shed in England Scotland and Ireland since these wars which is the blood of thousands of thousands For which if all the sons of men should be so base and wicked as not to doe their duty in executing justice upon him which Legally may and ought to bee done by those especially who have Power and Authority in their hands Yet undoubtedly the righteous God will and that I am confident in an exemplary manner in despight of all his bloody add wicked protectors and defenders For GOD is a just GOD and will revenge innocent blood even upon Kings Judg. 1 6 7. 1 Kings 21. 19. 22. 38. Isa 30. 33. Ezek. 32. 29. and will repay wicked and ungodly men Isai 59. 18. Therefore I desire those that shall thinke this a harsh saying to lay down the definition of a Tyrant in the highest degree and I am confident their own Consciences will tell them it is scarce possible to commit or doe that act of Tyranny that Charles Stewart is not guilty of and therefore de jure hath absolved all his people from their Allegeance and Obedience to him and which the Parliament are bound in duty and conscience De facto to declare and not to bee unjuster to the Kingdome then their predecessors have been which in part I have already memioned and shall to conclude only cite some particulars of the Parliaments just dealing with Edward the second who was not one quarter so bad as C. R who being called to account by the Parliament for his evill government and being imprisoned at Kenelworth-Castle the Parliament sent Commissioners to acquaint him with their pleasure the Bishops of Winchesâ—â—r Hereford and Lincoln two Earls two Abbots foure Barons two Justices three Knights for every County and for London and other principall places chiefly for the five Ports a certain number chosen by the Parliament And when they came to him they told him the Common-wealth had conceived so irreconcileable dislikes of his government the particulars whereof had been opened in the generall Assembly at London that it was resolved never to endure him as King any longer That notwithstanding those dislikes had not extended so far as for his sake to exclude his issue but that with universall applause and joy the Common-wealth had in Parliament elected his eldest sonne the Lord Edward for King They finally told him that unlesse he did of himselfe renounce his Crown and Scepter the people would neither endure him nor any of his children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all Homage and Fealty would elect some other for King not of the Blood The King seeing it would be no better amongst other things told them That he sorrowed much that the people of the Kingdom were so exasperated against him as that they should utterly abhorre his any longer rule and soveraignty and therefore he besought all there present to forgive him and gave them thanks for chusing his eldest sonne to be their King which was greatly to his good liking that he was so gracious in their sight Whereupon they proceeded to the short Ceremony of his Resignation which principally consisted in the surrender of his Diadem and Ensignes of Majesty to the use of his son the new King Whereupon Sir William Trussel on the behalfe of the whole Realm renounced all homage and allegeance to the Lord Edward of Carnarvan late King The words of the definitive Sentence were these I William Trussel in the name of all men of the Land of England and all the Parliament Procurator resigne to thee Edward the Domage that was made to thee sometime and from this time forward now following I defy thee and deprive shee of all Royall power and I shall neuer be attendant to thee as for â—ing after this time But if any object It is true Subjects and people have de facto done this unto their Kings but they cannot doe it de jure for that Kings are above their people are not punishable by any but God I answer God is the fountain or efficient cause of all punishment But as to man instrumentally he inflicts by man And though he be our supream Lord and Law-Maker hath for bodily and visible transgressions of his Law appointed a visible and bodily punishment in this world for the transgressors thereof and man for his instrumentall executioner and never ordinarily doth it immediatly by himself but when his Instrument Man failes to doe his duty and being a God of order hath appointed a Magistrate or an impowred man as his and their executioner for the doing of justice and never goeth out of this Road but in extraordinary cases as he doth when the Magistrate is extraordinarily corrupted in the executing of his duty and in such cases God hath raised up particular or extraordinary persons to be his executioners And therefore God being no respecter of persons hath by nature created all men alike in power and not any lawlesse and none to bind each other against mutuall agreement and common consent and hath exprâ—sly commanded Man his rationall creature shall not tyrannize one over another or destroy by any intrusted power each other but that the intrusted Kings as well as others shall improve the utmost of their power and strength for the good and benefit protection and preservation of every individuall Trustee And whosoever he be that shall improve his intrusted power to the destruction of his impowrers forfeits his power And GOD the fountain of Reason and Justice hath endued man with so much reason mercy humanity and compassion to himself and his own Being as by the instinct Nature to improve his utmost power for his own preservation and defence which is a Law above all lawes and compacts in the world Declar. April 17. 1641. And whosoever rejects it and doth not use it hath obliterated the principles of Nature in himselfe degenerated into a habit worse then a beast and becomes felonious to himselfe and guilty of hâ—s own blood This Israel of old the Lords peculiar people understood as well as the people of England although they had 〈◊〉 expresse posiâ—ive law no more then we in England have to rebell or withdraw their obedience subjection from those Magistrates or Kings that exercise their power and authority contrary to the nature of their trust which is plain and cleare without dispute in the case of Rehoboam who was the son of Solomon who was the sonne of David who was assigned King by GOD and chosen and made King by the common consent of the people of Juda and Israel 2 Sam. 7. 13. And who by vertve of Gods promise to him and his seed to be Kings over his people had more to say for his Title to his and their Crown I am confident of it then all the Princes in the world have to say for their claim and childrens to their Crown For Rehoboam was not onely the sonne of Solomon who was in a manner intailed by God himselfe unto the Crown
but he was also made King at Shechem by all Israel 1 King 12. â— And afterwards Jeroboam the son of Nebat Solomons servant and all the congregation of Israel went to Rehoboam to claim the making good of the GREAT CHARTER of Nature viz. to claim relaxation of oppression and protection according to justice that is to say that he should doe to them in governing them justly as he would have them to doe to him in yeelding him subjection and obedience this being the whole Law of GOD both Naturall and Morall and therefore they tell Rehoboam that the King â—his Father had broke their Charter and made their Yoak grieuous which you may read of in Chap. 4. Now therefore make thou observe they doe not say Most gracious Soveraigne nor Most excellent Majesty the grievous service of thy Father and his heavy yoak which he put upon us lighter and we will serve thee But the King rejecting the advice and counsell of his old and gâ—od Counsellors which as we may say was to govern them according to Law contained in Magna Charta and the Petition of Right c. and not to rule and governe them according to his Prerogative or perverse Will For they tell him If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day and wilt serve them mark it well and answer them and speak good words to them then they will bee thy servants for ever But he forsook the counsell of the old men which wee may call GOOD COMMON-WEALTHS-MEN and followed the advice of his young-men which we call the Cavaliers or men for the Prerogative And saith the Text he answered the people roughly saying My Father made your yoak heavy and I will adde to your yoake My Father also chastised you with whiâ—s but I wil chastise you with Scorpions 1 Kings 12. 3 4 5 6 7 8 14. But saith the Text vers 15 when all Israel saw that the King hearkeâ—ed not unto them the people answered the King saying What portion have we in David Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse To your Tents O Israel Now see to thine own house David So Israel departed to their tents and revolted or rebelled against the House of David and called all the coÌ„gregation of the people together and with an unanimous consent made Jeroboam King over all Israel as Rehoboam was over Juda having both an assignation from GOD 1 King 11. 11 12 13 26 29 30 31 35 37 38. and a solemne legall publick Call and Election from the people 1 Kings 12. 2 3 20 21. and of his Regality and Kingship as legally and justly by God himselfe approved by sending his Prophet tobring the kingdom back to Solomons son to command him and Juda c. Observe he calls them not Rehoboams people not to goe up nor fight against their brethren the children of Israel Which command as most just they observed vers 21 22 23 24 Yea and God himselfe in the 14. chapter and 7. verse beareth witnesse that he himselfe exalted Jeroboam from among the people and made him Prince over his people Israel and rent the Kingdome from the house of David and gave it unto him And afterwards when God upbraids him it was not because he was an usurper a traytor or a â—ebeâ—l against his masters son King Rehoboam but because he had not been as his servant David was who followed him with a perfect heart but had done evill above all that was before him in making him other Gods and molten Images to provoke me saith God to anger and hast cast me behind thy back So that here is a cleare demonstratioâ— that it is lawfull in the sight of God as well as in the sight of Man for a people to with-draw their obedience from that Magistrate or King that refuseth to govern them by legall justice but oppresseth them contrary to the end of the trust reposed in him which was never for their woe but for their weale and so breakes that tacit contract that by vertue of his Induction into his Office is Naturally and Rationally implyed to be made although it never be expressed It being as the Parliament saith Book Declar. Pag. 150. irrationall to conceive that when the Militiâ— of any is comâ—itted to a Generall although it be not with any expresse condition that he shall not turne the mouthes of his Cannons against