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A63192 The tryal of Sir Henry Vane, Kt. at the Kings Bench, Westminster, June the 2d. and 6th, 1662 together with what he intended to have spoken the day of his sentence (June 11) for arrest of judgment (had he not been interrupted and over-ruled by the court) and his bill of exceptions : with other occasional speeches, &c. : also his speech and prayer, &c. on the scaffold. Vane, Henry, Sir, 1612?-1662, defendant.; England and Wales. Court of King's Bench. 1662 (1662) Wing T2216; ESTC R21850 115,834 133

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Son Lay him low and humble abase his soul for his sins and all his unworthinesses before thee Men cannot speak evil enough of our sins In this perswasion this abasement and humiliation thy Servant desires to die And dear Lord thou seest knowst all things and art able to witness to the truth integrity of thy Servant When his blood is shed upon the Block let it have a voice afterward that may speak his Innocency and strengthen the Faith of thy Servants in the Truth Let it also serve for conviction to the worst of thy Enemies that they may say Surely the Lord knows and the Lord owns his Servant as one that belongs to him The desire of our soul is to hasten to thee O God to be dissolved that we may be with Christ Blessed be thy Name that this great strait that we were before in is now determined that there is no longer abode for me in this mortal body Our great Captain the great General of our souls did go in a way of affliction before us to Heaven Come Lord declare thy Will that thy poor Servant may manifest a readiness to come to Thee Prepare his heart that in his access to Thee may he be brought down at thy feet in shame confusion for all the evil is so of hul but Thou art his salvation Let thy Servant speak something on the behalf of the Nation wherein he hath lived Lord did we not exceed other Nations in our day Great things have been done by thee in the midst of us Oh that thou wouldst look down in pity compassion and pardon the sins of this whole Nation and lay them not to their charge shew them what is thy good and acceptable Will and bring them into subjection thereunto We humbly pray thee O Lord look down with compassion upon this great populous City cleanse away the impurity sinfulness and defilements thereof cause their souls to delight in thy Word that they may live Let a spirit of Reformation and Purity spring up in and amongst them with power make them willing to lay down all that is dear to them for thee that Thou mayst give them a Crown of Life that they may always desire chuse affliction and to be exposed to the worst condition hardest circumstances that can be brought upon them in this world rather than sin against him that hath loved them and bought them with a price that they might live to him in their bodies and in their spirits We are assured Thou knowest our suffering case and condition how it is with us We desire to give no just occasion of offence nor to provoke any but in meekness to forgive our Enemies Thy Servant that is now falling asleep doth heartily desire of thee that thou wouldest forgive them and not lay this sin to their charge Before the stroke he spake to this effect I bless the Lord who hath accounted me worthy to suffer for his Name Blessed be the Lord that I have kept a conscience void of offence to this day I bless the Lord I have not disserted the Righteous Cause for which I suffer But his very last words of all at the Block were as followeth Father glorifie thy Servant in the sight of men that he may glorifie thee in the discharge of his Duty to Thee and to his Country It was observed that no signs of inward fear appeared by any trembling or shaking of his hands or any other parts of his body all along on the Scaffold Yea an ancient Traveller and curious observer of the demeanor of persons in such publick Executions did narrowly eye his Countenance to the last breath and his Head immediatly after the separation he observed that his Countenance did not in the least change and whereas the Heads of all he had before seen did some way or other move after severing which argued some reluctancy and unwillingness to that parting-blow the Head of this Sufferer lay perfectly still immediately upon the separation on which he said to this purpose That his Death was by the free consent and act of his mind which Animadversion notably accords with what the Sufferer himself had before expressed in differencing a death by rational choice from that by sickness which is with constraint upon the body He desired to be dissolved to be with Christ The Names of the Grand Jury in the Case of Sir Henry Vane SIr John Cropley of Clarkenwel London Knight and Baronet Thomas Taylor of St. Martins in the Fields London Esq Francis Swift of St. Gyles in the Fields Esq. Jonas Morley of Hammersmith Gent. George Cooper of Covent Garden Gent. Thomas Constable of Covent Garden Gent. Edward Burrows of East-Smithfield Gent. Michael Dibbs of the same Gent. Edward Gregory of St. Gyles in the Fields Gent. Richard Freeman of Istington Gent. Thomas Pitcock of the same Gent. Richard Towers of Clarkenwel Gent. Robert Vauce of Paddington Gent. Thomas Benning of Wilsdon Gent. Francis Child of Acton Gent. Isaac Cotton of Bow Gent. Peter Towers of Mile-end Gent. Thomas Vffman of Hammersmith Gent. Matthew Child of Kensington Gent. Bryan Bonnaby of Westminster Gent. George Rouse of St. Gyles in the Fields Gent. Twenty one in all The Names of the Petty Jury Sir William Roberts Sir Christopher Abdy John Leech Daniel Cole John Stone Daniel Brown Henry Carter Thomas Chelsam Thomas Pitts Thomas Upman Andrew Brent William Smith Judges of the King 's Bench. Chief Justice Foster Justice Mallet Justice Twisden Justice Windham The Kings Counsel against the Prisoner no Counsel being permited to speake one word in his behalf to the matter or form of the Indictment or any thing else Sir Geoffry Palmer the King's Attorney General Sir Henneage Fynch the King's Sollicitor General Sir John Glyn. Sir John Maynard Sir William Wild. Serjeant Keeling Witnesses against Sir Henry Vane Marsh a Papist 't is said who witnessed what was accounted most dangerous against the Prisoner as to change of Government William Dobbins Mathew Lock Thomas Pury Thomas Wallis John Coot The Peoples Cause Stated HE in whom is the Right of Soveraign and to give Law is either so of himself or in the Right of another that may derive the same unto him which shews that there are two sorts of Soveraings A Soveraign in the first sense none is nor can be but God who is of himself most absolute And he that is first of all others in the second sence is the Man Christ Jesus to whom the Power of Soveraign in the Right of the Father is committed over all the Works of Gods hands Christ exercised the same in the capacity of David's Root from before the beginning of the World He owne himself thus to be long before he became David's Seed This his being in Spirit or hidden being even as a Creature the first of all Creatures in personal Union with the Word David saw and acknowledged Psal 110. 1. Thus Christ may be called God's Lieutenant
