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A50551 Jus regium, or, The just and solid foundations of monarchy in general and more especially of the monarchy of Scotland, maintain'd against Buchannan, Naphtali, Dolman, Milton, &c. Mackenzie, George, Sir, 1636-1691. 1684 (1684) Wing M163; ESTC R945 87,343 224

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them to Reform 4. That the People or their Representatives may Exclude the Lineal Successor and raise to the Throne any of the Royal Family who doth best deserve the Royal Dignity These being all matters of Right the plain and easie way which I resolve to take for refuting them so as the learned and unlearned may be equally convinced shall be first by giving a true account of what is our present positive Law 2. By demonstrating that as our present positive Law is inconsistent with those Principles so these our positive Laws are excellently well founded upon the very nature of Monarchy and that those Principles are inconsistent with all Monarchy And the third Class of my Arguments shall be from the Principles of common Reason Equity and Government abstracting both from the positiveness of our Law and the nature of our Monarchy And in the last place I shall answer the Arguments of those Authors As to the first I conceive that a Treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos should have clear'd to us what was the power of Monarchs by Law and particularly what was the positive Law of Scotland as to this point for if these points be clear by our positive Law there is no further place for debate since it is absolutely necessary for Mankind especially in matters of Government that they at last acquiesce in something that is fix'd and certain and therefore it is very well observ'd by Lawyers and States-men that before Laws be made men ought to reason but after they are made they ought to obey which makes me admire how Buchannan and the other Authors that I have named should have adventur'd upon a debate in Law not being themselves Lawyers and should have written Books upon that Subject without citing one Law Civil or Municipal pro or con Nor is their Veracity more to be esteemed than their Learning for it 's undeniable that Buchannan wrote this Book De Jure Regni to perswade Scotland to raise his Patron though a Bastard to the Crown and the Authors of Lex Rex Jus Populi Vindicatum and others were known to have written those Libels from picque against the Government because they justly suffered under it I know that to this it may be answered That these Statutes are but late and were not extant in Buchannan's time and consequently Buchannan cannot be refuted by them 2. That these Statutes have been obtain'd from Parliaments by the too great influence of their Monarchs and the too great Pusillanimity of Parliaments who could not resign the Rights and Priviledges of the People since they have no Warrant from them for that effect To the first of which I answer that my Task is not to form an Accusation against Buchannan but against his Principles and to demonstrate that these Principles are not our Law but are inconsistent with it and it is ridiculous to think that any such Laws should have been made before those Treasonable Principles were once hatched and maintained for Errors must appear before they be condemned and by the same Argument it may be as well urged that Arius Nestorius c. were not Hereticks because those Acts of General Councils which condemned their Heresies were not extant when they first defended those opinions and that our King had not the power of making Peace and War till the Year 1661. But 2dly For clearing this Point it is fit to know that our Parliaments never give Prerogatives to our Kings but only declare what have been their Prerogatives and particularly in these Statutes that I shall Cite the Parliament doth not Confer any New Right upon the King but only acknowledge what was Originally his Right and Prerogative from the beginning and therefore the Parliament being the only Judges who could decide whether Buchannans Principles were solid and what was Jus Regni apud Scotos These Statutes having decided those points controverted by him there can be hereafter no place for Debate and particularly as to Buchannan his Book De jure Regni apud Scotos it is expresly condemn'd as Slanderous and containing several offensive Matters by the 134 Act Parl. 8. Ja. 6. in Anno 1584. which was the first Parliament that ever sate after his Book was printed To the 2 d I answer that it being controverted what is the Kings Power there can be no stronger Decision of that Controversie in Favours of the King than the acknowledgment of all Parties Interested and it is strange and unsufferable to hear such as appeal to Parliaments cry out against their Power their Justice and Decisions and why should we oppress our Kings and raise Civil Wars whereby we endanger so much our selves to procure powers to Parliaments if Parliaments be such ridiculous things as we cannot trust when they are impowred by us and if there be any force in this answer of Buchannans there can be none in any of our Laws for that strikes at the Root of all our Laws and as I have produced a Tract of reiterated Laws for many Years so where were there ever such free unlimited Parliaments in any Nation as these whose Laws I have Cited 2dly Whatever