his own Souâ—diers for say they that is so naturally and necessarily implyed that its needlesse to be expressed insomuch as if he did attempt or coÌ„â—â—nd any such thing against the nature of his trust and place it did Ipso facto estate the Armie in a right of disobedience except we thinke that obedience binds men to cut their own throates or atleast their Companions Having laid this foundation I will come now to speak something of those five particulars which is before-mentioned and laid down in the sixth page of this Discourse which are thus expressed First if it were granted that the Lords were a legall Jurisdiction and had a judicative power over the Commons yet the manner of the Lords dealing with Lieut. Col. Lilburn is illegall and unjust Secondly That if the Lords were a Judicature yet they have no jurisdiction over Commoners Thirdly That they are no Judicature at all Fourthly That they by Law and Right are no Law-makers Fifthly That by Law and Right it lyeth not in the power of the King nor in the House of Commons it self to delegate the legislative power either to the Lords divided or conjoyned nor to any other persons whatsoever For the first of these viz. That the manner of the Lords proceeding with Lieu. Col. Lilburn was and is illegall is cleer and that I prove thus The Law requires that before the body of a Free-man be attached or summoned to a Bar of Justice to answer a Chage that there shall be an originall Declaration or Charge filed in the Court before so much as either the Writ Attachment or Warrant go out to seize upon or summon the party accused See Sir Edw. Cookes 2. part Institut f. 46 50 51. Read the Statuâ—e c. quoted in those Margents but there was no such matter in Mr. Lilburns case For although as he declares in his book called The Freemans freedome vindicated page 3 the Lords 10. June 1646. sue out a Warrant to summon him upon sight thereof to answer such things as he stands charged with before their Lordships concerning a Pamphlet entituled The just mans justification or A Letter by way of Plea in Barre And accordingly the 11 of June 1646. he appeared at their Bar expecting there to have received a written Charge according to Law and Justice which they both refused to shew him or let him know whether they had any such legall Charge or no against him but presse him contrary to the Petition of Right and the Law of the Land to answer to Interrogatories concerning himself a practice condemned by themselves in his own case
obtained saith Martin fol. 29. The Empresse with many honourable tryumphs and solemnities was received into the Cities of Circester Oxford Winchester and London but the Londoners desiring the restitution of King Edwards Lawes which she refused which proved her ruine and the restitution of King Stephen out of prison and to the Crown again and after some fresh bouts betwixt King Stephen and Duke Henry Mauds eldest Son a Peace was concluded betwixt them in a Parliament at Westminster and that Duke Henry should enjoy the Crown after King Stephen At the receiving of which he took the usuall oath and being like to have much work in France c. being held in thereby from all exorbitant courses he was therefore Wary to observe at first all meanes to get and retain the love and good opinion of this Kingdom by a regular and easie government and at Waldingford in Parliament saith Daniel fol. 80. made an act that both served his own turn and much eased the stomackes of his people which was the expulsion of strangers wherewith the Land was much pestered but afterwards was more with Becket the traytorly Arch-bishop of Canterbury And after him succeeds his Son Richard the first At the beginning of this mans Reigne a miserable massacre was of the Jewes in this Kingdom who went to the holy wars and was taken prisone by the Emperour as he came home of whom Daniel saith fol. 126. that he reigned 9 years and 9 moneths Wherein he exacted and consumed more of this Kingdome then all his Predecessours from the Norman had done before him and yet lesse deserved then any His brother Duke John being then beyond Seas with his Army was by the then Archbishop of Canterburies meanes endeavoured to be made King Who undertooke for him that he should restore unto them their Rights and govern the Kingdome as he ought with moderation and was thereupon after taking three oathes which were to love holy Church and preserve it from all Oppressours The Kings Oath to govern the State in justice and abolish bad Lawes not to assume this Royall honour but with full purpose to rerform that he had sworn Speed 534. crowned King And because the title was doubtfull in regard of Arthur the Posthumus Son of Geffery Duke of Brittain King Iohns eldest brother Speed fol. 532 he receives the Crown and Kingdome by way of election Daniel fol. 127. the Archbishop that crowned him in his Oration professing before the whole Assembly of the State That by all reason Divine and Humane none ought to succeed in the Kingdome but who should bee for the worthinesse of his vertues universally chosen by the State as was this man And yet notwithstanding all this he assumed power by his will and prerogative to impose three shillings upon every plough-land and also exacted great Fines of Offenders in his Forrests And afterwards summons the Farles and Barons of England to be presently ready with Horse and Arms to passe the Seas with him But they holding a conference together at Lecester by a generall consent send him word That unlesse he would render them their rights and liberties they would not attend him out of the Kingdome Which put him into a mighty rage but yet he went into France and there took his Nephew Arthur prisoner and put him to death by reason of which the Nobility of Britaigne Anjou and Poictou took Armes against him and summon him to answer at the Court of Justice of the King of France to whom they appeale Which he refusing is condemnâ—d to lose the Dutchy of Normandy which his Ancestors had held 300. yeares and all other his Provinces in France which he was accordingly the next yeare deposed of And in this disastrous estate â—aith Daniel fol. 130. he returnes into England â—nd charges the Earles and Barons with the reproaches of his lâ—sses in France and fines them by his Prerogative to pay the seventh part of all their goods for refusing his aid And after this going over into France to wrasâ—le another fall was forced to a peace for two years and returnes into England for more supplies where by his will iust and prerogative he layes an imposition of the thirteenth part of all moveables and other goods both of the Clergie and Laitie who now saith Daniel seeing their substances consume and likely ever to be made liablâ— to the Kings desperate courses began to cast about for the recovery of their ancient immunities which upon their former sufferance had been usurped by their late Kings And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach between the King his people Which saith he folio 131. cost more adoe and more Noble blood then all the warres for raigne had done since the Conquest For this contention ceased not though it often had fair intermissions till the GREAT CHARTER made to keep the Beame right betwixt SOVERAIGNTY and SVBJECTION first obtained of this King JOHN in his 15. and 16. yeares of his yeares of his reigne and after of his sonne Henry the 3. in the 3. 8. 21. 36. 42. yeares of his reigne though observed truly of neither was in the maturity of a judiciall Prince Edward the first freely ratified Anno regni 27. 28. But I am confident that whosoever seriously and impartially readeth over the lives of King John and his sonne Henry the third will judge them Monsters rather then men Roaring Lions Ravening Wolves and salvadge Boares studying how to destroy and ruine the people rather then Magistrates to govern the people with justice and equity For as for King John he made nothing to take his Oath and immediatly to break it the common practice of Kings to grant Charters and Freedomes and when his turn was Consider compare and conclude served to annihilate them again and thereby and by his tyrannicall oppressions to embroyle the Kingdoâ—e in Warres Blood and all kind of miseries In selling and basely delivering up the Kingdome that was none of his own but the peoples as was decreed in the next Parliament Speed fol. 565. by laying down his CROWN Scepter Mantle Sword and Ring the Ensignes of his Royalty at the feet of Randulphus the Popes Agent delivering up therewithall the Kingdome of England to the Pope And hearing of the death of Geffery Fitz Peter one of the Patrons of the people rejoyced much and swore by the Feet of God That now at length he was King and Lord of England having a freâ—r power to untie himselfe of those knots which his Oath had made to this great man against his will and to break all the Bonds of the late concluded peace with the people unto which he repented to have ever condescended And as Daniel folio 140. saith to shew the desperate malice this King and Tyrant who rather then not to have an absolute domination over his people to doe what he listed would be any thing himselfâ— under any other that would but support him in his violences There is recorded an
