THE HISTORIES OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF HENRY THE THIRD AND HENRY THE FOURTH Kings of England Written by Knights Sr. ROBERT COTTON And Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD London printed for William Sheares and are to be sold at his Shop in Bedford-Street in Coveâ—-garden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An 1642. A SHORT VIEW OF THE LONG RAIGN OF KING HENRY the third WEaried with the lingring calamities of Civill Armes and affrighted at the sudden faâ—l of a licentious Soveraigne all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires Peace and issue of their new hopes Benefit For in every shift of Princes there are few either so meane or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment To satisfie all a child ascendeth the throne mild and gracious but easie of nature whose Innocency and naturall goodnesse led him safe along the various dangers of his Fathers Raigne Happy was hee in his Vnkle the Earle of Pembrooke the guide of his infancy and no lesse then for thirty yeares after whil'st De Burgo that fast servant of his Fathers against the French both in Normandy and England with By god Earle of Norfolke and others of like gravity and experience did mannage the affaires Few and no other were the distempers then in State but such as are incident to all the Commons greedy of liberty and the Nobiliâ—y of Rule and but one violent storme raised by some old and constant followers of his Father Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others men that could onely thrive by the Warres misliking those dayes of sloath for so they termed that calme of King Henries Government and the rather because the Iustice of quiet times urged from them to the lawfull owners such Lands and Castles as the fury of Warre had unjustly given them for finding in the uprightnesse of the King that power of protection should not bee made a wrong doer they fell out into that rebellion that with it ended their lives and competitours professing that those their swords that had set the Crowne upon their Soveraignes head when neither Majesty nor Law could should now secure those small pittances to their Maisters when Majesty or Law would not Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes when it maketh the mind onely capable of merit nothing of duty No other disquiet did the State after this feele but such as is incident in all the malice to Authority Good and great men may secure themselves from guilt but not from envy for the greatest in trust of publike affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deeme themselves lesse in imployment then they are in merit These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the helme was guided by temperate Spirits and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Councell and not to young passionate or single advise Thirty yeares now passed and all the old guides of his youth now dead but De Burgo a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation whose length of dayes giving him the advantage of sole power his owne Ambition and age gave him desire and Art to keepe out others which wrought him into the fatall envy of most and that encreased in the Title of Earle and great Offices the King then gave him Time by this had wrought as in it selfe so in the hearts of the people a Revolution the afflictions of their Fathers forgotten and the surfeit of long peace perchance having let in some abuses from hence the Commons to whom dayes present seeme ever worst commend the foregone ages they never remembred and condemne the present though they knew neither the disease thereof nor the remedy To these idle and usuall humours fell in some of the yong and noble Spirits warme and over-weaning who being as truly ignorant as the rest first by sullying the wisedome of the present and greatest Rulers making each casuall mishap their errours seeme to decipher every blemish in Government and then by holding certaine imaginary and fantastick formes of Common-wealths flatter their owne beleefe and ability that they can mold any State to these generall rules which in particular application will prove idle and grosse absurdities Next confirmed in their owne worth by Sommery and Spencer they take it a fit time to worke themselves into action and imploymâ—nt a thing they had long desired and now though unwilling to seeme so doe sue for and doubtlesse the furthest of their aime was yet to become quiet instruments in serving the State if they had beene then held fit and worthy But the King taught by the new Earle That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse and that such wits for so they would bee stiled were Nâ—vandis quà m gerendis rebus aptiores fitter in being factious to disorder then to settle affaires either denied or delayed their desires for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Par negotiis and not supra Creatures out of meere election that are onely theirs otherwise without friends or power Amongst this unequall medly there were of the Nobility Richard Earle of Pembrooke Glocester and Hartford darlings of the multitude some for the merit of their Fathers whose memories they held sacred as Pillars of publike liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy at Runâ—meed the Armies met And of the Gentry Pitz-Geffeory Bardolph Grisley Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn Spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleene as the places from whence they were elected Campe Court or Countrey could afford any These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning but all impatient to see their ends thus frustrate and that so long as the King followed the direction of the Earle of Kent they had small hope of their desires they made often meetings and as one saith of them Clam nocturnis colloquis aut flexum in vesperum die In the end Sommery and Spencer two that were farre in opinion with the rest Gentlemen by Forraine education and imployment more qualified then usually men of these times and that set upon their owne deserts the best places when the Streame should turne which one of them Spencer did unworthily obtaine for he died in actuall Rebellion Iustâ—ciarius Angliae against his master advised that the best meanes to remove that great and good obstacle the Earle of Kent out of the way of their advancement was by sifting into his actions and siding with his opposite Peter Bishop of Winchester an ill man but gracious with the King making still their ends that the worthiest being driven out by the worst they shall either bee able to mate him with his owne vice which will bee ever more visible as hee is more potent and so remove him at pleasure or else give over the King to such Ministers to their bad desires as loosing him the hearts of his people might smooth them away to