might be said if a positive Contract betwixt the King and People were produced clearing what were the just Limits of the Monarchy and bounding it by clear Articles mutually agreed upon yet it is very absurd and extravagant to think that when the Debate is what is the King of Scotlands just Power and Right and from whom he Derives it that the Laws and repeated Acknowledgements of the whole Representatives of the People assembled in the Supream Court of the Nation having no open force upon it but enacted at several times in many several Parliaments under the gentlest peaceablest and wisest Kings that ever they had should not be better believed than the Testimonies of three or four byass'd and disoblig'd Pedants who understood neither our Laws nor Statutes and who can bring no clear fundamental Law nor produce no Contract nor Paction restricting the King or bounding his Government 3dly That which adds a great deal of Authority to this Debate and these Statutes is that as this is clear by our positive Law so it is necessarily inferred from the nature of our Monarchy and is very advantagious for the Subjects of this Kingdom which I shall clear in the second and third Arguments that I shall bring against those Treasonable Principles nor can they be seconded by any solid Reason as I shall make appear in answering the Arguments of those Authors I know that Nephthaly the Author of Jus Populi and our late Fanatical Pamphlets alleadge that our Parliaments since 1661. are null and unlawful because many who have right to Sit as Members or to Elect Members were excluded by the Declaration or Test but my answer is First That these were excluded by Acts of Parliament which were past in Parliaments prior to their exclusion and so they were excluded by Law and no man can be said to
Dominium directum a right of Superiority as all Superiors have and that the people on whom he has bestowed those Lands are oblig'd to concur in the expence with him for the defence of it For as if he had retain'd the Property he would have been able with the Fruits and Rents to have defended it So it is not agreeable to sense or reason that they to whom he has granted it should not be oblig'd to defend it especially seeing all the Rights made by the King are in Law presum d meer Donations For it cannot be deny'd but that all Lands were originally granted by the King and so must have originally belong'd to himself for no person can give what is not his own and our Law acknowledgeth that all Lands belong to the King except where the present Heretor can instruct a Right flowing from our King and that he is the Fountain of Property as well as of Justice 2. In Law all who are ingag'd in a Society as to any thing that is the Subject of the Society should contribute to its preservation and therefore the King having the Dominium directum and the Vassal Dominium utile it follows that the Vassals of the Kingdom should contribute towards its preservation and the King may expect justly an equal Contribution towards the defraying the necessary expence and thence it was that by our old Law all Heretors were obliged to furnish some unum Militem unum Sagittarium or Equitem Some a Bow-man some a Souldier some a Horse-man But afterwards the King having changed those Tenures or because all betwixt 60. and 16. were obliged to come to the Field with 40. dayes Provision which was all that was then necessary it follows that now that way of making War being altered the Subjects should contribute towards the way that is necessary for defending the Kingdom 3. The King by His Forces protects our Persons and by his Navies protects our Commerce by His Ambassadors manages all our publick Affairs and by His Officers and Judges administrates Justice to us And so it is just that all this should be done at our expences and that we should defray the publick expences of the Government and so much the rather because by a special Statute with us it is declared that the King may impose what He pleases on all that is imported or may forbid us to export any thing without which we could not live and what ever he gets from us he distributes amongst us without applying one shilling of it to his own private use The King or whoever has the management of the Government have in the opinion of Lawyers Dominium eminens a Paramount and Transcendent Right over even private Estates in case of necessity when the common Interest cannot be otherwise maintained and this Grotius though no violent friend to Monarchy doth assert very positively and clearly l. 1. c. 1. § 6. l. 3. c. 19. num 7. and it cannot be denied but that a King may take any mans Lands and build a Garison upon it paying for it and that in case of a Siege the King may order whole Suburbs to be burnt down for the security of the Town And whence is this power save from that Paramount and Supereminent Right that the King has over all private Estates for the good of the whole Society and Kingdom Nor can it be denyed but that the King may in time of War Quarter freely and it is in his power to declare War when or where he pleases Nor do the former Statutes contradict this for they exclude not Necessity that has no Law and is it self that Law which gave David right to eat the Shew-bread and the Christian Emperours right to sell the Goods of the Church for maintaining their Armies with consent of the Primitive