excellent good use and most necessary for a Prince for the Preserving and making good the Bounds of his Dominions but not at all for the enlarging of them by adding New Provinces to the same And therefore let him believe that the sinews of his Strength lye in something else then his Mony For that Faith that is purchased by Mony may again be sold for Mony And therefore I beseech you do but observe how in France our King Philip by his mony procured the Dukes of Maine Ioycuse Mercoeur and Guise to take up Armes against the King of Navarre and then again how the King of Navarre by the same meanes got over the very same men to His side after they found King Philip to be grown somewhat close-sisted and not to come off with his Mony so freely as before And in like manner the Commanders and Souldiers in the Low-Countries do now a daies rather exercise the profession of Hucksters then of Souldiers for they do not fight that they may overcome their Enemy but that they may make a gain of their serving in the Wars And so have made Armes which are the Instruments of Monarchy to be the Instruments of their Covetousnesse and their Sports And the King deceives himself whiles He pursues all Covetous Designs for He hath Mony enough if he have but Souldiers enough and if there be withal but Mutual love betwixt him and them and a due regard had to their several merits which things if they be wanting he shall be sure to be a sufficient Loser in the end First therefore and above all things let the King endeavour to treasure up to himself the Minds and Affections of his Subjects and Vassals and indear himself to them by his own Gallantry both in Peace and in War making Himself admired by them by making profession of and proposing to them some New Sciences c. as hath been said before Secondly let Him raise himself a Treasure of his Subjects Bodies by causing them to multiply by Frequency of Marriages to which they are to be encouraged by Honours and other Inticements c. as was also touched before And in the Third place let Him raise himself a Treasure out of the Wealth of his Subjects whiles He makes them Rich by taking care that Agriculture and Manuring of the Ground be promoted and that the making of Silks Woollen Cloath and the like Useful and Profitable Arts and Trades be set on foot and diligently followed rather then that such Courses should be taken as we see now adaies every where whiles in the smaller Towns most people give themselves to Usury and in the Greater Cities men for the most part apply themselves to Merchandise and Extorsion The Pope raises up his Treasures in the Minds of Men and therefore is He a Conquerour because that This being conjoyned with Eloquence and Wisedom is the onely Instrument by which that Treasure is acquired And hence it was that the Saracens by the use of their Tongue and also by making Profession of New Sciences and of a New Religion became Conquerours Iulius Caesar raised Himself a Treasure both in Minds and Bodies by His own Personal Virtue and Gallantry winning to himself and obliging the Hearts and Affections of the Whole Souldiery But the Taâ—tarians and Hunnes did this by Bodies only rendring them so Fruitful as that by reason of their Vast numbers they were fain to leave their Native soyl marching out of it in huge bodies like swarms of Bees and seizing upon others Territories But now the King may by His Own just Right exact all these Treasures at the hands of his Subjects as namely Religion by placing Able Preachers among them Love by Good Lawes the Subjects Profit and True Justice and Multiplication of them by the Waies before laid down where I spoke touching the encreasing of the Number of the Souldiery and let Him require of each several Nation that which they most abound in as People from the Germans Souldiers from the Spaniards Commanders in War and Garments from the Italians from the West-Indies Gold but not the contrary We may truly affirm that the New World hath in a manner undone the Old for it hath sowen Covetousnesse in our Minds and hath quite extinguished Mutual Love among men For all the World are wretchedly in love with Gold only and hence it is that Men are become Deceitful and Fraudulent in their dealings and have often sold and re-sold their Faith for Hire because they saw that Mony was That that did the businesse every where and that was held in Admiration by all people and so They are come now to despise all Sciences and Holy Sermons in comparison of Mony and have bid Adieu both to Agriculture and other Arts applying themselves only to look after the Fertility and Increase of Mony and to get themselves into Rich Mens houses It hath likewise Introduced a great Disparity amongst Men making them either too Richâ— whence they become Proud and Insolent or else leaving them too Poor whence proceeds Envy Theft and Open Robbery Hence also it is that the prices of Corn Wine Flesh Oyl and Cloath are very much raised because that no man applies himself to this kind of Merchandise whence followes Want and Penury and yet Monies in the mean while must be laid out In so much that the poorer sort being not able to hold out in the world are fain either to put themselves into service or else betake themselves to robbing upon the High-Way or else turn Souldiers being necessitated to do so through Poverty and not at all for Love either of the King or of Religion and many times also they run away from their Colours or else change them neither do they endeavour to get Children in a Lawful Way of Marriage because they are not able to pay Taxes or else perhaps they try all the waies that possibly they can to get to be admitted into some Covent or other for Friers or Preachers I therefore here leave it to the King to consider whether or no He may not rather be overcome by Gold which is the Cause of so many Evils I say therefore that there are many things here that stand in need of a Reformation that so the Kings Treasury may grow
