at all because some of the Lords were not come by reason of foule weather shortnesse of warning or other publike imployments all their personall presence in Parliament being reputed necessary and expedient And 20. R. 2. N. 8. The Commons themselves in Parliament required the King to SEND FOR SUCH BISHOPS and LORDS WHO WERE ABSENT to come to the Parliament before they would consult of what the Chancellor propounded to them in the Kings name and behalfe to consider of To recite no more ancient Presidents in the Parliament of 2. Caroli the Earle of Arundell sitting in the Parliament being committed by the King to the Tower of London about his sonnes marriage May 25 1626. without the Houses privity and consent whereby their Priviledges were infringed and the House deprived of one of their Members presence thereupon the Houses of Peeres adjourned themselves on the 25 and 26. of May without doing any thing and upon the Kings refusall to release him they adjourned from May 26. till June 2. refusing to sit and so that Parliament disolved in discontent his imprisonment in this case being a breach of Priviledge contrary to Magna Charta And not long after the beginning of this Parliament upon the Kings accusation and impeachment of the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members of the Commons House * An Exact collection part 1. both Houses adjourned and sate not as Houses till they had received satisfaction and restitution of those Members as the Journals of both Houses manifest it being an high breach of their Priviledges contrary to the Great Charter If then the Kings bare not summoning of some Peares to Parliament who ought to sit there by their right of Perage or impeaching or imprisoning any Peere unjustly to disable them to sit personally in Parliament be a breach of the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and of Magna Charta it selfe confirmed in above 40. succeeding Parliaments then the Lords right to sit vote and Judge in Parliament is as firme and indisputable as Magna Charta can make it and consented to and confirmed by all the Commons people and Parliaments of England that ever consented to Magna Charta though they be not eligiable every Parliament by the freeholders people as Knights and Burgesses ought to be and to deny this birth-right and Priviledge of theirs is to deny Magna Charta it selfe and this present Parliaments Declarations and proceedings in the case of the Lord Kimbolton a member of the House of Peers Fifthly The ancient Treatise intituled * See Cooke â— Justit p. 12. for the Antiquity and for the Authority of this Treatise The manner of holding Parliaments in England in Edward the Confessors time before the Conquest rehearsed afterwards before William the Conqueror by the discreet men of the Kingdome and by himselfe approved and used in his time and in the times of his Successors Kings of England if the Title be true and the Treatise so ancient as many now take it to be determines thus of the Kings and Lords right to be personally present in all Parliaments The King IS bound by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let there from by BODILY SICKNESSE and then he may keep his Chamber yet so THAT HELYE NOT WITHOUT THE MANOUR OR TOWNE WHERE THE PARLIAMENT IS HELD and then he ougth to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two EARLES two BARONS two Knights of the Shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and witnesse his estate and in their presence he ought to make a Commission and give Authority to the Archbishops of the Peace the steward of England and Cheife Justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name expresse mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence then which ought to suffice and admonish the OTHER NOBLES cheife men in the Parliament together with the evident testimony of the twelve Peers of theirs The reason is BECAVSE THERE WAS WONT TO BE A CRY OR MURMVR IN THE PARLIAMENT FOR THE KINGS ABSENCE BECAUSE HIS ABSENCE IS HURTFULL and DANGEROUS TO THE WHOLE COMMONALTY OF THE PARLIAMENT and KINGDOME WHEN THE KING SHALL BE ABSENT FROM HIS PARLIAMENT Neither indeed OUGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONELY IN THE CASE AFORESAID After which it followes The Archbishops Bishops and other cheife of the Clergy ought to be summoned to come to the Parliament and Also EVERY EARLE and BARON and their PEERS OUGHT TO BE SUMMONED and COME TO THE PARLIAMENT c. Touching the beginning of the Parliament The Lord the King shall sit in the miâ—st of the great bench and is bound to be present in the first and last day of Parliament And the Chancellors Treasurer and Barons of the Eschequer and justices were wont to record the defaults made in Parliament according to the order following In the third day of the Parliament the Barons of the Cinqueports shall be called and after wards the BARONS of England after them the EARLES Whereupon if the Barons of the Cinqueports be not come the Barony from whence they are shall be amerced at an hundred markes and an Earle at one hundred pounds After the same manner it must be done to those who are Peers to Earles and Barons After which it relates the manner of place of the Earles Barons and Peers in Parliament Then addes The Parliament may be held and OVGHT every day to begin at one of the clocke in the afternoone at which time THE KING IS TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT and ALL THE PEERS OF THE KINGDOME None of all the Peers of the Parliament MAY OR OUGHT TO DEPART alone from the Parliament unlesse he have obtained and that in full Parliament leave from the KING and of ALL HIS PEERS so to doe and that with all there be a remembrance kept in the Parliament roll of such leave and Liberty granted And if any of the Peers during the terme of the Parliament shal be sick or weake so as he is not able to come to the Parliament then he ought three dayes together send such as may excuse him to the Parliament or else two Peers must go and view him and if they finde him sicke then he may make a Proxy Of the Parliament the King is the Head the beginning and ending So this ancient Treatise The Statute of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. ch 4. enacts by COMMAND of the King and ASSENT of the Prelates LORDS and COMMONS in Parliament That all and singular persons and Commonalties which from henceforth shall have the Summons of the Parliament shall come from henceforth to the Parliament in the manner AS THEY BE bound TO DOE and hath been ACCVSTOMED within the Realme of England OF OLD TIME And every person of the said Realme which from henceforth shall have the
3. p. 156 157. where his words contradictions in this kinde are receited at larg as appeares by their severall Petitions and Complaints to them upon sundry occasions heretofore by their resorting to them for Justice against Strafford Canterbury and others Yea John Liburne himselfe till his late quarrell with them not onely acknowledged their very power of Judicature but highly applauded their Justice in his owne cause Petitioning and suing to them not onely for reversall of the sentence against him in Starchamber but likewise for dammages and reparations against his Prosecutors â—leading his cause by his Counsell before them as his proper Judges who thereupon by Judgement of the House vacated the Decree against him as illegall voted him Dammages and passed him an Ordinance for the recovery and levying thereof all which he himselfe both published in sundry of his printed Pamphlets wherein he acknowledgeth and extolleth their Justice Take but one passage for all in his Innocency and Truth justified p. 74. 75. If I be transmitted up to the Lords and confidently beleeve I shall get forward out of the former experiences of that Justice that I have found there and I will instance two particulars First when I was a Prisoner in the Fleet and secondly May the fourth one thousand sixe hundred forty one The King accused mee of High Treason and before the Lords barre was I brought for my life where although one Littleton servant to the Prince swore point blanke against mee yet had I free liberty to * He did not then demurr to their Jurisdiction speake for my selfe in the open House And upon my desire that Master Andrewes also might declare upon his Oath what hee knew about my businesse it was done And his Oath being absolutely contradictory to Master Littletons I was both freed from Littletons malice and the Kings accusation at the Barre of the whole House And for my part * Nota. I AM RESOLVED TO SPEAKE WELL OF THOSE THAT HAVE DONE ME JUSTICE and not to doubt THEY WILL DENY IT MEE till such time as by experience I finde they doe it And at that time he was so much for the Lords that he writes most disgracefully derogatorily of the Commons and other his Confederates by his example and of their want of power injustice and proceedings d His â—etter to a friend-Innocency and truth justified His â—etters to the Generall Hen. Martin L. G. Cromwell Englands Birthright See Mr. Edw. Gangraena part 3. p. 146. to 228. quarrells onely with them and their Committees for their delayes and injustice towards him telling them to their faces in many of his former and late printed Libels That they have no power at all to commit or examine him or any other Commoner of England without the Lords nor yet to give or take an Oath That they are but a peece and lowest part of the Parliament not a Parliament alone That they can make no binding Votes Ordinances or Lawes nor commit nor command any Commoner without the Lords and in one or two Pamphlets he endeavours to prove them to be now no lawfull House of Commons at all nor would hee ever acknowledge them to be so and that he would make no more conscience of cutting theirs and the Lords throates the Tyrants and Oppressors at Westminster then of killing so many Weasels and Polcats with many other like scurrilous and mutinous expressions His owne printed Papers Petitions and Actions therefore are an unanswerable confutation of his malicious contradictions of their Authority and judicature since for their exemplary justice on him and he must either now re-acknowledge their right of sitting voting and judging in Parliament to be lawfull or else renounce his owne former Petitions and addresses to them for justice retract all his former printed Papers asserting their Power and judicature and extolling their justice yea disclaime their judgment for vacating his owne Sentence in the Starchamber their awarding him Dammages and passing an Ordinance to recover them as meerly null and voyd being made before no lawfull or competent Judges as now he writes since not elected by the peoples Votes And let those his followers who admire him for his Law observe these his palpable and invincible contradictions and be ashamed and afraid to follow such an ignorant and erronious guide who writes onely out of malice and faction not of judgement as his contradictions evidence 11ly The Acts for preventing the inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments And to prevent the inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning proroging or dissolving the Parliament made this Parliament and assented to by the King at the Commons importunity confirme the Lords interrest and right to sit and Vote in Parliament beyond all dispute and give them anâ—w power to summone a Parliament themselves in some cases â—â— ly The ancient forme still continued till this day of dismissing Parliaments and dissolving them by the Kings licensive THE LORDS and COMMONS TO DEPART HOME and TAKE THEIR EASE 37. E. 3. n. 34. 