Fathers and this is so necessarily inherent in all administration that the very Master of a Ship has power to throw overboard the Goods of Passengers and Merchants in a storm for the preservation of the Ship And they are not enemies to the King only but to themselves who would deny the King this power The third Classis of Arguments that I am to use against these Principles shall be from Reason and Experience to fortifie and corroborate our positive Law and the nature of our Monarchy for since humane Reason it self is lyable to so many Errors and since men when they differ are so wedded to their own Sentiments that few are so wise as to see their own mistakes or so ingenuous as to confess them when they see them Therefore Prudence and Necessity have obliged men to end all Debates by making Laws and it is very great vanity and insolence in any private men to justify their own private Sense against the publick Laws that is to say the Authoritative Sentiments and the legal Sense of the Nation If we were then to Establish a new Monarchy were it not prudent and reasonable for us to consider what were the first Motives which induced our Predecessors to a Monarchy and Boethius and Lesly both tell us That lest they might be distracted by obeying too many it was therefore fit to submit to one if then this Reason was of force at first to make us submit to a Monarchy it should still prevail with us to obey that Monarchy and not gape idely after every new Model Ne multos Reges sibi viderentur creare summam rerum aut optimatibus aut ipsi multitudini permittere aspernabantur sayes Boethius fol. 6 Here the advantages of being govern'd by Aristocracie or Democracie were expresly considered and rejected so that we have our Predecessors choice founded on their way of Reasoning added to the Authority of our Law and after we their Successors had seen the mischiefs arising from the pretences of Liberty and Property with all the advantages that seeming Devotion could add to these Our Representatives after two thousand years experience and after a fresh Idaea of a long Civil War wherein the Arguments and Reasons produced by Buchannan were fortified and seconded by thousands of Debates They did by many passionate Confessions and positive Laws acknowledge That the present Constitution of our Monarchy is most excellent Act 1 Par. 1. Char. 2. That inevitable prejudices and miseries do accompany the invading the Royal Prerogative Act 4. That all the troubles and miseries they had suffered had sprung from these Invasions Act 11. That all the bondage they had groaned under was occasioned by these Distractions Act 2. Par. Sess 2. Ch. 2. So that we have here also a Series of Parliaments attesting the reasonableness of the Constitution of our Monarchy and His Majesties Prerogatives 2. We must not conclude any thing unreasonable or unfit because there are some inconveniencies in it for all humane Constitutions have their own defects But I dare say the Principles of my Adversaries have more than mine for Common-wealths are not only subject to err because they have their
a vinculis delictorum neque enim ullis ad poenam vocantur legibus tuti Imperii potestate Isiodorus 3. sent cap 31. populi peccantes Judicem metuunt Reges autem solo Dei timore metuque gehennae coercentur and in this Sense they take these words Psal 51. Against thee thee only have I sinned and I was glad to find in Bishop Vshers Power of Princes amongst many other Citations That the Rabbies and particularly Rabbi Jeremiah own'd that no Creature may Judge the King but the Holy and Blessed God alone in which also Heathens agree with Jews and Christians E●phantas the Pythagorean makes it the Priviledge of God and then of the King to be Judg'd by none Stobeus Sermon 46. and Dion in Marco Aurelio tells us That it is certain free Monarchs cannot be Judg'd save by God alone and if it were otherwise we should see them very unsecure for the ambition and avarice of insolent Subjects should never or seldom miss to form their Process and why should Parties be Judges But to demonstrate the Justice which Kings and Princes are to expect from the Populace and Mobile let us remember their Material Justice in the usage of ovr Saviour when they cryed Crucifie him Crucifie him their Sentence against King CHARLES the Martyr when they were at the height of their pretensions to Piety and a publick Spirit their usage of De Witt the Idolizer of them and their Commonwealth and if we want a true Idea of their Form of Process we will find it in their usage of the Archbishop of St. Andrews and others no Enditement no Citation no Defences no Sentences no time to prepare to die and yet all this are the Dictates of pure and devout publick Spirits Buchannan's Bloody Arguments for this position are That Tyrants have been Murthered with Applause and Princes would become licentious if they were not Restrained by the just fear of being called to an account That the Roman and Venetian Magistrates have been punish'd by the people and that the ordinary Judges of the place have Judg'd them and that some of our Kings as well as those of other Nations have been punish'd as Tyrants To which I answer shortly that Inconveniencies must not prevail with us to break our Oaths and overturn our Laws for nothing has so great inconveniency in it as this has these being but partial and this a total