enough upon Spain CHAP. XXI Of Italy SPain hath no Nation that is more a friend to It then Italy And therefore for the preserving of the Amity and Friendship of the Italians it is very fit that the King of Spain should so court and ply by Benefits and Gifts both the Neapolitans and the Millanois as that other Nations seeing it should admire the Felicity of those Two countries should withal wish themselve had the like good Fortune And this the King may do by remitting some thing of their Gabels and Taxes by increasing the number of Men in both those Dominions and He may also erect in both the Countries certain Seminaries out of which as out of these Trojan Horse may issue forth Able Persons that are skilled both in all the Liberal and Military Sciences and such as are withal most firm and resolved Catholicks as we have hinted before Which thing would certainly cause in Forreigners both Admiration and Astonishment neither would the King as the Opinion of some men herein is lose any thing at all thereby Let there be also some course taken for the Restraining of Usurers and let Him set up some Monti della Pieta as they call them that is Banks of Charity which are certain publick Houses where the poorer sort of Citizens have the liberty of taking up Mony upon their Pawâ—s Let them also restrain the grouth of the Nobility and let the Barons Prisons be visited sometimes for These are many times too cruel Neither would I have it in the power of any to imprison any man by any private Authority except it be in Case of Sedition or Violation of the Publick Peace or of Treason against the Prince and those that are Prisoners should be dealt more gently with then they have been hitherto wont to be for the Kings Officers by their Intolerable Cruelty have caused the King to be branded with that Infamous Name of a Tyrant especially in the Kingdom of Naples And I conceive it would make very much for the winning of the Love and Good will of the common People if the King would appoint One Commissary at least who should joyn to himself some of the Clergy and should go and visit all the Publique Prisons reforming what abuses they find there and should also take an Account of all Usurers and of the Inferiour sort of Publick Officers as hath been touched beforeâ— I would also have him to shew mercy to such as are Proscribed and Banisht persons under the Pretense of sending them into Africk and I would really advise Him once in seven years to â—end all such into the West-Indies As for those Souldiers which have alwayes hitherto been set over the subjects I would have them to be all disbanded and in their stead to have so much the greater Number of Gallies provided that should lye all along the Sea Coasts throughout all the Kings Dominions to guard and secure them against the Invasions of the Turk For these Souldiers have alwaies carried themselves very Insolently and proudly towards the People but have been still very backward and unwilling to go out in any Expedition by Sea against the Turks and besides when they have returned home from any such Expedition they have usually abused poor Citizens that have behaved themselves stoutly in the Fight cudgelling them and forcing from them such prisoners as they had taken and so afterwards in a Thrasonicall boasting way make their brags abroad that Themselves had taken those Turks prisoners which most base unworthy course we see practised in Calabria every day It were a better way therefore that the subjects themselves should take up Arms and go out against the Turks and should have at least half the Mony that the Prisoners taken in the War are valued at for by this means the King will have both Valiant and Rich men to Fight for Him neither shall He have cause to fear least the subjects through the hatred they bear the Souldiers for their Cruelties should seek to change their Masters and bring in some other to Rule over them Let Him also take order for the restraining of the knavish Diligence of the Officers of the Kings Exchequer who to maintain the Kings Right forsooth forbear not to use any manner of cruelty towards the poor subjects imprisoning them and extorting mony from them under any pretenses how unjust so ever But of these evils and their Remedies we have spoken sufficiently before where we discoursed of Iustice c. These Sea expeditions will render the King secure both from his Enemies abroad and his own subjects at home whereas on the contrary the Souldiers that are set over the Country people do at first but very little good and afterwards do none at all And therefore the putting of good full Guards into all the strong Holds upon the Sea Coast will be sufficient for the securing of the Inland parts and withall the People will by this means be kept in a Loving Awfulnesse and Dread of their Prince The best part of Italy that is to say the Kingdome of Naples and the Duchy of Millan is subject to the King of Spain and those other parts that are not so are stirred up by their several Princes who stand in fear of the Spaniards Potency against the Spaniards made to hate them whence it is that they are wont to threaten the King of Spain with two things The first is that they will call in the French and encourage them to set upon the state of Millan which mischief however the King might easily prevent if he would but place strong Garrisons in all the Frontier Towns of the said Duchy and would quite destroy all the small unfortified Villages that lying here and there scattered about are made a Booty by the Enemy that hath liberty to range up and down