in or about the year 1214. The Prelates Lords and Commons severally and joyntly enacted That forsomuch as neither King John nor any other King could bring his Realme and People to such thraldome but by common consent of Parliament which was never done and that in so doing he did against his Oath at his Coronation besides many other causes of just exception If therefore the Pope thence forwards should attempt any thing therein the King with all his Subjects should with all their forces and powers resist the same and rather hazzard all their lives and livelihood then endure his usuâ— pationâ— But if any man should so dote upon those Pageanâ—s Tyrants Kings the supposed and pretended aâ—nointed of the Lord as yet not to think it sufficient to prove that not onely the present King Charles his own acknowledgment and confession will be of force sufficient to pull all Scales of blindnesse from their eyes and all hardnesse and unbelievingnesse of heart from their hearts His own words in his answer to the House of Commons first Remonstrance Book Declar. pag. 25. are these We have thought it very suitable to the duty of Our place and pag. 29. and We â—aith he doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to his Subjects that for Our part We are resolved duly not only to observe the Lawes Our Self but to maintain them agrinst what opposition soever though with the hazard of Our Being and a little below We acknowledge it a high crime saith he against Almighty God and inexcusabâ—â— to Our good Subjects of Our three Kingdomes if We did not to the utmost imploy all Our power and faculties to the speediest and most effectuall assistance and protection of that distressed people of Ireland And in his Message 28 April 1642. page 157. speaking of the Militia he saith We conceive it prejudiciall to Our Self or inconvenient for Our Subjects for whom We are trusted and page 167. Himself saith That if the Prerogative of the King over-whelme the Liberty of the People it will be turned to tyrannie And he himself page 284. defines tyrannie to be nothing else but to admit no rule to govern by a mans own will But above all the rest remarkable is his own confession in his answer to the Parliaments Declaration of the 19. May 1642. where in page 152. He honestly and plainly acknowledgeth that He is to give an account of his Office not only to God but also to his other Kingdoms But as the Parliament saith page 701. This is a strange Paradox that his Majesty by his own Confession owes an â—account to his other Kingdomes of his Office and Dignity of a King in this kingdome itself where he resides and hath his being and subsistence And in page 311. He acknowledgeth God hath entrusted Him with his regallity for the good of his People and if it be for their good then not for their mischief and destruction but God hath entrusted him and how is that The truth is God is no more the Author oâ— Regall then of Aristocratical power nor of Supreame then of Subordinate Command Nay that Dominion which is usurped and not just whilest it remains Dominion and till it be legally again divested refers to God as its Author and Donor as much as that which is Hereditary and permissively from God and not approbationally instituted or appointed by him And that Law which the King mentioneth is not to be understood to bee any speciall Ordinance sent from Heaven by the Ministry of Angels or Prophets as amongst the Jewes it sometimes was It can be nothing else amongst Christians but the actions and agreements of such and such politike Corporations Power is originally inherent in the People and it is nothing else but that might and vigour which such and such a Society of men contains in it self and when by such and such a Law of common consent and agreement it is derived into such and such hands God confirmes the Law And so man is the free and voluntary author the Law is the instrument and God is the establisher of both as the observator in the first page of the first part of his most excellent observations doth observe And though Kings make a huge matter of that saying of God by me Kings Raigne as though there were some superlative naturall inbred inherent deity or exellency in Kings above other men yâ—t we may say anâ— that truâ—y That by God all mankind lives moues and have their being yea and raignes and goveâ—ns as much by God in their infâ—rior orbs of Cityes hundreds waâ—entaâ—es and families as well as Kings in their Kingdoms yea though God himselfe in an extraordinary and immediate manner chose aâ—d appointed Saul David and Solomon to be Kings of Israel Yet so just was the righâ—eous God that â—e wâ—uâ—d 〈◊〉 impâ—se them uâ—oâ— the people of Israâ—l against their own â—ilâ—â— and mindâ—s 〈◊〉 heâ— did tâ—ey rule as Kâ—â—g till by tâ—e câ—mmoâ— câ—nsent of tâ—e people they châ—se â—hem and 〈◊〉 â—heâ— to raigne ovâ—r â—hem 1 Sam. 10. 20. 24. 2 Sam. 2. 24. and Châ—p 5. 1. 2. and 3. and 1 Kings 38 39 â—0 So tâ—at â—hâ—ir authâ—râ—ty did originally as inhereâ—tlâ— flow from the peâ—ple as well as their speciall â—ssigâ—ation from God aâ—d tâ—ey were to rulâ— and govern them by the Law of God â—nd not by the rule and Law of their own wilâ— unto which Law â—hey were to be as 〈◊〉 and subject as the meanest of the people yea and as â—yaâ—le to punishment and to have their traâ—sgrâ—ssiâ—ns â—ayd to tâ—â—ir charge As Lieuâ—eâ—aâ—t Collonâ—l Lilburne â—ath 〈◊〉 and fully proved in his late printed Epistle to Judge Reves pâ—g These things righâ—ly considered doth coâ—demn thosâ— two maxims for wicked ungodly and tyrannicâ—â—l wâ—ich are â—ayd downe so in the booke of Dâ—claraâ—ioâ—s pag 199. 3. 4. viz. That the King can do no wrong The second is that the King is the fountaine of justice But to returne againe to the Kings own word â—e saith pag. 313. We were unwoâ—â—hy the trust repoâ—ed in us by the Law and of our descent from so many great and famous Ancestors if wâ— could be brought to abondon that power which onely can enable us to performe what we are sworne to in protecting our people and the Lawes What can be said more plaine then this to prove him an Officer of 〈◊〉 Trust But seeing he speakes of his Ancestors Let me tell him that if he had no better title to his Crown then to claime it his by a kind of Divine Right from his Progenitors and because he is the next Heire to King James It would be by Scripture a very weak title We find in Scripture that Salomon a younger Son c. was made King principally because of his fitnesse to govern when divers of his elder brethren wenâ— without the Crown And if any in the world might have pleaded the priviledges of being next heire Davids Sons and Sons
both on him and all that had a finger in furthering of his usurpation vers 23 24 45 53 54 for afterward the Tyrant thaâ— they had set up destroyed them all for their pains and in the end had his scull broke to pieces with a piece of a mill-stone thrown from the hand of a woman And after many miseries sustained by the people of Israel for their revolt from their loyalty to GOD their LORD and KING Yet in their distresse hee took compassion of them and senâ— them Samuel a just and righteous Judge who judged â—hem justly all his dayes But the people of Israel like foolish men not being content with the Government of their Soveraign by Judges who ouâ— of doubt took such a care of them that he provided the best in the world for them would reject their Liege Lord and chuse one of their own namâ—y a King that so they might be like the Pagans and Heathens who ive without God in the world which Act af theirs God plainly declares was a rejection of him thâ—t he should not reign over them 1 Sam. 87. and chap. 10. 19. Buâ— withal he descâ—â—beth vnto them the behaviour of the King vers 11 12 13 14 16. which 1 Sam. 8. 7. and 10. 9. is that he will rule and govern them by his own will just Tyrant like for saith Samuel he will take your Sons and appoint them for himselfe for his Chariots and to be his horâ—emâ—n and ome shall run before his Chari t s and he will take by his Prerogative your Fiâ—lds and your Vineyards and youâ— Oliveyards eveâ— the hest of them and give them to his Servants and he will take your men-servants and your maid-servants and your goodliest young-men and your Asses and put them to his worke c. And saith Samuel you shall cry out in that day because of your King which ye shall have chosen unto you but the Lord will not hear you in that day And Samuel in the 12. Câ—apâ—er gives them positively the reason ofiâ— which was that although GOD in all their straights had taken compassion on them and sent them deliveries and at the last had by himself set them free on every side so that they dwelt sately Yet all this would not content them but they would have a King to reigne over them when sâ—â—h Samuâ—l the â—ord your God was your King therefore chap. 1â— 19. saith Samuel ye have this day rejected your God who himself saved you out of all your adversities c. yea and in the 19. ver of the 12. chap. the People acknowledged that they had added unto all their sins this evill even to ask a King Whereb we may evidently pâ—rceive that this office of a King is not in the least of Gods institution neither is it to bâ— given to any man upon earth Because none must rule by his will but God alone And therefore the Scripture saith He gave them a King in his anger and took him away in his wrath Hosa 13. 11. In the second place for the proofe of the minor Proposition which is That Charles R. received his Crown and Kingdome by contract and agreement and hath broken his contract and agreement I thus prove And first for the first part of the position History makes it clear that WILLIAM THE CONQVEROVR OR TYRANT being a Bastard subdued this Kingdome by force of Armes Reade Speeds Chronicle folio 413. There being slain in the first Battell betwixt him and the English about sixty thousand men on the English party As Daniel records in his History fol. 25. And having gained the Country he ruled it by his sword as an absolute Conqueror professing that he was beholding to none for his Kingdome but God and his sword making his power as wide as his will just Tyrant like giving away the Lands of their Nobles to his Normans laying unwonted taxes and heavie subsidies upon the Commons insomuch that many of them to enjoy a barren liberty forsook their fruitfull inheritance and with their wâ—ves and children as out-lawes lived in woods preferring that naked name of freedome before a sufficient ☞ maintenance possest under the thraldome of a Conquerar who subvertâ—ed their Lawes disweaponed the Commons prevented their night meetings with a hâ—aviâ— penalty that every man at thâ— day closing should cover his fiâ—e and depart to his rest there by depriving them of all opportunity to consult together how to recover their liberties collating Officeâ—s all both of command and judicature on those who were his 〈◊〉 made saith Daniel page 46. his domination such as heâ— would have it For whereas the causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward Segâ—ier all matters in question should upon speciall penalty without further deferment be finally decidâ—d in the Gemote or Convâ—â—â—ions held monethly in every Hundred Now he ordained That four times in the yeare for certain dayes the same businesse should be determâ—ned in such place as he would appoint where he constituted Judges to 〈◊〉 to that purpose and others from whom as from the bosomâ— of â—he Prince all litigâ—tors should have justice And to make them â—s miserable as slavâ—s could be made He ordered that the Laws should be practised in French Aâ— Pâ—itions and businesses of Câ—urt â—n French that so the poor miserable people might be gulled and cheated undone and destroyed not onely at his will and pleasure but also at the will and pleasure of his under Tyrants and Officers For to speak in the words of Martin in his History page 4 He enacted and established strict and severe Lawes and published them in his own language by meanes whereof many who were of great estate and of much worth through ignorance did transgressâ— and their smâ—llest offences were great enough to entitle the CONQVEROR to their lands to the lands and riches which they did possesse All which ke seized on and took from them without remorse And in page 5. he declares hat he erected sundry Courts for the administraâ—iâ—nâ— his â—ew Lawes and of Justice and least his Iudges shâ—uld bear toâ— great a sway by reason of his absence he caused them all to follow his Court upon all removes Whereby he not only curbed thâ—ir dispâ—siâ—ions which iâ—cited them to be great but also tired out the English Nâ—tion with extraordinary troubles and excessive charges in the prosecution of Suites in Law From all which relations we may observe First from how wicked bloudy triviall base and tyrannicall a Fountain our gratious Soveraignes and most excellent Majesties of England have sprung namely from the Spring of a Bastard of poore condition by the Mothers side and from the pâ—rnitious springs of Robbery Pyracie violence and Murder c. Howsoever fabulous Writers strivâ— as Daniel saith to abuse the credulity of after Ages with Heroicall or mircaulous beginnings that surely if it be rightly considered there will none dote upon those kind of Monsters Kings buâ—
