Parliament against the Kings ill Government And yet these were made long after the beginninge of the Parliament but they that have noe conscience of speaking truth have noe shame to be convinced of falshood But when they who sought themselves and not the publique began to doubt that all of them could not by one and the same way attaine to their ambitious purposes then was the King or his name at least as a fit propertie first made vse of his doings made the best of and by degrees justified He is very industrious to finde out causes why soe many would not be Traytours why could he not fall into the consideration of the oaths of Alleagiance supremacie that all members of Parliament take at their entrance why could he not thinke on the protestation themselves contrived to defend the King how did he forget the Commaunds of obedience from God If himselfe and his Masters had not preferred their ambitious ends before their dutie to God or man if they had not thought all oaths and vowes of noe obligation against their ends they would never have attributed other mens desertion of their courses to proceede from ambitious ends Could men that saw these Traytours making such oaths and protestations of loyaltie with a resolution to breake them run without remorse with them Could any that retained any sparke of Religion or morall honestie concurr with such persons in their lewde courses But all could not attaine their ambitious ends by the same way What way by destroying the King wee are sure some have attained their ambitious ends that way And doth this Author thinke that any men had higher ends of ambition then they that now have attained theirs if he doe he hath very few of his minde how ever there was a way to ambitious ends but it was not wide enough for all and who had these ambitious ends they that tooke the way or they that left it They that had obligations of honour and conscience for their wayes are vncharitably charged with ambitious ends and they that brake the bounds of dutie and oaths to attaine their ends are sottishly pretended to seeke the publique How the Kings name and office hath been made a propertie and all dutie and oaths to him a Ceremony by the Traytours is knowne to the world They have not spared any thing Religious or Civill They have made a propertie of the very name of God of fasts of thankesgiving of prayers of preaching They have made a propertie of Justice of Delinquents evill Councellours how often have they made the lords house a propertie calling it the Kings hereditary Councell how often of loyaltie And how frequently in this very libell doth he make a propertie of the name of Parliament All men see there hath been nothing reall with them but their ambition and crueltie Which begate him such a partie as after many wiles and struglings with his inward feares imboldened him at length to set vp his standard against the Parliament After many Messages to the Traytours that possest both houses of Parliament After many offers to relinquish his just rights to take away all jealosies and feares of his power which were then pretended After many Remostrances of the Calamities that attend Civill distractions After the vndutiful rejections of al his motions for peace After the discovery of the vnsatiable ambition and blood thirstie malice of the prevailing partie After the violation of all priviledges of Parliament After the compulsion of the better part of both houses to desert them After the seizing of his Majest forts and Navy and assuminge the Militia After the longest and most provokt patience that ever King reteined his Majest set vp his standard against those Rebells that tooke the name of Parliament But Iconoclastes remember you have heere vpbraided feares to the King when you come to deny he had any What wiles were vsed to seduce the people what jealosies ridiculous feares were blowne vp to disorder them is yet fresh in Memory and he well observes the Kings standard at length set vp for there was just cause to have done it long before and much disadvantage to his Majest by the delay When as before that time all his adherents consistinge most of dissolute swordmen and suburb roysters hardly amounted to the making vp of one ragged Regiment strong enough to assault the vnarmed house of Commons What time doth he meane the setting vp of the standard If his Majest had sooner declared a gainst the Traytours he had not wanted a greater Regiment And if he had intended to assault the house of Commons those he had with him were enough to have done it though those that then sate had been armed otherwise those members would not have been absent when he eame For the qualitie of the Kings adherents as he Phrases it the persons that then waited on him were for the most part of better qualitie then their Rebell Generall whome now they adore It was the art of one of the guides of this Treason at that time to stile such as were about the King Cavileers as a name vnagreeable to the prickeard Puritan whose supersilious demurenes made wry faces at such a name it being the Custome of false Traytours to lay claime to those behaviours that may hide their inward wolvish disposition and defame others to get reputation to themselves and thence suburb Roysters and dissolute swordmen became names for such as followed the King to add terrour to the citizens of London who have found more pride crueltie robbery among their schismaticall pretenders to pietie then any such danger as was threatned them from such as followed the King Though this breaker would destroy the reason and sense of his readers yet its impossible by such incoherent Arguments as he produceth Can he hope any man will beleive him that such as followed the King at that time to the lower house were all that tooke offence at the proceedings in Parliament and that none els were resolved to aslist the King against the inivries offred him That were too vnreasonable considering the Actions both then and succeedinge and because he had not endeavoured to get more strength therefore he could not But if the number of them that had a right vnderstanding of the Kings affaires were very small doth it follow that the contrary was the better because numerous The Author refutes it himselfe in his next words and surely the Argument is more strong against the cause he maintaines that the people that at first followed them have now left them then the motions of the people carryed by rumours against their King in the beginning were of any Tyrany or ill Government in him for a people are easier stirred vp to follow an evill cause then reduced after they have begun and the qualitie number of such persons who have lost their lives and fortunes in maintaning the Kings cause in regard of Estate honour and integritie in Comparison of such