38. E. 3. n. 18. 40. E. 3. n. 16. 43. E. 3. n. 34. 45. E. 3. n. 8. 13. 47. E. 3. n. 7. and all Parliaments since proves their right of sitting in and attending the service of the Parliament in person without speciall licence of the King during its continuance in dispite of all ignorant cavils to the contrary Having thus impregnably evinced the Lords undoubted right to sit and vote in Parliament though they be not elective by the peoples voyces as Knights and Burgesses are I shall next discover unto our illiterate Ignoramusses who oppose this their right the justice and good grounds and reasons of our Ancestors why they instituted the Lords and Peers to sit and vote in Parliament by right of their Nobility and Peerage which will abundantly satisfie rationall men and much confirme their right First the Nobles and Great Officers in all Kingdomes and in our Kingdome too in respect of their education birth experience and imployment in State-affaires have alwayes been generally reputed the wisest and best experienced Common-wealths men best able to advise and Councell the King and Kingdome in all matters of Government Peace or War as our Historians Antiquaries Polititians and Records acknowledge and attest whence they were antiently stiled e Mr. Seldenâ— Titles of honour part 3. ch 5. Sir Edward Cookes Epistle to the 9. Report and â— Instit p. 120. 4. Instit p. 2. Cambdens Brit. p. 177. Spelmanni Concil Tom. 1. Aeldermen Wisemen Magnates Optimates Sapientes Sapientissimi Clarissimi viri Conspicui Clarique viri Primates Nobiles c. in our Historians and Records and our Parliaments in that respect are frequently stiled in ancient times Consilium SAPIENTVM upon which Grounds our Kings and * 1. E. 3. n. 36. 55 56. 45 E. 3. n. 15 16. 50 E. 3. n. 10. to 14. 1 R. 2. n. 10. to 27 47 50 51. 112 113. 17 R. 2. c. 1
this to the Lords not only against Peers but Commoners of which there are hundreds of presidents this very Parl Therefore the House of Lords hath the proper right of judicatory vested in them not the Commons who are rather informers prosecutors and Grand-Jury men to inform and impeach then Judges to hear censure or determine Seventhly those who are proper Judges in any Court of justice whiles the cause is judging sit in their * 25 E. 3. c. 2. 20 R 2. c. 3. 6 R. 2. c. 5. 14 H. 6. c. 3. â— R. 2. c. 3. 2 R. 2. c. 10. Robes covered on the bench not stand bare at the bar swear examine the witnesses in the cause not produce them or manage the evidence when the cause is fully heard argue and debate the businesse between themselves and give the definitive sentence But in cases that are to be tried judged in Parl the Lords only sit covered and in their Robes upon the Bench but the Comons stand bare at the Bar the Lords only swear and examine the witnesses and judge of their testimony the Commons only u Coke 4. Instit p. 24. produce the witnesses or presse and manage the evidence and when the businesse is fully heard the Lords only debate the businesse among themselves and give the finall Sentence and Judgment without the CoÌ„mons and that both in cases of Comoners and Peers Therefore the Lords or house of Peers are sole Judges in Parl not the CoÌ„mons And that they are and alwaies have been so de facto unlesse by way of Bil of Attainder or in such extraordinary cases when their concurrence hath been desired I shall prove by most clear and infallible evidence To pretermit the * Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor part 7. c. 5 p. 632 633 705 706. judgment of the Earls Barons in Parl in the case of Earl Goodwin for the murther of Alfred in K. Edw. Conf. reign before the Conquest and the judgment of the Barons the Lords in Parl against Tho Becket Arch-b of Can. in K. Hen. 2. raign cited by M. Selden of which you may chuse the same with the punctuall authority of Andr. Horne in his Mirror of Justices c. 1. § 2. forecited First in Pleas of the Crown and other Common Pleas plainly â—â—able in Parl as well between CoÌ„moners as Peers the Pleas have been exhibited heard and judgement given upon them by the King and Lords joyntly or the King alone by which the Lords assent or by the Lords themselves without the CoÌ„mons as is evident by the Parli Rolls and Pleas in Parl in K. Ed. 1. 2. 3. 4. Ric. 2. Hen. 4. 5. 6. where there are hundreds of instances to confirm it some of them printed in Sir Edw. Cokes 3 Instit c. 1 2. and M. St Johns Argument in Law upon the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford Secondly in all * 18 E. 1. rot Parl. t. 4 E. 3. n. 13. 21 E. 3. n. 65. 28 E. 3. n. 11 12. 50 E. 3. n. 48. 1 R. 2. n. 28 29 104. 2 R. 2. n. 36 37 31 32 33. Parl. 2. n. 21 to 27. 3 R. 2. n. 19 20 21. 7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 23 24. 8 R. 2. n. 14 15. 13 R. 2. n. 15 16. 15 R. 2. 22 23. 17 R. 2. n. 13 14 15 19. 18 R. 2. n. 11 10 16. 21 R. 2. n. 25 55 to 66. 1 H. 4. n. 91. 2 H. 4 n. 47 48. 5 H. 4. n. 40. 6 H. 4. n. 31 61 62. 3 H. 5. n. 19. 10 H. 6. n. 51. Writs of Error brought in Parl by Peers or CoÌ„moners to reverse any erroneous judgements touching their reall or personall Estates lives or attainders The KING LORDS ONLY ARE JUDGES and the proceedings upon such Writs are ONLY BEFORE THE LORDS IN THE UPPER House secundum Legem coâ—suetudinem Parliamenti So Sr Ed. Coke in direct terms in his 4. Instit p. 21 22 23. where he produceth divers presidents of such writs of Error out of the Parl Rolls and present experience manifests as much in all the the writs of Error brought this Parl adjudged and determined by the King and Lords alone without the privity of interposition of the CoÌ„mons A truth so clear that Lilburne himself in his Argument against the Lords Jurisidiction confesseth it and the Parl Rolls quoted in the Margine with sundry others resolve past all dispute If then the Lords be the sole Judges in all writs of Error concerning the goods estates free-holds inheritances lives and attainders of the Commoners of England notwithstanding the statute of Magna Charta c. 29. No Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised of his Free-holder Liberties of Free-customes nor outlawed nor exiled neither will we passe upon him nor condemn him but by THE LAWFUL IUDGMENT OF HIS PEERS c. the grand and principall objection against their Iudicature then by the self-same reason they are and may lawfully proceed against them in all other civill or criminall causes especially breaches of ther own priviledges of which themselves are the sole and only Iudges the cases of Lilburne and Overton properly triable in Parliament Thirdly in all Petitions and complaints against CoÌ„moners for redresse of grievances the King and Lords are the sole and proper Tuns and Judges not the CoÌ„moners as appears by all the Parl Rolls in former times wherein we find in the beginning of every Parl some Assistants of the Lords house appointed by them to be receivers of the Petitions of England Ireland Wales Scotland others appointed receivers of the Petitions of Gascoyne other parts beyond the Seas and the Isles of Jersy and Gernsey c. And some Lords appointed tryers of those Petitions who had power given them to call the L d Chancellor Treasurer Steward Chamberlain the Judges Kings Serjeants and others to their assistance prescribing also by what day the Petitions should all be exhibited and the place where they should be examined All particular persons usually presenting all their grievances and petitions immediately to the King Lords without any addresse to the CoÌ„mons by Petitions as now of late there being no Petitions of record in the Parl Rolls addressed immediately and originally to the Commons that I can find And towards the end of the Parl Rolls there is this Title usually The Petitions of the CoÌ„moners containing all Petitions of the CoÌ„mons house for redresse of publick or particular injuries and grievances presented to the King in the Lords house and answered by the King alone with the consent of the Prelats Counts Barons with which answers the Commons rested satisfied whether granted or denied as ofttimes they were Of which you may read somthing in Sr E. Cokes 4. Instit p. 16. more in the Records themselves Fourthly in all criminal causes in Parl by way of accusation impeachment or indictment the King Lords were the proper Judges as is evident by Placita Coronae coram
hill unto the Gallows at Tiburn there kenelled his bowels laid before him and after he should be hanged beheaded and quartered and his head sent to Calayes where the murther was committed and his quarters sent to other places where the King should please and thereupon command was given to the Marshall of England to make execution accordingly and it was so done the same day Lo here the Lords in Parliament gâ—ve judgement against a Commoner in case of a murther done at Calayes and so not triable at the Kings Bench but in Parliament and passe a judgement of High treason on him for murthering of a great Peere only And which is most remarkable all the Commons In this very Parliaments of 1 H. 4. nu 70. Nov 3. made their Protestation and further remonstrated to the King Nota. Com LES JVGGEMENTS DV PARLEMENT APEIRTEIGNENT SOVLEMENT AV ROY ET AS SEIGNEIVRS ET NIENT AS COMMVNES how the judgement of the Parl. appertained ONLY TO THE KING and TO THE LORDS and NOT VNTO THE COMMONS except in case it should please the King OF HIS SPECIALL GRACE to shew unto them the said JVDGEMENTS purcase de eux que null record soit fait in Parlement encoutreles ditz Communes quill soit ou serront parties ascunes juggements donez ouadoues en Apres in Parlement Whereunto it was answered by the Archbish of Canterbury by the Kings command how the said Commoners are petitioners and demanders and that THE KING THE LORDS de tont temps ont eves et aueront DE DROIT LES JVGGEMENT EN PARLEMENT en manere come me me les communes ount monstres HAVE ALVVAYES HAD AND SHALL HAVE OF RIGHT THE JVDGEMENTS IN PARLIAMENT in manner as the Commons themselves have declared except in making Statutes or in making Grants and Subsidies or such things for the common profit of the Realm wherein the King will have especially their advice and assent and that this order of proceeding shall be held and kept IN ALL TIMES TO COME By which record in Parliament it is apparent by the House of Commons own confession First that the Judgements in Parliament even in cases of Commoners appertain ONLY TO THE KING and LORDS in the affirmative Secondly that they appertain NOT TO THE COMMONS in the negative Thirdly that the King and LORDS HAVE ALWAYES HAD and ENJOYED THE RIGHT of Judgements in Parliament Fourthly that they should alwayes hold and enjoy this Right IN ALL TIMES TO COME Fifthly that the Commons speciall advise and assent was and is required by the King in Parliament only in making of Statutes Grants and Subsidies and such like things for the common profit of the Realm So full and punctuall a Parliamentary decision of the present controversie as is uncapable of any answer or evasion In the Parliament Roll of 17. y See Cook 3. Instit c. 2. p. 22. R. 2. num 20. 