Sons might in regard of that large promise that was made to David that his Sons should sit upon the Regall Throne for many Generations Again the King page 443. ingages to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament as far as ever any of his Predecessours did and as farre as may stand with that Justice which he owes to his Crown which what that is I have before declared and is very fully declared in that Oath which he himself hath taken page 291. although it fail and is very short of that he ought by law and right to take so that now I have fully proved I am confident of it without any starting hole left for contradiction That the King receives his Crown by contract and agreement unto which by Law and Right he is bound and tied I thought to have here inserted some excellent passages for the further illustration of the Position out of the first and second parts of the Observations and a late Book called Maximes unfolded But in regard I have I am afraid been over-tedious already I will refer you to the bookes themselves or in case they be hard to come by to that abridgment of the marrow of them which you shall finde in an excellent and rationall Discourse of Mr. Lilburns against those Vipers and grand Enemies to the Liberties of England the monopolizing Merchants in his Book called Innocenciè and Truth justified page 57 58 59 60 61. I come now to the last branch of the minor Proposition which is THAT KING CHARLES HATH BROKEN HIS CONTRACT AND AGREEMENT And for the proofe of this I must lay downe this assertion That the Parliament is the only proper competent legall supreame Judge of this as well as of all other the Great Affaires of the Kingdom â—s is before largely proved And for further illustration reade Book Declar. pag. 100 112 171 172 170 202 693 716. Now in the next place let us consider what the Parliament in their publike Declaration say of the King who confesses himself as well as the Parliament asserts and proves it that his Oath taken at his Coronation tyes him to raigne and govern according to Law Yet whosoever seriously reades over the first Petition and remonstrance of the State representative of England commonly called the House of Commons who onely and alone have and ought to have that title Pag. 264. 336. 508. 613. 628. 654. 655. 703. 705. 711. 724. 725. 726. 728. 729. 730. The House of Peers being meer usurpers and inchroachers and were never intrusted by the people who under God the fountaine and Well-spring of all just power as well legislative as other with any legislative power who meerly sit by the Kings prerogative which is a meer bable and shaddow and in truth in substance is nothing at all there being no Law-making-power in himselfe but meerly and onely at the most a Law-executing-power who by his Coronation Oath that he hath taken or ought to have taken is bound to passe and assent to all such Lawes as his people or Commons shall chuse as is largely by the forecited Declarations of the Parliament proved Now if he have not a legislative power in himselfe as the Lords themselves by joyning with the Commons in their Votes and Declarations do truly confesse and notably prove how is it possible for him to give that to them which is not inherent in himselfe Or how can they without palpable usurpation claime and exercise a Law-making-power derivatively from the King alone when he hath none in himselfe which they themselves confesse and prove wherefore how can the House of Commons the representative body of England without willfull perjury having so often sworne to maintaine the Liberties of England and without being notoriously guilty of Treason to themselves and others and all those that chuse them and trusted them suffer the Lords to continue in their execution of their usurpations many times to the palpable hazard yâ—a almost utter ruin of the Kingdome by their denial thwarâ—ing and crossing of those things that evidently tends to the preservation of the whole Kingdome and by their pretended leg slative power destroy whole families and fill the Jayles of Londm at their pleasure contrary to Law and right with COMMONS with whom they have nothing to do without being controled by the Trusteâ—s of the people the HOUSE of COMMONS although they be legally appealed to for that end witnesse Mr. Lâ—lburne Mr. Staveley prisoner in the Fleete Mr. Learner for himselfe and servants Mâ— Overton c. to their everlasting shâ—â—â— and disgâ—ace bâ—â—â— spoken Oh therefore awake awake and 〈◊〉 with strength and resolution ye chosen and betrusted ones of England the earthly arme strength thereof and free your Masters and betrusters the whole State of England from those invading â—â—urping Tyraâ—â—â—call Lords Bondage and Thraldoms lest to your shame they do it themselves and serve them as they did the Bishops for preservation your selves siy is just Pag. 44. 150. 207. 496. 637 72â— 226. and is as antient a Law as any is in the Kiâ—gdâ—m pag. 207. And you have also the 17. Aprill last declared that you wilâ— suffer no arbitrary tyrannicall power to be exercised over the freemen of England but the Lords do it therefore if ye be true and just men such who would be believed and trusted do as you say before the Lords by their plots with the enemies of the freedoms of England such as wicked English and Scots Lords and other prerogative Courtiers and corrupt Clergy and patentee Monopolizers and contentious wrangling jangâ—ing and pety fogging Lawyers and by their own impudent and uncontrouled injustice imbroyle this Kingdome in a second warre they and their associates and confederates having been the cause of the by-past warres not for any love to the Liberties of England though that was their pretence but meerly out of malice to the raigning and ruling party at Court whose utmost desire was to unhorse them that so they might get up into the saddle and ride raigne and rule like Tyrants themselves they loving at this very day the King-Prerogative Tyranny and oppression as dearly as any of these at Court which they complained of witnesse their dayly actions and the actions of all their fore-mentioned faction which is lively haracterised in a late Discourse called A Remonstrance of many thâ—usand Citizens and other Free-born People of England to their owne House of Commons and will more fully be laid open shortly in the second part of it But if the Lords think they are wronged by this digression and that their right to their Legislative power is better then is here declared I desire their Lordships or any other for them to let the Kingdome know what better right they have to sit in Parliament then the old Popish Abbots had that are long since as Incrochers abolished Or then the Bishops or the Popish Lords that are lately defunct do Sure I am the right they had was as good as any their
Councellers hath now at last resolved to set up his royall Standard and draw his sword for the destruction and ruine of his most faithfull and obedient people whom by the lawes and constitutions of this Kingdome he is bound to preserve and protect Yea and in their answer sent to his Messenger from Nottingham August 25. 1642. pag. 580 They tell him plainly that though they have used all meanes possible to prevent the distractions of this Kingdome which have been not onely without successe but there hath followed that which no ill Councell in former times hath produced or any age hath seene namely those severall Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament whereby their actions are declared Treasonable and their persons Traytors and thereupon your Majesty hath set up your Standard against them whereby you have put the two Houses of Parliament and in them this whole Kingdome out of your protection and as I may truly say have thereupon virtually ceased to be King so that untill your Majesty shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations whereby the Earle of Essex and both Houses of Parliament and their adherents and assistants and such as have obeyed and execuâ—ed their commands and directions according to their duties are declared traytors or otherwise delinquents And unâ—ill the Standard set up in the pursuance of the said Proclamations be taken downe your Majesty hath put us into such a condition that whil'st we so remaine we cannot by the fundamentall priviledges of Parliament the publike trust reposed in us or with the generall good and safety of this Kingdome give your Majesty any other answer to this Message The same language they speake to him in their Petition pag. 584. And in their Message pag. 585. And in their Petition 587. And in their Declaration pag. 576 They say plainly that the King seduced by wicked Councell doth make warre against his Parliament and people And in their Petition sent by Sir Philip Stapleton to the Earle of Essex to be presented to His Majesty pag. 617. They say positively His Majesty warres against the Parliament and subjects of this Kingdome leading in his own person an Army against them as if he intended by conquest to establish an absolute and unlimitted power over them and by his power and the continuance of his presence have ransacked spoyled imprisoned murthered divers of his people yea and doth endeavour to bring over the Rebels of Ireland and other forces from beyond the Seas And in their Declaration and resolution after the King had proclaimed the Parliament and the Earle of Essex Traytors pag. 508. 