mans blood to passe to their ends soe they wil not be sparing in the Titles of their villanies If this shameles man had not been sensible of the vinversall detestation of the fact he mentions that it was acted in defiance of Religion law Justice he would never have chosē this expressiō of the vnsparing sword of Iustice If Rebels may judge of Justice the cleerest Justice wil become the fowlest Cryme the Justice that inflicts punishment on their Rebellion the greatest Tyrany Lawes are oppression where Malefactours have got the Tribunall The vnsparing sword of Rebellion will noe more appeare the sword of Justice then the vnsparinge virulency of a lewde tongue appeare a legall condemnation of a lawfull Magistrate Is it vnsparing Iustice that gives the sword into every hand that would kill and reproach full language into every false tongue If there be offenders they that without authoritie take one them to punish are more guiltie then the offender But wee may be assured where Rebels vsurpers are Judges innocence wil be the greatest Cryme and horrid Murthers vnsparing Justice But he proceedes to say which undoubtedly soe much the lesse in vaine shee beares among men by how much greater and in highest place the offender This neede explication He spake but now of the sword of Iustice and now sayes shee beares this if fome new speculation St. Paul sayes the Magistrate beares not the sword in vaine and this man would have every man the Magistrate and the sword borne without an hand to strike with it Justice executed by a Metaphor He makes Iustice some wandring spirit that invisibly carries a sword Whence comes the sentence of this Iustice from the mouth of the Cryminall or the Judge for by those motions both may lay equall claime to it because justice ought to be administrated impartially such as are in highest place from whome alone the administration of Justice is derived to all others must be murthered by those that are subject to them Justice hath noe sword but the power of the lawfull Magistrate which is called the sword of Justice from the Magistrates duty becomes the sword of violence murther in the hands of another but theis men thinke they may vse the sword without a calling as preach and administer the Sacraments vncalled Would Iconoclastes be content that the Bayliffe of westminster should draw the impartiall sword of Justice against his new Masters that are in highest place Els Instice whether morall or politicall were not Iustice but a false counterfeite of that impartiall and godlike vertue Iustice cannot become noe Iustice but the Acts of men may be just or vnjust as they follow or forsake the Rules of Iustice And what greater contempt of Justice then to pretend it for the ruine of mankinde What grater reproach to that God-like vertue then to prostitute it to all the execrable Parricides of the world Doth the Image breaker thinke that having called it a Godlike vertue he hath well defined it by King killing for that is the sense of his highest place It s a part of his Method to insinuate an opinion of his esteeme of Justice by the prayse of it that such as he opposes were lesse Zealous of it but his context shewes that Iustice is defyed by him and he seekes to wash the bloody hands of the worst of Traytours by casting their odious acts on his imaginary Iustice But whēce comes Iconoclastes to assume the expressiō of a Godlike vertue and is soe angry with Iconbasilice Is there more warrant for his Godlike vertue of Justice then for the Godlike office of Kings And he is as much Iconoclastes of the one as the other for they that will wrest the sword out of the hands of Gods vicegerents will not sticke to wrest that Godlike vertue to their owne impieties The only greife is that the head was not strucke of to the best advantage and commoditie of them that held it by the haire Doubtles they that struke it of did it for their owne advantage and commoditie without respect to Justice or feare of God and sure if some were greived that it was not strucke of to their advantage they that strucke it of did it to that purpose and to the fatisfiction of their owne crueltie and laying the foundation of their Tyrany this followes from Iconoclastes for that commoditie which some had and others missed caused the Murther They that hold it by the haire and they that strucke it of have cause of greife though Iconoclastes and his Masters that have as they thinke the advantage and Commoditie of it now laugh at their partners whome they put by and at the wickednes they acted and himselfe gives stronger evidence that the ring-leaders of this horrid Rebellion sought their owne commoditie and advantage then can be supposed of Malignant designes in any of his Majest partie Which observation though made by a common Enemy may for the truth of it heereafter become a proverbe Wicked Actions are not the lesse odious for Companie and the observation which it seemes he intends that some of their partie that now forsake them were equally guiltie with them of the Kings death will noe way excuse them that proceeded to that high degree of impietie But why is the observator called a common Enemy Why is he more an Enemy then they that reproach the present Murtherers as much as he Their Enemies are now all man kinde and such as beleived not their intentions nor Actions cannot be deceived of them now they are defended by this Author If that observation become a proverbe will not the wickednes of theis Murtherers become a Proverbe to denote the greatest degree of villany But as to the Author of those soliloquies where it were the late King as is vulgarly beleived or any secret Coadiutor and some sticke not to name him it can add nothing nor shall take from the weight if any be of reason which he brings How the Champion traverses his ground At first he looked with greate scorne to have such an Antagonist as a King then he condescends to take vp the gantlet then as an induction to his Trayterous reproaches craves excuse for not vsing Courtship now he makes a doubt whether the King or some coadiutor be Author of those soliloquies and he sayes some sticke not to name him Truly it s noe secret or strange thing that there be not men wanting that would not sticke at any Action or word against the King Is it the neerer truth when some sticke not to name the man when Iconoclastes stickes not at soe many vntruths He that reades this Authors booke will rest assured that he will sticke at the affirmation of nothing that may dishonour his late Majest But its strange he thought his insinuation of any weight that some sticke not to name him when all men see the licence taken by so many lewde persons noe restraint from saying any
lawes then Has Majest still professing to governe by law as he sayes did not way breake it and he was noe way oblidged to name any accusers especially to the Parliament where a Rebellious and potent faction vnited themselves to the Accused members that had contrary to their owne Rules denyed that proceeding which they declared just and according to law The faire tryall which was offred was noe other then to take opportunitie for justifying those members what ever the proofe were Had it been thinkes he a prudent Act in the King to have accused Traytours and made a Commission to their fellowes to judge of the fact He could not doubt of the same Justice from these men which he found in many other occurrents Could he suppose that they would condemne a Traytour that had combined to prosecute the Treason and it was not for want of just matter but the forefight of injustice that caused his Majest to lett fall his proceedings When Rebells are protected by open force when the power and impetuositie of Tumults are boasted of by this Author when the inclination of the potent faction vnto the members is confessed he would yet have the King chuse such a Tryall He would have it a thirst of revenge in the King against the members for opposition against his Tyranous proceedings If their innocence of the Treason had been as evident as his Majest of Tyranous proceedings they had never been accused and if they had not been conscious of their guilt they would never have sought Tumultuary protection and if his Majest