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A44650 Historical observations upon the reigns of Edward I, II, III, and Richard II with remarks upon their faithful counsellors and false favourites / written by a person of honour. Howard, Robert, Sir, 1626-1698. 1689 (1689) Wing H2997; ESTC R36006 52,308 200

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danger of such powerful and enraged Enemies This Action of the King is question'd by some Historians whether done out of Apprehension or a better Temper But yet all this while that things bore this calm face the Duke of Ireland gathered Forces and was met and overthrown by the Earl of Derby near Burford But he that was so bold in Counsel shew'd little of Courage when 't was needful in Action and fled himself before the Fight scarce began Among many things that were taken of the Duke's in one of his Trunks were found Letters from the King to hasten his coming to London with what Power he could make where the King wou'd be ready to share Fortunes with him Upon the news of the Duke of Ireland's Defeat the Duke of Suffolk fled in a Disguise to Calice and never more returned It is a wonder that ever such a Man shou'd get the ascendant over a Prince a Man that was profuse of what he cou'd get and got it as willingly by the Spoils of others as by justifiable Ways He was unfit for Peace by his turbulent Nature and wanted Courage to be troublesome in War. In Peace he was furious in War calm never quiet but when afraid at all other times intemperate When he was not designing Mischief his Courage or Occasion fail'd him He never seem'd good but when necessity hindred him from appearing bad He had no Fits of a Disease but liv'd in a continual Leprosie But we have read of other Presidents how worthless Men have fcru'd themselves into Princes Favours by such Flatteries that generous Tempers cou'd not creep to For ill Men study the Nature of Princes good Men their Interest and that which is most pleasant sooner prevails than that which is most useful The Chief Justice Tresilian with others of that Faction fled from this Storm and the King retir'd to the Tower while the Lords with a great Army march'd towards London and shew'd themselves in a form of Battel to the King who lay with his Forces in the Suburbs The King at first seem'd to slight them but at last yielded a Treaty The Tower was the place appointed but the Lords first made what search they pleas'd and came with such Guards as they thought fit at once shewing the severe effects of Mistrust and Power the first seldom to be cured the last as seldom us'd with Modesty For when they came to the King they plainly charg'd him by way of Accusation of the Contrivances at Nottingham against them his Letters to the Duke of Ireland contrary to his Word to raise Forces the Agreement with the French to deliver up Calice and other Grievances which the ill Conduct of the King's Ministers had plentifully furnish'd them with At these Truths told by those that had Power enough to Revenge the King instead of a Defence sunk into a Confession of his Errours which seem'd at that time to make a great Impression on the Lords and produced the Agreement of a meeting at Westminster the next day But they were no sooner gone but the King's Mind was turn'd by Arguments of the common frame That by the Meeting he wou'd expose his Person to danger and his Authority to diminution Which presently chang'd the King and shew'd as if a fatal Mutability was to pursue him to his end To such dangerous Methods he must probably be led by the Counsels of those whose desperate Ambitions cou'd permit no directness to be us'd towards their Enemies the Publick Such Ministers are the Consulters of Moments shifting only for a present Preservation and dare not look towards the future but refer Things to come to the same Chance that rais'd them They live to no Rules but with an unlimited readiness wait upon Occasion This Alteration in the King rais'd the Lords to such a rage that they sent him word That if he us'd such Indirectness they wou'd choose a New King. At this being again shaken he not only went but submitted to those he had so enrag'd before and delivers up that Power which he was before counsell'd not to diminish So that his ill-tim'd Counsels made that Misfortune sure which they seem'd careful to prevent A Parliament was presently called where Tresilian the famous Chief Justice was condemn'd and presently executed as also the other Chief Justice Belknap and other Judges and some banish'd The Lords grew now so high by their Success that they exacted an Oath from their King to become a Subject to them and submit to their Government Thus when Errours provoke Force 't is hard for those Jealousies that urg'd the Attempt of Power to suffer it to be us'd modestly much less to be laid down when obtain'd And when once a State begins to be tost by such Commotions Parties