Inconveniency And the English Lawyers agree that a mischief is better than an Inconveniency and this should have been considered before we swore to Monarchy and if the People were Electors as they never were yet they should have reserv'd this Power or else they cannot now challenge it But though our Law were not clear at it is most uncontroverted upon this point Yet right Reason should perswade us to have reserv'd no such Power For as Kings may err so may the Judges who are to Try them and it is more probable their Tryers will because they may be acted by Revenge Ambition or Popularity and there is nothing so lyable to err as the Populace The Romans and Venetians might have punish'd their Magistrates because these Magistrates were not Vested with a Supream Power nor were they Soveraigns as our Monarchs are And those Judges who Try'd them deriv'd not their Power from those Magistrates whom they Try'd as our Judges do for the same consent and compact by which they were made the Chief the others were made also Magistrates which cannot be said of Absolute Monarchs who derive not their Power from the People as these do and the Instances of Kings who have been Murther'd are Crimes in them who did commit them and so should not be Rules to us and many of the best of Kings have been worst us'd But who can escape by innocence when King CHARLES the Martyr fell by Malice Such also as cry up the Murtherers of Tyrants who had no just Right never meant to allow the Arraignment of lawful Monarchs who when they err have God only for their Judge and if they fear not Him and eternal Punishment they will not probably fear mortal Men and their own Subjects whom they can many ways escape 2. There is no Creature so unreasonable but he will use his own with discretion though there be no Law obliging him to it nor Punishment to be inflicted if he do otherways who burns his own House or drowns his Lands though he may do it For the Law considers that a King is either mad and if so he will respect no Law and should not be punisht at least he will not stand in awe for fear of it or else he is of a sound Judgment and then he needs no Law and therefore Why should we apprehend that a King will destroy His own Kingdom 3. A King is also obliged by His Fame to do things worthy of His high Trust and things able to abide that conspicuous light to which he is exposed 4. Though his People ought not to rebel yet no thinking man can be sure that they will not And therefore even the greatest Tyrants fear such Accidents though they know they are not bound by those Laws that tye Subjects And if all these fail yet we must reverence God's Dispensations and expect a redress of these unusual Emergencies from his Divine Goodness for whose sake we suffer them rather then expose all to ruine by endeavouring a revenge that may be so unjust in the preparative and dangerous in the event Doleman does here urge that although the People have conferred upon the King the Power and Jurisdiction which naturally resided in them yet they have not so delegated that Power as to devest themselves of all Jurisdiction privatively so that they still retain a cumulative Jurisdiction by which in case of necessity they may judge the King and all other Delinquents To which my Answers are 1. It is fully proved that the King derives not his Power from the People and so they connot retain that Power which they never had 2. A Cumulative Jurisdiction is only granted to those who cannot devest themselves of the Power they give because Supream Power is essential to their Character and therefore though a King retain a Cumulative jurisdiction when he delegates his Power to a Subject it cannot at all be inferred that therefore the People retains the same when they transfer all their Power upon the King for the one designs to make a King who is to be Supream and the other designs to gratifie a Person who is to remain still a Subject Populus jus omne in Caesarem transfert qui totum dicit nihil excipit The People may be a People without a Cumulative Power or without being Supream but a King cannot and I admire why Doleman who compares always the King to the Husband and the Common-wealth to the Wife the King to the Head and the Common-wealth to the Body can think that it is Lawful for the People to judge and punish their King
VI. and the II III IV. Acts Parl. 1. CHARLES II. And by our Oath of Allegiance we are bound to bear faithful and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Lawful Successors which word LAWFUL is insert to cut off the pretences of such as should not succeed by Law and the insolent arbitrariness of such as being but Subjects themselves think they may chuse their King viz. Act 1. Parl. 21. JAMES the VI. That this right of Succession according to the Proximity of Blood is founded on the Law of God is clear by Num. Chap. 27. v. 9. and 10. If a man hath no Son or Daughter his Inheritance shall descend upon his Brother by Num. 36. Where God himself decides in favour of the Daughters of Zel●phehad telling us it was just thing they should have the inheritance of their Father And ordains that if there were no Daughters the Estate should go to the Brothers St. Paul likewise concludes Rom. 8. If Sons then Heirs looking upon that as a necessary Consequence which if it do not necessarily hold or can be any way disappointed all his divine reasoning in that Chapter falls to nothing And thus Ahaziah 2 Chron. 