had thirsted for revenge he needed not have gone to the house of Commons to have satisfied it but Malefactours count legall pcoceedings the malice of Enemies and effects of displeasure To that the King sayes he missed but litle to have produced writings vnder some mens hands the libeller sayes he missed though their chambers trunkes and studies were sealed vp and searched which though altogeather false there might be such writings and its like there were which caused the house of Commons to be soe jealous least their chambers should have been searched that they made an order to vse violence against any that should search a very grave vote and a sure signe of good Justice if the fact had been brought before them that would prevent the discovery and deny a search of persons accused for Treason The King sayes Gods providence would have it soe and to that the Libeller joynes that curbes the raging of proud Monarchs aswell as of madd multitudes Is it the curbing of proud Monarchs when the misse of evidence against Traytours If the King had produced this writing he mentions had that been a Monarchs rage But why doth he joyne the madd multitudes whose rage was then soe feirce he may beleive as he sayes that God will set bounds vnto it and turne them against their misleaders Why pregnant grounds and probabilities may not both concurr in one cause noe man vnderstands though this Author would have probabilities a diminution after pregnant grounds had been vsed His resemblance of Queene Maries cushion whereto he likens the Kings proofes would have suted with the clout and pistoll the stables vnder ground the Danish fleete and their many other ridiculous devised Conspiracies the bringing vp of the northerne Army the landing of the french at Portsmouth cutting throates by the Papists and the disignes of the spanish fleete fitt only for the story of the knight of the Son or the wandring Jew As Kings goe now what shadowy conceite or groundles toy will not create a jealosie And was his Majest jealosie created by a toy when those persons have acted that which he was then jealous of Can this breaker accuse him of causeles jealosie when he defends the fact And is it a shadowie conceite if Kings ar jealous of such Rebellious inclinations as this Rebell vaunts of And if these Rebells might have their will there should not be a King left to be jealous and while they professe their purposes accuse Kings of vnjust jealosie and if subjects goe now in other places as in England the world will have cause to know that al the jealosies of Kings were necessary to the preservation of mankinde that there is no jealosie of any King so causâ—es as the attempts of ambitious Reformers That his Majest denies he hath design'd to assault the house of Commons is not contradicted by his answeare to the Citie that any course of violence had been very justifiable The libeller guesses it was not farr from his designe because it might be soe and concludes as senselesly that because his Majest forbare an act which he held justifiable it discovered in him an excessive eagernes to be aveng'd on them that crossed him and that to have his will he stond not to doe things never soe much below him Soe eager it the man to rayle himselfe out of reason If he had an eagernes to be revenged he would have done high things and not below him It was no becomming sight to see the King of England so affronted and abused by his owne subjects many beholding disobedience and vulger insolence with sad hearts and greiving at the ruine of Government and that his Majest was constrained to call for Justice and be denyed it Such as lament the misfortunes of Princes cannot but abhorr the Rebellion of subjects and this vnbecoming sight to see the King of England one while in the house of Commons by and by in the guild-hall among the Liveries this libeller doth not remember out of affection to the Kings person or office but out of joy that he was enforct to such extreamitie If he had had any sense of duty or regret at any Action ill becomming a King in reguard of his place or dignitie he would not so scurrilously descant on his misfortunes with the termes of Sollicitor pursivant apparitor for that prosecution and it is a plaine Testimony of the Rebellion then begun when the King was driven to Actions beneath his Majest this libeller wil hardly allow a King more then such offices for he sayes the Kings office is to execute the Parliaments Commaund and eyther in that he beleived not what he said as is most certen he did not or els he vainely objects the doing of Actions beneath him but it appeares his desires are to reduce all Kings to the lowest of the people That though the King in his answeares to the Parliament said that as he once concieved he had ground enough to accuse them so at length that he found as good cause to desert any prosecution of them yet heere he seemes to reverse all He seemes soe to none though some out of willfull malice would have it seeme soe The King found that he had good cause to desert the prosecution in regard of the injustice and violence of the Rebell faction And is there any thing said heere to the contrary of it Could the King finde any cause to continue the
imbroyle others How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see that makes the kings misfortune his reproach and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves and noe valour nor experience whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons as sought their advantage by such broyles which all men see the King could never expect The King sayes he had a soule invincible And the Libeller sayes what prayse is that the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible And is an invincible courage noe prayse He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable when as if he had cited the Kings next words as he ought he had lost his jest for the King sayes he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him but he breaketh sentences and truth least he should breake for want of matter That the King labours to have it thought that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings The Libeller sayes he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament who never vrged him to doe otherwise And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise when they vrged him to doe that which was against his conscience But there neede not more be spoken of this for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers and Bishopps and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes that the discourses and preachings of Courtiers and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words and Actions that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe He goes on to compare the words of Saul that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God the kings vpholding the Prelates against the advice of the Parliament example of al reformations is not much vnlike if not much worse noe neerer like then this Authors writings to modestie loyaltie Is the advice of the Parliament and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God The examples of all Reformations himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions and if they were soe are all points of reformation equally necessary and of the same obligation with the commaund of God and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation Why then doth he say all Reformation And is not the Church of England equall if not superiour