in that Tempest like Waves in Storms pursue and dash out one another Within little more than a Year after this the King grew to be One and Twenty and upon that took an Occasion when all things seem'd a little compos'd to assume full Power I cannot but here remember the Character the Impartial and Judicious Mezeray gives Lewis the Eleventh upon his Entrance upon the Throne That he was the greatest Enemy to his own and his Kingdoms Quiet one that lov'd his own Irregular Fancies more than the wise Laws and thought the greatest Grandeur consisted in the greatest Oppression pulling down great ones to raise up the meanest from nothing This he says another calls putting their Kings Hors de Paye that is out of their Minority he should have said putting them out of their Sense and Reason No question the Ministers were ready to welcome him to that which they call'd the Exercise of his Power when it was rather to the Execution of theirs The first practice of it was taking the Great Seal from the Bishop of Ely as if remembring his former Carriages and gave it to Wickham Bishop of Winchester and displac'd many others as if by that he seem'd to take Seizin of his new Power suspending also Glocester and Warwick from the Privy-Council The Tide now turn'd to the King who began to return to follow those Advices that had brought him to so much hazard before And that Interest and Opinion which the French had work'd themselves into appear'd in all things to increase The Duke of Glocester and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had formerly temper'd the King with their calm and sure Reasons when being enrag'd against the Lords he swore he wou'd more willingly submit and rely on the Protection of France than thus to be made servile to those he ought to command 'T is not unworthy of an Observation how frequently the French have been prevalent in England and always in such Princes Times as have given so much Power to Ministers and Favourites as made them considerable enough to be corrupted Philip de Comines says That in his Time all the Kings of England's Ministers and great Persons had Pensions from France and gave their Acquittances upon every
Crimes were prepared for the Duke he never committed a Jury of Lords were fix'd and it was not only design'd he shou'd be arrested but his Condemnation was as confidently resolved and concluded These things were not so secretly contriv'd but the Duke of Lancaster had notice of them and privately retir'd or rather fled to Pomfret-Castle where he prepar'd to defend himself and already Discontents grew so high that he wanted not assistance for it and grew so considerable that the Queen-Mother thought it worthy her pains in all respects to endeavour a Composure which she effected assisted by the apprehension of her Son and the Duty which the Duke of Lancaster seem'd yet to retain so that for this time every thing was compos'd unless their Minds which once shaken by indirectness and mistrust are seldom so purely clear'd but that some Seeds of Jealousie lie ready to spring upon the heat of any Difference Without Trust the Traffick amongst Dealers in petty things can never be carried on and much less the Commerce between Prince and Subjects without Credit The King now enter'd upon the assuming the Government into his own Hands and from this time grew liable to his own Errors appearing wholly regardless of all his great Relations and Nobility and only seem'd kind to a fondness of his Chancellor the Duke of Suffolk and the Duke of Ireland and their two subservient Friends the Archbishop of York and Tresilian the Chief Justice they that had now gain'd the possession of the King's Power and Inclination shew'd a great Testimony of their ill use of it by disposing the King against his brave Vncle the Duke of Gloucester and the Earls of Warwick and Arundel The King was now wholly possest by these Favourites and in a particular manner by the Chancellor Delapoole whose mean Birth was suitable to his Qualities His Vices so many that he was himself a Grievance and it seem'd a fatal unhappiness that the King's Conscience should be intrusted unto so bad a Keeper but the King was as violent in his Affections as others could be in their Displeasures He seldom regarded what others thought till necessity forced the Consideration These men that both fear'd and hated any men of Honour and Quality that might have Interest to cross their Designs laid hold of an Occassion to be rid of one of the greatest the Duke of Lancaster by assisting him with Forces to conquer Spain which he claim'd in right of his Wife Constance Daughter and Co-heir of Peter who was surnamed the Cruel King of Castile and Leon With very considerable Forces he sail'd for Spain He landed at the Troyne and at Compostella met with the King of Portugal where a Marriage was concluded with his Daughter and after some Incursions made into the Countrey of