21. John Duke of Gayen and of Lancaster Steward of England and Thomas Duke of Glocester Constable of England the Kings Uncles complained to the King that Thomas Talbot Knight a Commoner and no Peere with other his adherents conspired the death of the said Duke in divers parts of Cheshire as the same was confessed and well known and prayed that the Parliament might judge of the faulâ— to wit whether it were treason according to the clause of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. It is accorded that if any other case supposed Treason which is not above specified doth happen before any Justices the Justices shall tarry without any going to judgement of the Treason till the cause be shewed and declared before the King and His Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason or Felony whereupon the KING and THE LORDS IN THE PARLIAMENâ— without the Commons though in case of a Commoner ADJVDGED THE SAME FACT TO BE OPEN and HIGH TREASON and thereupon they award two writs the one to the Sheriffes of Darby to take the body of the said Sir Thomas retornable in the Kings Bench in the moneth of Easter then next following and open Proclamation was made in Westminster Hall upon the Sheriffes return and the next coming in of the said Sir Thomas that the same Thomas SHOVLD BE CONVICTED OF TREASON and incurre the losse and pain of the same and that all such as should receive him after the same Proclamation should incurre the same losse and paine Sir z 3. Instit p. 22. Edward Cooke relating this Judgement addes his own opinion at the end That this judgement wanting the assent of the Commons was no Declaration of Treason within the Act of 25. E. â— because it was not by the King and his Parliament according to this Act but by the King and Lords ONLY But the record of Parliament and the Judges and Commons then admitted it to be good and processe issued out and judgement was given accordingly the parties concerned taking no such exceptions to it See 21. R. 2. n. 15. 16. So that this Record is a pregnant evidence That the King and Lords are the sole Judges in Parliament in the case of Commoners even in declaring and judging what is or what is not treason within the Statute of 25. E. 3. because the Commons are no Iudges in Parliament and so cannot Iudge or declare unles in a legislative way by Act of Parliament what is Treason or Pelony but the King and Lords alone To put this out of question I shall cite one notable record more to this purpose a Cooke 3. Instit p. 22. c. 1. p. 10. In the Parliament of 5. H. 4. 11. 12. on the 8. of February the Earle of Northumberland came before the King Lords and Commons in Parliament and by his Petition to the King acknowledged that he had done against his Lawes and alegiance and especially for gather of power and giving of Liveries for which he put himselfe upon the Kings grace and prayed pardon the rather for that upon the Kings Letters he yielded himselfe and came to the King at Yorke whereas he might have kept himselfe away Which Petition by the Kings command was delivered to the Justices to be examined and to have their counsell and advice therein Whereupon the LORDS made a Protestation que le Juggement appertient aeux tout soulement THAT THE JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED ONLY TO THEM And after the said Petition being read and considered before the King and the said Lords as Peers of Parliament a queux tells â—uggementz apperteignent DE DROIT TO WHOM SUCH JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED OF RIGHT having had by the Kings command competent deliberation thereupon and having also heard and considered as well the Statute made in the 25. yeare of King Edward the Kings Grand-father that now is concerning the Declaration of treason as the Statutes of Liveries made in this Kings raigne ADJUDGED that that which was done by the said Earle contained within his Petition was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespas for which
right to award Judgement in these cases without the King or them then which a fuller and clearer proofe cannot be desired In the self-same Parliament 1. R. â— num 41 42 43. Dame Alice Piers was brought before THE LORDS and charged by Sir Richard le Scrope with sundry misdemeanors which she denied hereupon divers Witnesses were examined against her Whereupon JVDGEMENT WAS GIVEN BY THE LORDS AGAINST HER that she should be banished and forfeit all her lands goods and tenements whatsoevèr To this Judgement neither King nor Commons were parties but the Lords only To these I might adde the cases of c See the doom of 〈◊〉 and treachery 〈◊〉 14 15. where the record is transcribed Sir William de Eleuham Sir Thomas Trivet Sir Henry de Ferriers and Sir William Farnden Knights and Robert Fitz Ralph Esquire Rot. Parl. 7. R. 2. num 24. sentenced and condemned by judgement of the Lords in Parliament pronounced by the Chancellour for selling the Castle of Burbugh with the armes and ammâ—nition in it to the Kings enemies without the Kings license 21. R. 2. Parl. Rot. Plac. Coronae num 27. where Sir Robert Pleasington is adjudged a Traytor after his death by the King by â—SSENT OF THE LORDS and num 15. 16. Sir Thomas Mortimers case num 17. Sir John Cobhams case * 31. H. 6. n. 45. 64. 65. â— 3. n. 16. to â—8 and num 28. Henry Bonoits case condemned in like manner of treason by the Lords with hundreds of Presidents more I shall only cite three more at large which are punctuall In the Parliament of 8. R. 2. n. 12. Walter Sybell of London was arrested and brought into the Parliament before the Lords at the suit of Robert de Veer Earl of Oxford for slandering him to the Duke of Lancaster and other Nobles for maintenance Walter denied not but that he said that certain there named recovered against him the said Walter and that by maintenance of the said Earl as he thought The Earl there present protested himself to be innocent and put himself upon the triall Walter thereupon was committed to Prison by the Lords and the next day he submitted himself and desired the Lords to be a mean for him saying he could not accuse him whereupon THE LORDS CONVICTED and FINED HIM FIVE HVNDRED MARKS TO THE SAID EARL for the which and for his fine and ransome he was committed to prison BY THE LORDS A direct case in point In the second Parliament in 7. R. 2. num 13. to 19. Iohn Cavendish a Fishmonger of London accused Michael de la Pool Knight Lord Chaâ—cellour of England first before the Commons and afterward before the Lords for bribery and injustice and that he entereâ—â—â—nto a Bond of x. l. to Iohn Ottard a Clerk to the said Chancellour which he was to give for his good successe in the businesse in part of payment wâ—â—â—eof he brâ—ught Herring and Sturgeon to Ottard and ye was delayed aâ—d could have no justice at the Chancellours hâ—nds and upon hearing he cause and examining wiâ—â— oâ—fes upon Oath before THE LORDS the Chancellour was cleared The Chancellour thereupon required reparation for so great a slander the Lords being then troubled with other weighty matters let the Fish-monger to Bail and referred the matter to be ordered by the Judges who upon hearing the whole matter condemned Cavendish in three thousand marks for his slanderous complaint against the said Chancellour and adjudged him to prison till he had paid the same to the Chancellour and made fine and ransome to the King also which the Lords confirmed In the Parliament of 15. R. 2. nu 21. Iohn Stradwell of Begsteed in the County of Sussex was committed to the fleet by JVDGEMENT OF THE LORDS there to remain during the Kings pleasure for that he informed the Parliament that the Archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated him and his neighbours wrongfully for a temporall cause appertaining to the Crown and Common Law whâ—ch was ADIVDGED BY THE LORDS upon examination and hearing to BE VNTRVE These three eminent Presidents to which many more might be added of the Lords fining and imprisoning meere Commons only for slandering Peeres of Parliament even by false accusations against them in Parliament by way of complaint will â—â—stify the Lords proceedings against Lilburn and Ovâ—rton for their professed Libells both against their Persons and Jurisdictions too To proceed to latter times in Parliaments of 18. and 21. Jacobi and 3. Car. not only the Lord * Cook 4. Instit p. 23. Chancellour Bacon and the Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer upon complaint of the Commons were censured and judged by the Lords alone but likewise Sir Giles Mompesson Sir Iohn Michell and Dr Manwering all Commoners JUDICIALLY SENTENCED Doctor Pocklinton and Doctor Bray even for erroneous Books and Sermons were sentenced this Parliament by the Lords alone since these Master Clement Walker Esquire was imprisoned in the Tower and fined by the Lords for some words pretended to be spoken against the Lord Say and within these few moneths onâ— Morrice and foure or five more of his confederates were censured fined and imprâ—soned by the Lords alone for forging an Act of Parliament upon Sir Adam Littletons complaint with all the Commons privity or consents and above one hundred Commoner more have been imprisoned by them or fined this very Session of Parliament for breach of Priviledge contempts or misdemeanours by the Lords alone without the Commons yet no demurrer nor exceptions were taken by them or the Commons to their Iurisdiction who applauded this their Justice in some of these cases From all these cleare confessions of the Commons themselves in Parliament and punctuall presidents in print in former late Parliaments and in this now sitting it is undeniable That the King and Lords joyntly and the Lords severally without the King have an indubitable right of Judicature without the Commonâ— vested in them not only of Peers themselves but likewise of Câ—mmoners in all extraordinary cases of Treason Felony Trespasse and other Misdemeanors triable only in Parliament which hath been constantly acknowledged practised and submitted to without dispute much more then have they such a just and rightfull power in case of breach of their owne priviledges of d Cooke 4 Instit p. 15. which none are or can be Judges but themselves alone And to deny them such a power is to make the Highest Court of Iudicature in the Realme inferiour to the Kings Bench and all other Courts of Justice who have power to judge and try the persons and causes of Commoners and to commit and fine them for contempts and breaches of Priviledges as our e See Brooke and Ashes Tables Tit. Contempts Fines pur Contempt Imprisonment Law bookes resolve and every mans experience can testifie The Lords right of Judicature being thus fully evicted against the false and ignorant pretences of illiterate Sectaries altogether unacquainted with our Histories and Records of Parliament