to any part of the world that hath reformed But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates then what the example of the most primitive times Godly Emperours holy martyrs instructed him in which noe Reformation ever contradicted and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such as then called themselves a Parliament who had broken and the lawes and priviledges of Parliament expelled the members and were governed by Tumults a company of Bedlam Sectaries against de doctrine and practice of the vinversall Church The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells but they have gone beyound him in malice and disobedience in the matter both of David and alsoe the Amalekites he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King Church And this man exceedes Sauls presumption that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad or worse then the sin of Saul He sayes acts of grace are proud vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man Are there noe Acts of favour noe Acts of mercy in Kings but all of necessitie but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects till he vnsheathed his sword nay long after when he had spilt the blood of thousands they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō Should a Christian cal that which God Commaunded David practised foolish veneration but they whose wisedome is Rebellion hold Divine wisedome foolishnes And was he in so litle danger from those that held that veneration foolish were there none that held soe when they affronted him and threatned him every day To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace and cry Justice when they sought murder What would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds shall we beleive they intended noe violence or shall wee beleive that they who had seised the forts and navy and vsurpt the Government would have used noe violence to his person when they had him if he plyed not with them It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first but the malice and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed and the multitude easily falls by Example The King complaines that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice peace plentie and Religion as all nations either admired or envyed The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table starr Chamber and high Commission speake the prayse of it Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice we know Sectaries and seducers hated the high Commission and seditious Libellers the starr chamber conspiratours incendiaries the councells of Kings and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception as the measure of justice which he enjoyed was not admired or envyed by all nations His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice peace plentie and Religion we have found what injustice hath succeeded The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Government and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise soe he might take notice whether their places might not be better supplyed by others and the change of two judges for that 's the number in seventeene yeares is beneath an exception his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare and the knowne prosperitie peace and plentie of the Kingdome are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions He sayes what
peace was that which drew out the English to a needeles and dishonourable voyage against the spaniards at Cades It was that peace the Parliament desired and if the voyage proved successeles his Majest by preventing further danger and preserving peace notwithstanding the miscarriage which must be the dishonour only of the managers sufficiently testifies how wel he deserved of his people for the continuance of their peace and safetie He askes next what that was which lent our shipping to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr against the poore Protestants of Rochell What is this against our peace at home and though there were shipps of ours vsed against Rochel t is sufficiently knowne they were not lent against Rochell and the Dutch shipps which were vsed as ours were not lent to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr He askes what peace was that which fell to robb the french by sea to the imbarring all our marchants in that Kingdome Is not this man madd that will charge the vse of the shipping against Rochell for a Cryme and call it a Treacherous and Antichristian warr and presently charge the King for making warr against the french vpon the ground of vsing his shipps against Rochell and call it a robbing of the french by sea and is it possible to avoyde the losse of Marchants in case of hostilitie He proceedes to cry out on that vnblest expedition to the Isle of Ree doubtfull whether more calamitous in the succes or designe Was not the designe in the favour of Rochell did they not desire it and yet he calls the ill successe of that Action the betraying all the flower of our military youth and best Commaunders to a shamefull surprisall and execution And who betrayed them and to what purpose what advantage could his Majest have by such a losse And was the warr against Rochell Treacherous and Antichristian and the releife too But this Libeller is resolute to defie sence and reason now he hath spoken against the peace we enjoyed whereto doth it amount was there any interruption of our peace at home and was there not cause for these expeditions abroade If there were not the Parliament failed in their Councell to the King in advising the warr with spaine and complaining of the french for the misimployment of the shipps against Rochell If peace were intended vs at home what meant these billetted souldiers in all parts of the Kingdome Doth noth he know the meaning that mentions Cades and the Isle of Ree where they were imployed surely he is soe intent on words as he looses his Memory aswell as his other faculties But he hath found out a designe of German horse to subdue vs in our peacefull houses These German horse have made much noyse yet were never discovered and the King who was advised to make a warr in Germany and other places by the Parliament could not vse German horse but against England But what is all this to the greate measure of peace we enjoyed above other nations Can any man that reades this Libellers willfull impertinency judge other then that he fights blindfold who would extend these forraigne voyages which had not the face of warr at home and continved not beyound the fower first yeares of his Majest Raigne to diminish the measure of our peace soe long enjoyed and that in the middest of soe many miscarriages and conspiracies both at home and abroade For our Religion he sayes where was there a more ignorant prophane and vitious Clergie learned only in the antiquitie of their pride The pride of these Sectaries contemnes all learning antiquitie which condemnes their fanctasticall presumptuous novelezing The learning of the English Clergie is too well knowne to the world to receive any disreput from the Streechinge of night oules and of Kats Noe wise man could see what was left for other nations to admire or envie but to pittie Other nations saw who had enough to cause them to admire our happines not to pittie our condition and of this there is a large Testimony But sayes the libeller wealth and plentie in a land where Iustice Raignes not is no Argument of a florishing state but of