509. They call that very Proclamation an attempt so desperate and so transcendently wicked that the Lords and Commons do unanimously publish and declare that all they who have advised contrived abâ—â—ted or countenaâ—ced or hereafter shall abett and countenance the said Proclamation to be Traytors and enemies to GOD the King Kingdome and to be guilty of the highest degree of Treason that can be comitted against the King and Kingdome that they will by the assistance of Almighty God and of all honest English Protestants and lovers of their Country do their best endeavours even to the utmost hazard of their lives and fortunes to bring all such unparalleld traytors to a speedy and exemplary punishment Be sure you be as good as your word for GOD of all villians abhors faith-breakers and take heâ—d by your actions and treatyes with the unjust and false King Charles one of the Monsters of the earth you do not give a just and visible cause of ground not onely to all rationall men in England but in the world that knowes reades and understands your often solemn sworne Oathes vowes Protestations and ingagements to judge you a forsworne false and perjured Generation and fit to be abhorred of GOD and all good men for to speake truth and right Hath not Charles Stewart committed treason against King Charles sure I am he hath done it against the KINGDOME of ENGLAND and that I prove by your own grounds thus The Proclamation that you so much cry out of comes out in his name and stile pag. 503. 404. 406. 507. And therefore his Ergo. For he ownes his own Proclamations and Declarations and jeeres you for a company of simpletons for declaring it otherwise His words pag. 248. are All our answers and Declarations have been and are owned by us and have been attested under our hands if any other had been published in our name and without our authority It would be easy for both Houses of Parliament to discover and apprehend the Authors And we wish that whosoever was trusted with the drawing and penning of that Declaration namely the Parliaments dated 19 of May 1642. had not more authority or cunning to impose upon or deceive a major part of those votes by which it passed then any man hath to prevaile with us to publish in our name any thing but the sâ—nce and resolution of our own heart And since this new device is found out in stead of answering our reasons or satisfying our just demandes to blast our Declarations and answers as if they were not our own a bold senselesse imputation we are sure that every answer and Declaration published by us is much more our own then any one of those bold threatning and reproachfull Petitions and remonstrances are the acts of either or both houses Yâ—a and as if all this were not enough to be done by a trust sufficiently for ever to declare the forfeiting of his trust and Kingly Office the King himself hath caused the Iewels of the Crown to be pawned to buy instruments of warre to butcher and murther his people who never gave him any power and authority for any other end but to protect defend and preserve them neither did he ever in his life injoy any other power either from God or man but for that end yet in his speech to the people of SALOP he declares he will melt down all his own Plate and expose all his land to sale or morgage though it be none of his but the Kingdomâ—s that so he may the faster cut the throats and shed the innocent blood of those his brethren that betrusted him with all he had or hath for their good and welfare Yet to fillup the measure of his iniquity he not his evill counsellors hath given Commission to his Commissioners of Array Sheriffes Mayors Justices Bailiffes or any other whatsoever to raise Force and to kill and slay all such as should hinder the EXECVTION of his Royall command or put the Ordinance of Militia though it were for their own preservation in Execution pag. 581. And the same bloody murdering Commissions he hath given to his Instruments in Scotland Ireland to Butcher destroy and ruinate the people there So that to sum up all the Parliament told him plainly in their late letter sent to him at Oxford That he was guilty of all the innocent blood
Feb. 12. 1645. in the annihilating his unjust Sentence in the Star-Chamber Reade his printed Relation thereof page 1 2 â— and the last Which forced him to deliver in at their Bar his legall and just Plea and Protestation against their usurping jurisdiction over Commoners which you may reade in The Freemans freedome vindicated page 5. 6. Vpon which they commanded himto withdraw and then pag. 7. make an Order to commit him in these words Die Jovis 11. June 1646. IT is this day ordered by the Lords in Parliament assembled That Lieut. Col. John Lilburn shall stand committed to the Prison of Newgate for exhibiting to this House a scandalous and contemptnous Paper it being delivered by himselfe at the Barre this day And that the Keeper of the said Prison shall keepe him safely untill the pleasure of this House be further signified and this to be a sufficient Warrant in that behalfe John Brown Cler. Parl. To the Gentleman-Usher of this House or his Deputy to be delivered to the Keeper of Newgate I cannot hear that he either at this time misbehaved himself either in word or gesture towards them but gave them as much respect at this time as if he had been one of their own Creatures But away to Newgate he goes and Iune 16. 1646. directs his appeale to the Honurable House of Commons which you may read in the fore-mentioned booke pag. 9 10 11. Which appeale the House of Commons read approved of and committed to a spâ—ciall Committee which Committee met and examined his businesse and as I am informed from very good hands made a vote to this effâ—ct That his proceedings with and protestations against the Lords delivered at their barre and his appeale to the House of Commons was just and legall which they in justice ought to beare him out in which Report Collonel Henry Martiâ— that couraragious and faithfull Patrioâ— of his Country as Chairman of that Committee is to report to the House But immediately after the reading of this Appeale to the House out comes the fore-mentioned booke in prynt which it seemes did somthing startle the Lords who had let him lie quietly in Newgate till then without so much as sending him the Copy of any charge But upon this they send a Warranâ— againe for him which as I finde it in the 4. page of the Just man in Bonds thus followeth Die Lunae 22. Junii 1646 ORdered by the Lords in Parliament assembled that Lieutenant Collonel Iohn Lilburne now a prisoner in Newgate shall be brought before their Lordships in the High Court of Parliament to morrow morning by 10. of the clock and this to be a fâ—fficiâ—â—â— Warrant in that behalfe Iohn Browne Cler. Parl. To the Gentleman Usher of this House or his Deputy to be delivered to the Keeper of Newgate or his Deputy And accordingly the next day Lieutenant Collonel Lilburâ—â— was brought up to their barre and being called into the House was commanded to kneele which he refused to do for what reasons he is best able â—â— declare which I hope he will not faile to do assoone as he enjoyes the liberty and priviledge to have pen inke and paper which by law he cannot be debarred of neither can it justly be denyed to the greatest Traytor in England And surely the Lords give a cleere demonstration to the whole Kingdome to judge that their own consciences tell them that he is an honest and a just man and their dealing with him is base wicked illegall and unjust that they dare not suffer him to enjoy pen inke and paper to declare the truth of his cause to the world which they have most unjustly and unrighteously kept from him by speciall Order for above three moneths together So that by the paw a man may judge of the whole body that is to say by their Lordships dealing with him a wise man may easily see what they would do to all the Freemen of England if their power were answerable to their wills which would be to make them as great slaves as the Pesants in France are who enjoy propriety neither in life liberty nor estate if they did not make us as absolute vassals as the poore Turks are to the Grand Seigneour whose lives and estates he takes away from the greatest of them when he pleaseth Therefore O all ye Commons of England marke well and eye with the eye of Jealousie these Lords the sons of pride and tyranny And not onely them but all their associats or Creatures especially in the House of Commons if any such be there for assure your selves enemies they are and will be to your liberties and freedoms what ever their specious pretences are to the contrary it being a Maxim in nature that every like begets its like Therefore trust them not no more then you would do a Fox with a Goose or a devoureing Wolfe with a harmelesse Lambe what ever they say or sweare having so palpably and visibly in the case of Mr. Lilburne broken all their Oathes Protestations Vowes and Declarations to maintaine the Lawes of the Land and the Liberties of â—he People But let us returne to their 2. summoning him to their Barre who being commanded to kneele refused and withouâ— any more discourse or so much as shewing him any legal charge they Commanded him to withdraw and for this cause alone he behaving himselfe this time also respectively enough saving in the Ceremony of kneeling they commit him close prisoner to Newgate A true Copy of their Warrant thus followeth Die Martis 23. Junii 1646. ORdered by the Lords in Parliament assembled that Iohn Lilburne shall stand Committed close prisoner in the Prison of Newgate and that he be not permitted to have pen inke or paper and none shall have accesse unto him in any kinde but onely his Keeper untill this Court do take further Order To the Keeper of Newgate his Deputy or Deputies Iohn Browne Cler. Parl. Exam. per Rad. Briscoâ— Cler. de Newgate And so from this 23. of June to the 11. of July then ensuing he was locked up close and neither his Wife Children Servants Friends Lawyers or Councellers permitted to have accesse unto him nor they never sent him word what they intended to do And all this while the Lords are picking matter against him having none it seemes when they first summâ—ned him to their barre to grownd the least pretence or shaddow of a Charge against him and knowing his resolution to stand to his liberties they lay provocations upon him coÌ„mit one act of injustice with a high hand upon the neck of another to provoke him to let some words fall or do some actions to enâ—nare himselfe that so they might have some coulor for their fuâ—ure proceedings with him And divers bookes coming out in his behalfe by some as it seemes who wished him well which to the purpose nettles the Lords for their cruelty towards him Serieant Finch as one of his Majesties Councel preferrs certaine Articles against