where they please And He might take order also as the Hungarians do that all the Provision of Cornâ—nd all the subjects Goods be carried into the Fortified Cities and Places of strength with all manner of Mechanical Instruments that so those that have fled thither in the time of any Siege or Incursions of the Enemy may have where withall to set themselves on work and may so get wherewith to keep themselves But Genoa lies very conveniently for the coming into the Kings Assistance and so doth Naples also if so be the King would but provide himself of such a Fleet as I spake of before to ly about those Seas in a Readinesse For it is a most certain Truth and that hath been confirmed by long experience that He that can make himself Master of the Sea shall give Lawes to the Continent and command it and shall be able to Land men whensoever and wheresoever he pleases and shall find it convenient to do so which the King of France should he be invited into Italyâ— could not be able to do It will be a good course therefore for the King of Spain to be in League with
Philosophical and Politicall Questions proposed among them that they may so be diverted from embracing Heretical Opinions But the best course the King can take for the preventing of all Conspiracies and designs against Him will be to shew Himself a Good Awful and Iust Princeâ— The want of the First of these Vertues was the Ruin of Nero and Acciolinus the Defect in the second undid Sardanapalus and Vitellius and the failing in the last cost Philip King of Macedonia his life who because he had denied the due Course of Justice to one Pausanias was by him killed Inequality also and Injustice was the Cause of the Ruin of Rome it self If any one Single person have any Treacherous Design against the Prince the only Course in that case for prevention of it will be to take notice of and search every one that comes into the Kings presence least they should carry any Armes Privily about them for it is a difficult businesse to prevent such Treacheries as are designed by One single Person alone And hence it was that Henry the III. of France and the King of Moab and so likewise Philip King of Macedonia were all Slain by single persons the First of them for his Religion the second for his Cruelty and the Third for his denying Justice to be done to a Subject of his But if there be Many joyned together in any Conspiracy against the Prince it cannot be but that unlesse they effect their design within fifteen or twenty daies space or except the Conspirators have fallen upon their Design out of their Love and respect they bear to Justice Piety or the benefit of the Publick and so it prove to be onely a Conspiracy contrived by Honest Men against a Tyrant it cannot otherwise be I say but that they must necessarily be discovered For every body will hope some way or other to advance himself by the Prince's Favour if he do but discover the said Conspiracy to him And hence it was that the Conspiracy of Absolon against his father David and of Catiline against his Country were detected because that those that were the Conspirators were nothing at all better or honester men then those against whom they had conspired Conspiracies are also easily and speedily too discovered by servants unlesse they be presently put into Execution as was that of Laurence de Medicis against Duke Alexander which was deferred but one night onely And whensoever Honest Men joyn in any Conspiracy against a most Cruel Tyrant notwithstanding they should delay the putting of the same in execution yet would there be no great danger of its being discovered and hence it was that the Conspiracy of Iohn de Procitha and the Barons of Sicily against the French and Charles of Anjou who miserably afflicted the poor Inhabitants was kept close above a year before the Execution of it and that too though both the Emperour the Pope and Peter King of Arragon who were Forraigners were all privy to the Same the only Reason of which was because that This was a Conspiracy made by the Nobles and others that were therein concerned against Forraigners and Tyrannical Governours The like was that Conspiracy also which was entred into by Iehoiada and the Levites against Athaliah And yet for the most part although the number of those that are in the Conspiracy be but of a few and it be besides contrived against some Wicked person too yet if it be not speedily put in Execution it comes to light and is discovered as we may see by that Conspiracy made against Nero in which even Seneca himself also was and that Other contrived against Cosmo de Medicis by the Wicked Strozzi who were themselves much worse then He. But in case any single person aspiring to some Principality shall yet bear his followers in hand that He drives at some other thing and so in the mean time winnes upon them and gaines their Affections He shall certainly bring about his designes This was the course that Iulius Caesar took in attaining to the Empire though He kept his Design close to Himself and never discovered it to any being yet wont while He was but a Youth to have this saying often in his mouth Si violandum est jus Regnandi gratiâ violandum est If I would violate the Lawes it should be to Rule And of this Design of his he laid for himself Two Foundations namely Religion and The Love of the Souldiery to whom at length He made known his purpose though under another Pretext Whereas Catiline in his attempting the same took a quite Contrary Course and having laid down to himself before hand no one particular Foundation He without any more ado at first made all of his fellow Conspirators acquainted with his drift and purpose By whose Miscarriage Caesar taking warning He attempts the same thing but with more Caution and