awarded him to the custody of the Marshall and to make fine and ransome at the Kings pleasure Whereupon the Commons REQUIRED by way of petition that he might lose all his Offices and no longer be of the Kings Councell which the King granted The Commons not joyning at all with the Lords in his judgement neither could they so joyne he being a Peer And for the Lord Nevill in that Parliament num 33. he was only accused not judged by the Commons Sixthly The case of 2. H. 5. rot Parl. num 15. that Error is there assigned that the Lords gave judgement without Petition or assent of the Commons is a grosse mistake For the record only recites That Thomas Mountague Earle of Salisbury Sonne and Heire of Iohn Mountague Earle of Salisbury exhibited his petition in Parliament to reverse a judgement given against his said father in the Parliament at Westminster in the second year of King Henry the fourth Whereupon he exhibited certaine reversals of Judgements given in Parliament as making on his behalfe to the Lords consideration reversed for some errors assigned in those jadgements to wit one judgement given against Thomas heretofore Earle of Lancaster before King Edward the second at Pomfract the monday before the feast of the Annuntiation in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne and another Judgement against Roger de Mortymer late Earle of March in the Parliament of King Edward the third the Monday after the Feast of St. Katherine in the fourth yeare of his reigne at Westminster Which judgements being distinctly and openly read and fully understood Jo seemed TO THE KING and LORDS that the case of the death and execution of the said John late Earle of Sarum and of the judgement aforesaid against him given is not nor was like to the case of the executing of the said Thomas heretofore Earle of Lancaster nor to the case of the killing of Roger Earle of March nor to any judgement given against the said Thomas and Roger as aforesaid but that the judgement and declaration had and given against the said Iohn late Earle of Sarum WERE A GOOD JUST and LEGALL DECLARATION and JUDGEMENT Per quod CONSIDERATUM FUIT in praesenti Parliamento PER PRAEDICTOS DOMINOS tunc ibidem existentes DE ASSINSU dicti Domini nostri Regis quod praefatus nunc COMES Sarum NIHIL CAPIAT PER PETITIONEM aut prosecutionem suam praedictam Et ulterius TAM DOMINI SPIRITUALES QUAM TEMPORALE supradicti JUDICIUMET DECLARATIONEM praedicta versus dictum Ioannem quondam Comitem Sarum ut praemâ—ttitur habita five reddita DE ASSENSU IPSIUS DOMINI REGIS AFFIRMARUNT FORE ET ESSE BONA JUSTA ET REGALIA et ea pro hujusmodi EX ABUNDANTI DISCREVERUNT ADJUDICARUNT TUNC IBIDEM This is all that is mentioned in this Parliament Roll concerning this businesse It appeares by the Parliament Roll of 2 H. 4. num 30. That Thomas Holland Earl of Kent Iohn Holland Earle of huntingdoâ— Iohn Mountagne Earle of Sarum Thomas Lord de Dispencer and Ralph omely Knight were impeached of high treason before the King and Lords in Parliament for levying actuall Warre against the King to destroy the King and his Subjects and for this taken and beheade and hereupon ALL â—â—E LORDS TEMPORALL BEING IN PARLIAMENT BY ASSENT OF THE KING DECLARED AND ADJVDGED all the said persons TRAITORS for leavying Warre against the King and that as Traytors they should forfeit all the lands they had in fee simple the 5 day of Jannary the first yeare of the raigne of the King or after according to the Law of the Land with all their goods and chattells notwithstanding they were slaine upon the said levying of Warre without processe of Law So this Record To reverse this judgement was this Petition of Thomas Earle oâ— Sarisbury in 2. H. 5. exhibited without the errour assigned as appeares by the Parâ—iament roll but if it were that the Lords only gave Judgement without Petition or assent of the Commons as Sir Edward Cooke imagins 〈◊〉 the King and Lords who upon solemned bate over-ruled the errour abuses and Petitions and found this judgâ—ment and Declaration of 2. H. 4. given by the Lords alone with the Kings assent without the Commons TO BE GOOD JVST and LEGALL as they did ex abundâ—nti is a most undeniable proofe of the King and Lords sole right of JVDGEING and DECLARING HIGH TREASON in Parliament without the Commons as well in case of Commoners as Lords Ralph Lomely being but a Commoner and Knight though the rest were Peers and yet all joyntly adjudged Traytors and declared such only by the King and Lords without the Commons and the Judgement assured to be good by the Commons who in the Parliament of 13. H. 4. num 19. Petitioned the Iohn Lomley might be restored by act of Parliament and made capable to inherit his fathers lands thus attainted to which the King by ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITVALL and TEMPORALL consented Seventhly the Parliament Roll of 28. H. 6. num 18. c. containes onely an Impeachment of High Treason against the King and other great misdemeanors against the Kingdome and wrongs to particular persons comprised by way of Articles in two distinct Bills brought up by the Commons and presented by William Tresham their Speaker to the King in the Lords House the 7. day of February against William de la Pole Duke of Suffolke to which they desired the Duke might give in his Answer by a certaine day which he did absolutly denying the Treason against the King and denying and excusing himselfe of the rest without putting himselfe upon the Tryall of his Peeres The Chiefe Iustice thereupon the 14. day of March by the Kings command asked this Question of the LORDS WHAT ADVISE THEY WOULD GIVE THE KING what is to doe futrher in this matter which advise was deferred till Monday then next following whereon nothing was done in that matter On Tuesday the 17. of March the King sent for all the Lords Spirituall and Temporall then being in Towne being 42. in all into his Inner Chamber within his Palace of Westminster where when they were all assembled hee then sent for the Duke thither who comming into the Kings presence kneeled downe and continued kneeling till the Chancellour of England had delivered the Kings command to him and demanded of him what he said to the Commons Articles not having put himselfe upon his Peerage Whereupon the Duke denyed all the Articles touching the Kings Person and state of the Realme as false and scandalous And so not departing from his said Answers submitted himselfe wholly to the Kings Rule and Governance without putting himselfe upon his Peerage Where thus the Chancellour told him That as touching the great and horrible things contained in the first Bill the King holdeth him neither declared nor charged And as touching the second Bill containing misprisons which are not criminall the King by force of his submission by his owne advise and
not reporting him to the advice of the Lords nor by way of judgement for he is not in place of judgement putteth you to his rule and governance that before the first of May next comming hee should absent himselfe out of the Kingdome of England and all other his Dominions in France or elsewhere for five yeares space and that hee nor no man for him should shew or waite any malice nor hate to any person of what degree soever of the Commons in the Parliament in no manner of wise for any thing done to him in this Parliament or elsewhere And forthwith Viscount Peamont in behalfe of the said LORDS both Spirituall and Temporall and BY THEIR ADVICE ASSENT AND DESIRE said and declared to the Kings Highnesse that this that so was decreed and done by his Excellencie concerning the person of the said Duke PROCEEDED NOT BY THâ—IR ADVICE AND COVNSELS but was done by the Kings owne demeanour and rule Wherefore they besought the King that this their saying MIGHT BE ENACTED IN THE PARLIAMENT ROLL FOR THEIR MORE DECLARATION HEREAFTER WITH THIS PROTESTATION THAT IT SHOVLD NOT BE NOR TVRNE IN PREJVDICE NOR DEROGATION OF THEM THEIR HEYRS NE OF THEIR SVCCESSOVRS IN TIME COMMING but that they may HAVE AND INJOY THEIR LIBERTY AS THEY OR ANY OF THEIR ANCESTORS PREDECESSORS HAD AND ENIOYED BEFORE THIS TIME This is the sum of this large record which makes nothing to the purpose for which it is cited that it is errour when both Houses joyne not in â—udgement For first here is nothing but an impeachment onely by the Commons of a Peere who ought to be tryed judged by his Peerage not by Commoners Secondly there was no judgement given in Parliament in this case but only a private Award made by the King out of the Parliament House in his owne Chamber in presence of the Lords Thirdly the Lords entred a speciall protestation against it as not made by their advice or consent Fourthly they enâ—er a speciall claime in the Parliament Roll for the preservation of their Right and Freedome of Peerage for hereafter both of being tryed and judged onely by their Peeres in Parliament and so an expresse resolution that they in Parliament are and ought to be Iudges not the Commons The last Records I have cited at large lest Sir Edward Cookes briefe quotation and mis-recitall of them should deceive the credulous or ignorant Reader Eighthly the cases of Sir Giles Monpesson Sir John Michell Viscount S. Alban and the Earle of Middlesex whom the Commons onely impeached and the Lords alone without the Commons votes or presence judged and sentenced are direct proofes that the power of Iudicature and Censure as well of impeached Commoners as Lords resides onely in the Lords House the Commons being but generall Inquisitors to search out and present both Lords and Commoners publike offences to the Lords to whom they transmit the charge and witnesses the Lords the onely Iudges to heare and determine the charge examine the witnesses upon oath and passe and record the sentence and see it executed and no more Iudges in the Parliament then the grand enquest are Iudges at the Assizes or Sessions The second and principall objection insisted upon by that Ignoramuâ— Object 2. Lilburne and his disciples the Levellers is the Statute of Magna Charta chap. 29. That no Free man shall be imprisoned outlawed exiled or any other way destroyed Nor we shall not passe upon him nor condemne him but BY THE LAWFVLL IVDGMENT OF HIS PEERES or BY THE LAW OF THE LAND Whence thus they argue The Lords in Parliament are not Commoners Peers but the Commons only therefore they cannot be judged in Parliament by the Lords but by the Commons alone and if Peers there judge Commoners it is a tyranny and usurpation even against Magna Charta it selfe though it be in case of priviledge To take away this grand seeming objection Answ and give it a satisfactory answer I say First in generall that there is scarce one Parliament ever since Magna Charta was first confirmed but the Lords have sentenced and given judgment against some Commoners capitally or penally in body or purse or both without the Commons and did so doubtlesse before Magna Charta was made as I have already manifested yet never did the Commons in any one of those Parliaments till this present complain of it as a violation of Magna Charta or a tyrannicall usurpation as Lilburne and Overton stile it but acknowledged it as a just right in the Lords even in 3. Caroli it selfe when the Petition of Right was passed in the Lords Iudgment and Sentence against Doctor Manwaring a Commoner impeached by the Commons And therefore for this one Ignoramus alone against the judgements of all the Commons in Parliament in all ages to averre this a breach of Magna Charta for imprisoning and fining him for the highest affront and breach of priviledge over offered to any Parliament is the extremity of ignorance malice and singularity Secondly I answer that the Statute of Magna Charta extendeth not to nor was ever intended of the high Court of Parliaments Iudgements and Proceedings but onely to the proceedings and Iudgements in the Kings great Courts of Iustice at Westminster Hall the Exchequer his Privy Councell and other inferiour Courts held before Judges Iustices of Assize and other Officers as is evident by comparing this objected Chapter with c. 11 12 13 14 18. 