with great vehemency often repeated but the Kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as hee was unable to governe himselfe in his prosperous estate so was hee much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therefore perceiving himselfe so straitly beset that hee could hardly either escape away or shift any longer hee desired speech with Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland of whom the one hee had banished the other hee had proclaimed Traytour not long before These two came unto him and the King upon short conference understanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was content not to demand that which he saw hee could not obtaine and thereupon agreed that hee would relinquish his estate upon condition that an honourable living might be assigned him and life promised to eight such persons as hee would name the greatest number whom adversity did not alter This was then both readily and faithfully promised by the Archbishop and the Earle and afterward solemnely ratified by the Duke The King ceased not to entreat submisly and promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare above his ability and without measure the Earle encouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aid secured by his oath the safety of the Kings person Then the King desired to talke with the Duke which was likewise promised and so the Archbishop and the Earle departed and the King removed to the Castle of Flint about eight miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the countenances and words of both were noted by them that were present the King seemed abject and base the Duke neither insulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The King repeated many benefits and kindnesses that hee had shewed how in former time hee had spared the Dukes owne life and lately his Sonnes in regard whereof he desired him with such submisnes as was agreable rather with his necessity then his honour that hee would shew some pitty where hee had received such pleasure and permit him to enjoy his life with such private maintenance as was convenient for his estate The Duke put him in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would provide for his safety for which hee suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked and thought it not much to have it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the King was kept safe and sure enough from binding any of the Dukes purposes neither could it so easily have beene discerned what had beene best for him to doe as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the Duke his army to Chester and from thence secretly conveyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe untill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeelded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arrivall so that his journeyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristow and so into Wales and back againe to Chester a man shall not easily travaile over the land in shorter time then he conquered it So friendly was fortune unto him that he either found or made a ready passage through all hinderances and lets and it seemed that hee needed onely to open his armes to meet and receive her as shee offered her selfe unto him All the Kings treasure and Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his company were afterwards also despoiled by the souldiers of Northumberland and Wales Some Writers affirme that the King did not yeeld himselfe but was forelaid and taken as he was secretly passing from Flint to Chester but the authority of others who lived in that time either in the plain view or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but know for their profession would not but deliver the very truth hath drawne mee to follow their report which I find also received by some late Writers of as great deapth in judgement and choyce as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine Citizens conspired to lay themselves in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for private grievances and partly for the cruelty that he had used towards the whole City but the Major upon intelligence prevented the practice rod forth in person with a convenient company to conduct him safely unto the Tower Shortly after the Duke came to London in solemne estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parliament to bee holden at Westminster the last day of September in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred kind friends concerning the order of his proceedings The Duke of Yorke who a little before had beene Governour of the Realme for the King then was the chiefest Directour of the Duke thought it best that King Richard should both voluntarily resigne and also solemnely be deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme for resignation onely would be imputed to feare and deprivation to force whereof the one is alwayes pitied the other envied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desert being willing to forsake that which he is adjudged worthy to forgoe then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his Kingdome by meere constraint nor leaveth it without just cause This advice pleased the rest and for executing thereof upon the day of S. Michael which was the day before the Parliament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury Richard Scroupe Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Bishop of Hereford Henry Duke of Lancaster Henry Earl of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland Lord Hugh Burnel Lord Thomas Barkly Lord Rose Lord Willoughby Lord Abergeiny The Abbot of Westminster the â—riour of Canterbury William Thirminges and Iohn Markeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stoke and Iohn Burback Doctours of Law Thomas Herpingham and Thomas Gray Knights William Forby and Dionisâ— Lopham publike Notaries and diverâ— others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought forth apparelled in his Royall robe the diademe on his head the Scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a Chaire of estate Never was Prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a King but hee must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliver the other After a little pause and expectation the King arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my self that some at this present many hereafter will accompt my case lamentable either that I have