Advisednesse The King therefore ought to use all diligence and care to discover how the Minds of His Subjects and Ministers stand affected toward Him and what they have in agitation amongst them and when He hath once found what they would have He shall do well immediately to give them Satisfaction in that Particular And besides it would not be amisse that He should bestow some gifts under hand yet without any shew at all of fear or suspition upon some one Principal person among the Conspirators who being by this meanes wrought over to the Prince will be able to acquaint Him with what ever Designs his Subjects have in hand And if any shall inform Him that there are certain Persons that have for many months together been openly contriving some conspiracy against Him He may very well laugh at such Informers For whosoever shall go about to attempt any such thing in that manner are either Fooles or very Unskilful in the Course of the World or else lastly those that gave him such Information are Liers and forged those Stories only to ingratiate â—â—emselves with the Prince and get into Favour with him Thus heretofore Perseus falsely accused his Brother Demetrius of having Secretly conspired against their Father Philip King of Macedonia And in the Reigne of Tiberius and afterwards of Nero there were every day some or other that accused others of Treasonable Designs against the Emperour Which certainly is a very Villanous base thing for by this meanes the Prince is both made to suspect every body and besides He renders Himself withal suspected by every body so that the Subjects are put to act really upon Him that which Himself stands in fear of or else Innocent men are unjustly put to death both which things are of very ill Consequence to a Kingdom He ought rather therefore to seem not to believe any such Accusations although perhaps they should be true unlesse they be also manifestly proved except they be such as wherein Religion is concerned For by so doing He will shew himself to be a just and Good Prince and such a one as doth the
the Parliament till that now of later times under pretext of introducing a New Religion they have taken upon them to exercise a more absolute power over their Subjects But in Antient Times the whole Kingdom of England was divided into four lesser Kingdoms as Spain also hath been anciently distributed both into many several Kingdomes both of which Countries did afterwards grow into two entire Kingdomes although it cannot be denied but that the Power of the Kings of England was never so great as that of the Kings of Spain My opinion is therefore that the King of Spain should do well to employ under hand some certain Merchants of Florence that are wise and subtle persons and that traffick at Antwerp who because they are not so much hated by the English as the Spaniards are should treat with some such of the English as are some way or other descended from some of the former Kings of England and should promise each of them severally no one of them knowing any thing what is said to the other all the possible aides that can be from Spain for the restoring of them to their Inheritances Legally descending down to them from their Ancestours and undertake to effect this for them if not as to the whole Kingdome yet at least to some part of it requiring them to engage themselves to nothing else so to give a colour to the businesse save only that they shall not joyn their forces and assist the English in setting upon the Spanish Fleet at its return from the West Indies For by this meanes each of them being puft up with hope will presently fall to question the King of Scots his Title to the English Crown and will endeavour to oppose him in it Let him also send privately to King Iames of Scotland and promise him that He will assist him to the utmost of his Power in his getting possession of the Kingdom of England upon this conditionâ— viz that He shall either restore there again the Catholick Religion for the love whereof His Mother Mary Stuart Queen of Scots refused not to spend her dearest blood and even to lay down her Life too or at least that he shall not annoy or any way disturbe the said Spanish Fleet. But then again on the other side let him under hand labour with the English Peers and the chiefest of the Parliament and egge them on to endeavour to reduce England into the Form of a Republick withal assuring them that the King of Scots when he shall have once gotten into the English Throne must needs prove a cruel Prince to them as having alwaies about him a deep remembrance how injuriously the English have heretofore dealt with the Scots Moreover let Him endeavour to strike a terrour into Queen Elizabeths friends by often putting into their heads that they will find that King Iames will revenge his Mothers blooâ— upon Queen Elizabeths friends seeing that She is like to leave behind her None of Her Own blood upon whom He might take revenge especially seeing that His Mother Queen Mary when she was now to dye seriously commended unto Him the care of the Catholick Religion and the Revenge of Her Blood The English Bishops are also to be exasperated and put into Fears and Jealousies by telling them that the King of Scots turned Calvinist out of hope and desire of the English Crown and being also forced to do so by his Heretical Barons but that when He shall once be quietly settled in the English Throne He will then quickly restore the Former Religion for as much as not onely His deceased Mother but even the King of France also have both of them very earnestly commended the same unto Him By which means it must necessarily follow that the seeds of a continual War betwixt England and Scotland will be sown in so much that neither Kingdome shall have any