Castile a Peace and Marriage was also effected between the King of Spain's Eldest Son and Katharine of Lancaster and so resign'd the Title to Spain for a Composition by a sum of Money and a Pension This look't like the feeble Policy of violent and self-interested Counsellors which was applied to Men and not to Things as if the removal of Two or Three that oppos'd their Designs took all the Danger away that attended them As long as there were injured men they must have Enemies and their safety was no way probable but by better Principles and Practices Besides there were other Lords left behind made Popular by the same Errors But they design'd to ruine if they cou'd all that were in their way and after grew very busie in designing to murder the Duke of Glocester every day contriving some ill and by their heavy wickedness loading their King. A little after the Rebellion the King married with Anne the Daughter of the Emperour Charles the Fourth whom he loved passionately for whose sake he refus'd the Daughter of the Duke of Milan who was offer'd him and with her a Dowry much more considerable She liv'd with him Twelve Years but without Issue and died at Sheen by Richmond which great loss made the place ever hated after by the King who in all things shew'd he was a Man of great Affections which are unfortunate Vertues when wrong placed About this time the King declared Roger Mortimer his Heir and Successor who was the Son of Lionel Duke of Clarence Third Son of King Edward the Third who was afterwards killed in Ireland He also created his Uncles Edmund of Langley Duke of York and Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester and his Cousin Henry of Bullingbrooke Son and Heir to his Fourth Uncle John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Earl of Derby His Cousin Edward Plantagenet Son and Heir to his Uncle Edmund of Langley he created Earl of Rutland Sir John Holland Earl of Huntington and Thomas Mowbray Earl of Nottingham In the Parliament in which these Creations were made was exhibited a Charge of many Particulars and of very great Natures against Chancellor Delapoole in which one particular was the abusing and cozening the King. But this had only an Audience and no Examination which gave so much offence that an Aid demanded was denied and Reasons given that it was to no purpose to give money when the ill use of it was countenanced This seem'd a wrong Method to ask and be denied and at the same time neither to have Power enough to enforce nor Obligations to obtain but 't was not proper for his Favourites to tell him they doubted success with his Parliament since that were to own such apprehensions sprung from their ambitious Errors But Princes are rightly said to be us'd like froward Children flatter'd and condemn'd never to hear the Truth But the Parliament still pressed the Examination of the Charge and the Necessity of the King's Affairs concurring with their importunity procured what they so warmly desired The Cause was put to selected Noblemen to examine and a Subsidy seem'd the purchase of it which was afterwards granted The Cause then being heard by his Peers the Duke of Glocester and Earl of Arundel being Two of the Judges he was convicted deprived of his Office and Chattels and condemn'd to be executed But all this seem'd rather Arguments of Merit than Causes of Punishment For the King presently after restored him into the former Favour as if he had suffer'd for his sake Thus as Edward the Second received Gaveston from Banishment and his Subjects hate to his Arms and Love so this unfortunate and resembling King received this Earl of Suffolk from Execution and the Prosecution of his Parliament to increas'd Affection and Trust as if Crimes found out and prosecuted by a Parliament had been the Testimonies of Merit and Arguments for a Prince's Fnvour These unsteddy Councils increas'd mistrust in the Subjects who now began to see they were too light to make a Poisure with his Favourites And to confirm their worst apprehensions the Duke of Ireland who had been driven away by the Displeasure that was contracted against him now return'd with
assisted in the Alteration looks upon himself as a particular Object of Reward never considering that new-gotten Power needs more to secure it than the Ease of People will allow and when deceiv'd in that they begin to stagger and at last grow to repent the Blood and Money the expenceful Change had cost and ready upon any occasion to revenge their mistaken Errours And perhaps King Richard might have hop'd as much in some time as the Duke of Lancaster then found But there were some who probably had before appear'd most violently Loyal who now advis'd their still-abused King to the last and worst way and sacrific'd Him for their own Peace telling perhaps That unfortunate Princes seldom found Protection abroad but were kept only as a Composition with their successful