him in the House of those Peers by way of Charge buâ— sends him no Copy of it although it was impossible for him being so close as he was to get a Copy of it himselfe the greatest part of which is taken out of his booke called The Freemans Freedome vindicated and his Epistle to Mr. Wolaston the Jaylor of Newgate both of them made by him in Newgate many dayes after the Lords had CoÌ„mitted him which letter of his to Mr. Wollaston for the excellent matter therein we will insert heere verbarim SIR I this morning have seen a Warrant from the House of Lords made yesterday to Command you to bring me this day at 10. a clocke before them the Warrant expresseth no cause wherefore I should dance attendance before them neither do I know any ground or reason wherefore I should nor any Law that compels mee thereunto for their Lordships sitting by vertue of Prerogative-paâ—ents and not by election or common consent of the People haue as Magna Charta and other good Lawes of the Land tels me nothing to do to try me or any Commonâ—r whatsoever in any criminall case either for life limb liberty or estate but contrary hereunto as incrochers and usurpers upon mâ— freedomes and liberties they lately and illegally endeavored to try mâ— a Commoner at their Bar for which I under my hand and seale protested to their faces against them as violent and illegal incrochers upon the rights and liberties of me and all the Commons of England a copy of which c. I in Print herewith send you and at their Bar I openly appealed to my competent proper legall Tryers and Judges the Commons of England assembled in Parliament for which their Lordships did illegally arbitarily and tyrannically commit me to prison into your custody unto whom divers dayes agoe I sent my Appeale c which now remains in the hands of their Speaker if it be not already read in their house unto which I do and will stand and obey their commands Sir I am a free-man of England and therefore I am not to be used as a slave or Vasâ—all by the Lords which they have alreday done and would further doe I also am a man of peace and quietnesse and desire not to moâ—est any if I be not forced thereunto therefore I desire you as you tender my good and your own take this for an answer that I cannot without turning traytor to my liberties dance attendance to their Lordships Barre being bound in conscience duty to God my self mine and my Country to oppose their incroachments to the death which by the strength of God I am resolved to do Sir you may or cause to be exercised upon me some force or violence to pull and drag me out of my chamber which I am resolved to mantain as long as I can before I will be â—â—mpelled to go before them and therefore I desire you in a friendly way to be wise and considerate before you do that which it may be you can never undoe Sir I am your true and faire conditioned prisoner if you will be so to me IOHN LILBURN From my Cock-loft in the Presse yard of Newgate this 13. of June 1646. And the next day aftere Serjente Finch exhibited his Artiicles being the 11 July 1646. Lieutenant Colonell Lilburne is by vertue of a warrant to the Sheriffe or Sheriffes of London M. Foot and Mr. Kendrik who contrary to Law refused to give him a Coppy of haâ— warrant although hee sent for it by Mr. Bisco â—he Clerk of Newgate brought up to the Lords barr in aâ—most base Contumelious and reproachfull maner the substance of that Warant being to command him to the Lords Barr to heare his charge read But before he was called in hee by his Keeper sent word to the Lords That they being not his Peers and Equals were none of his LEGALL JUDGES and so had no jurisdiction over him and therefore hee would not stoop unto or acknowledge their authority and jurisdiction over him in this particular which he desired a-fore-hand to acquaint them with And that he must be forced out of conscience to that duty he owes to Himselfe his Liberties and the Liberties of his Countrey seeing their LORDSHIPS would neither be satisfied with his Protestation nor Appeale to the COMMONS nor yet with his refusing to kneele at their Bar nor consult with the House of COMMONS about the legality of their proceedings but the third time to send for him who they knew could not in this case stoop unto them as though they were resolved to tread the Liberties of all the COMMONS of ENGLAND under their feet And therefore seeing that they increased in their illegall an unwarrantable presumptioÌ„ he said he must increase in his just detestation of their actions and incroachments In testimony of which hee was resolved to come in with his HATON and to STOP his EARES when his charge was offered to be read which as I understand he accordingly did And having liberty sometimes to speak to them being commanded to withdraw three times and brought in again he told them to this effect with a great deal of resolution That they were not onely not his Judges but the manner of their proceeding with him was against all Law and Justice yea contrary to their own judgement lately given by themselves in February last in his own case of the Star-Chamber and of the Petition of Right For said he My Lords the warrant that commanded me to your Barre did summon me up to answer a criminall charge And being at your Bar I pressed you again and again to see it and earnestly intreated you that if you had any legall charge in writing against me that it might bee produced But contrary to Law and Justice you refused to do it contrary to all law just High Commission-liâ—e pressed me to answer Interrogatories coÌ„cerning myself wâ—â—ch foâ—â—â—◠〈…〉 me to deliver in my ProtestatioÌ„ agaâ—â—â—â—â— you And I have 〈◊〉 apppâ—aled ro my Legall Judges the COMMONS of ENGLAND assembled in PARLIAMENT who have received accepted read and committed my appeale and promised me justice in it And my Lords I tell you to your â—â—ces These are the MEN that ONELY and ALONE have THE SUPREAM POWER of ENGLAND residing in them who when you have done all 〈◊〉 the worst you can they both must and will bee your Judges and mine But my Lords if you will not joyne issue with me there that you may know I neither feare you nor your Charge nor decline a legall proceeding about it preferre your charge against me in any Court of Justice in Westmâ—nster-Hall or any other Court in England rhat hath a legall jurisdiction over me and I will answer you The which if you refuse and will still persevâ—re in your incroachmens upon my Rights and Liberties know my Lords that here to your faces I bid defiance to you to doe the worst you can to me being resolved to spend my
tyrannized over your Petitioners husband they command as your Petitioner is informed Mr. Sergeant Finch Mr. Hearn Mr. Hale and Mr. Glover to draw up a Charge against your Petitioners husband without giving him the least notice in the world of it to fit himself against the day of his tryall but contrary to all law justice and conscience dealt worse with him then ever the Star-chamber did not only in keeping his Lawyers from him but even all maner of Councellors Friends whatsoever even at that time when they were about to try him and then of a sudden send a Warrant for him to come to their Bar who had no legall authrity over him to hear his charge read where he found the Earle of Manchester his professed enemy and the only party of a Lord concerned in the businesse to be his chief Judge contrary to that just Maxime of law That no man ought to be both party judge a practice which the unjust Star-chamber it self in the days of its tyranny did blush at and refuse to practise as was often seen in the Lord Coventries case c. And without any regard to the Earl of Manchesters impeachment in your House of treachery to his countrey by L. Gen. Cromwel which is commonly reported to be punctually and fully proved a charge of a higher nature then the Earl of Strafford for which he lost his head And which also renders him so long as he stands so impeached uncapable in any sense of being a Judge And a great wrong and injustice it is to the kingdome to permit him and to himself if innocent not to have had a legall tryall ere this to his justificatâ—on or condemnation And besides all this because your Petitioners husband stood to his appeal to your Honours and would not betray Englands liberties which you have all of you sworn to preserve maintain and defend they most arbitrarily illegally and tyrannically sentenced your Petitioners said husband to pay 4000. l. to the King not to the State for ever to be uncapable to beare any Office in Church or Common-wealth either Martiall or Civill and to lie 7. years a prisoner in the extraordinary chargeable prison of the Tower where he is in many particulars illegally dealt withall as he was when he was in Newgate Now forasmuch as the Lords as they claim themselves to bee a House of Peers have no legall judgement about Commoners that your Petitioner can heare of but what is expressed in the Statute of the 14. Ed. 35. which are delayes of justice or error in iudgement in inferior Courts only and that with such limitations and qualifications as are there expressed which are that there shall be one Bishop at least in the judgement an expresse CoÌ„mission from the King for their medling with it All which was wanting in the case of your Petitioners husband being begun and ended by themselves alone And also seeing that by the 29 of Magna Charta your Petitioners husband or any other Commoner whatsoever in criminall cases are not to be tried otherwise then by their Peers which Sir Ed Coâ—k in his exposition of Magna Charta which book is printed by your own speciall authority saith is meant equals fol. 28. In which saith he fol. 29. are comprized Knights Esquâ—res Gentlemen Citizens Yâ—omeâ— Burgesses of severall degrees but no Lords of Parliament And in p. 46. he saith No man shall be disseised that is put out of seison or dispossessed of his freehold that is saith he lands or livelihood or of his liberties or free customes that is of such franchises and freedoms and free customes as belong to him by his freâ— Birth-right unlesse it be by the lawfull judgement that is verdict of his Equaâ—s that is saith he of men of his own condion or by the law of the land â—hâ—t is to speak it once for all By the due course processe of law Au saith he 〈◊〉 man shall be in any sort destroyed unlesse it be by the ve dict and judgement of his Peers that is eqâ—als â—r by the law of the land And the Lords themselves in old time did truly confesse That for them to give judgement of a Commoner in a criminall case is contrary to law as is clear by the Parliaments record in the case of Sir Simon d' Bereford 4. Ed. 3. Rot. 2. the true copy of which is in the hands of M. H. Martâ—n they there record it That his case who was condemned by them for murdering King Edw. 2. shal not be drawn in future time into president because it was contrary to law they being not his Peers that is his Equals And forasmuch as the maner of their proceedings was contrary to all the former ways of the law publickly established by Parliament in this kingdom as appears by severall Statutes o o 5. Ed. 3. 5. 25. Ed. 3. 4. 28. E. 3. 3. 37. Ed. 3. 8. 38 Ed. 3. 9. 42 Ed. 3. 3. 17 Ri 2. 