neerenes rather to ruine commotion The blessings of God peace and plentie are often turned into wantonnesse and wickednes by the people and are often a signe by the peoples abuse of ensuing ruine or commotion and of this the present condition of England is a greate Testimonie but it was never denyed to be the florishing state of any nation and he will finde litle creditt to his supposition that Justice Raignes not where there is wealth and plentie in a land There were not some miscarriages only of Government which might escape And of that nature are all the particulars gathred by him if they had been true but an viniversall distemper and reducement to arbitrary Government There was a distemper and disaffection to Government in many seditious seducers but an viniversall distemper and reducement to Arbitrary Government could not consist with the oppression of that tranquillitie and securitie of the people which was visible to all men the losse whereof brought on by these Rebells is too late lamemted That his Majeest owned the Actions and protected the persons of men in highest favour with him is noe argument of this vinversall distemper no more then the vulgar cryes against rulers is an Argument of their miscarriage or the peoples moderation who will have persons removed from Government and yet not agree who shall succeede them It was an Argument of greate distemper in a people that cryed out against the Kings evill Councellours that could not judge of their Actions but of noe vinversall distemper in the Government neither could the king with pietie justice leave his Ministers to the malice of conspiratours and barbaritie of Tumults The king sayes whose innocent blood hath he shedd what widdowes or orphans teares can wittnes against him The Libeller thinkes he hath given an answeare by saying the suspected poysonnig of his Father not enquired into and he advanced who was aceused by Parliament to be Author of the fact and many yeares of cruell warr on his people in three Kingdomes It is a wonder to amazement that such whose language hath noe Limits of truth or modestie should not be able to forge a probable Calumnie the Records of the Parliament shew that noe man was accused for the poysoninge of the kings Father nor poysoninge named ct the fact was fully enquired into and all wittnesses examined that had any knowledge of Circumstances touching it and must this be the particular to prove the king guiltie of shedding blood We may see vpon what grounds they will draw blood that offer such pretences for taking the blood of their king Is it possible that a Tyrant in seventeene yeares Raigne could not be proved guiltie of the blood of one man And can a Rebellion be more apparently convinced then by the seeking a cause for it from
judge and punish the Governour Were it possible for mankinde to subsist in such a state or can there be a possibilitie of any right or Justice in such confusion The Scripture forbids vs to judge another mans servant but this man will have the father punisht by the childe the Master by the servant the Prince by the people Iustice is and ought to be strongest The strength of publique Justice is the Magistrate Though Justice ought to be strong in our affections and Actions yet all men are not obliged nor permitted to doe all Acts of Justice The execution of Civill Justice is the Magistrates office it is the strength of Injustice to vsurpe the calling of others From this Lunaticke discourse of the strength of Justice he concludes That if by sentence thus written it were my happines to set free the mindes of Englishmen from longing to returne poorely vnder that Captivitie of Kings from which the strength and supreame sword of Iustice hath delivered them I shall have done a worke not much inferious to that of Zorobabell The sentence of this braine sicke Libeller is very weake to worke on any opinion but the hath set free some Englishmen from the Captivitie of a received errour for they were made beleive they fought for their King and this man tells them it was to shake of Kings and surely his vainities and deceites and his Masters Tyrany will perswade the Englishmen to seeke their returne vnder the free and glorious Government of Kings from the Captivitie of theis Tyrants vsurpers that have enslaved them And that horrid murder of the King vnder the shamelesse pretence of justice must necessarily worke detestation of the fact and a longing to be delivered from the Dominion of such Monsters Noe doubt this Libeller would thinke it an happines to be secure in his stolen power but he must expresse more reason and lesse impietie to effect such a worke he may be assured that as long as there are men soe ingenuous to acknowledge Justice that they must detest his cause and him And though Kings be vnaccountable to men for their Actions it is noe way contrary to the wisedome of Zorobabell who names not Justice and if he had given that strength to Justice which he did to truth it had been in the same sense vnderstanding the force of Justice as of other vertues The strength of the King is over the persons that of truth and Justice over the minde But if the King be accountable to men are not they to whome he is accountable by the libellers Argument not only stronger then the King but stronger then Justice And soe Justice is not strongest vnles the sword be putt into a madd mans hand and the giddy multitude from whome nothinge but Injustice can be expected may punish their Rulers To what end were Governments ordained if justice be only in the Governed Were ever like Tyranies and Injustices committed by single Rulers as by the vnbridled multitude and yet justice must have noe strength in the mouth of a King and the word of Rebells only must be the strength of justice and this Champion that bindes justice to Rebell power and excludes it from Kings hopes to be a Zorobabell to the Englishmen for his wise sentence That noe law of God or man gives the subjects any power of Iudicature without or against the King he will prove most vntrue and by that most ancient and vniversall law he that sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shedd and heere he sayes is noe exception of a King Though it be plaine that he to whome the power of shedding the blod of the offender is committed must necessarily be excepted vnles they will suppose he must kill himselfe doth the Libeller imagine that by this law all men were judges or that the subject may judge the soveraigne who is not permitted by any law to judge an Equall As the divine law appointed punishments soe likewise Rulers and if people may judge their Rulers it anulls all the Commaunds of obedience to superiours all subordination in humane societie and all decision of Controversie while every one may pretend his owne opinion the Rule of justice Next he hath found the place in numbers Ye shall take noe satisfaction for the life of a Murderer But judges to whome the law was given were appointed to declare who was guiltie of Murder and we may easily see who had beene the Murderers if every man were to judge a superiour or the multitude their Rulers and this the Libeller might have found in the same booke where the people charge Moses and Aron with killing the people of the Lord and Moses sayes they were ready to stone him And the Libeller may with his Anabaptisticall brethren vpon better grounds abolish Magnistracie then make every man a Magistrate as by this reason he would Though the law appointed noe satisfaction for the