of that Statute several Kings have been deposed by Parliaments since the Conquest and as to my compassing or designing the natural death of the King's Person with what colour can I be accused of such intentions in the circumstances the King at that time was in beyond the Seas Secondly The assembling of men together without any hostility or injury offered to any person but for a man 's own security and defence in a time of confusion and distraction is not Levying War or Treason at the Common Law or by that Statute Yea in this Case and at the season wherein such an Act as this is alledged it might be supposed to be done for the King's Restoration as well as in opposition thereunto and the most favourable and advantagious construction ought to be made and put upon the Prisoner's actings or words where there is ambiguity so that they may be taken or interpreted divers wayes For the Law alwayes presumeth actions to be innocent till the contrary be manifestly proved However in a time of vacancy or an Interregnum when the Foundations of Government are out of course by the Law of Reason Nature and Common Prudence every man may stand upon his own guard endeavouring his own security and protection from injury and violence Thirdly To be adherent to the King's Enemies within his Realm c. cannot ought not to be understood of any adhaesion to a Parliament wherein the King by Law is supposed alwayes present as a part thereof Nor can the Long Parliament be called the King's Enemies without overthrowing the Act of Indempnity which the King hath declared to be the Foundation of the Nations present Peace and Security Lastly The Treasons alledged in the Indictment are said to have been committed when the King was out of possession So the Indictments runs to keep out the King c. Now my Lord Cook in the third part of his Institutes fol. 7. saith A King de jure and not de facto is not within this Statute Against such a one no Treason can be committed For if there be a King regnant in possession though he be Rex de facto and not de jure yet is he Seignior le Roy within the purview of this Statute and the other that hath Right and is out of possession is not within this Act. Nay if Treason be committed against a King de facto non de jure and after the King de jure cometh to the Crown he shall punish the Treason done to the King de facto And after in the same place he saith That by Law there is alwayes a King in whose Name the Laws are to be maintained and executed otherwayes Justice would fail The Act also of 11. Hen. 7. was made for security of the Subject on this behalf The word King also may and ought to be taken largely for any Sovereign Power in a King or Queen as Cook in the place fore-quoted shews and why not by the same reason in a Protector though a Usurper or any other persons one or more in whom Soveraignty is lodged or that have all the badges of Soveraignty as the calling of Parliaments enacting of Laws coining of Money receiving Forreign Ambassadors c. His Majesty that now is is granted by the very Indictment to have been then out of possession If so then was there either some other King or what was equivolent some Sovereign Power in actual possession and exercise or none If the former then was there a King de facto so no Treason could be committed against him that was King de jure only If the latter then the Government was dissolved no allegiance was due to any persons and so no offence could be properly Treason within the Statute But had the late Protector had the name and stile of a King no Treason could have been committed against the King de jure only Now God forbid that you should give away my Life upon such niceties because a usurping Protector was not clothed with the Title as well as Power of a King The Protector or any Usurper's taking or not taking the Title of a King in case he have the Power cannot alter the state of my supposed crime You ought not to be byassed by popular Reports concerning me 'T is easier to be innocent than so reported The one is in our own power not the other Fifthly Concerning the Evidence 1. No allegation was directly proved by two positive lawful Witnesses as in this case it ought to be 2. One of the Witnesses for the King confessed in open Court that to his knowledge my hand had been counterfeited to my prejudice and dammage in great Sums of Money yet Orders pretended to be signed by me wherein my hand may as well be counterfeited are taken as Evidence against me 3. The Issue of the whole Cause depended on the solution of some difficult Questions of so high a nature and great importance as could not safely be determined but in the high Court of Parliament As 1. Whether the Long Parliament called in Novemb. 1640 were dissolved by the late King's Death 2. Whether the successive remaining Powers that exercised the Royal or Supream Authority from 1648 to the Restoration of his now Majesty were not within the true sense and meaning of 25. Edw. 3. and 11. Hen. 7 As to other pertinent Queries thou mayest see them Reader in other parts of this Tryal That which remains as an Appendix to this Bill of Exceptions is to lay before thee the Grounds which plainly shew that there was a downright Conspiracy in Sir Vane's Tenants and others to prosecute him for Life and Estate under colour and pretence of Justice 1. Presently after I was committed to the Tower for High Treason and made a Close-Prisoner Mr. Oneale Sir William Darcy and Dr. Cradock obtained an Order from the King to seize and take into their possession all the Estates of such persons that were already or should be forfeited to his Majesty Hereupon the said Mr. Oneale and Sir Will. Darcy appointed some under them in the Bishoprick of Durham by name Thomas Bowes Esque now deceased and Capt. William Darcy to joyn with the said Dr. Cradock to put in execution the said Warrant as their Deputies who thereupon went to Raby Castle and demanded the Rent-Books of Thomas Mowbray my Steward offering him his place under them which he refused Contrary to this proceeding Sir Edward Cook expresly declares That before Indictment the Goods or other things of any Offender cannot be searched inventoried or in any sort seized nor after Indictment seized removed or taken away before Conviction or Attainder Institut 3d part chap. 133. concerning the Seizure of Goods c. for Offences c. before Conviction 2. At the Instance and Prosecution of my Tenants and others an Order was made by the House of Commons not of the Lords requiring the Tenants of such persons as were excepted out of the General Pardon to detain their Rents in