6. Rot. Parl. 43. E. 3. Sir lo. Alces case num 21 22 23 c. lib. 20. fol. 74. In case declar Marshalses â—ee Cook 2. part Instit fol. 464 which expresly say That none shall be imprisoned noâ— put out of his free-hold nor of his franchises nor free customes unless it be by the law of the land and that none shall be taken by Petition or suggestion made to the King or to his Councel unlesse it be by indictment or presentment of good and lawfull people of the same neighborhood where such deeds be done in due manner or by processe made or by Writ original at the common-law Which Statutes are nominally and expresly confirmed by the Petition of Right by the Act made this present Parliament for the abolishing the Star-chamber and thereby all acts repealed that formerly were made in derogation of them But contrary hereunto the Lords like those wicked Justices spoken of by Sir Ed. Cook p p Pat. Instit 51. in stead of trying her husband by the law of the land proceed against him by a partiall tryall flowing from their arbitrary will pleasure and discretion c. * For though they summoned him up to their Bar June 10. 1646. Rot. part 2. 1. H. 4. mem 2. num 1. 27. Instit f. 51. Book declar 58 39 278 845. to answer a Charge yet they refused to shew it him or give him a Copy of it but committed him to Newgate Iune 11. 1646 although he behaved himself then with respect towards them both in word and gesture meerly for refusing to answer to their Spanish Inquisition-like Interrogatories and for delivering his legall Protestation Their Mittimus being as illegall as their summoning of him and their own proceedings with him Their commitment running To be kept there not till he be delivered by due course of Law but During their pleasure which Sir Edw. Cooke saith is illegall q q 2 part instit fol. 52 53. and then locked up close
that so he might bee in an impossibility to understand how they intended to proceed against him Wherefore your Petitioner humbly prayeth to grant unto her husband the benefit of the law to admit him to your Bar himself to plead his own cause if you be not satisfied in the maÌ„ner of his proceedings or else according to law justice that duty and obligation that lyeth upon you forthwith to release him from his unjust imprisonment to restrain prohibit the illegal arbitrary proceedings of the Lords according to that sufficient power instated upon you for the enabling you faithfully to discharge the trust reposed in you and to vacuate this his illegall sentence and fine and to give him just and honorable reparations from the Lords and all those that have unjustly executed their unjust Commands It being a Rule in Law and a Maxime made use of by your selves in your Declaration 2. November 1642. r That the Kings illegall commands though accompanied with his presence do not excuse those col declar 723. that obey them much lesse the Lords with which the Law accordeth and so was resolved by the Judges 16. Hen. 6. s s See Cook 2 part instit f. 187. And that you will legally and judicially examine the Crimes of the Earle of Manchester and Colonell King which the Petitioners husband and others have so often complained to you of and do exemplary justice upon them according to their deserts or else according to Law and Justice punish those if any that have falsly complained of them t t 3. E. 33. 2. R. 2. 5. 37. E. 3. 18 38 E. 3. 9. 12. R. 2. 11. 17. R. 2. 6. 22. p. M. 3. 1. El. 6. And that you would without further delay give us reliefe by doing us justice v v 9. H. 3. 29. 2. E. 3. 8. 5. E. 3. 9. 14. E. 3. 14. â—1 E. 2. 10. All which she the rather earnestly desireth because his imprisonment in the Tower is extraordinary chargeable and insupportable although by right and the custome of that place his fees chamber and diet ought to be allowed him and paid out of the Treasure of the Crown he having wasted and spent himself with almost six years attendance and expectation upon your Honours for justice and raparations against his barbarous sentence c. of the Star-chamber to his extraordinary charge and dammage and yet never received a penny and also lost divers hundred pounds the year he was a prisoner in Oxford Castle for you Neither can he receive his Arrears the price of his blood for his faithfull service with the Earl of Manchester although he spent with him much of his own money And the last yeare by the unadvised meanes of some Members of this Honourable House was committed prisoner for above 3. Moneths to his extraordinary charges and expences And yet in conclusion he was releast and to this day knoweth not wherefore he was imprisoned For which according to Law and Justice hee ought to receive reparations but yet he never had a peny All which particulars considered doe render the condition of your Petitioner her husband and children to be very nigh ruine and destruction unlesse your speedy and long-expected justice prevent the same Which your Petitioner doth earnestly intreat at your hands as her right and that which in equity honour conscience cannot be denied her w w col declar 127 174 244 253 282 284 285. 312 313. 321 322 467 490 514 516 520 521 532 533 534 535 537 539 541. 543 555 560. And as in duty bound she shall ever pray that your hearts may be kept upright and thereby enabled timely and faithfully to discharge the duty you owe to the Kingdome according to the Great Trust reposed in you And so free your selves from giving cause to be judged men that seek your selves more then the publike good We will only speak two or three words to one thing more fully mentioned in her Petition and to another thing not mentioned at all in her Petition very requisite to be taken notice of in the manner of his Tryall which is That by Law it ought to have been publike Now for the first of these which is the illegallity of all their Warrants they committed him by learned and grave Sir Edward Cooke in his most execllent worthy and pretious Exposition of the 29. Chapter of Magna Charta his 2. Part. Institut fol. 52. saith thus Now seeing that no man can be taken arrested attached or imprisoned but by due processe of Law and according to the Law of the Land these conclusions hereupon do follow First that a commitment by lawfull Warrant either in deed or in law is accounted in law due processe or proceeding of Law and by the Law of the Land as well as by processe by force of the Kings Writ Secondly That he or they which do commit them have lawfull authority Thirdly that this Warrant or Mittimus be lawfull and that must be in writing under his hand and seale Fourthly the cause must be contained in the Warrant as for Treason Fellony c. or for suspition of Treason oâ— Fellony c. Otherwise if the Mittimus contain no cause at all it is illegall And if the prisoner escape it is no offence at all Whereas if the Mittimus contained the cause the escape were Treason or Fellony though he were not guilty of the offence and therefore for the Kings benefit and that the prisoner may be the more safely kept the Mittimus ought to contain the cause Fifthly the Warrant or Mittimus containing a lawfull cause ought to have a lawfull conclusion viz. and him safely to keep until he be delivered by Law c. and not untill the party committing doth further order And this doth evidently appear by the Writs of abeHas Corpus both in the Kings-Bench Common-Pleas Exchequer and Chancery See pag. 52 53. 2. part Institut REx Vicecom London Salutem Praecipimus vobis quod corpus Out of the Kings Bench A. B. in custodia vestra detent ut dicitur una cum causa detentionis suae quocunque nomine praed A. B. censeatur in eisdem habeatis coram nobis apud Westm Die Jovis prox post Octab. St. Martini ad submittend recipend ea quae curia nostra de eo ad tunc ibidem ordinari contigerit in hac parte hoc nullatenus omittatis periculo in cumbente habeatis ibi hoc breve Teste Edw. Cook 20. Novemb. Anno Regni nostri 10. THe King to the Sheriffs of Lon. greeting We command you that you have the body of A. B. now detained in your custody as is said together with the cause of this detention by what Name soever the said A. B. be called therein before Vs at Westminster upon Thursday Eight dayes after the Feast of St. Martins to submit and receive what Our Court shall then and there order concerning him Faile not hereof at
your perill and see that you haâ—e there this Writ Witnesse Edw Cook 20. Nov. and the Tenth Yeare of Our Raign This is the usuall forme of the Writ of Habeas Corpus in the Kings-Bench vide Mich. 5. Edw. 4. Rot. 143. Coram Rege Kesars Case under the Test of Sir John Markeham REX Vicecom London salutem Praecipimus vobis quod habeatis Coram Justiciariis nostris apud Westm ' Die Jovis prox post In the common pleas for any man priviledged in that Court the like in the Exchequer quinque Septiman Pasche corpus A.B. quocunque nomine censeatur in prisona vestra sub custodia vestra detent ut dicitur una cum die causa captionis detentionis ejusdam ut iidem Justiciar nostri visa causa illa ulterius fieri fac quod de jure secundum legem consâ—etudinem Regni nostri Angliae for et faciend habeatis ibi â—oc breve Test c. THE King to the Sheriffes of London greeting We command you that you have before Our Justices at Westminster upon Thursday next five weekes after Easter the Body of A. B. by what Name soever he be called being detained in your Prison under your custody togetherwith the day and cause of his Caption to the end that Our said Justices having seen the cause may further doe that which of right and according to the Law and Custome of Our Realm of England ought to have done or have there this Writ Witnesse c. The like Writ is to be granted out of the Chancery either in the time of the Term as in the Kings Dench or in the vacation for the Court of Chancery is officiâ—â— justâ—â—ia and is ever 〈◊〉 and never adjourned so as the subject being wrongfully imprisoned may have Justice for the liberty of his person as well in the Vacation-time as in the Terme By these Writs it manifestly appeareth that no man ought to be imprisoned but for some certain cause and these words Ad subjiciend reâ—ipiend c. prove that cause must be shewed for otherwise how can the Court take order therein according to Law And this is agreeable with that which is said in Holy Histdâ—y sine ratione â—ihi videtur mittere vinctum in carcerim cau as â—jus non signifit 〈◊〉 But since we wrote these things passed over too many other Acts of Parliament see now the Petition of Right Anno tertio Caroli Regis resolved in full Parliament by the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons which hath made an end of this question if any were Imprisonment doth not only extend to 〈◊〉 imprisonment and unjust but for detaining of the prisoner longer then hee ought where hee was at the first lawfully imprisoned If the Kings 〈◊〉 come to the 〈◊〉 deliver to the prisoner If he detain