Enemies And tho he had so near Relation to the King of France yet Ties by Marriage were no Obstacle to their Vse of Interest but rather a Shelter for the more unsuspected Designs And he would accordingly find that he would be the Sacrifice of new Alliances and then 't would be too late to expect such Conditions from the Duke of Lancaster which probably he might not hope for These false Reasons were perhaps used to him by such as could not at a less rate reconcile themselves to the Duke of Lancaster than by betraying their Master into his hands for nothing could be more improbable than that he who had the Power should by Conditions preserve him who had a Right to it while neither was capable to trust the others Mercy Yet this vain Counsel was followed and as if to improve it by Intelligence with the Duke of Lancaster the Duke of Northumberland was sent to the King to assure him that the Duke would pay him all humble Obedience and only desir'd a Parliament should be called at Westminster to settle the shaken Affairs of the Nation The King must then perceive how he was forsaken by those who before had so much flatter'd him with their excessive Love and Loyalty and it seem'd a just instruction to suspect the violent Professions of any that have no restraint by Principles in a fortunate Condition They that want Virtue and profess Love should rather cause suspicion than belief especially when 't is addressed where Power and Interest may invite it But the Love of absolute Greatness in Opinion more than real and true Greatness in it self has hindred Princes from seeing the Defects and Designs of mean and interrupted Flatterers such as believe their Prince has never Power enough unless it appears by the Oppression of others and like these in this unhappy King's time fall from their Professions as he declined in Power But I have read of some tho but a few who governed themselves by Principles in their Prince's Prosperity and guided by the same Virtue have not forsaken him in Adversity The King in some measure yet made a right Reflection on his Condition for he thought 't was in vain to hope that the Conqueror would restore him the Power he had gotten and therefore only to the Duke of Northumberland proposed for himself a retir'd and quiet Condition But he was as much mistaken to hope that as he guessed right to expect the other But when the Duke met the King at Flint-Castle he seem'd to pay him all Reverence due to a King and told him He only acted what he had done for the recovery of his Estate and Possessions But this was only that false Formality that ill men use in obtaining and seldom perform when they have obtained for such Modesty is laid aside by Success and Justice grown useless when Power is fully possessed for presently after the King was secured and in the condition of a Prisoner carried to London yet in His Name a Parliament was presently called The King now found the unhappy Truth That usually mens Professions are but the product of their present Conditions not of their Intentions and perhaps in a low estate they may wish and desire within modest limits but the violence of overwhelming Power breaking over the former bounds overthrow all mean and level thoughts Perhaps the King might now make such severe Reflections on his past Actions seldom regarding his Professions when he had Power or Opportunity to violate them he could not but be prest with the memory of his unhospitable Treachery to the Duke of Glocester and the Earl of Warwick and must with detestation remember those Counsellors of Falseness and Indirectness which once destroy'd his Happiness and now aggravated his Misery He now saw their violent and loyal flatteries were meant for their own Interest not for His and that such mean things like other Insects live with a little Warmth but shrink at any Change of Weather The Duke of York that was entrusted with the Government during King Richard's absence in Ireland was become the Duke of Lancaster's chief Adviser of the Methods he was now to take which was as violent as his fogotten Duty requir'd to make his new Loyalty acceptable In the first place he advis'd That King Richard should be pressed to a voluntary Resignation and also to be solemnly Depos'd This Advice was pursued and the King seem'd as ready to yield to it as the Duke ambitiously desired it The form of the Resignation was then contriv'd to be performed the day before the Parliament was to meet and yet that Parliament was to sit tho the King was to be no longer a King in whose name it was called and certainly if there could be no Virtue in the Resignation the Dissolution of the Parliament must have been the Consequence for that which was call'd by a Power could not continue when there was a Demise of that Power but no Plot was to be seen or hit The hasty and flattering Zeal that was to be shown to the Duke of Lancaster pursued it 's violent Course through