life of a murderer yet we finde David pardoned the murder of his son Absolom and Civill punishments are not of immutable law and it had been murder to take away his life whome the king had pardoned and we finde that though Jacob curst the rage of his two sons yet he put them not to death for the murder of the Sichemites A law must be founded in vnrighteousnes if the people doe not punish their Rulers as the Rulers them And such a law is contrary to those Rules of righteousnes God hath prescribed and is the destruction of mankinde not any law at tall and this man feares not to charge God with vnrighteousnes that forbidds evill speakinge of their Rulers though wicked and vnjust and scoffes at his ordinance calling anointinge a Charme Can any man of Common reason imagine that a people wil be obedient vnto any whome they have power to punish or that subjection can consist with such a condition The anointinge of Abiathar to be a Priest did not exempt him from the power of the King And can any reasonable man thinke that any but the King could have vsed that power vpon Abiathar or that because the King who was anointed to that office over the Priest was subject to the like from his people or any private man as this Atheist will have it David as a private man and in his owne cause feared to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed but this Cannot forbidd the law nor disarme Iustice from havinge legall power against any King This sheweth that divine law forbadd all men to take the Armes of justice without or against the King who is referred to Gods justice and justice hath noe Armes but his power What David feared he judged all others had cause to feare who can touch the Lords anointed and be innocent If David were a private man being anointed King who was a publique man But what David feared these wretches despise and Count this forbearance of David a ceremony which he might have forborne If David feared in his owne cause to
the resistance that is made against it and the endeavour to suppresse it Was ever a cause soe barren of excuse that had nothing but it s owne guilt for defence But he hath found out a scotchman not vnacquainted he sayes with the affaires who affirmes that there hath been more Christian blood shed by the Commission approbation and connivance of King Charles and his Father Iames in the latter end of their Raigne then in the ten Roman Persecutions And is not this a doughtie authoritie what could he say more to prove himselfe a false varlett Whoever saw or heard of this shedding of Christian blood is it possible that soe much blood should be shed and noe man know it but this Scotchman Was all the world soe negligent to take notice of it and did the Scotchman and this Author thinke that the blood of the late warr made vp this number they may then expect vengeance vpon themselves and their bloody crew for it either heere or heereafter They value such as suffred in the ten persecutions at the same rate they doe their King and their conscience and if they though persecution odious why doe they exercise a persecution vppon Christians as cruell as these persecuting Emperours He sayes not to speake of those many whippings and other corporall inflictions wherewith his Raigne alsoe before this warr was not vnbloody And is a Raigne bloody by inflicting death vpon robbers and murtherers or whipping and the Pillory vpon Cheates Infamous Libellers and seditious disturbers of Government but of these latter the number was very small not exceeding fower in seventeene yeares and these merited the punishment they had an higher had not exceeded their crymes Is the execution of law a bloody Raigne he findes none that suffred banishment nor any that died in prison but such as were restrained by ordinary Justice He cannot pretend an arbitrary power in any of this that the King infested the true Church is noe other language then what good Princes allwayes received from Sectaries who accuse allwayes for their restraint infesting the true Church but all men now see they are the malignant Compamy that infest the true Church the seducers of simple soules But he hath a proofe of blood above exception where no blood was drawne and that is the six members whome all men judged to have escaped no lesse then Capitall danger Doubtles they had merited Capitall punishment in the judgment of all knowing men That a just King may be offended for the escape of malefactours is easily beleived but that saying the birds are flowne argues much trouble is a secret to all men and a proverbe as often applyed in jest as earnest The libeller sayes that if some vulter in the mountaines could have spake he could not have vttered fitter words at the losse of his prey The excesses in blood and crueltie of theis Rebells cannot be expressed to the full by the savage nature of any Creature The grinning of doggs howling of wolves and hissing of Serpents are not more hideous to nature then the petulence of vile persons against kings are abominable to Religion and pietie Because Nero was vnwilling to sett his hand to the execution of a Common Malefactour and wishing he had not knowne letters he would prove the King prosecuting Traytours to have noe greate aversation to blood but it strongly proves a bloody conspiracie when the contrivers are held innocent and the King made the offender for seeking just punishment and the Triumphs of such as protected those persons and their impudent braving the King at his very doores argued their haste to the shedding of that blood which since hath covered the Land Touching the cause of the warr the King sayes It was not my withdrawing from whitehall for noe account in reason could be given of those Tumults where an orderly guard was graunted The libeller sayes that if it be a most certaine truth that the Parliament could never obtaine any guard fit to be confided in then some account of these pretended Tumults may in reason be given But if they be not only pretended but apparently Tumults there can be noe account given of them at least the libeller vndertakes it not and that they could not obtaine a guard fit to be confided in is false for they had a guard and Commaunder of their owne nomination though not the Earle of Essex The King askes whome did he protect against the Iustice of Parliament The Libeller sayes he endeavoured to rescue Strafford that was from their injustice if he had done soe But sayes the Libeller he endeavoured it though with the destruction of them and the Cittie commaunding admittance of new souldiers into the Tower And is it a necessary consequent that the admittance of new souldiers into the Tower were to the destruction of Parliament and Citie But did not such as like blood hounds wolves hunted the Earle of Strafford that they might not loose their prey and the sweetenes of their revenge in drinking his blood stirr vp the Tumults to the destruction of King Parliament and Kingdome What can be disputed with such a King in whose mouth opinion the Parliament it selfe was never but a faction and their Iustice noe Iustice but the Dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and rabbles The Parliament was never a faction in the Kings mouth but it is in every mans mouth that the Parliament hath been overswayed by a faction and a faction have called themselves the Parliament And how can the Libeller define a Parliament but he must acknowledge that those whome the King calls a faction were noe Parliament and that their Actions were noe Justice