is not nor cannot be accountable by way of crime or offence against his Ruler and Soveraign but may do with his own what he please but still at his peril if he use not this his Liberty as he should to the end for which it is given him which is by voluntary and entire resignation to become an obedient Subject unto him who is the Supream Law-giver and Rightful King without possibility of change or defection Unto this right and the lawful exercise and possession of it this Nation did arive by the good providence and gift of God in calling and assembling the Parliament November 3d. 1640. and then continuing their Session by an express Act 17. Car. with power not to be dissolved but by their own consent which was not so much the introducing of a new Law as declaratory of what was Law before according to Man's natural Right in which he was created and of which he was possessed by God the soveraign giver of all things But the passing that said Act of Parliament alone was not that which restored the Nation to their original Right and just Natural Liberty but onely put them in the capacity and possibility of it That which wanted to make out to the Nation a clearness in having and obtaining this their right was the obligation they had put upon themselves and their posterities to their present Soveraign and his Authority which in justice and by the Oathes of Allegiance they were solemnly bound to in the sight of God as well as of Man And therefore unless by the abuse of that office of Trust to that degree as on his part to break the fundamental compact and constitution of Government they could not be set free nor restored to their original Right and first Liberty especially if together with such breach of Trust both parties appeal to God and put it upon the issue of Battel and God give the decision and in consequence thereof that original Right be asserted and possession thereof had and held for some years and then not rightfully lost but treacherously betrayed and given up by those in whom no power was rightfully placed to give up the subjection of the Nation again unto any whatsoever Unto which is to be added that how and when the dissolution of the said Parliament according to Law hath been made is yet unascertained and not particularly declared by reason whereof and by what hath been before shewed the state of the Case on the Subjects part is much altered as to the matter of Right and the Usurpation is now on the other hand there being as is well known two sorts of Usurpers either such as having no right of consent at all unto the Rule they exercise over the Subject or such who under pretence of a Right and Title do claim not by consent but by conquest and power or else hold themselves not obliged to the Fundamental compact and constitution of Government but gain unduely from the Subject by advantages taken through deceit and violence that which is not their own by Law For a rational Man to give up his Reason and Will unto the Judgement and Will of another without which no outward coercive Power can be whose Judgement and Will is not perfectly and unchangeably good and right is unwise and unsafe and by the Law of Nature forbidden And therefore all such gift made by rational men must be conditional either implied or explicite to be followers of their Rulers so far as they are followers of that good and right which is contained in the Law of the Supream Law-giver and no further reserving to themselves in case of such defection and declining of the Rulers actings from the Rule their primitive and original Freedom to resort unto that so they may in such case be as they were before they gave away their subjection unto the Will of another and reserving also the power to have this judged by a meet and competent Judge which is the Reason of the King and Kingdom declared by their Representatives in Parliament that is to say the Delegates of the People in the House of Commons assembled and the Commissioners on the Kings behalf by his own Letters Patents in the House of Peers which two concurring do very far bind the King if not wholly And when these cannot agree but break one from another the Commons in Parliament assembled are ex Officio the Keepers of the Liberties of the Nation and righteous Possessors and Defendors of it against all Usurpers and Usurpations whatsoever by the Laws of England The Valley of Jehoshaphat considered and opened by comparing 2. Chron. 20. with Joel 3. IT was the saying of Austine Nothing falls under our senses or happens in this visible World but is either commanded or permitted from the invisible and unintelligible Court and Pallace of the highest Emperor and universal King who is the chief over all the kings of the earth For although he hath both commanded and permitted a subordinate external Government over Men administred by man for the upholding of Justice in humane Societies and for the peace welfare and safety of men that are made in Gods Image yet he hath not so entirely put the Rule of the whole earth out of his own hands but that in cases of eminent injustice and oppression committed in Provinces States and Kingdomes contrary to his Lawes to their own and the very end of Magistracy which is the conservation of the Peoples just Rights and Liberties He that is higher than the highest amongst men doth regard and will shew by some extraordinary interposition of his that there are higher than they Such a seasonable and signal appearance of God for the Succor and Relief of his People in their greatest Straits and Exigencies when they have no might visible Power or armed Force to undertake the great company and multitude that comes against them nor know what to do save onely to have their eyes towards him is called in Scripture The day of the Lord's Judgement Then the Battel and cause of the Quarrel will appear to be not so much theirs as the Lord's and the frame of their heart will be humble before the Lord believing in the Lord and believing his Prophets for their good success and establishment This Dispensation is very lively described under the Type and by the Name of The Valley of Jehoshaphat as to the Season and Place wherein God will give forth a signal appearance of himself in Judgement on the behalf of his People for a final decision of the Controversie between them and their enemies It Litterally and Typically fell out thus as is at large recorded 2 Chron. 20. By way of allusion to this and upon occasion of the like yea and far greater Extreamities which God's People in the last dayes are to be brought into is that Prophesie Joel 3. for a like yea a far greater and more signal appearance of God for their Deliverance and Rescue in order to