all the Obstacles of Law and Justice Among those that were Commission'd to receive his Resignation there were Lords Clergy-men and Lawyers the two Chief Justices Thormins and Markham were in the number And in the Reigns of these two unfortunate Princes there wanted not Temporal and Spiritual Gown-men that contributed to all their Errors in their unfortunate Conditions and on their Adversities transplanted their Zeals into Sunshine These Commissioners being formerly Assembled in the Tower King Richard was brought out in all the Kingly Ornaments that he might have some Ensigns of Glory to resign formally in this Condition he was placed in a Chair of State and in this moment of his Royalty appear'd a King all that was now done was certainly from himself and shew'd in this Extremity virtue enough to make it evident He might have been an excellent Prince had his Ministers not Reigned more than he for he shew'd no Disorder to this great and unpresidented Action of his Life he neither seem'd to force a Resolution to endure nor affect a Temper to submit But as both had naturally sprung
equal Credit and Principles with the Earl of Suffolk to whom also joined the Archbishop of York to strengthen their Power and weaken their King's for they who had influence enough to make a Prince believe their Cause to be his might easily carry him on to revenge these Affronts he now assumed to be his own To this belongs the same Fate that attends indirect unsteddy Counsels they must be maintained by the Ruine or Oppression of those that suffer'd by them and no method taken for the Preservation of any but they that merited the Punishment The Argument that was and must be used to deceive Princes was then enforced by these Favourite-Ministers That the Arrows shot at them were intended against the Prince and 't was but a method of Rebellion to confine a King on whom to confer his Favour and therefore to avoid the Dishonour of a Limited Monarchy he must now use Power and declare his Trust in that only With this flattery they raise their King to a fatal Confidence in that which must in time deceive misguided Princes For perhaps for some time Apprehension and Conscience may preserve a shew of Peace yet at last Errour and Oppression will disturb such a weak-setled Calm The King thus rais'd by Flattery above his Power and sharpned by false Arguments beyond his Nature they proceed seemingly to act his Cause but really to revenge themselves and like the other Favourites in King Edward's Time wrap their Prince's Fall and Hazard and their own together while they are only the King 's Loyal Subjects and the Kingdom his and their own guilty Enemies The Memory of Suffolk's Tryal and Condemnation was the first Cause that incited them against those that were his Judges the Duke of Glocester and others on whose Destruction they first resolved as being the most considerable nor feared his near Relation to the King for they knew their Power was gotten above his Nature or Consideration The first Design was to invite Glocester and others to a Supper in London and there murther them which some write was discover'd by the Duke to Exton the then Mayor of London and so the Mischief was prevented for that time About this time the Earls of Arundel and Nottingham who were engaged with the Duke of Glocester in the Tryal and Censure of the Chancellour Suffolk Commanded the Navy and did so many brave Actions that all mouths were fill'd with just Praises the King 's only excepted to whom Satisfaction did most belong For at their Return they found such a cold Reception from the King that it seem'd they were rather forgiven for Misdemeanours than receiv'd for Merits The strangeness of his Words told too plainly That publick Merit lost its Nature when the Desert was in the Enemies of his Favourites How much more limited is a King by such as inflame him against the Dishonour of it He must neither reward Vertue nor punish Vice his best and bravest Subjects must not be esteem'd nor his worst question'd nor punish'd The Duke of Ireland with as much Arbitrary Power as he perswaded the King to assume put away his Wife the Duke of Glocester's Daughter and marryed a Vintners some say a Joyners Daughter The injur'd Lady often petition'd the King but without success her Injury was done by a Favourite where his Nature was more tyed than to his own Blood Upon no less nourishment can growing Favourites prosper than by their Princes loss of Interest and Honour The Duke of Glocester bore it not so calmy but told the Duke of Ireland plainly he wou'd revenge it who from that time grew more assiduous to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Glcester but at the present his pretended Journey to Ireland kept all silent which after many delays he seemingly began and was accompanied in great State by the King himself the Earl of Suffolk and the ready Chief Justice Tresilian But this proved