but the Dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and rabbles himselfe prooves it by the commendation he gives the Tumults for effecting these Acts which he now calls the Justice of the Parliament noe wise man could thinke such a rabble fit to Judge of Delinquents or that such men who fled from their fury were thereby culpable of the Crymes objected and the fairest Tryall would sooner have condemned to death these Tumultuous accusers then the parties accused But who can talke with such a man as this breaker that reputes Monarchy Tyrany order in the Church an imposed Religion and lawes worse then Ceremonies in Religion He compares the avoyding of his madd Iudicature to Catilnies flight and excepting to the Roman Senate and Cesars injecting scrupulous demurrs against the Decres of the senate vpon Lentulus and Cethegus But did either of them object that the power of Tumults overswayed the senate or that the senate wanted freedome and had oppressed the members of its If Catiline had set vp a senate as Caesar did afterward and these Rebells have in England oppressed the legal Government the exceptions had been very just but exceptions against particular senatours for private animosities cannot derogate from the judgment of the whole being free That such reasons were vrged for Strafford was never heard
at his Tryall or other proceedings against him the cases being contrary for Lentulus and the rest were accused for conspiring against the state Strafford was accused by those that conspired against the state and sought to take him away for a cleerer passage to their designe The King vouchsafes to the Reformation which both Kingdomes intended noe better name then innovation and ruine both to Church and state and the expelling of Bishopps out of the Church ruine to the Church and out of the house of Peeres ruine to the state And he askes how happy the nation could be in such a governour who counted that their ruine which they thought their deliverance It cannot be doubted but the abolition of the order and Government of Church and state is an innovation performed by force against the King execrable Rebellion and the King never doubted to say that such disorderly innovations were the ruine of Church and state and the innovations and ruines mentioned by the King to be agitated by some men are not restrained to the cause of the Bishopps though that alone and the manner of proceeding in regard of the injustice violence and the dangerous consequences that attend it threatned ruine to Church and state It is strange that a people may mistake their ruine for their deliverance that a wise Prince by denying them their wil may keepe them from perishing which their owne errours would cast them into but such as knew how small a part of the people how contemptible affected those innovations and how they were cherisht by the leaders of Rebellion to strengthen their partie and how others were drawne in by hopes and feares to comply with a potent faction for their profit or safetie and how greate a partie both for number qualitie detested these innovations may well conclude that neither the nation thought it their deliverance nor the Kings refusall other then a just care and providence for their good It is not likely that the house of Peeres gave hardly their consent to the Bills against the Bishops that soe easily gave it to attach them of high Treason But it is apparent they hardly gave their consent to those Bills for they had often rejected them and therefore his presumption is of noe weight against plaine proofe If their rights and priviledges were thought so vndoubted in that house then was that protestation noe Treason and the house will become liable to a just construction either of injustice for soe consenting or of vsurpation to expect that their voting or not voting should obstruct the Commons The priviledges of the Bishopps had they not been vndoubted they needed not an Act of Parliament nor soe many Acts of violence to take them away neither can the Commons pretend to greater right for their sitting in the one house then the Bishopps in the other and the Libeller hath rightly concluded that their protestation was noe Treason but that their accusation by the house of Commons was a false and vngrounded Clamour and their commitment by the Lords house an odious injustice but it could be noe vsurpation to expect that their voting or not voting was conclusive to the Commons To what end did the Commons offer their accusation to the Lords if their voting or not voting were not considerable It is Justice when they concurre vsurpation when they dissent But Lords house Commons house are vsurpers when they obstruct the Dictates and overswaying insolence of rabbles and Tumults The Commons were not to desist for five repulses of the Lords noe not for fiftie from what in the name of the Kingdome they had demaunded soe long as those Lords were none of our Lords and what if they had been your Lords were they then to desist if so it was more then they would doe to their King but our or not our makes noe difference to resolute Traytours The Lords were soe farr their Lords as they were not to persist by the power wherewith they were intrusted for the kingdome in their demaund after the Lords refusall for to what end hath the law ordained a Lords house and the Commons soe long practised their addresses to them if they may doe what they please without them Doth the vse of the name of the kingdome add any right to them that have not the power of the kingdome and demaund things to the destruction of the kingdome The king allowes not such a faction the name of a Parliament which hath nothing of either house but some members that assume the name without the priviledges and authoritie that constituted it Though the Bill against roote and branch passed not till many of the Lords with some few of the Commons either enticed away by the king or overawed by the sense of their owne malignitie deserted the Parliament that was noe warrant for them who remained being farr the greater number to lay aside the Bill He well knowes they that remained of the Lords house were an inconsiderable number and such as deserted the Commons house wanted not many of the number of them that remained and of them that remained many were overawed by force and diverse plainely dissented to that Bill The injustice of them that remained was intolerable that refused all reparation or securitie to such as were injured by the Tumults and it was a most perfidious Act in them to enforce their members to desert the house that they might exercise their Arbitrary power over the kingdome the injury was so apparent the pretēce of malignancie so ridiculous against the deserting members that noe sober man can imagnie enticement or overawing to be the cause of their withdrawing and these remaining members ought to have forborne by their dutie to the kingdome the passing of such a Bil in the absence of soe many members but they that will forbeare noe degree of treason cannot probably abstaine from breakes of priviledge and lesse injuries He sayes this degrading of the Bishopps was orthodoxall in the Church ancient and reformed What will not this man say Wee neede not wonder at his other impudencies that will affirme the taking away the order of Bishopps orthodoxall in the ancient Church which never wanted them The King sayes he was bound besides his judgment by a most strict and vndispensable oath to preserve that order and the rights of the Church And sayes the Libeller If the letter of that oath be not interpreted by equitie reformation or better knowledge then was the King bound to graunt the Clergie all priviledges graunted to them by Edward the Confessour and so bring in Popery Equitie must be admitted in all interpretations of oaths and soe must better knowledges but the knowledge of other men is noe exposition to him that takes an oath if his owne knowledge be not convinced The King hath sworne to preserve the priviledges of the Church to be a protectour of the Bishopps and by what equitie reformation or better knowledge would this libeller induce