Oppressions of the People they were found guilty of The Statute under colour whereof they acted ran to this effect Be it enacted that the Justices of the Assizes and Justices of the Peace upon Information for the King before them to be made have full power and authority by their discretion to hear and determine all offences and contempts Having this ground they proceeded against the People upon meer Information in the execution of Penal Laws without any Indictment or Presentment by good and lawful men but only by their own Promoters or Informers contrary to the 29th of Magna Charta which requires That no free-man be proceeded against but by lawful Judgment of his Peers or by the Law of the Land Secondly This Act allowed them to hear and determine arbitrarily by their own discretion which is not according to the Law and Custom of England And Cook sayes 't is the worst and most aggravated oppression of all that is done under the colour of Law or disguise of Justice Such a Statute or Act of Parliament is not only against the light of Reason but against the express letter of unrepealed Statute-Law 42. Edw. 3. 1. It is assented and accorded That the great Charter and the Charter of Forest be holden and kept in all points and if any Statute be made to the contrary that shall be holden for none This also is consonant to the first chapter of the great Charter it self made 9. Hen. 3. We have granted to all the free-men of our Realm these Liberties under-written to have and to hold to them and their heirs of Us and our Heirs for ever But what if this great Charter it self had never been made had England been to seek for righteous Laws and just Liberties nothing lesse The same Liberties and Laws were ratified before that in the great Charter made the seventeenth year of King John and mentioned among others by Matthew Paris And to what yet amounted the matter of all these Grants but what the Kings themselves were bound before to observe by their Coronation Oaths as the antient fundamental Laws or Customs of this Land This we may find in Mr. Lambard's Translation of the Saxon Laws from the time of King Ina who began anno 712 to Hen. 1. who began 1100. Amongst the Saxons King Alfred is reputed the most famous and learned Compiler of our Laws which were still handed along from one King to another as the unalterable Customs of the Kingdom In the 17th chapter of Edward the Confessor's Laws The mention of the duty of a King which if not performed nec nomen Regis in eo constabit is remarkable And Mr. Lambard tells us that even William the Conqueror did ratifie and observe the same Laws that his kinsman Edward the Confessor did as obliged by his Coronation Oath So then neither the great Charter in King John's time nor that of 9. Hen. 3. were properly a new Body of Law but a Declaration of the antient fundamental Laws Rights and Liberties of this Nation in Brittish Saxon Danish and Norman times before This Cook in his Proem to the second part of his Institutes observes where he notes also that this Charter is not called great for quantity of words a sheet of Paper will contain it but for the great importance and weight of its matter Through the advice of Hubert de Burgo Chief Justice of England Edward the first in the eleventh year of his Reign did in a Council held at Oxford unjustly cancel this great Charter and that of Forest Hubert therefore was justly sentenc'd according to Law by his Peers in open Parliament Then 25 Ed. 1. The Statute called Confirmationes Charrarum was made in the first chapter whereof the Mag. Charta is peculiarly called the Common Law 25. Ed. 1. cap. 2. Any Judgment given contrary to the said Charter is to be undone and holden for naught And cap. 4. Any that by word deed or counsel go contrary to the said Charter are to be excommunicated by the Bishops and the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York are bound to compel the other Bishops to denounce sentence accordingly in case of their remisness or neglect The next famous sticklers to Hubert de Burgo for Arbitrary Domination were the two Spencers father and son by whose rash and evil counsel sayes Cook Edward the second was seduced to break the Great Charter and they were banished for their pains By these passages we may observe how the People would still be strugling in and by their Representatives for their Legal Rights and Just Liberties to obviate the Encroachers whereof they procured several new Ratifications of their old Laws which were indeed in themselves unrepealable even by Parliaments if they will act as men and not contradict the Law of their own Reason and of the common Reason of all mankind By 25 Ed. 1. cap. 1. Justices Sheriffs Majors and other Ministers that have the Laws of the Land to guide them are required to allow the said Charter to be pleaded in all its points and in all causes that shall come before them in Judgment This is a clause sayes Cook worthy to be written in letters of gold That the Laws to be the Judges guides and therefore not the Judges the guides of the Laws by their arbitrary glosses which never yet misguided any that certainly knew and truly followed them In consonancy herewith the Spaniard sayes Of all the three learned Professions The Lawyer is the only letter'd man his business and duty being to follow the plain literal construction of the Law as his guide in giving Judgment Pretence of mystery here carries in the bowels of it intents or at least a deep suspition of arbitrary domination The mind of the Law is not subject to be clouded disturbed or perverted by passion or interest 'T is far otherwise with Judges therefore 't is fitter and safer the Law should guide them than they the Law Cook on the last mentioned Statute affirms That this great Charter and the Charter of Forest are properly the Common Law of this Land or the Law that is common to all the People thereof 2 Ed. 3. cap. 8. Exact care is taken that no Commands by the Great or Little Seal shall come to disturb or delay Common Right Or if such Commands come the Justices are not thereby to leave to do Right in any point So 14 Ed. 3. 14. 11 Ric. 2. 10. The Judges Oath 18 Ed. 3. 7 runs thus If any force come to disturb the execution of the Common Law ye shall cause their bodies to be arrested and put into Prison Ye shall deny no man Right by the King's Letters nor counsel the King any thing that may turn to his dammage or disherison The late King in his Declaration at Newmarket 1641 acknowledged the Law to be the Rule of his Power And his Majesty that now is in his Speech to both Houses the 19th of May last said excellently The good old Rules of Law are