leisure to work any disturbance to the Spanish Affaires Or else by buzzing into their ears that in case King Iames should be possest of this Kingdom He wilâ— however be a Friend of Spain that the whole Island would be devided into many Dominions or else that it would come to be an Elective Kingdom by which means the King of it will be the lesse careful of making himself Master of other Countries and of adding them to the English Crown neither indeed though he should never so much desire it would he ever be able to do so as I have before shewed where I speak of France or else that this Country of England will be reduced into the Form of a Common Wealth which will perpetually be at feude with Scotland and that all Actions It shall undertake will be long in bringing to effect and so It will be able to do the lesse harm to Spain The Spirits of the English Catholicks also are to be rouzed up and as it were awakened from sleep and encouraged to Action for by this means so soon as ever the Throne shall be vacant the King of Spain shall come into England under Pretence of assisting them Let Him also deal with those English Nobles who are possessed of some certain circumjacent Islands lying about England that they should exercise an Absolute and full Jurisdiction each of them in their several places and have Peculiar Courts of Justice of their own distinct from those of England which very thing we read to have been Anciently done by them The Chief of the Irish Nobility also are to be dealt with that as soon as they hear of the Queens death they should new model Ireland either into the Form of a Republick or else should make it a Kingdom of it self throwing off all Obedience to the English withal promising aides to each of them in particular and that so much the rather because that in that Kingdome or Island the Catholicks and especially the Friers that are of the Order of S. Francis are very greatly esteemed and beloved There is also much greater agreement and correspondence betwixt the Spaniard and the Irish then betwixt them and the English whether it be by reason of the Similitude of their Manners or else by reason of the Clime and the nearnesse of these two Countries one to the other There are also in Ireland many Vagabond persons and such as have fled their Countries being men that are most impatient of Government and yet are good Catholicks and such as may be able to do good service in this kind as hath been shewed already But this sort of Men is not very rare to be found either in England or Scotland also These and the like Preparations may be made before hand that so soon as ever Queen Elizabeth is dead they may be immediately put into Execution For there is no man but knowes what horrid Civil Wars and what strange Alterations and Turns have happened several times in England So that what I have here proposed ought not to appear to any man as things either New or Impossible CHAP. XXVI
Perez 19. Seing that the Cities of the Netherlands were in former times and before the Wars the greatest Mart Towns in all Europe and that for no other reason but only because that the Customes of all such Commodities as were either imported thitherâ— or exported into other parts which were both infinite in number and of all sorts were but small it will therefore concern the King whiles He endeavours to reconcile these People to Himself to take this into his consideration and to recall again that Ancient Custome and in a word to restore to the Netherlands its former Happinesse and to endeavour the Continuation of the same For although these Countries have no Gold Mines of their own yet while all things were quiet with them and no noyse of war heard amongst them what by their various and inestimable Pieces of Workmanship and their admirable skill in Manufactures and other Arts they had got together so much Gold as that they needed not at all to envy either the Hungarian or the Transsylvanian Mines Neither was there any Country more Glorious rich or more frequented by Forreigners I will not say in all Europe onely but in the whole World then this was in so much that in regard of that vast immense Treasure that Charles the V. received from thence it was for just cause called by some The Emperours Indies It much concerns the Interest therefore of the King of Spain that He reconcile these People to Himself and that things may be restored to their former State and condition which is a thing that is wont to be very easily brought about And to the effecting hereof He ought not to spare either for Cost Pains Counsel or Industry 20. A Careful Administration of Justice together with Peace and Plenty of all things will contribute much to the bringing of these things about as also the Maintaining and keeping up of Religion Learning and Vertue For seeing that those that are of Religious Orders and other Learned men and Persons of Worth are the men that are as it were the Heads among the rest of the People whosoever hath These of his side he may easily draw all the rest over to him also For those of Religious Orders bear rule over the Consciences of the People as the Learned do over their Wits and those of Eminency and Worth over their Purses and Military strength Those former are looked upon for their Piety and Religion the Other for their Learning and VVisedome Those through Reverence These through the Esteem the World hath of their Parts And hence it is that what soever Those men either do or say it passes for Oracular and is thought worthy to be imbraced and followed by All men 21. The same also of a Princes being addicted to Mercy and Clemency and constantly perâ—evering in the same will stand him in very good stead if so be that it may be but made known to all men that this Gentlenesse and