Item When a Parliament is assembled and the affaires of the Realme and the cause of assembling the Parliament by the Kings commandement declared and common Articles limited by the King upon which the Lords and Commons in the said Parliament should proceed if the Lords and Commons will proceed upon other Articles and not upon the Articles limited by the King untill the King hath first given answere to the Articles propounded by them notwithstanding that the contrary were enjoyned by the King whether in this case the King ought to have the rule of the Parliament and so to order the fact that the Lords and Commons should first proceed upon the Articles limited by the King or that they should first have answer of the King upon the Articles propounded by them before they proceed any further 7 Item Whether may the King when hee please dissolve the Parliament and command the Lords and Commons to depart or no 8 Item Since the King may at his pleasure remove any of his Officers and Iustices and punish them for their offences whether may the Lords and Commons without the Kings will accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences yea or no 9 Item What punishment have they deserved who moved in Parliament that the statute whereby King Edward Carnarvan was deposed should bee brought forth by view whereof the new statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed 10 Item Whether the judgement given in the last Parliament holden at Westminster against Michael De-la-poole Duke of Suffolke was erronious and revocable yea or no These questions or rather quarrels were drawne by Iohn Blake a Councellour at the Law by direction of Iustice Trisilian whilest the King made his stay in Wales to the which the Iustices afore-named some in discharge of their owne malice and some to satisfie the minds of other made answer as followeth To the first that they did derogate from the Prerogative of the King because they were against his will To the second and third that they are to bee punished by death except it pleaseth the King to pardon them To the fourth and fifth that they are worthy to bee punished as Traytours To the sixth that whosoever resisteth the Kings rule in that point deserveth to bee punished as a Traytour To the seventh that the King may at his pleasure dissolve the Parliament and whosoever shall afterwards proceed against the Kings mind as in a Parliament hee is worthy to bee punished as a Traytour To the eighth that they cannot and whosoever doth the contrary hee deserveth to be punished as a Traytour To the ninth that as well the Motioner as also the Bringer of the said statute to the Parliament are worthy to be punished as Traytours To the tenth they answered that the said judgement seemed to them erronious and revocable in every part In witnesse whereof the Iustices aforesaid with Iohn Locktone the Kings sergeant at Law have subscribed and set their seals to these presents c. When these bloudy sentences of death treason were under generall and large Tearmes thus fastened upon the Lords the King supposed his attempts against them whether by violence or by colour of law sufficiently warranted but his power both wayes as it was terrible against weak resistance so against such mighty defendants it was of smal force to effect that which he so much affected Yet he did not omit his first indeavour and first accounting the Lords as condemned persons hee made division of their Lands and goods among those that hee favoured Then hee waged Souldiers to bee in a readinesse for his assistance and sent the Earle of Northumberland to arrest the Earle of Arundel at his Castle in Reygate where hee then lay But the Earle of Arundel either upon advertisement or suspition of the Kings mind banded himselfe so strong that when the Earle of Northumberland came unto him hee dissembled his intent and left his purpose unperformed Thus were these proceedings of the King as now in Councell so afterwards in event not much unlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter who first sold the skinne of the beare and then went about to take her but when hee came within the forrest either by unskilfulnesse or misadventure hee not onely missed his pray but fell himselfe into danger of the beast The Duke of Glocester having secret intelligence of the Kings displeasure and of his drift sent the Bishop of London to perswade the King to entertaine a more favourable opinion of him making faith to the Bishop with a solemne oath that hee never intended any thing to the prejudice of the King either in person or state The Bishop not unskilfull to joyne profitable perswasion with honest declared to the King that his displeasure against the Lords was not grounded upon just desert but either upon false suggestions of their enemies or erroniâ—us mistaking of some of their actions how desirous they were of his grace and favour how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull service how honourable this agreement would bee to the King how profitable to the Realme and how dangerous to both if these troubles might encrease The King seemed to give good â—are and credit to the Bishops speech but Michael Delapoole a turbulent man and against quiet counsell obstinately contentious standing then by the King soone stiffened his mind against all impression of friendship Hereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle and brake forth violently into heat of words The Earle applied to the Lords those objections wherewith great men are usually charged sparing no spight of speech and using all art to aggravate matters against them The Bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent not upon his owne necessity nor love to the King but onely to satisfie his bloudy and ambitious humour wherein hee was so immoderate that rather then the Lords should not bee destroyed hee would overwhelme them with the ruines of the State for tumults might indeed bee raised by men of little courage but must bee maintained with the hazard and ended with the losse of the most valiant that neither his Counsell in this matter was to bee followed being the principall firebrand of the disturbance nor his complants against any man to bee any thing regarded being himselfe a condemned person and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the King At these words the King was exceedingly wroth and charged the Bishop with menacing and threats to avoid his presence When the Duke of Gloucester had knowledge hereof hee signified the danger to the Earles of Arundel Warwick and Derby advising them to take armes and unite themselves for their common defence for in so doubtfull and suspected peace open warre was the onely way of safety These three Earles were the chiefest strength to the side but the Duke bare the most stroke because hee was most bold and his greatnesse almost obscured the