Rule cap 29. Nullus liber homo capiatur c. No free-man shall be taken or imprisoned or be disseised of his freehold or liberties or free-customs or be outlawed or exiled or any otherwise destroyed Nor we will not passe upon him nor condemn him but by lawful Judgement of his Peers or by the Law of the Land We will sell to no man we will not deny or defer to any man either Justice or Right Out of this Chapter as out of a root saith Sir Edward Cook do many fruitful branches of the Law of England spring It contains nine branches some whereof I shall insist upon in my Case First That no man be taken or imprisoned but per Legem Terrae that is by the Common Law or Custom of England which words per Legem Terrae though put last refer to all the precedent branches Secondly The Goods of any Offender cannot regularly be taken and seized to the King's use before Conviction nor be Inventoried nor the Town charged therewith before the owner be indicted of Record Thirdly No man shall be exiled or banished out of his Country not be in any sort destroyed but by the verdict of his Peers This appears by Bracton and other ancient Writers quoted by Cook in the third part of his Institutes fol. 228. Upon the whole matter saith Cook these two Conclusions are manifestly proved First That before Indictment the Goods or other things of any Offender cannot be searched inventoried or in any sort seized nor after Indictment seized removed or taken away before Conviction or Attainder Secondly That the begging of the Goods or Estate of any Delinquent accused or indicted of any Treason Felony or other offence before he be convicted and attainted is utterly unlawful Stat. Ri. 1. cap. 3. And besides it maketh the prosecution against the Delinquent more precipitant violent and undue than the quiet and equal proceedings of the Law and Justice would permit Or else by some under-hand Agreement stops or hinders the due course of Justice and discourageth both Judge Juror and Witness to do their duty Thirdly The Judges are not to give so much as their Opinion before-hand concerning the Offence whether it prove that Offence in that Case Cook in the chap. of Petty Treason fol. 29. expresly saith And to the end the Tryal may be the more indifferent seeing the safety of the Prisoner consists in the indifferency of the Court the Judges ought not to deliver their Opinions before-hand of any Criminal Case that may come before them judicially And he there cites Humphrey Staffords Case that Arch Traitor in which Hussey Chief Justice besought Hen. 7. not to demand of them their Opinions before-hand And in the 4th of his Institutes in the chap. of the High Court of Parliament fol. 37 he fully shews the evil of asking the Judges Opinions before-hand But instead of this The Judges being assistant in the Lords house when all Acts of Parliament passe and whose Advice is taken in them have as appears by what is declared in the said Acts prejudg'd by their Opinions and the Opinions of the Parliament before-hand the merit of the Cause that now appears to be put upon the Issue in my Tryal Hereby the Judges are rendred ex parte and the indifferency the Law requires impossible to be afforded Nor is this all but by the Rules declared in the Act of Indempnity all are disenabled to plead or make use of the Ordinances Orders and Votes of both or either Houses of Parliament that may have occasion thereof and then by excepting the Prisoner and his fellow out of the said Act and all benefit thereby a door is left open to Arraign bring to Tryal and Sentence the whole Cause from the beginning to the ending in the person of the Prisoner and at the same time deprive him of all means and possibility of Justification and Defence Fourthly It is observable how early hard measure appeared in the way wherein the Prisoner became excepted out of the Act of Indempnity when the Commons his proper Judges declared him in their thoughts not fit to be endangered in the point of Life yet unto the Judgment of the Lords that ought not to judge Commoners unbrought before them by the Commons much less in opposite Judgement to the Commons The Commons were necessitated to yeeld lest otherwise the Act of Indempnity to the whole Nation should stop upon this dispute and essential difference between the two Houses A Competition easily over-ruled although as it proves by the sequel That Act of Indempnity is like to become felo de se or a destroyer of it self if your Lordships shall conceive your selves at liberty notwithstanding that Act not only to bring anew into memory upon the stage the state of all the passed differences from first to last but to try and judge the merit of them in my person and therein call in question the validity of that whole Act and make void the benefit intended by it in case the War undertaken and managed by both or either of the Houses of Parliament be judged unlawful and within the Statute of 25. Ed. 3. For this adjudges all the People of England morally guilty of the evil of a sin and offence against the Law of Nature which once done what ever promised Indempnity be granted for the present the Evil of the Action remaining upon Record not only to the Infamy of the whole People of England but their future danger upon pretence they have forfeited the very Indempnity granted Fifthly The length of time taken to search out matter against the Prisoner and the undue practices and courses to find out Witnesses do further evidence how unlike the Prisoner is to have an equal and indifferent Tryal He doubts not this will appear in his two years close Imprisonement six months whereof was Banishment during which time he was never so much as once examined or had any question put to him whereby he might conjecture wherefore he was committed to Prison any further than was expressed in the Warrants of Commitments Now these were so general that nothing certain or particular could be gathered out of them But upon the received opinion that he was excepted out of the Act of Indempnity and in the sence of both Houses a great Delinquent his Estate was attempted to be inventoried his Rentals demanded his Rents were actually seized in the Tenants hands and they forbidden to pay them His very Courts were prohibited by Officers of great Personages claiming the Grant of the Estate and threatning his Officers from doing their duty By these kind of undue proceedings the Prisoner had not wherewithal to maintain himself in Prison and his Debts to the value of above ten thousand pounds were undischarged either Principal or Interest The hopes of private lucre and profit hereby was such in the Tenants and other persons sought out for far and near to be Witnesses that it is no wonder at last something by way
and Reason out of his hands by force or noise for half an hour or more they finally refused to hear his following Plea and Reasons for an Arrest of Judgment or forbearing their sudden and rash proceeding to Sentence They had promised him before Verdict they would hear any thing in that kind he had to offer as they had also before his pleading not guilty promised him Counsel which never was granted neither They drew him on step by step first to plead on his Arraignment-day then to admit the Juries Verdict on his Tryal-day so called for he never owned it for a Legal Tryal to his last breath and after that out comes the Judgement or Sentence of Death against him pronounced by the Lord Chief Justice Forster and that of the worst complexion and most infamous famous circumstances to wit that he should be hang'd drawn and quartered at Tyburn the common Execution-place for Theeves and Robbers But in the Order for his Execution for reasons best known to them that made it the manner of his death was altered into a beheading only on Tower-hill to which place they carried him on a Sled drawn with horses a circumstance very singular and never used for