28 â—0 3â— 37. by the Statutes of 25. E. 3. Stat. 5. c. 4. 28. E. 3. c. 3. 37. E. 3. â— 18. 38. E. 3. c. 9. 42. E. 3. c. 3. 17. â—2 c. 6. and the Petition of Right it selfe 3. Caroli which so expound it there being never any complaint against the Parliament it selfe or House of Peeres in any age for breach of Magna Charta in censuring or imprisoning Commoners till now Therefore this misapplying of this Law to the Parliament and House of Peers is a grosse oversight Thirdly the very literall sence of this Law is much mistaken by the Objectors For that any Freeman of England is a Peer to another Freeman quatenus such a one within this Law though of an higher degree in point of honour dignity office and estate and this clause * 〈…〉 No Freeman shall be imprisoned and but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers extends onely to exclude villaines and those who are not Freeholders from being Iudges of Freemen and Freeholders in tryalls by Iury whence the Writs to the Sheriffes to summon Iurors require them alwayes to returne Liberos Legales homines not to exclude Lords or Peeres who are Freemen in the higest degree to be Iudges of Commoners who are Freemen So as the Argument from the true meaning of this Law can be but this villaines and those who are no Freemen are not to be Iudges or impannelled in Iuries to condemne Freemen because they are not their Peeres nor Freemen as well as they Therefore
Committees and proceedings contrary to the rules of Law and Iustice to right all grieved Petitioners especially such who have waited at least seven yeares space at your doores for reparations relieve poore starved Ireland and raise up the almost lost honor power freedome and reputation of Parliaments by acting Honorably and heroically like your selves without any feare favour hatred or selfe-ends and confining your selves the Commons House to the ancient bounds and rules of Parliamentary Iurisdiction and proceedings and to excell all others as farre in Iustice Goodnesse and publike resolutions as you do in Greatnesse and Authority Which that you may effectually performe shall be the the prayer of Your Lordships in all humble Service W. PRYNNE A PLEA For the LORDS OR A short yet full and necessary Vindication of the Judiciary and Legislative Power of the House of Peeres and the Hereditary just Right of the Lords and Barons of this Realme to sit vote and judge in the high Court of Parliament THe treasonable and destructive designe of divers dangerous Anabaptists Levellers Agitators in the Army City Countrey and of Lilburne Overton their Champions and Ring-leaders in this Seditious Plot to dethrone the King unlord the Lords new-modell the House of Commons extirpate Monarchy suppresse the House of Peers and subvert Parliaments the onely obstacles to their pretended Polarchy and Anarchy are now so legible in their many late printed Petitions Libells Pamphlets and visible in their actings and publike proceedings that it rather requires our diligence and expedition to prevent then hesitancy to doubt or dispute them they positively protesting against and denying both King and Monarchy in their a A Remonstrance of many thousand aâ—zens to their own House of Commons p. 6. the just mans Justification p. 10. Regall Tyranny Discovered A Declaration from his Excellency and the Generall Counsell of the Army Ian. 11. 1647. p. 7. Speeches c. at a Conference newly published by Walker printed verbatim out of Dolman the Iesuit his Booke condemned Pamphlets and Remonstrances with the Power and Judicature of the House of Peers and their undoubted just Hereditary right to Vote act or sit in Parliament because they are not elected by the people as Knights and Burgesses are asserting b Lilburnes Iust Man in Bonds p. 1 2. A Pearl in a Dunghill The Free-mans Freedome Vindicated An Anatomy of the Lords Tyranny his Argument and Plea before the Committee against the Lords Authority his Petition to the Commons his Letters to Henry Martin Overtons Arrow of Defiance shot into the Prerogative Bowells of the House of Lords his Petition and Appeale A Defiance against Arbitrary Vsurpation The Agreement of the People and Petitions wherein it was presented to the House of Commons An Alarum to the House of Lords See M. Edwards Gangraena part 3. p. 192. to 204. That they are no naturall issues of our Lawes but the Exorbitances and Mushromes of Prerogative the Wenns of just Government the Sons of Conquest and usurpation not of choice and election intruded upon us by power not made by the people from whom ALL POWER PLACE and OFFICE that is just in this Kingdome OUGHT TO ARISE meere arbitrary Tyrants Vsurpers an illegitimate and illegall power and Judicatory who act and Vote in our affaires but as INTRUDERS who ought of right not to judge censure or imprison any Commoner of England even for libelling against them refusing to appeare before them reviling and contemning them and their Authòrity to their faces at their very Barre as Lilburne Overton bost and print they did or breaking any of their undoubted Priviledges And to accomplish this their designe the better they endeavour by their most impudent flattery to ingage the House of Commons against the House of Peers the better to pull them downe stiling and proclaming them in their c Overtons Petition and Appeal to the High and mighty States the Knights and Burgesses in Parliament assembled Englands legall Soveraigne Power The Râ—monstrance of many thousands to their own House of Commons A printed Petition now in agitation of many Freeborne people to the only Supreme Power of this Realme the Commons in Parliament assembled The Anatomy of the Lords Tyranny An Alarum to the House of Lords See M. Edwards Gangraena part 3. p. 154. to 204. Petitions and Pamphlets The ONLY Supreme legall Judicatory of the Land who ought BY RIGHT to judge the Lords and their proceedings from whom they appeale for right and reparations against the House of Peeres affirming That in the Commons House alone resides the formall and legall Supreme Power of England who ONELY are chosen by the people and THEREFORE IN THEM ONELY is the power of binding the whole Nation by making altering or abolishing Lawes without the Kings or Lords concurrent assents to whom they now absolutely deny any Negative voice making the Commons a compleat Independent Parliament of themselves and therefore present all their Petitions and addresses to them alone without any acknowledgement or notice of the House of Peers to whom they deny any right or title to sit or vote in Parliament unlesse they will first divest themselves of their Peerage and Barons right of Session and submit to stand for the next Knights and Burgesses place in the House of Commons that shall fall void where if they may have any voice or influence the meanest Cobler Tinker Weaver or Water-man shall be elected a Knight or Burgesse sooner then the best and greatest Peer and John of Leyden preferred before King or Prince Charles Sic Sceptra ligonibus aequanti which Petitions and Pamphlets of theirs have so puffed and bladdered up many Novices and raw Parliament-men in the Commons House unacquainted with the bounds proceedings and originall Constitution of Parliaments and the Lawes and Customes of England that they begin to act vote and dispose of the Army Navy c. without and against the Lords not expecting their concurrence contrary to all former proceedings of Parliament the Lords just Priviledges and their own Solemne League and Covenant to maintaine them which may prove destructive to both Houses the Parliament Kingdome and oppressive to their Representatives the people who generally dislike it if not timely redressed and breeds such a deadly feud between the Houses as may ruine them both and the Kingdome to boot The end of these Anabaptists Levellers and Lilburnians being only to * See M. Edwards Gangraena part 3. where this is fully demonstrated destroy the Parliament by setting both Houses at variance they inveighing as bitterly against the power proceedings Ordinances Votes Power Members undue Elections and unequall Constitutions of the House of Commons as the Lords and therefore have so earnestly pressed in their d Lilburnes Letter to a friend Innocency and Truth justified and his late Letters to Cromwell Martin Sir Thomas Fairfax and others Englands Birthright Englands lamentable Slavery Another word to the wise Comparata Comparandis Liberty against Slavery The
Viscounts and Barons who sit there by reason of their dignities which they hold by discent or creation And likewise EVERY ONE OF THESE being of full age OUGHT TO HAVE a writ of summons EX DEBITO JUSTITIAE The third estate are the Commons of the Realme whereof there bee Knights of Shires or Counties Citizens of Cities Burgesses of Burro All which are respectively by the Shires or Counties Cities Buroughs by force of the Kings writ Ex debito Justitiae and none of them ought to be omitted and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realme and trusted for them and are in number at this time 493. Headed And it is observed that when there is best appeareance there is the best succession in Parliament At the Parliament holden in the 7. yeare of H. 5. holden before the Duke of Bedford Guardian of England of the Lords Spirituall Temporall there appeared but 30. in all at which Parliament there was but one Act of Parliament passed and that of no great weight In An. 50. H. 3. ALL THE LORDS APPEARED IN PERSON and not one by Proxy at which Parliament as appeareth by the Parliament Roll so many excellent things were sped and done that it was called Bonum Parliamentum And the King and these three estates are the great Corporation or the body of the Kingdome doe sit in two Houses of this Court of Parliament the King is Caput Principium Finis The Parliament cannot begin but by the Royall Presence of the King either in person or representation by a Guardian of England or Commissioners both of them appointed under the great Seale of England c. And 42. E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 7. It is declared by the Lords and Commons in full Parliament upon demand made of them on the behalfe of the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Crowne whereunto they were sworne And p. 35. he hath this speciall observation That it is oâ—served by ancient Parliament men out of Record that Parliaments have not succeeded well in five cases First when the King hath beene in diffeâ—ence with his Lords and with his Commons Secondly When any of the great Lords were at variance betweene themselves Thirdly When there was no good correspondence between the Lords and Commons Fourthly When there was no vnity between the Commons themselves in all which our present Parliament is now most unhappy and so like to miscarry and succeede very ill Fiftly When there was no preparation for the Parliament before it began every of which hee manifests by particular instances From all these and sundry z Judge Hâ—â—rons Argument of Mr. Hampdens case p. 32. 