Connivence in him proceeds meerly from his own good Nature and Inclination but that when â—e punisheth any it is out of Necessity and his Zeal towards Justice and the love of the publick Peace Thus Nero in the beginning of his Empire by his cunning dissembling his Natural Inclinations and his appearing to be a Merciful Prince wonderfully wonne the hearts and affections of the people of Rome to him which part He acted so cunningly and to the life as that when a certain Sentence of Judgment that had been pronounced by the Judges against an offender was brought to Him to set his hand to it He sighing said O quam vellem literas non didicisse I could wish I had never known a letter 22. The Raies of some extraordinary eminent Vertue shining forth in a Prince would also be of very great advantage to Him for by this meanes he would not only oblige his own Subjects to him but even his Enemies would be won over to love and favour him examples whereof we have in Alexander and Scipio both of which gave testimony to the World of their Singular Continency and Moderation in all things as likewise in Camillus and Fabricius who both gave evidence of the Greatnesse of their Courage the one against the Falisci and the other against King Pyrrhus These sparks of Gallantry appeared also in the Emperour Conrade in his war again Misicâ— and likewise in Charles the Great who besides his diligent Observance of Religion and his endeavours to promote Learning got himself a great deal of Reputation also by his Beneficence and Liberality towards all sorts of men both the highest lowest and of middle ranke and indeed generally to all And certainly there is not a more Lovely strong and commendable Tye whereby to bind the Affections of the People to a man then Liberality and Bountifulnesse 23 But above all things it would be a businesse of very great Efficacy if that such Covenants and Agreements as have been made betwixt the King and them were but kept which yet the Spaniards have neglected to doâ— though to their Cost and the losse of their own lives For nothing doth more offend and alienate the hearts both of Natural as well as conquered subjects then when they see that those Capitulations as they call them and Articles upon which they have submitted themselvs to any Prince are altered and changed by him And we see that this being not observed by the Duke of Alva who was a Covetous and Unjust man and one that looked after nothing but his own Gain was the cause that the Netherlands began to raise such Tumults there and at length openly to rebel against the King Whereas on the contrary Alexander Farnese Duke of Parma for his fidelity in keeping his promises and Agreements which is certainly an Infallible Argument of a Constant Mind and of an Excellent Judgement got himself an exceeding great repute of Gallantry and worth among the Netherlanders And questionlesse He was a most Compleat and throughly-accomplished Souldier and served as General under a most Just King alwaies commanding an Army under Him for the service of the Church and of God sometimes following the example of Fabius and sometimes that of Marcellus 24. Neither would it be a businesse of small moment to bring in the Spanish Tongue into these Countries and to cause it to be spoken there according to the Practise of the Ancient Romans who when they had conquered any Country caused the Nation conquerd to learn the Latine Tongue Thus did the Arabians also after the example of the Romans introduce their Language into a great part of Africk and of Spain and William Duke of Normandy surnamed the Conquerour endeavoured about five hundred years since to do the same in Englandâ— But now for the introducing of a Language into any conquered Country it is necessary in the first place that the Lawes of that Country be written in the said Language and that the Lawyers Plead in that Language in all Courts of Judicature
down one most Admirable and Profitable Rule more for the King to observe and that isâ— that every Seventh and Ninth year which are the Fatal Numbers He should call together all the Nobility of each of his several Kingdomes every one of which shall come to the Court attended but with three Servants apiece at the most and at the same time let there be sommoned to appear also all persons whatsoever that are the ablest and best seen in the affaires and Secrets of State and of Government and there let him command them to propose every one of them severally what they conceive most advantageous for the promoting of the Greatnesse of the Spanish Monarchy or else for the particular Benefit of their several Provinces aud withal to give notice what Errours have been there committed to that very time which it concernes the Publick should be rectified And I would have all the Counsellours also of all the several Councells to be present at this assembly that every one of them in particular may be instructed in what concerns the whole World and may take notice by this meanes wherein he committed any Error for the last Seven yeares and so may either be reproved for the same or may otherwise râ—ceive the praise due to him For if this Course were taken the Counsellours of the Several Councels growing Wiser and more Circumspect would take heed how they gave any either Unworthy or Unprofitable Counsels and the King himself would have a greater insight into the Condition of his Monarchy and by discovering New Secrets and Mysteries of State should thereby find out waies of advancing his own Greatnesse more and more every day and the Nobles also would set their braines to work all that Seven years space to find by what means their Princes State might be the most advanced and would not any longer continue in their former Ignorance and both they and the