only a Journey through Wales and so about to Nottingham where they enter'd in private and black Consultations The first was to destroy the Lords and for that end summon'd the Sheriffs of every County and plainly asked them what they cou'd promise against the Lords if the King should require it Their Answers were for the most part That the People were very much satisfied in their Opinions That the Lords were lovers of their King and Country and therefore durst promise nothing in that matter The Tryal was then made to pack a Parliament by contriving Elections as the King should appoint But this received as cold a return To what a lose Hazard they had now reduced their King to attempt unsuccessfully to break by force or in a Legal way to make the Nation destroy it self The last was without question the most dangerous design force may enslave for little time but slavery by Law is like to endure longer but the People were not then couzen'd enough and indeed it must be the Concurrence of strange Accidents the fairness of an undiscover'd Dissimulation and the Opportunity embraced in the same Moment that must so infatuate the People as to make their Ruin their Choice The last attempt was design'd by surer means the Judges who kept and seem'd to deserve their Places for the Compliance of these were summoned the two Chief Justices Tresilian and Belknap with others and to them were put Queries which might comprehend the safety of the Ministers and the danger of all they pleased beside The Questions were to comprehend so large a Treason that it could not miss to find Traitors for by them resolved the very Constitution of the Nation was Treason The first four Queries concern'd the Duke of Suffolk most particularly and with him all Favourites For the Case was put Whether the Law it self and the Commission for his Tryal did not derogate from the Kings Authority and then how they were to be proceeded with that procured such a Law and how they were to be dealt with that provoked the King to assent to it The Fifth Question What they merited that oppos'd the Kings remitting or releasing Penalties or Debts due to him The sixth seventh eighth and ninth consisted of Questions Whether Parliaments could proceed upon any business but such as the King should propose and limit by Articles And whether the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament might accuse any of the King's Officers without his Leave The Tenth was singly for the Duke of Suffolk Whether the Judgment given in the last Parliament against him were Erroneous and Revocable 'T is improbable that such questions as these shou'd be propos'd to any Persons that had the Names of Justices unless there had been before a received assurance of the Answers they wou'd give Accordingly it appear'd for they returned not any answer doubtingly or modestly but determined all to be Treason and the Offenders worthy the death of Traytors The last Article they resolved with as much clearness viz. That the Proceedings and Judgment against the Duke of Suffolk
from the choice of a retired Condition with this Calmness in all this Storm of Fortune he spoke to the Commissioners beginning with their acknowledging those Errors that his Youth made ill Councellors capable to imprint in him and seem'd only troubled that he had not time allowed to repair those Injuries he had done the Nation knowing now from a clear sight that he was both willing and capable to have performed so happyan Action He now perceiv'd his own Virtues when the Vices of others could no longer hide them And he that could have once been so easily perswaded that he was shot at through his wounded Ministers now saw that 't was from them he receiv'd his Wounds he neither accused any nor complained of any nor valuing a Narrative and Empty Satisfaction but concluded with the choice of losing a Kingdom rather than engage it in Blood and Confusion for his Sake desiring only to enjoy that Peace which he merited for Reserving it for others and was as willing to resign his Title to the Duke of Lancaster as he perceiv'd they were willing to receive it from him After this he read the Instrument that was prepar'd and made two Bishops his Attorneys to declare that his Resignation in Parliament which was done the Monday after and accepted of by the Lords and Commons was Legal but yet this was not thought enough but a heavy Charge in many Articles was exhibited against him The Articles were too far from my purpose and too long to set down but whoever reads them in the Rolls will find them of much weight and as shrewdly compos'd as the Nature of the thing could either bear or require there was not an Injustice or Error omitted the chiefest things contained were those Actions by which his Favourites thought to secure themselves by subjecting all Judges and Sheriffs to his Will thereby to bring within his Power Parliaments and Law and make way to Levy