either safe quiet or dangerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolve upon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things Frist whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henry bee with good judgement or justice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a King being lawfully and fully instituted by any just title may upon impution either of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subjects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which hee should deserve so heavy judgement I will not speake what may be done in a popular state or in a Consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet hee hath not supreme power of Majestie but in the one the people have the highest Empire in the other the Nobility and chiefe men of estate in neither the Prince Of the first sort was the common-wealth of the Lacedaemoans who after the form of government which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petty Kings of every Citie in France who were many times arraigned upon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power over the people then the people had over them Of the second condition were the Roman Emperours at the first of whom some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were suddenly surprized by judgement and authority of the Senate and such are now the Emperors of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not only restraine but sometimes also remove from their Imperiall state such are also the Kings of Denmarke and Sweveland who are many times by the Nobility dejected either into prison or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flaunders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power never pertained to his dignity In these and such like governments the Prince hath not regall rights but is himselfe subject to that power which is greater then his whether it bee in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soveraigne Majesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdome of Iudea and Israel and is now in the kingdomes of England France Spaine Scotland Muscovia Turky Tartaria Persia Ethiopia and almost all the kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he be unprofitable to the subjects yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neither harme his person nor hazard his power whether by judgement or else by force for neither one nor all Magistrates have any authority over the Prince from whom all authority is derived and whose only presence doth silence and suspend all inferiour jurisdiction and power As for force what subject can attempt or assist or counsaile or conceale violence against his Prince and not incurre the high and hainous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeed from punishment of secular lawes except by word or deed it breake forth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred Majesty of a Prince without attempt without endeavour have beene adjudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession have discovered their treacherous devises against the person of their Prince have afterwards been executed for the same All Lawes doe exempt a mad man from punishment because their actions are not governed by their will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neither can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious mind yet if a mad man draw his sword upon his King it hath beene adjudged to deserve death And lest any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of their owne safety and soveraignety are the onely Authors of these judgements let us a little consider the Patternes and Preceprs of Holy Scripture Nebuchadnezzar King of Assyria wasted all Palestine with fire and sword oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slâ—e the King burnt the Temple tooke away the Holy Vessels and Treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his unmercifull souldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citie after the glut of this bloody butchery the people which remayned he led captive into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commanded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fiery Furnace What cruelty what injustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nebuchadnezzar his servant and promiseth hyre and wages for his service and the Prophets Ieremiah and Baruch did write unto the Iewes to pray for the life of him and of Baltazar his sonne that their dayes might bee upon earth as the dayes of Heaven and Ezechiel with bitter termes abhorteth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he revolted from Nebuchadnezzar whose homager and tributary he was What shall we say of Saul did hee not put all the Priests to execution because one of them did relieve holy and harmelesse David did hee not violently persecute that his most faithfull servant and dutifull sonne in law during which pursuit he fell twice into the power of David who did not only spare but also protect the King and reproved the Pretorian souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lap of his garment and afterwards caused the Messenger to bee slaine who upon request and for pitty had lent his hand as hee said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slew Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israel and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle and revelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other particular and priviledged Commandement but in the generall Precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also and our very thoughts are strictly charged with duty and obedience unto Princes whether they bee good or evill the law of God ordaineth That hee which doth presumptuously against the Ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet David forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord raile upon the Iudges neither speake evill against the Ruler of the people And the Apostles doe demand further that even our thoughts and soules be obedient to higher powers And least any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away