rest of the learned of the Kingdom would utter the Virulency of their Ambition not by their Sword but by their Tongue Now there is none so weak but is able to deliver in words the State of his own Republick seeing that there is no Philosopher but will undertake out of his own brain to give a description or Model of the same Whence indeed are scattered abroad the seeds of Heresy and Sedition But by the taking of this course when any of these kind of Persons hath hopes of being rewarded by the Prince he will conceive it his best way to expect rather to be calâ—ed to give his Judgment at the Septennial Assembly or else to send it thither in writing and so will suppresse his Opinions till that time And so by this meanes the King shall be rendred the more secure of the Obedience of his Nobility and shall understand who they are that deserve either well or ill of Him Neither shall He be deceived and abused by his Courtiersâ— or Flatterers and shall have the better Opportunity of calling his Ministers of State to an account for their evill Administration of the Provinces they were set over and shall withal very much mend the condition of the said Provinces and shall find many othâ—r Advantages to follow hereupon which I am not at present able to reckon up and shall besides bring it so to passe that his Councel shall be both the Wiser and withal the Truer to Him But the Nobles of the New World in case they cannot make their personal appearance at this Meeting may send others in their places Which is the Custome that the Clergy being instructed by a certain Divine Wisdome have alwaies observed in their Geâ—eral Chapters though no Monarch or State hath ever taken the said course except it be the Venetians whose Embassadours when they return home from any Forreign parts are to give an account in the Senate of what they found Observable in the several Countries whither they were imployed Now although our Discourse here hath been concerning the Particular Councels and Kingdoms that belong to the King of Spain onely yet we may not therefore omit to say something of Councels in general seeing that it is certain That More Weighty Affaires are Effected by Good Conduct and Counsels then by Weapons and Hands But because a Dissertation of this nature being besides the intention of our present design would be too prolixe I shall only here touch at some few particulars Such Counsels as are too Subtile and Nice are not much to be regarded because they seldom are brought to any good Issue for by how much the greater Subtlety there is in them so much the more Exactnesse and Punctuality is there required in the Execution of them which is a businesse of the greatest difficulty that can be And hence it is that the Venetians although they are not so Ingenious a People as the Florentines yet are they more happy for the most part in their Consultations then They are as of old the Lacedaemonians were in this particular more Fortunate then the Athenians Those Counsels are not to be much regarded that have no matter of Weight or Eminency in them Yet much lesse are such to be esteemed that aime at too Vast and Immense Undertakings such as for the most part were those that were designed by the Emperour Maximilian and Pope Leo X. the Effecting whereof required both a better Purse a longer Life and greater Abilities then either of them had which kind of undertakings are very pernicious to a State or Kingdom All deseperate Counsells are likewise Dangerous and are commonly attended by Despaire and Misery It remaineth therefore that those Counsells are chiefâ—ly to be Embraced that have the greatest both Facility and Security in them and such as are well grounded and upon Mature deliberation resolved upon and as little subject as may be to Casualâ—ies and the power of Fortune Slow Counsels become Great Princes for it concerns them to be more careful in the Preserving and making good then in the Enlarging of the Bounds of their Kingdomes But those Counsels that are designed rather for the Acquiring of More then the Preserving only of what they have must be more Quick and Sudden But of this subject I have elsewhere discoursed more largely CHAP. XIII Of Justice and Its Contrary IF the King be just all his Ministers will likewise be just and if the Superiour Ministers of State shall be Unjust the Inferiour will be Unjust also but there is nothing can hurt a Prince more then to distribute the Rewards of Virtue at the pleasure of any Favourite And therefore where Offices are disposed of at the will of the Court Favourites nothing ever goes well there And it is so much the worse because that now adaies the Greater Officers sell the Lesser Offices to such Creatures of theirs as shall play the Theeves ever after for them and themselves And thus in Small Countries Common Justice is not observed for these men while they pretend to enlarge the Kings Jurisdiction they render