those that die there and which he was kept ignorant of till the very time one of the Sheriffs men having that morning a little before told him there was to be no Sled but that he was to walk on foot Some farther Remarques of this last dayes Proceedings of the Court with him besides what is already mentioned received from one that was present and did hear and see all being what he could best remember take as followeth After the customary formalities of the Court The Clerk demanded of Sir Henry Vane what he had to say why Sentence of Death should not be passed upon him Sir Henry Vane first alledged that he had not yet heard the Indictment read in Latine The debate upon this took up some time At length some of the King's Counsel desired that the Prisoner might be satisfied in that point Sir Henry desired that Counsel then might also be assigned him to make Exceptions thereto if they found cause otherwise he valued not the hearing of it read in Latine This was over-ruled by the Court he soon therefore desisted from any further urging it The next thing Sir Henry offered in his own defence was the Bill of Exceptions which he brought with him ready drawn and offered it to the Judges desiring them according to the Statute of Westminst 2. 31. made 13. Ed. 1. to sign it This he urged so home that the Statute was consulted and read in open Court running in favour of the Prisoner to this effect That if any man find himself aggrieved by the proceedings against him before any Justices let him write his Exception and desire the Justices to set their seals to it This Act was made sayes Cook that the party wronged might have a Foundation for a legal Process against the Justices by a Writ of Error having his Exception entred upon Record in the Court where the injury is done which through the Justices over-ruling it they could not before procure so the party grieved was without remedy for whose relief this Statute was made The Justices refusing to set to their seals the party grieved may have a Writ grounded on this Statute commanding them to set their seals to his Exception This Exception extends not only to all Pleas dilatory and peremptory c. but to all Challenges of any Jurors and any material Evidence given to any Jury which by the Court is over-ruled As in this Prisoners Case the Testimony about falsifying of his hand to writings c. was by what was offered to the Jury by Justice Windham Further sayes Cook on this Statute If the Justice or Justices die their Executors or Administrators may be proceeded against for the injury done And if the Judge or Judges deny to seal the Exception the party wronged may in the Writ of Error take Issue thereupon if he can prove by Witnesses the Judge or Judges denied to seal it Notwithstanding all this the Judges over-ruled this Plea also by such interpretation as themselves put upon that Statute to wit that it was not allowable in Criminal Cases for Life This makes the Law less careful for the preservation of a man's Life than any particulars of his Estate in controversies about which this Statute is affirmed by them to hold whereas Life is the greater and innocent Blood when spilt is irreversible as to the matter it cannot be gathered up again the Estate is the lesser and if an erroneous Judgment pass about it 't is reversible upon Traverse Writ of Error or otherwise The Reason they alledged for their pretended Opinion was this That if it be held in Criminal Cases for Life every Felon in Newgate might plead the same and so there would be no Goal-delivery Sir Henry answered his Case was not the Case of common Felons alledging the Grant of his Majesty to the Petition of both Houses for his Life in case he should be attainted There is no need therefore sure said he of fearing the consequence of spinning out the time a little with a person in his circumstances Besides he said he had been a Prisoner two years and never call'd on to give any account of himself and his actions so is it not with Felons which with other considerations may sufficiently evince that there is no need of such hasting his Death He told them withal that he desired not this for his own sake only but for theirs and for posterity that they might on a more leisurely and unprejudiced hearing of what may be said on all hands prevent the bringing of innocent Blood upon themselves and the Land But being in this also over-ruled by the Court say what he could He only desired he might understand whether they would all give it as their Common Judgment they would stand to That what he desired was not his due by the Law By this means they were all put upon it one by one to declare themselves in that point unanimously denying him the benefit of that Act. To the by-standers their chief Reason seemed to be that it had not been practised this hundred or two of years The third thing Sir Henry desired was That the Petition of both Houses with his Majesties Answer thereunto might be read in the Court which after some dispute was concluded to be a thing they were not bound to take notice of not being an Act of Parliament Yet what is any Act of Parliament but a Bill presented with the Petition of both Houses to his Majesty with his Royal Assent thereto upon Publick Record At length they condescended to reade it and that was all The fourth and last thing Sir Henry offered to the consideration of of the Bench was this That in regard there were questions touching matter of Law in his Case which must receive their determination in
Parliament he desired he might have Counsel assigned him to argue them before their Lordships Some of these points he instanced in to wit 1. Whether a Parliament were accountable to any inferiour Court 2. Whether the King being out of possession and the Power Regent in others Here they stopt him not suffering him to proceed nor admitting that the King was ever out of possession To which Sir Henry replied The words of his Indictment ran thus that he endeavoured to keep out his Majesty and how could he keep him out of the Realm if he were not out But when he saw they would over-rule him in all and were bent upon his Condemnation he put up his Papers appealing to the Righteous Judgment of God who he told them must judge them as well as him often expressing his satisfaction to die upon this Testimony which Keeling one of the King's Counsel insultingly answered So you may Sir in good time by the grace of God The same person had often before shewed a very snappish property towards the Prisoner and Sir Henry sometimes answered him according to his folly For when he would have had the Book out of the Prisoner's hand wherein was the Statute of Westminster 2d. 31. Sir Henry told him he had a very officious Memory and when he was of Counsel for him he would find him Books Whereby was verified what was said to be spoken by him at first in answer to one of his Brethren on the Arraignment day Though we know not what to say to him we know what to do with him After Sentence given Chief Justice Forster