him this detaining is an imprisonment against the law of the land c. But look upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Warrant◠〈…〉 committed and 〈◊〉 committed 〈…〉 and you 〈◊〉 not find one legall one amongst them all Now for the second thing before spoken of in the manner of his tryall which is That it ought by Law to have bâ— publike in the presence of all that had a mind to have heard it 〈◊〉 any restraint of any This I find to be claimed by Mr. Pryn at the tryall of Colonell Nat. Fines in the 11. page of his relation thereof which he desired That they might have a publike hearing and that the doâ—e might be set open and none excluded that would come in the which he saith â—e desired the rather because the Parliament the representative Body of the Kingdome had ordered a fair and equall tryall which he conceived as he told the Councell of Warre was to be a free and open one agreeable as he saith to the proceedings of Parliament and all other Courts of Justice in the Realm which stand open to all and from whence no Auditors are or ought to be excluded To which Mr. Dorisla answered that it was against the stile conrse of a Court-Marshall to be publike and open and therefore it might not be admitted upon any tearmes Unto which Mr. Will. Pryn replyed that hee was a common-Lawyer and by his profession his late Protestation and Covenant bound to maintain the fundamental laws of the kingdome and liberty of the Subject which he told the Councell of Warr they themselves had taken vp Armes c. to defend and maintain And saith he by the Lawes and Statutes of the Realm all Courts of Justice ever have been are and ought to be held openly and publikely not close like a Cabinet-Councell Witnesse all Courts of Justice at Westminster and else-where yea all our Assizes Sessions wherein men though indicted but for a private Fellony Murder or trespasse have alwayes open tryals He goes on and in the 12. page thereof tells him that not only Courts of common-common-Law but the Admiralty and all other Courts proceeding by the Rules of either of the civill or canon-Law the proceedings have ever been publike and the Courts open and even in 〈◊〉 proceedings by Martiall Law before a Conncell of Warre at the Gâ—â—â—d-Hall of London at the tryall of Mr. Tompkin◠〈◊〉 and others it was publike and open in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Parliament and the whole City no comeâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And he positively tels the Councell of Warre a little further that it was both against the laws and subjects liberty as he humbly conceived to deny any prosecutor oâ— subject an open tryall And he gives divers reasons there for it he goes on and in the 13. page saith That the Parliament when it sits as a Conncell to consult debate or deliberate of the great and weighty affaires of the Kingdome is alwayes private and none but the Members or Officers of either House admitted to their consultations and debates But saith he as the Parliament is a Court of Justice to punish Malefactors so the proceedings of both or either House are alwayes publike as appears by the late Tryall of the Earle of Strafford in Westminster-Hall and infinite other presidents of antient and present time To which I may adde the Tryall of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury And this practice is suitable to what we read in Scripture that among the Iewes the Iudges sate openly in the City Gates the most publike place of all And truly he or they that will not suffer Justice to be executed and administred openly bewrayes their own guiltinesse and do thereby acknowledge that they are ashamed of their cause For saith Christ John 3. 20 21. Every one that doth evill hateth the light neither cometh to the light least his deeds should be reproved or discovered but he that doth truth cometh to the light that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in God But so far were the Lords from this just way of permitting Lieutenant Col. Lilburn a publike tryall that the
as formerly they have done Read the fore-mentioned Discourse of John Vowel printed in Hollinsheds Chronicles of Ireland pag. 123 Sir Edward Cookes 4. part Institutes chap. 1. pag. 2. and the fore-mentioned book called Vox Plebis pag. 39 40. Yea though conditionally they might sit as Peers yet they ought not to do it for this were for the Peoples Trustees the House of Commons to give away their true and legislative power which originally is only inheâ—ent in them THE PEOPLE which is the next and the last thing I should prove But in regard the Discourse is swolne so big already and the present time being the season for publishing what I have already said which were impossible to come out this Moneth or sixe Weekes if I should throughly handle this Proposition as by Gods assistance I intend which will take up a Discourse almost half as big as the fore-going For first I must shew and prove That the people in generall are the originall sole legislaters and the true fountain and earthly will spring of all just power And Secondly That all the power which the house of Commons hath is meeâ—ly derivative and bounded within this tacit Commission to act only for the good of thosothat betrusted them and not for their mischiefe in the least And here I shall propound some Queries Whether or not they have not done and acted some things prejudiciall and mischievous so the generality of the Kingdome and destructive to the fund ment all Lawes and Liberties thereof Which in the affirmative I shall answer Yea and prove it in divers particulars our of their own late published large book being the second part of the Collection of Ordinances Declar. c. where I finde three Ordinances viz. That for the Merchant-Adventurers pag. 361. That for the Turkie-Merchants pag. 439. Thirdly That for the Greenland Merchants pag. 646. Of all three of which I say as Sir Edward Cooke in the second part of his Institutes fol. 51. And the fourth part Institutes fol. 41. saith of the Statute of the 11. of Henry 7. chap. 3. for executing of which Justice Dudley and Empson lost their lives that they are made in the facâ— of the ancient and fundamentall Law of the 29. and 30. chapters of Magna Charta c. And that they are unjust and injurious Ordinances which in duty they are bound to abrogate and to punish the procurers of them in regard those very Ordinances if continued will â—ender the Parliament the Commissioners of the people and the great interest of their preservation odious abominable and 〈◊〉 ble in their eyes and do them more mischiefe then an Army of twenty thousand Cavaliers for such palpable injustice as in these very Ordinances is done to the whole Kingdome will in time destroy the Parliament though now they had never a professed enemy in the world and true friends to their professed enemy the King they are who put them upon this work And let them take warning by those that were formerly the setters up of Pattentees and therby destroyers of the peoples legal and just liberties for it was not only that they were set up by an unbinding authority of the Kings which made them illegall but that they were against destructive to the fundamentall Lawes and liberties of the Land And therefore the house of Commons in its first purity before any of them was corrupted with assessing treasuring and disposing of the Common-wealths money in Clandestine Wayes not in the least allowed by the known and just Law of the Land and which to the Common-wealth they are not able to give an account of as indeed and in truth they ought of all the monies they have raised I say the house of Commons at the first beginning of their straights when they would render themselves amiable and lovely in the eyes of their Impowrers the people that trusted them They tell them in their first and most excellent Declaration 1. par Col. Declar. pag. 14. That they have supprest all Monopolies whereof some few did prejudice the Subject above a Million yearly the Soap an hundred thousand pounds the Wine three hundred thousand pounds the Leâ—ther must needs exceed both and salt could be no lesse then that besides the inferiour Monopolies Was this an excellency in the peoples Commissioners at the beginning And can it be lesse now then the greatest of basenesse in them to do the quite contrary Yea and that after so much bloud hath been shed and so much money spent and so many Oaths and Covenants sworn and taken to preserve the fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdom And here I must fall extreamly foule upon Sr. WALTER EARLE GILES GREENE IOHN ROLL GEORGE TOMPSON ALEXANDER BENCE all Parliament men for their unjust and illegall Order made at the Committee of the Navy and Customes Novemb. 12. 1646. which is published in print on purpose to conjure the Officers of the Customs to take care to put the aforesaid patentee Mâ—â—opâ—lizing Ordinance of the GREENLAND COMPANY in dâ—e execution according to its true intent and meaning and that before they passe any enâ—ry or other warrant for any Fâ—ns or gills wrought or unwrought or for any sort of Wâ—â—le Oâ—le or other Oyle to call to their assistance the Officer or the Officers of the Greenland Company if any such be appointed for the place to view the same thereby to procâ—ed according to the Ordinance of Parliameâ—â— which Ordinance is dated the 6. of May 1646. which AVTHORISETH THEM TO CEISE UPON ALL SVCH COMMODITIES that are brought in by any other free Merchants that are not of this Company by mâ—anes of which they ingâ—osse all the trade into their own hands and sell their Commodities for double the rate that others if they might be suffered to bring them in would sell them O brave and gallant slavery and bondage The dear but unwelcome purchase of all our blood and money The next querie that will arise will be this Whether some particular Parliament men have not outstript the bounds of their Commission And here I shall answer affirmatively likewise or else as Samuel said to Saul what meanes this bleating of the Sheepe in my eares and the lowing of the Oxen which I heare So say I if all be right what meanes MAJOR GEORGE WITHERS Complaint against Sir Richard Onsley and Sir Poynings Moore and Mr. IOHN MVSGRAVES loud Complaint and impeachment of treason against Mr. Richard Barwis which he hath largely published in severall bookes to the view of the world called A WORD TO THE WISE ANOTHER WORD TO THE WISE YET ANOTHER WORD TO THE WISE In which he also accuseth Mr. Lisle the Chairman of the Committee of great injustice for making a false Report to the House And what meanes the grievous Complaint of divers Gentlemen of the County of Durham against OLD SIR HENRY VANE which is printed in ENGLANDS BIRTHRIGHT pag. 19. 20. 21 And Lieutenant Collonel Lilburneâ— Complaint against him in