Taxes as he pleased and it was a particular Article That he should say and declare That all Law lay in his Head and Breast These are the Extremities that proceed from the Counsels of such Men who have made themselves incapable to Share or Trust in the Common Good who knowing how little they could expect from the uninterrupted Methods of Law and Justice seek to preserve themselves by the Destruction of that which threatned them And 't were impossible that Princes should involve their own in the desperate Interest of others were they not first blinded from discerning the Ambition of those that hide it under the fierce Zeal for their Absolute Power The Articles which were 29. were owned by the Lords and Commons to be so notorious that they needed no further Examination or Proof And joined with the Consent of the King on whom they were charged It was judged sufficient for Deposing King Richard and Establishing the Duke of Lancaster by the Name of Henry the fourth adding also a far-fetch'd Title from Henry III. to patch up the seeming Justice of such an Action This Title was drawn from Edmund sirnamed Crookback eldest Son of Henry III. and that for his Deformity he was put by the Succession and given to Edward I. and the Duke of Lancaster was next of Blood by the Mothers side to this Edmund But this Edmund was third Son of Henry and not deformed at all but a brave Man in Person and Mind but the next Heir then to the Crown was Edmund Earl of March Son to Roger who was a little before slain in Ireland who seeing the Stream so violent against King Richard wisely retir'd and liv'd with all imaginable Care and Pruduce Thus was a Title invented to support that Power which the Sword had obtain'd And the King who by the Law is said to do no wrong is charg'd with Articles for doing all Thus when Ballances are once hoisted like Childrens play at Weighing the same Weight tosses one another that would of themselves hang equally nor is there any Judicature to compose such violent Disorders in a State for Success will be the Judg and always gives worst Judgment And the Professors of the divine and human Laws have been commonly zealously ready to find wrested Law and Divine Necessity to ratify the Success of the Ambitious On the other side when Princes by false Professions abuse the Good and increase in Power enough to encourage the Bad the eager Hounds they press to run at Head and lead the Cry that 's made by slower paced and more temperate Hunters till at last Fear and Necessity brings most to make up the Noise or by Silence not to interrupt it so that a general Consent seems to contribute to the designed Oppression And the naming a Right to Liberty and Property becomes an Intention of Rebellion The Prince's Will must then be the Law and his Religion the Devotion of all Loyal Subjects then those that have least Principles declare for the greatest Loyalty and by their Zeal and Duty pursue their Interest and Ambition And the search for Absolute Power is made by secret Reserves publick and false Professions Corrupting some and Terrifying others Deceiving many and upon specious Pretences displacing such as appear either suspecting the Designs or not as passionate as the rest in promoting them Yet when the Power is promoted and secur'd as the King was told his was when all Subjects lost their Names and like guilty Slaves signed Blanks as the Testimony of it Then appears what Machiavel describes in those times among the Romans When absolute Power was exercised Riches and Honour especially Virtue grew to be Capital Offences Informers and Calumniators rewarded Servants instigated against their Masters Children against their Parents guilty Men the Accusers and those few that were so unhappy to have no Enemies destroyed by their Friends And all dissembled Cruelties and Oppressions break forth into publick and bare-faced Practice That which before was declared to be the Government must then be call'd the support of it Ill Designs grow by Degrees but when their cherish'd Roots have took a deep and firm hold they are then declared by the mischievous Fruit they put forth Modesty seldom stays with full grown Power and the former Reputation of Men is useless to them In such a Change they must purchase new Characters from new Violences to merit Trust or Safety King Richard having now as far as he could resign'd his Sovereign Power began to find how much he was mistaken with the hopes of enjoying that retir'd Peace which he seem'd willing to change his Crown for Fortune commonly makes haste in the Prosperity or Adversity of Princes and there is a reasonable Cause why neither should be slow for the base Minds of Men hurry them to assist the Successful and help to destroy the Vnfortunate led always more by Fear and Interest than Resolution and Virtue This Truth appear'd in the Condition of this unhappy King whose Title that was left him was first shar'd by his