endeavoured to take off the King from any Obligation by that Grant to the Petition of both Houses saying That God though full of mercy yet intended his mercy only to the penitent Reasons for an Arrest of Judgment writ by the Prisoner but refused to be heard by the Court. I. I Have been denied so much as to hear the Indictment read in Latine as it is the Original Record of the Court yea so much as a Copy of it in English hath been denied me during the whole time of my Tryal by the fight whereof I might be able to assign the defects of Law that may be in it Counsel also hath been denied not only before I pleaded but after and all points by me offered in Law to the Judges of the Court have been over-ruled without admitting me Counsel to argue the same and better inform the Judgment of the Court I have demanded that I might put in a Bill of Exceptions upon the Statute of Westminst 2d. cap. 31. This likewise is denied me over-ruled and judged as out of that Statute Neither will Counsel be allowed me in this to shew cause why it ought to be admitted as of Right And as no Counsel was allowed so neither were the Judges Counsel to me as they said themselves they would and ought to be but rather suffered me to wrong and prejudice my self some of them saying Let him go on the worst will be his own at last And they neither checked nor restrained the King's Counsel in their high and irritating expressions to the Jury to find me guilty One of whom were seen to speak privately with the Foreman of the Jury immediately before the Jurors went from the Bar after he had spoken openly That the Prisoner was to be made a publick Sacrifice in reference to the Actions done against his Majesty that now is All this is very far from that Indifferency in Tryal and from that Equality which the Law requires and they are bound by their Oath to afford me besides the undue proceedings in the business of the Petty Jury A List of forty eight persons was presented to me who being to me unknown and no time allowed me to gain any knowledge of them though I was permitted to challenge and refuse three Juries without shewing cause yet could not that refusal be upon such rational grounds as the Law supposes which doubtless intends substantial relief to the Prisoner in allowing him the liberty of such refusal whereas through my ignorance of the persons I might refuse the best and chuse the worst as to my safety And then whereas the Law further allows me the refusal of any other beyond the thirty five on just and exceptionable cause shewen what just exception was I capable to alledge in a sudden hurry against persons to me altogether unknown unless it would be taken for a just one that they were unknown to me All these things being so contrary to the Right which the Judges stand obliged to do to every one as they are for that purpose entrusted by God and the King is just cause for an Arrest of Judgment and a good Reason why they should yet at length allow me a Copy of the Indictment and assign Counsel to argue for the Prisoner against the defects in Law that may be found therein Without this Law is denied me which is my Birthright and Inheritance the best Birthright the Subject hath sayes Cook on Mag. Charta for thereby sayes he his Goods Lands Wife Children his Body Life Honour and Estimation are protected from injury The Life Birthright or Inheritance we have from our parents may soon be gone if this Fence thereof be broken down How great a wrong then it is for the Court to withhold it from me is manifest Are they not therefore in effect chargeable with my Blood by such unequal Proceedings as I have had in my Tryal II. My second Reason for an Arrest of Judgment is drawn from the Issue that is joyned in my Case which seems to depend chiefly upon matter of Law and that in such tender and high points as are only determinable in the high Court of Parliament For it is become the question Whether I am guilty or not guilty according as these Propositions following are truly or erroneously resolved 1. Whether the Parliament that began Novemb. 3. 1640 were dissolved by the King's Death and whether this Court may judge things done in Parliament 2. Whether the Powers regnant and de facto that successively were in being from Jan. 30. 1648 to Decemb. 20 1659 were such Powers de facto as are the King or Seigneur le Roy within the purview of the Stat. 25. Ed. 3. having the exercise of Regal Power in all the particulars of it though not the name 3. Whether during that time fore-mentioned his Majesty that now is were properly King de facto or whether he were not out of possession and without all exercise of his Regal Authority within the Realm 4. Whether the Case now in question be a Treason literally within the words of the Statute 25. Ed. 3. or at most any other than an interpretative and new Treason not declared before the very time of my Tryal and that only by the Judgment of the Court or opinion of my Judges eleven years after some of the things charged on me are alledged to have been committed As
of that Priviledge of being present himself or having Counsel and other Friends present at the Grand Jury will appear hereafter by the subdolous and injurious handling of matters there Thirdly Concerning the Jurisdiction of the Court. 3. The Offences supposed to be committed by me are things done not of my own head but as a Member of the Long Parliament or in pursuance of their Authority The matters done by me in the one respect or the other if they be deemed Offences are punishable only in Parliament and I ought not to be questioned for them in any inferiour Court As Cook shews in the 4th part of his Institutes chap. 1. concerning the high Court of Parliament For the Parliament is not confined in their Actings by the Law which inferiour Courts are tied up to but in divers cases are priviledged to act extraordinarily and unaccountably to any but themselves or succeeding Parliaments Moreover That Parliament was extraordinarily commissioned qualified and authorized by express Act of Parliament beyond all preceding Parliaments for the Causes and Ends declared in the Preamble of the Act for their Establishment accorded and passed by the joynt Consent of King Lords and Commons whereby they became unsubjected to Adjournment Prorogation or Dissolution but by their own respective voluntary Consents to be by them expressed and passed for that purpose with the Royal Assent which occasioned his late Majesty in his Answer to the nineteen Propositions to say That the Power hereby legally placed in both Houses was more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the Power of Tyranny And further The bringing of this Case under the Jurisdiction of this Court or of any other but a Parliament may prove of very dangerous consequence in point of Precedent and most disagreeing to all Rules of Justice For First By the same reason that I am questioned in this Court not only every Member of Parliament but the very Houses themselves with all their Debates