33. Daltons office of Sherriffs other Authorities it is most evident transparent That both the King himselfe and Lords ought of right to be present in Parliament and ever have been so as well as the Commons and neither of them to be excluded since they all make up but one Parliament ought of right and duty to be present at and no Lords and Commons to depart from it without speciall leave under paine of amercement and other penalties because no binding Law can be passed without their joynt consents And that the Commons alone are no more a Parliament of themselves without the King and Lords than the Common Councell of London are an intire Corporation without the Lord Major Aldermen or the Covent without the Abbot the Chapter without the Deane or the leggs or belly a perfect man without the head or neck Sixtly The ancient and constant forme of endorsing Bills in Parliament begun in the Commons House in all Parliaments since the Houses first divided 33. H. 6. 17. Brooke Parliament 4 Cromptons jurisdiction of Courts f. 8. Mr. Hackuel of the manner of passing Bills in Parliament unanswerably demonstrates the Commons of Englands acknowledgment of the Lords right to fit vote assent or disassent to Bills in Parliament viz. SOIT'BAYLE A SEIGNEURS let it be delivered or sent up to the Lords Yea the Commons constant sending up of their own Members with Messages to the Lords and receiving Messages from them and intertaining frequent conferences with them in matters where their opinions differ in which conferences the Lords usually adhere to their dissents unlesse the Commons giveth emsatisfaction and convince them and the Lords oft times convince the Commons so farre as to consent to their alterations of Bills Ordinances Votes and oft to lay them quite afide is an unquestionable argument of their Right to sit and vote in Parliament and of their Negative Voyce too All which would prove but a meer absurdity and superfluity if the Commons in all ages and now too were not convinced that the Lords had as good right to sit and vote in Parliament and a Negative and dissenting voyce as well as they never once questioned or doubted till within this yeare or two by some seditious Disciples of Lilburnes and Overtons entering who endeavoured to evade their justice on them Seventhly This just Right of the Lords is expresly and notably confirmed by all the Commons of England in the Parliament of 31. H. 8. c. 10. concerning the placing and sitting of the Lords and Great Officers of State in the Parliament House made by the Commons consent It being in vaine to make such a Law continuing still till this very day both in force and use if they had no lawfull right to fit and vote in Parliament because they are not elective as Knights and Burgesses are And by the Statute of 39. H. 6. c. 1. made at the Commons own Petition to repeale the Parliament and all proceedings of it held at Coventry the yeare before by practice of some seditious persons of purpose to destroy some of the great Nobles faithfull and Lawfull Lords and Estates meerly out of malice and greedy and unsatiable coveteousnesse to possesse themselves of their lands possessions Offices and goods whereby many great Injuries Enormities and Inconveniences well nigh to the ruine decay and universall subvertion of the Kingdome ensued The very designe of our Lilburnists Sectaries and Levellers now out of particular malice and coveteousnesse to share the Lords and all rich Commoners lands and estates between them being poore and indigent covetuous people for the most part scarce forty of them worth one groat at least before these times This apparent Right of theirs is undeniably ratified and acknowledged not only by the very words of the writs by which the Lords themselves are summoned to the Parliament but even of the writs for election of Knights and Burgesses the forme and substance whereof are ancient and can receive NO ALTERATION NOR ADDITION but by Act of Parliament as b Institutes 4 p. 10. Sir Edward Cooke resolves By this writ the Prelates Nobles and others of the Realme are summoned to the Parliament there to treat and conferre with the King
and Parl. 2. R. 2. n. 7 9. they are called the GREAT COUNCEL OF LORDS by waging of their extraordinary wisdome and abilities And therefore most fit to sit vote and judge in Parliament Secondly The Lords and great Officers of the Realme as such were ever reputed persons of greatest Valour Courage Power in regard of their great interests Estates allies and retainers and so best able to withstand and redresse all publike grievances and enchroachments of the King upon their owne and the peoples Liberties in defence whereof they have in ancient times been alwayes most ready and active to spend not only their estates but blood and lives for wherewith they have redeemed and preserved those Liberties and Freedomes we now enjoy and contend for And in this regard our ancesters in point of wisdome policy and right thought meet that they should alwayes be sommoned to and bear chief sway in our Parliaments in respect of their Peerage Power and Nobility only without the peoples election This reason of their sitting in Parliament we find expresly recorded in Bracton l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta l. 1. c. 17. The King say they hath a Superiour namely God also the Law by which He is made a King likewise His Count to wit THE EARLS BARONS because they are called Counts as being the KINGS FELLOWS and he who hath a Fellow hath A MASTER And therefore if the King shal be without a bridle that is without a Law debent ei fraenum imponere THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM c. which the Commons being persons of lesse power and interest were unable to do Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice ch 1. § 2 3. renders the like reason In all the contest and Wars between K. John Hen. 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta and the Liberties of the Subjects the Lords Barons were the Ring-leaders and chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations and Encroachments on the people as all our g See Mat. Paris Matthew Westminster Walsingham Huntingdon Holings head Polythronicon Coxton Grimsâ—on Stow Speed Trussell Baker Martin Daniel How and the Soveraign Power of Parliaments Kingdomes part 1 2. 3. 10 R. 2. c. 1 2. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 21 R. 4. c. 7. to 13. â— H. 4. c. 2. for proof hereof Histories and Records relate whence they stile the Wars in their times THE BARONS WARS and before this the Nobles were the principall Actors in resisting the Tyranny of K. Sigebert and K. Bernard and disthroning them for their misdemeanors as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum an 756. 758. To give some brief hints to clear this truth An. Dom. 1214. In the 16. year of h Mat. Paris Hist Angl. p. 233. to 282. Daniel p. 140. to 144. Speed p. 558. to 567. K. John a Parliament held at Pauls July 16. the Charter of Liberties granted to the people by K. Hen. 1. being read and confirmed THE BARONS swore in the Arch-bishops presence that if need were they would spend thier blood And afterwards at St. Edmonds Bury the BARONS swore upon the High Altar That if K. John refused to confirm and restore to them those Liberties the Rights of the Kingdom they would make War upon Him and withdraw themselves from His allegiance till he had ratified them all by His Charter under Seal Which they accordingly performed Tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta all the NOBILITY OF ENGLAND COLLECTED INTO ONE appeared in this defence of their own and the peoples Rights and Liberties against the King whereupon it was afterwards enacted That there should be 25 BARONS chosen by the LORDS not Commons who should to their utmost power cause the Great Charter confirmed by K. John to be duly observed That if either the King or His Justicier should transgresse the same or offend in any one Article 4. of the said BARONS should immediately repaire to Him and require redresse of the same without delay which if not done within forty daies after that then the said 4. BARONS and the rest should distrain and seize upon the Kings Castles Lands and Goods till amends was made according to their arbitration Such confidence and power was then reposed in the BARONS alone i Hist Angl. p. 233. Mat. Paris speaking of the death of Geoffry Fitz-Peeter one of the greatest Peers of that age writes thus of him This year an 1214. Geoffry Fitz-Peeter Justiciary of all England a man of great power and authority TO THE GREATEST DETRIMENT OF THE KINGDOM ended his daies the 2 day of Octob. ERAT autem FIRMISSIMA REGNI COLVMNA for he was the most firm pillar of the Kingdom as being a Nobleman expert in the Laws furnished with treasures rents and all sort of goods and confederated to all the great men of England by blood or friendship whence the King without love did fear him above all men for he governed the raynes of the Kingdom Whereupon after his death England was become like a ship in a storm without an helm The beginning of which tempest was the death of Herbert Arch-bishop of Canterbury a magnificent and faithfull man neither could England breath again after the death of these two When K. John heard of Fitz-Peeters death turning to those who sate about him He said By Gods feet now am I first King and Lord of England He had therefore from thenceforth more free power to break His Oaths and Covenants which He had made with the said Geoffry for the peoples Liberty and Kingdoms peace Such Pillars and Staies are great and stout Peers to a Kingdom Curb to tyrannicall Kings and therefore of meeâ— Right ought to have a place and voice in Parliaments for the very Kingdoms safety and welfare without the peoples election In the 43 year of K. Hen. 3. his reign k Mat. Paris p. 952. 953. Speed p. 636. Daniel p. 178. The Barons of England entred into a solemn Oath of Association upon the Evangelist to be faithful and diligent to reform the Kingdom of England hitherto by the counsel of wicked persons overmuch disordered and eff ectually to expel the Rebels and disturbers of the same which Oath they made Richard Earl of Cornwall to take as wel as others In these Barons wars for the Subjects Liberties many hundred Lords and Barons spent both their blood lives and estates and among others Simon Mulford Earl of Leicester the greatest Pillar of the Barons slain in the batail of Eusham of whoâ— l In his Continuation of Mat. Paris p. 968. Daniel p. 178. Râ—shing â—r thus writes Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his daies who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also for relief of oppression of the poor for the asserting of Justice and the Right of the Realm In the 3 4 14 15. of K. Edw. 2. his raign the Barons were the chief Sticklers against Gaveston and the