had such worthy servants as would often for his Honour urge it For these Masters as Wallingford termeth them Tanta elaâ—i jactantia quod nec sup riorem sibi intelligunt nec parem mellitis mollitis adulationibus animum Regis pro libito voluntatis â ratione tramite declinantes doe alone what they list They fill up the place of Iustice and Trust with their Countrey-men strangers exact of whom how and what they please wast the Treasure and Crowne lands on themselves and their followers set prices on all offences and raine the Law within the rule of their owne Breasts The usuall reply of their servants to the plaints of the Kings Subjects being Quis tibi rectum saciet Dominus rex vult quod Dominus meus vult these Strangers seemed in their Lawlesse carriage not to have beene invited but to have entred the state by Conquest The great men they enforced not to obey but to serve and the meane to live so as they might justly say they had nothing yet least the King should heare the groanes of his people and the wickednesse of his Ministers which good and able men would tell him they barre all such accesse Suspition being the best preserver of her owne deserts aimeth at these who hath more of vertue then themselves as fearing them most Thus is the incapacity of Government in a King when it fals to bee a prey to such Lawlesse Minions the ground of infinite corruption in all the members of the State all take warrant generâ—lly from Princes weakenesses of licentious liberty and greatnesse makes profit particularly by it and therefore give way to encrease ill to encrease their gaines A Famine accompanieth these corruptions and that so violent that the King is enforced to direct Writes to all the Shires Ad pauperes mortuos sepelicendos famis media deficientes Famine proceeds Fames praecessit secutus est gladius tam terribilis ut nâ—mo inermis secura possit Provincias peragare For all the Villages of the Kingdome were left a prey to the lawlesse Multitude Who Per diversas partes itinerantes velut per Consentum aliorum as the Record saith did imply that the factious Lords suspected by the King had given some heat to that commotion Seditious Peeres bringing ever fewell to such popular fires Neither was the Church without a busie part in this Tragick worke for Walter Bishop of Worcester and Robert of Lincolne to whom Mountford and his faction Prae cordialiter adhaerebant were farre ingaged In such designes Church-men are never wanting and the distast of the present Government as well in the Church as in the Common-wealth will ever bee a knot of strength for such unquiet Spirits who as well frame to themselves some other forme of Government then the present in the Church as in the temporall state as that which with the giddy multitude winneth best opinion and did at this time fitly suite the peoples humours so much distasting the new Courts of the Clergy their pompe their greedinesse and the Popes extortions A faire pretext was it to those factious Bishops to use their bitter pens and speeches so farre against Religious Orders Ceremonies and State of the Church that one of them incurred the sentence of Excommunication at Rome and Treason at home for hee enjoyned the Earle of Leycester In remissione peccatorum ut causam illam meaning his Rebellions usque ad mortem assumeret asserens pacem Ecclesiae Auglicanae nunquam sine gladio materiali posse firmari It was not the best Doctrine that this man could plant by liberty or warre when the first Church rose by fasting and prayer True Piety binds the Subject to desire a good Soveraigne but to beare with a bad one and to take up the burthen of Princes with a bended knee rather in time so to deserve abatement then resist authority Church-men therefore ought not alwayes to leade us in the rule of Loyalty but a knowledge of our owne duties in difficult points of Religion where an humble ignorance is a safe and secure knowledge wee may rely upon them To suppresse these troubles and supply the Kings extremity a Parliament was called much to the liking of those Lords who as little meant to releeve the King as they did to acquiet the State their end at that time being onely to open at home the poverty of their Master to lessen his reputation abroad and to brave out their owne passions freely whil'st those times of liberty permit Here they began to tell him hee had wronged the publick State in taking to his private election the Iustice Chancellour and Treasurer that should bee onely by the Common Councell of the Realme commending much the Bishop of Chicester for denying delivery of the great Seale but in Parliament where he received it They blame him to have bestowed the best places of trust and benefit in his gift on Strangers and to leave the English unrewarded to have undone the trade of Merchants by bringing in Maltolts and heavy customes and to have hurt the Common liberty by non obstantes in his Parents to make good Monopolies for private favorites That hee hath taken from his Subjects Quicquid habuerunt in esculentis poculentis Rustâ—coruin enim â—ques bigas vina victualia ad libitum caepit That his Iudges were sent in circuites under pretext of Iustice to fleece the people Causis fictitiis quascunque poterant diripuerunt And that Sir Robert de Purslowe had wrong from the Borderers of his Forrest under pretence of enâ—rochments or assarts great summes of money And therefore they wonder that hee should now demand reliefe from his so pilled and polled Commons who by their former extremities Et per auxilia priuâ— data ita depaâ—perantur ut nihil aut parum habeant in bonis And therefore advised him that since his needlesse expence Postquam regni caepit esse dilapidatur was summed up by them to above 800000. l. It were fitting to pull from his favorites who had gleaned the Treasure of his Kingdome and shared the old Lands of the Crowne seeing one of them there whom the Lords described to bee Miles litteratus or Clericus militaris who had in short space from the inheritance of an acre growne to the Possession of an Earledome and Mansel another inferiour Clarke that besides 50. promotions with the cure of soules rose to dispend in annuall revenue 4000. markes whereas more moderate Fees would have become a pen-man no better quallified then with the ordinary fruits of a writing Schoole yet if a moderate supply would suite with the Kings occasions they were content to performe so farre reliefe in Obedience as the desert of his carriage should merrit toward them And so as the Record saith Dies datur suit in tres septimanas ut interim Rex excessuos suos corrigeret Magnates