the King must not name without reverence and their seditious tongues more Zealous against schisme then Simony or pluralities might in likelyhood have done mischeife betweene theis Brethren but it was prevented and in despight of the Parliament and these old warriours and Zealous Ministers the new modell seize the King their Captive and this is the law Religion Reformation Libertie and Parliament which the king withstood and the man after all his law determines that irregular motions may be necessary on earth sometimes aswell as in heaven Greate worthyes by disobeying law oft times have saved the Commonwealth and the law afterward approved that vnblameable exorbitancie But wherefore hath he all this time made breach of lawes soe hainous it had been ingenuous in him to have distinguished betweene the blameable and vnblameable exorbitancy then he would not have found Coate Conduct-money and the rest of his particulars rise soe high as the vnblameable exorbitancies he now magnifies But though Divine lawes could not regulate the mans motions as they doe Celestiall bodyes yet the obstinacy in his evil courses makes him goe retrograde and fight for law and against law for Parliament and against Parliament and trust and Elections in Parliament are become scarecrowes to fright Children not Conquerours Though the Presbiterian be supplanted he shall finde a better portion then vncircumcised Prelates It s like the Jewish brethren seeke to bring into bondage such as receive not their Antichristian Markes and professe the beleife of revived heresies eating the sacrifices of the dead The story could not certifie the King that there was division of tongues or hands in the builders of Ierusalem but it told him that they which built had the Kings Commission and God may in mercy to the nation remove theis bloody brethren that will destroy Jerusalem rather then quit their Tyrany over it We may very well see the judgment of God vpon the nation in this bloody warr and though it begun with the house of God we may expect that such men will not escape that have been the firebrands of this dissention and wrought soe greate misery vpon the nation and though the Moabites Ammonites and Edomites gloried in the Jewes Captivitie as theis Rebells in the Conquest and Captivitie of their King and Sanballat and Tobiah and these other Enemies of the Church despised the weakenes of the Jewes in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem and in scorne said that a fox going on it would overthrow it speaking with the same insolencie as the Libeller now vses yet they may be assured that God will remember his Church and the Enemies thereof as he did Edom in the day of Jerusalem The Libeller is a good witnes against himselfe saying to counterfeite the hand of God is the boldest of all forgeries and he who without warrant but his owne fantastique surmise takes vpon him perpetually to vnfold the secret and vnsearchable misterie of high providence it likely for the most part to mistake and slander them and approaches to the madnes of those reprobate thoughts that would wrest the sword of Iustice out of Gods owne hand and apply it more justly in his conceite and himselfe makes the application that vsurpes the hand of God in the successes and victories of Rebells to the approbation of their impietie and avow the wresting of the sword of Justice out of the hand of Gods vicegerent to imploy it more justly in their owne conceite and dares stander the misteries of high providence by binding them to their owne fantastique surmises What could he have spoken more appositely to his owne condemnation All men that behold the dealings of the Army with that mocke Parliament doe judge a very greate proportion in that retalliation of the injuries they had offred the King they that would lay hands on the Militia are brought vnder the Dominion of those forces which themselves had raysed for that vsurpation and heere againe the Libeller would finde somewhat to succour his feeble conceites of the beginning of the warr from the Kings confession which sayes noe man is soe blinde as not to fee herein the hand of divine Iustice they that by Tumults first occasioned the raysing of Armes must now be Chastened with their owne Army for new Tumults And what now is the Libellers extraction from hence that because Tumults were the first occasion of raysing Armes by consequence he himselfe raysed them first against these Tumults It s a cripled cause that stands on such crutches Though Tumults might be the first occasion yet this was not the whole occasion for these Tumults were seconded by seizing the forts and Navy raysing an Army by those that raysed the Tumults and their guilt in raysing Tumults sought protection from a formed Army and this Method of divine Justice sober men observe with reverence while irrationall and obstinate Traytours attribute nothing but their owne successes to the hād of God in favour which is in wrath to themselves and others These were new Tumults for which the Citie was chastened and cannot be referred to another farr fetcht cause soe many yeares before But the Cittie that raysed Tumults for the Parliament many yeares before is now punisht for Tumults for that same pretended Parliament by that Army raysed out of them and is it not evident heere that the first inventers of mischeife are scourged with the whipps themselves had prepared for others The fact of Manlius defending the Capitoll against the Gaules and afterward throwne headlong from the Capitoll for sedition might restraine the Libellers wicked application of their murdering the King at the gate of whitehall to the merit of his actions done there but the Cittie suffred by an Action which they had done for them who now punish them for it and they that did a wickednes with applause are punisht for it by those that applauded it the Actions of Manlius were opposite one to another heere the same It was a mercy they had a victorious Army soe neere to fly to But it was a judgment that Tumults which they had vsed to drive away the King should drive away them and the Libellers Logickes serves him to as litle purpose as his historie He would have that the latter were reall Tumults the first but pretended and why will he beleive the Parliament for the first and not for the latter And why doth he call them those few of both houses that withdrew from the first tumults and those many from the latter when it is most apparent that they which withdrew at first were three times the number of them that forsoake at last It is not the place but the end and cause that makes a Parliament And then all they that say they have a good cause and a good end are a Parliament and what neede is there then of a writ or Elections And Tumults are as good as Parliaments and the end and the cause make them Tumults and noe Tumults Parliament and noe Parliament and