E. 3. nu 22. 23 E. 3. nu 7. to 17. The sole question men will be Whether the House of Peers have any lawfull power of Judicature in or â—ver the causes and Persons of the Commoners of England in matter civill or criminall so farre as to judge their Causes or censure fine imprison or condemne their persons in any case without the Commons This the ignorant sottish sectaries Levellers seduced by their blinde guides Lilburne and Overton peremptorily deny without the least shadow of truth or reason the contrary whereof I shall infallibly make good to their perpetuall shame and refutation First our Histories Law-books and Records agree that in ancient times our Earls who were called Comites or Counts from the word County had the chief Government and Rule of most of the Counties of this Realmne under the King and that they and the Barons were the proper Judges of the common peoples Causes in the Tournes County-Courts County Barons even by vertue of their Dignities and Offices as our Sheriffes have now in which Courts they did instruct the people in the Lawes of the Land and administer Justice to them in all ordinary and criminall causes For proof whereof you may peruse at leasure M. Seldens Titles of Honour Part 2. c. 5. Sect. 5. Sir Edw. Cookes Institutes on Magna Charta c. 35. His 4. Institutes c. 53 Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Comites M. Lamberts Archaion Hornes Mirrour of Justices c. 1. Sect. 2 3. If then they were Judges of the Commons and People in the Country by reason of their Honours Dignities even in ancientest times in ordinary Causes there was great right and reason too they should be so their Judges also in all their extraordinary causes as well criminall as civill Secondly The Lords Peers and great Officers of State in respect of their education learning and experience in all proceedings of Justice and State affaires are better able and more fit to be Judges of Parl then ordinary Citizens and Burgesses for the most part especially if chosen out of the Cities and Burroughes themselves for which they serve as anciently they were and still ought to be by the Statutes of 1 H. †7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 19 20. 17 R. 2. n. 17. 5. c. 1. 32 H. 6. c. 15. and the very purport of the writs for their election at the very day de qualibet Civitare Com. predict DVOS CIVES de quolibet Burgâ— DVOS BVRGENSES imports who have better knowledge and skill in Marchandice their severall Trades then in matters of Judicature Law or State Therefore the Right of Judicature was thought meet even by the Commons themselves to be lodged vested in the House of Peeres who are the 〈◊〉 and fittest of the two rather then in the Commons House as I shall prove anon Thirdly since the division of the Houses one from another which is very ancient and not certainly known when first made the House of Peers hath been ever furnished with the ablest Temporall and Spirituall persons for their Assistants in judgment and advice to wit all the Judges Å¿ See Modus tenendi Parliamentum Vowell Cowell Crompton Sir Thomas Smith Coke and others 17 E. 3. n. 23. 21 E. 3. n. 7. 7. R. 2. n. 30 31. 9 R. 2 n. 13. 2 R. 2. part 2. n. 27. 31 H. 6. n. 26 27 28. 28 H. 6. n. 6. of the Realm Barons of the Exâ—hequer of the Coyse the Kings learned Councell the Masters of the Chancery that are Courtiers or Lawyers the Master of the Rolls the Principall Secretaries of State and other eminent persons for parts and learning and the Procuratores Cleri all which are called by Writ to assist and give their attendance in the upper House of Parliament where they have no voices and are to give their counsel and advice only to the Lords when they require their assistance For proof whereof you may consult the Statutes of 31 H. 8. c. 10 Register 261. Fitz. Nat Bre 229. a. b. M. Seldens Titles of Honor p. 2. c. 5. Sir Edw. Cokes 4. Instit p. 4 5 6 44 45 46. and the Parl Rolls and Authorities there cited by them seconded by our present experience Now the House of Peers being thus assisted with the advice of all the Iudges of England the Kings learned Councell and other ablest to advise them in all Civill or Ecclesiasticall matters were and are in this regard thought fittest by our Ancestors and the Commons themselves in Parl 1 H. 4. n. 79 who have no such assistants to have the principall and sole power of Judicature in all or most civill or criminall causes between Commoner and Commoner that proper for the Parliaments Iudicature by way of relief redresse or censure Fourthly there can be no judgement given in any of the Kings Courts Sâ—e The Preeholders Grand Inquest p. 2 5. but when the King is personally or representatively present sitting upon the Tribunall and where the proceedings are CORAM REGE But the King sits personally and representatively present in the House of Peers not in the House of CoÌ„mons where nothing is said to be done Coram Rege And therefore in the end of most ancient Parl Rolls we find the Title Placita Corona CORAM DOMINO REGE IN PARLIAMENTO SVO c. Therefore the House of Peers only not the Commons are the true and proper judicatory whence the King the supream Judge sits usually in Person Fiftly there can be no legall triall or Judgement given in Parl without examination of witnesses upon oath as in all other Courts of justice But the House of Peers alone have power to give and examine witnesses upon * 7 R. 2. par 2â— n. 16. Oath and the whole House of Commons no such power but to take Informations without Oath which they nor their Committees cannot administer unlesse by Order and Commission from the Lords Therefore the power of judicature in Parl is inherent only in the House of Poers and not in the Commons House Sixtly it is a rule both of Law and common Justice * Littleton sect 212. Coke ibid. 4 E. 3 7. 2 H. 6. 10. 14 H. 4. 8. 2 R. 2. 29. 5 H. 7. 8. Bur. Challeng 23 42 71 that no man be an informer prosecutor and judge too of the persons prosecuted and informed against it being against all grounds of justice But the CoÌ„mons in all ancient and in this present Parl have been informers and prosecutors in nature of a t Cokes 4. Instit p. 24. Grand Inquest to which some compare them summoned from all parts of the Kingdom to present publick grievances and Delinquents to the King and Peers for their redresse witness their many impeachments accusations and complaints sent up and prosecuted by them in * 50 E. 3. n. 5. to 37. 21 R. 2. n. 14 15 16. 28 H. 6. n. 14 to 52 31 H. 6. n. 45 64. 38 H. 6. n. 38. former parl
Lords who are Freemen of the higest degree may not give judgement against Commoners who are Freemen very learned nonsence we all know that the Lord Chancellour of England Lord Keeper Lord Treasurer Master of the Court of Wards and some of the Iudges of the Kings Courts in Westminster Hall in former times with the Chiefe Iusticâ—ar and Iustices in Eyre were anciently and of late too as the Earle of Holland and others Peeres of the Realme not Commoners and that all the Peeres of the Realme are in Commissions of Oyer and Terminer and of the Peace yet did wee never heare of any Commoner demurring or pleading thus to any of their Jurisdictions in Chancery Kings Beâ—ch the Exchequer Chamber Eyres Assises or Sessions Sir I am a Commoner and you are a Peer of the Realme but no Commoner as I am besides you sit here onely in the Kings right doing all in his name and representing his person who is not any Peer but Soveraigne Therefore you ought not to judge my cause not condemne my person nor give any sentence for or against mee it being contrary to Magna Charta which enacts That no freeman should be judged or pressed upon or condemned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers Certainly no person was ever yet so mad or sottish to make such a Plea before Ignoramus Lilburne And if Lords and Peers may judge the persons and causes of Commoners in the Cancery Kings Bench Exchequer Court of Wards Eyre and at Assises and Sâ—ssions without any violation of this clause in Magna Charta much more may the House of Peers in Parliament doe it who are certainly Peers to Commoners though Commoners be not Peers to them within the meaning of Magna Charta ch 29. Forthly If the Lords in Parliament cannot meddle with or give judgement in Commoners cause without breach of this clause in Magna Charta then why did b See his Innocency and truth justified Lilburne himselfe sue and petition to the Lords as the onely competent Iudges to reverse his sentence in Star-Chamber and give him dammages because it was against this very Chapter of Magna Charta If Lords cannot give judgement in the case of Commoners as now he holds without expresse violation of this Law then hâ—mselfe in petitioning the Lords to relieve him against the Starre Chamber Sentence because contrary to this very Law and Chapter of Magna Charta was as great a violation of it as his Starr-Chamber censure and his sentence in Starre-Chamber remaines still unreversed because the Lords examining and reversing of it they being no Commoners as hee is but Peers was Coram non judice and meerly void by the Statute of 25. E. 3. Stâ—t 5. â— 4. because contrary to Magna Charta it selfe as hee now expounds it Let him therefore unriddle and assoyle thiâ— his owne Dilemma or for ever hold his tongue and pen from publishing such absurdities to seduce poore people as he hath donâ— and exaâ—perate them to clamour against the Lords for being more favourable in their censure of him then his transcendent Libels and contempts against them deserved Fifthly This Statute is in the dis-junctive by the Lawfull of his Peers OR BY THE LAW OF THE LAND which this Ignoramus observes not 〈…〉 Now by theâ— Law of the Land every Inferiour Court of justice may fine and imprison men for contempts and misdemeanors against them and their authority therefore the Lords in Parliament being the highest and supreamed Tribunall may much more doe it and have ever done it even by this exprâ—â—â—e clause of Magna Charta the Law and Custome of Parliament as well as they may give c 〈…〉 judgements in writs of Errour againster for Commons without the Commons consent as himselfe â—oth grant Fifthly It is granted by Lilburne that by this expresse Law â—o fâ—eeman of England ought to be judged or censured but onely by his Peers and that Commoners are no Peers to Noblâ—men nor Noblemen Peerâ— to Commoners Then by what Law of reason dared he to publish to the world d 〈…〉 That the House of Commons are the Suâ—reme Power within this Realme and THAT BY RIGHT THEY ARE THE LORDS JVDGES certainly this is a Note beyond Ela a direct contradiction to Magna Charta in this very clause wherein hee placeth his strength and subverts his very ground work against the Lords jurisdiction in their censure of him For if the House of Commons be by right the Lords â—udges then by Magna Charta c. 29. they are and ought to bee their Peers and if the Commons bee the Lords Peers then the Lords must bee the Commons Peers too and if so then they may lawfully be his judges even by Magna Charta because here he grants them to bee no other then his Peers Loe the head of this great Goliah of the Philistin Levellers cut off with his owne sword and Magna Charta for ever vindicated from his ignorant and â—â—ttish contradictory Glosses on it and to convict him of his Errour in affirming the House of Commons to bee by right the Lords judges I might informe him that Magna Charta it selfe â— 1. 