by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the Realme of England and the Commons of the said Realme representing all the States of the said Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of judgement and considering the manifold iniuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offences by Richard late King of the said Realm committed and done contrary to good governement in the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid during the time of his Raigne also considering the articles which were openly exhibited and read before the said States which were so publike notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no avoydance and shift bee concealed also considering the confession of the said King acknowledging and reputing and truly upon his certaine knowledge judging himselfe to have beene and to be altogether insufficient and unskilfull for the rule and government of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not unworthy to bee deposed for the notorious demerits by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said States published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and us by the diligent place name and authority to us in this part committed in abundance and for a cautele wee pronounce decree and declare the said Richard to have beene and to be unprofitable and unable and altogether unsufficient and unworthy for the rule and government of the said Realmes and of the Dominions Rights and parts of them and in regard and respect of the premises worthily to bee deposed from all kingly dignity and honour if any such dignity and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitive in this writing inhibiting from henceforth expresly all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoever of the said Realmes and Dominions and other places to the said Realmes and Dominions appertaining the subjects and liege people of the same and every of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the aforesaid Richard as King or Lord of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted Procurators joyntly and severally for all the States of the Realme to resigne and surrender unto King Richard for them and all other homages of the Realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and done unto him as King and Soveraigne and also to declare unto him all the premises concerning his deposition Now Henry Duke of Lancaster that hee might bee reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the Kingdome by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime thereunto and being in power it was no sooner advised what was to bee done but it was presently devised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henry the third whom they surnamed Crouch-backe affirming that hee was the eldest sonne of King Henry and that for his deformity hee was put from his right of succession in the Kingdome which was for that cause given to his younger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of blood by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henry the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the said Edmund This cunning conceit was perceived of all men but seeming not to perceive it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therefore the Kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henry arose from his seat and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the fore-head and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the Crown with all the appurtenances as I that am descended by right line of the blood royall comming from that good Lord K. Henry the third through the right that God of his grace hath sent me with the helpe of my kindred and of my friends to recover the same Which kingdome was in point to be undone for default of good government and due justice After these words it was demanded in both houses of the Nobility and of the Commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raign who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the Throne of estate the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and all the assembly testifying their owne joy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an Oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne over my people 1 Reg. 9.17 After all this hee was proclaymed King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is void of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gave their applause not all upon judgement or faithfull meaning but mostionly upon a received custome to flatter the Prince whatsoever he be Yet least the heat of this humour should allay by delay it was forthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that upon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the K. proclaimed arose from his seat and went to White-Hall where hee spent the rest of day in royall feasting and all other complements of joy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelinesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the Procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared unto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the States of the realm did surrender the homage and fealty which had bin due unto him so that no man from thenceforth would bear to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing regarded these titular circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be a gracious Lord and good friend unto him So upon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessor the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishop of Canterbury sacred annoynted and crowned King at Westminster by the name of King Henry the fourth upon the very same day wherein the yeare before he had bin banished the Realme Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certain religious man gave unto Henry the first Duke