22. v. 1. was made King though the youngest in his Fathers stead because says the Text The Arabians had slain all the eldest which clearly shews That by the Law of God he could not have succeeded if the eldest had been alive We hear likewise in Scripture God oft telling By me Kings reign And when he gives a Kingdom to any as to Abraham David c. he gives it to them and their Posterity That this Right of Succession flows from the Law of Nature is clear because that is accounted to flow from the Law of Nature which every man finds grafted in his own heart and which is obey'd without any other Law and for which men neither seek nor can give another distinct Reason all which holds in this Case for who doubts when he hears of an Hereditary Monarchy but that the Next in Blood must succeed and for which we need no positive Law nor does any man enquire for a further Reason being satisfied therein by the Principles of his own heart And from this ground it is that though a remoter Kinsman did possess as Heir he could by no length of time prescribe a valid Right since no man as Lawyers conclude can prescribe a Right against the Law of Nature and that this Principle is founded thereupon is confest l. cum ratio naturalis ff de bonis damnat cum ratio naturalis quasi lex quaedam tacita liberis parentum haereditatem adjecerit veluti ad debitam successionem eos vocando propter quod suorum haeredum nomen eis indultum est adeo ut ne à parentibus quidem ab ea successione amoveri possint Et § emancipati Institut de haered quae ab intest Praet●r naturalem aequitatem sequutus iis etiam bonorum possessionem contra 12 tabularum leges contra jus civile permittit Which Text shews likewise That this Right of Nature was stronger than the Laws of the Twelve Tables though these were the most ancient and chief Statutes of Rome which Principle is very clear likewise from the Parable Matth. 21. where the Husband-men who can be presum'd to understand nothing but the Law of Nature are brought in saying This is the Heir let us kill him and seize on his inheritance Nor does this hold only in the Succession of Children or the Direct Line but in the collateral Succession of Brothers and others L. hac parte ff unde cognati Hac parte proconsul Naturali aequitate motus omnibus cognatis permittit bonorum possessionem quos sanguinis ratio Vocat ad haereditatem Vid. l. 1. ff de grad l. 1. § hoc autem ff de bonor possess And these who are now Brothers to the present King have been Sons to the former and therefore whatever has been said for Sons is also verified in Brothers As for instance though his Royal Highness be onely Brother to King CHARLES II. yet He is Son to King CHARLES I. and therefore as St. Paul says If a Son then an Heir except he be secluded by the Existence and Succession of an elder Brother That this gradual Succession is founded on the Law of Nations is as clear by the Laws of the Twelve Tables and the Praetorian Law of Rome And if we consider the Monarchy either old or new we will find That where ever the Monarchy was not Elective the degrees of Succession were there exactly observed And Bodinus de Republ. lib. 6. cap. 5. asserts that Ordo non tantum naturae divinae sed etiam omnium ubique gentium hoc postulat From all which Pope Innocent in c. grand de supplend neglig praelati concludes In regnis haereditariis caveri non potest ne filius aut frater succedat And since it is expresly determined That the Right of Blood can be taken away by no positive Law or Statute L. Jura Sanguinis ff de Reg. jur L. 4. ff de suis legitim And that the power of making a Testament can be taken away by no Law L. ita legatum ff de conditionibus I cannot see how the Right of Succession can be taken away by a Statute for that is the same with the Right of Blood and is more strongly founded upon the Law of Nature than the power of making Testaments Since then this Right is founded upon the Law of God of Nature and of Nations it does clearly follow That no Parliament can alter the same by their municipal Statutes as our Act of Parliament has justly observed For clearing whereof it is fit to consider That in all Powers and Jurisdictions which are subordinate to one another the Inferior should obey but not alter the Power to which it is subordinate and what it does contrary thereto is null and void And thus If the Judges of England should publish Edicts contrary to Acts of Parliament or if a Justice of Peace should reverse a Decree of the Judges of Westminster these their endeavors would be void and ineffectual But so it is that by the same Principle but in an infinitely more transcendent way all Kings and Parliaments are subordinate to the Laws of God the Laws of Nature and the Laws of Nations and therefore no Act of Parliament can be binding to overturn what these have established This as to the Law of God is clear not only from the general Dictates of Religion but 28 Hen. 8. cap. 7. the Parliament uses these words For no man can dispense with God's Laws which we also affirm and think And as to the Laws of Nature they must be acknowledged to be immutable from the principles of Reason And the Law it self confesses that Naturalia quaedam jura quae apud omnes gentes peraeque observantur divina quadam providentia constituta semper firma atque immutabilia permanent § sed naturalia