20 and Sir Edward Cooke his chiefe Authour in his commentary on them are expresse against him that in the Parliament of 15. c. 3. ch 2. in print it was enacted That whereas before this time the Peers of the Land have been arrested and imprisoned and their Temporalities Lands and Tenements Goods and 〈◊〉 seised in the Kings hards and some put to death WITHOVT IVDGEMENT OF THEIR PEERS that NO PEER OF THE LAND Officer or other by reason of his office nor of things touching his office nor by other cause shall be brought in judgement to lose his Temporalities Lands Tenements Goods Chattels nor to bee arrested or imprisoned outlawed exiled nor forejudged nor put to answer NOR TO BE IVDGED BVT BY AWARD OF THE SAID PEERS IN PARLIAMENT which Priviledge of theirs was both enjoyed and claimed in Parliament 4. E. 3. n. 14. 15. E. 3. n. 6. 8. 44. 49. 51. 17. E. 3. n. 22. 28. F. 3. n. 7. â—0 16. 10 R. 2. n. 7. 8. c. and sundry other Parliament Rolls e See Cook 4. Instit p. 15. â—7 E. 3. 19. And in 11. R. 2. n. 7. All the Lords in this Parliament as well Spirituall as Temporall claimed this their liberty and franchise that all weighty matters in the same Parliament to be after moved TOVCHING THE PEERS OF THE LAND ought to bee determined and judged and discussed BY THE COVRSE OF THE PARLIAMENT and not by the Civill Law nor BY THE COMMON LAWES used in other inferiour Courts of the Relame The which claime and liberty the King most willingly allowed and granted thereto IN FVLL PARLIAMENT And hereupon in the Parliament of 14. R. 2. n. 13. The King and LORDS without the Commons ADIVDGED the Earledome and Seigniory of Richmond to bee forfeited by reason that Iohn Duke of Brâ—â—tany then
Earle of Richmond adhered to the French against his Allegiance This Paradox therefore of his is against all Statutes Law-Books and Presidents whatsoever and Magna Charta it selfe There is onely one objection more of moment remaining Object 3. which is this If the House of Peers may without the Commons fine and imprison Commoners then if their fine and imprisonment be unjust and illegall they shall bee remedilesse there being no superiour Courr to appeale unto which will bee an intollerable slavery and grievance not to bee indured among free-borne people I answer Answ first that no injustice shall or ought to be presumed in the highest Court of Iustice till it bee apparantly manifested Secondly If any such censure be given the party as in Chancery upon just grounds shewed may Petition the House of Peers for a reveiw and new-hearing of the cause which they in justice neither will nor can deny and if they doe then the party grieved may petition the House ef Commons to interceed in his behalâ—e to the Peers for a rehearing but to discharge or free any Commoner judicially censured by the Lords I have hitherto met with no President in former Parliaments nor power in the House of Commons to doe it who cannot reverse Euroâ—ous judgements in any inferiour Courts by writ of Errour but the Lords alone much lesse then the judgements of the Higher House of Peers which is parâ—mount them Though I conceive the House of Peers being the Superiour Authority and onely Iudicatory in Parliament may relieve or release any Commoners unjustly imprisoned or censured by the Commons house or any of their Committees and ought in justice to doe it or else there will be the same mischiefe or a greater in admitting the House of Commons to bee judges of Commoners if there bee no appeale from them to the Lords in case their sentences bee illegall or unjust Thirdly This mischiefe is but rare Cook 4. instit p. 21 22. 4. â— 3. n. 14. Brook and Câ—nmptons jurisdiction and all Statutes for repealing former Parliaments Acts Iudgements or Attaindors and you may object the same against a sentence given or Law made in Parliament by the King and both Houses because there is no appeale from it or redresse of it but onely in the next Parliament that shall be summoned by petition And there is a greater greevance in ill publique Acts which concerne many then in â—â— judgements which concerne but one or two particular persons which yet cannot be repealed but by another Parliament as the Errours and decrees of one generall Counsell cannot bee rectified or reversed but by and till another Generall Counsell meets to doe it The same mischiefe was and is in Errous Iudgements and Decrees given in the Kings Bench Chancery and illegall commitments there for which there is no reliefe out of Parliament but towait till a Parliament be called Finally Hee that suffers by and under an unjust censure will have the comfort of a good Conscience to support him till he bee relieved and therefore he e Luk. â—1 19. 1 Pet 3. 14. He. â—0 32 33 34. must possesse his soule with Patience and rejoyce under his crosse and not raile murmur and play the Bedlam as Lilburne and his Companions Overton Larner and other Sectaries doe against our f â— Pet. 2. 15. to 21 c. 4. â—6 Iâ—â—â— 53. Saviours owne precept and example then God in his due season will g Psal 3â— 37. 46. relieve right them in a legall way whereas their impatience raving and libellous railing Pamphlets and Petitions not savouring of a Christian meek and humble spirit will but create them new troubles expose them unto just and heavy censures and rob them both of the comfort and glory of all their former suffrings against Law and Right Having answered these Objections I shall now earnestly desire all Lilburnes and Overtons seduced Disciples whether Members or others seriously to weigh and consider the premises that so they may see how grossely they have been deluded abused and misled by these two Ignes fatui or New-lights of the Law and Circumscribers of the Lords and Parliaments Iurisdictions which God knowes they no more know nor understand then Balams Asse as the premises demonstrate and I shall seriously adjure them if they have any grace shame or remainder of ingenuity left in them ingeniously to recant and publiquely to retract all their seditiouâ— rayling Libels and Scurrilous Invectives against the Lords undoubted Priviledges Iurisdiction and Iudicature which I have here unanswerably made good by undeniable Testimonies Histories Records and the grounds of policy and right reason which they are unable to gaine say to undeceive the many ignorant over-credulous poore soules they have corrupted and misled to the publique destrubance of our Kingdomes Peace Isay 9. 16. and let all their followers consider well of our Saviours caution Mat. 15. 14. If the blinde lead the blinde as these blinde-guides doe you both of them shall fall into the ditch and there perish together O consider therefore what I have here written to undeceive your judgements and reforme your practise consider that Dominion Principality Regality Magistracy and Nobility are founded in the very Law of Nature and Gods owne institution who subjected not onely all beasts and living creatures to the soveraigne Lordship of man to whom hee gave Dominion over them Gen. 1. 28 29. c. 9. 2 3 5. by vertue whereof men enjoy farre greater Priviledges then beasts but likewise one man unto another as i Gen. 3. 16. Exod. 20. 12. Ephes 5. 22. to 30. c. 6. 1. to 10. Rom. 13. 1 2 3. Tit. 3. 1. Col. 3. 20 22. 1 Pet. â— 13 14 18 c. 3. 15. Heb. 13. 17. Iosh 1. 16 17 18. Matth. 8 9. children to their Parents Wives to their Husbands Servants to their Masters Subjects to their Kings Princes Magistrates Souldiers to their Captaines Mariners to their Ship-Masters Schollers to their Tutors People to their Ministers which order if denied or disturbed will bring absolute and speedy confusion in all Families Corporations States Kingdomes Armies Garrisons Schooles Churches and dissolve all humane Societies which subsist by order and subordination onely to one another and seeing Monarchy Royalty Principality Nobility yea Titles of Honour and Nobility as Kings Princes Dukes Lords c. are as ancient almost as the world it selfe universally received approved among all Nations whatsoever under heaven See Mâ—stâ—r Seldens Titles of honour Dr. Huâ—â—â—â—es and others of Nobâ—lâ—ty Cataneâ—s Câ—ologus gloriae mundi and honoured with speciall Priviledges as not only all kâ— eminent Authours and experience manitest but these ensuing Scripture Texts Gen. 12. 15. c. 14. 1. to 10. c. 17. 6. 16. c. 20. 2. c. 21 22 23. c. 25. 16. c. 26. 1. 8. 26. c. 36. 15 16 17 18 29 30 31 to â—3 c. 9. 1 2. c. 41. 40 to 47. c. 47. 2â— 26. Exod. 1. 8. Numb 20. 14 c. c 21 1 1â— 21 33. c. 22. 7 10 14 15 40. c. 23. 17. c. 7. 2 3 10. c. 16. 2. c. 27. 2. c. 32. 2. Dent. 17. 14 15 16. Iosh 1. 16 17 18. c. 5. 1. c. 8. 9 10 11 12. Iudg. 9. 6 18. 1 Sam. 8. 5 6. 2 sam 11. 2. 1 Kin. 4. 34. c. 10 15 28 29. c. 20. 16. c. 23. 22. Iob. 3. 14. c. 36. 7. Psal 2. 2. 10. Ps 62. 12 14 29. Ps 72. 10. Ps 102. 15. Ps 136. 17 18. Ps 138. 4. Prov. 8. 15 16. Prov. 30. 31. Eccles 10 16 17. Iudg. 3. 5. c. 16. 8 1 Sam. 5. 11. c. 29. 2 6 7. Dan. 4. 36. c. 5. 9 10 23. c. 6. 27. Mat. 8. 9 Mar. 6. 21. c. 10. 42. 1 Cor. 8. 5. Rom. 61. 1 2 3 4. 1 Tim. 2. 1 2. Tit. 3. 1 2. 1 Pet. 2. 13 14 15. Acts 9. 27. which I wish our Sectaries Lovellers and Lilburnists to consider and study with the others forecited it will be a meer desperate folly and madnesse in any man to prove Antipodes to this instituiion of God Nature Nations to run quite contrary to all meu and to levell the head neck shoulders to the feet the tallect Cedars to the lowest Shruâ—s the roofe of every building to the foundation stones the Suâ—ne Moone Starres Heavens to the very Earth and center and even men themselves to the meanest beasts I shall therefore conclude with Saint Pauls serious admonition which these refractory persons have quite forgotten Rom. 13. 1 2 3. Let every soul be subject to the higher Power for there is no poâ—er but of God the powers that be are ordained of God whosoever therfore resisteth much more oppugneth abolisheth the Power resisteth oppugneth abolisheth THE ORDINANCE OF GOD and tâ—ey that resist oppugne or endeavour to abolish these powers shall receive to themselves DAMNATION for Rulers are not a terrour to good workes but to the evill and wherefore YE MVST NEEDS BE SVBIECT NOT ONLY FOR WRATH but also FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE And for this cause pay you tribute also for they are Gods Ministers attending continually on this very thing Render therefore to all such higher Powers their dues tribute to whom ribute custome to whom custome feare to whom feare HONOVR to whom HONOVR IS DUE which Saint Peter likewise seconds almost in the selfe-same words which you may doe well to peruse and study 1 Pet. 2. 12. to 20. and then you will never dare to question or dispute any more the Power Iudicatory Priviledges of the Right Honourable House of Peers much lesse to Revile and Libell against their persons as now you doe to the infinite Scandall of your Schismaticall faction and Religion it selfe which you professe onely in shew but deny in deed and practise FINIS