him odious to his people and in the mean time fleece the poor miserable Subjects Therefore let every Officer provide himself to render an Account of his Administration to the People who are to give in Information to the King every ten yeares where they have been honestly dealt with and where not All False Witnesses also of whom the World is so full must likewise be severely punished and there must be care taken also that the Atturnies of the Exchequer may not force men by threatning words and sometimes by blowes too to be Witnesses for them But the best Course would be that the Law of Retaliation should be in force that the Complainant that makes not good his Accusation should suffer the same punishment that the other should have done if found guilty because that now adaies there are more Calumnies brought into Courts then Just Accusations And therefore any Lawyer that shall be found to have suborned any such Witnesse or any Judge that shall be proved to have taken any Bribe to pervert the Lawes should be debarred for ever after either from pleading at any Bar or giving sentence in any Court The King must also take care that Judges give sentence alwaies according to the Lawes and not according as Policy of State as they use to speak shall require and afterward either the King himself or his Viceroy or any other of the Kings Ministers may mitigate the Rigour of the Law as they shall see cause provided it be not in Case of High Treason that by this meanes they may gain the more upon the Peoples Affections And that untoward Custome is to be rooted out of the minds of Ordinary Judges which yet hath taken deeper root in the minds of the Superiour Judges also namely that although they know an accused person to be Innocent yet they will condemn him though it be in a matter of no Moment to the end that the fault may at last light upon Him after the businesse hath been a good while depending under the Judge that so as they use to say there may seem to have been Pregnant Reasons for the long depending of the Cause Whereas they should be so far from aggravating any fault as that they should rather lessen it as much as may be and so they should endeavour the rather to be really Just then to get an Opinion of being so to the great detriment of the People and also of the King himself who through the wickednesse of these Unjust Judges who are hated both by God and Himself is deprived of the Love and Affections of his People which is the main Prop of His Affaires and besides Good Men having lost their reputation desire to change their present state for a better as we see it usually comes to passe And no people have opportunity of offending more dangerously and closely then your Inferiour Officers have and besides these men the more in favour they are with the Prince the more grievously are they wont to aggravate mens crimes And therefore in this case there ought to be certain Commissaries at all times deputed and the same also to be maintained at the Charge of the said Ministers who shall yearly also lay down a certain summe of Mony to be kept in some Common place for the charges of the next Commissaries the following year that by these their Books of Accounts may be examined during the time of their being in Office or afterwards also if need be For by reason of the Corruption of these Inferiour Officers whole Provinces have many times heretofore fallen off from the Roman Empire especially when they have been found to be too ambitious and active in squeezing the Subjects either for the enriching of the Publick Treasury or else for the filling of their own private Coffers And for this reason it was that the Parthians having killed Crassus filled his mouth full of Melted Gold as a certain Spanish Grandee was also served by some Indians in the New World And certainly Covetousnesse and an open barefaced Desire of Gold was the reason that the Affaires of the Spaniards succeeded so ill in the New World into which at first they had so miraculous an Entrancâ— and that the other Nations there perceiving that humour in them stood upon their guard as well as they could against the Spaniard whose Government notwithstanding before they had not refused The same manner of proceeding also in the Netherlands was the cause of the ruining of the Spanish Affaires there Let all Criminal Causes in times of Peace be protracted as much as may be For No delay about the death of any man can ever be too long but this must not be in times of War As for Civil Causes they ought all to be without any demurring or delay heard and determined CHAP. XIV Of the Barons and Nobility of the Spanish Monarchy THe King of Spain to the end that so vast a Monarchy may not fall to decay hath need of such men as are excellent both for Learning and the practise of Armes whom He ought to reward afterwards with Baronies that so being from thenceforth made sharers as it were of the said Monarchy they may to their utmost power endeavour to maintain and make good the same to their Prince Which Baronies notwithstanding when they once fall into the hands of Unworthy persons are the cause of much mischief And they do fall into such hands when they come to be bestowed either upon Buffoons or perhaps such Exchequer Men as have found out new waies of oppressing the Subject or else when they have been conferred at first upon Wise and Valiant men whose Successors for all that may have proved to be Mean Inconsiderable persons or are else riotous and proud and such as laying aside all thought of their Ancestors Virtue take the full enjoyment only of that they have left them and having no worth of their own can onely boast of the Nobility of their Ancestors And hence it is that the King is in want so much of Persons of Worth whilest the number of such Uselesse Drones encreaseth in the Kingdom The Great Tuâ—k that he may prevent the latter of these Mischiefs putting by all such as are bottom'd only upon Others Nobility takes notice of such onely as are Eminent for some worth of their own Neither doth he suffer any son to succeed in the Estate or Goods of his Father by Right of Inheritance but he is to receive the same at his hands as a reward of his Service if so be he deserve it But in case he do not he must then serve him either in some Ignoble Art or else in some inferiour Office in his Wars The Former of these Inconveniences any King of Spain may prevent if he but confer these rewards upon such onely as are deserving Persons but the Remedy of the Second which is practised by the Turks cannot be made use of among Christians Onely let him be sure that many of these Baronies