Votes and Orders may not only be questioned but referred to a Petty Jury and so come to be judged and sentenc'd by a Court inferiour to themselves which Judges in all times have disclaimed and acknowledged to be out of their power according to the known Rule Par in pares non habet imperium multo minus in eos qui majus imperium habent Secondly In such case the Parties accused will be debarred of Evidence or Witness for their Justification and Defence For no Members c. present at Debates in Parliament who are the onely eye and ear-witnesses of what is said and done there ought to discover the Counsels of the House Fourthly Concerning the Indictment 1. I have not been permitted to have a copy or sight of the Indictment nor so much as to hear it read in Latine which is the original Record of the Court and ought to be the foundation of their whole proceeding with me I often desired these things of the Court yea or at least to have but the Transcripts of some particular clauses in the Indictment to enable me to shew the deficiencies thereof in Law all which others in such cases have often obtained but nothing would be granted herein This then was my hard lot and usage I was put after two years close Imprisonment to answer for my Life to a long Indictment read in English which whether it were rightly translated how should I know that might not hear the Original Record in Latine Counsel also learned in the Law were denied me though pressed for by me again and again before I pleaded And had they been granted what could they have said as to defects of Law in the Indictment unless they might have a Copy of it What can any Counsel say to any petty business concerning any part of a man's Estate that 's in controversie unless they may have a leisurely view and perusal of the Writings thereabouts much more sure will it appear requisit to the reason of all mankind when a man 's whole Estate Life and all are at stake 'T is true before I pleaded this Court promised I should have Counsel assigned me after pleading God forfend else said the Lord Chief Justice but 't is as true I never could yet see that promise made good All things tending to a fair Tryal were promised me in general before pleading but every material particular for the just defence of my Life hath been denied me ever since And my Tryal for Life was hudled up the next day of my appearing before you The Jury as was told me must not eat or drink till they had done their work so the more than forty Jewry-men that resolved to kill Paul Act. 23. 21. But why such haste and precipitancy for a man's Life that 's more than Meat or Estate when you can let Civil Causes about mens Estates depend many years and if an erroneous Judgment be passed in such matters 't is reversible But if innocent Blood be spilt it cannot be gathered up again as the wise woman of Tekoah said 2 Sam. 14. 2. But secondly then As to defects in the Indictment which I was in some measure enabled to observe from that broken hearing thereof that was afforded me here in the Court I say there are many and those very considerable and by the Law of England I ought not to have been urged to plead or make answer to such an illegal and defective Indictment 1. There is no sufficient Overt Act therein alledged of the Prisoner's imagining the King's Death or that he had any the least intention that way 2. The Levying of a War is alledged in Southwark and cannot therefore be tryed by a Jury of Middlesex Dyer fol. 234. and the 3d part of Cook 's Institutes fol. 34. 3. There is uncertainty and obscurity in the main thing alledged against me in the Indictment to wit That I together with a multitude of persons to the number of a thousand unknown to the Jury c. whereas no Criminal Act can be tryed that is not certain Certa res debet esse quae deducitur in Judicium 4. The Treason laid to my charge is alledged to have been committed with a multitude of other false Traitors which were pardoned by the Act of Indempnity such supposed crimes therefore of theirs cannot be remembred or alledged without a manifest breach of the Act of Indempnity and Oblivion The Indictment is or ought to be founded on some clause or branch of 25. Ed. 3. chap. 2. But no such Overt Act is alledged in the Indictment or proved by Witnesses as doth discover that I had any intention to kill depose or hold out the King from the possession and exercise of his Regal Power Whereas I am accused of compassing or imagining the Death of the King this must be understood of his natural or personal not politick capacity for in this latter sence the Law sayes the King cannot die First then to compass only the Deposition of the King is not within the words
the two Houses Petition to the King for his Assent to the Bills by them drawn up and passed They used this as a means to induce the King to exempt me from all benefit of the Act of Indempnity and Oblivion and then at last perswade and absolve him from making good this Grant also thereby depriving me of all visible relief for my Life I conceived my Life as secure by that Grant as others Lives or Estates are by the Act of Indempnity it self for what is that but the Bill of both Houses with the King's Assent to it upon their Petition The PETITION of both Houses of Parliament to the King 's most excellent Majesty on the behalf of Sir Henry Vane and Col. John Lambert after they left them uncapable of having any benefit of the Act of Indempnity To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in PARLIAMENT Sheweth THat Your Majesty having declared your gracious pleasure to proceed only against the immediate Murderers of your Royal Father We your Majesties most humble Subjects the Lords and Commons assembled not finding Sir Henry Vane nor Col. Lambert to be of that number Are humble Suiters to Your Majesty that if they shall be Attainted that Execution as to their Lives may be remitted And as in duty bound c. The said Petition being read it was agreed to and ordered to be presented to his Majesty by the Lord Chancellor The Lord Chancellor reported That he had presented the Petition of both Houses to the King's Majesty concerning Sir Henry Vane and Col. Lambert and his Majesty grants the Desires in the said Petition John Browne Cler. Parliamentorum Concerning the Proceedings of the Court 1. THe Judges denied Counsel to the Prisoner on this pretext that they as they were to be would be his Counsel They are the King's Commissary Judges preferred and paid for their work by the King who in this case was through evil and false suggestions rendred the Prisoners chief or only Adversary whose Death he stood accused of imagining and compassing What Counsel or Assistance the Prisoner was like to have from them let the World judge 2. His Jury consisted of persons that had been engaged against him in that very Controversie and Cause for which he was tryed A Forreigner in any Criminal Case amongst us may require six of his Jurors to be of his own Countrymen a French-man six French-men a Dutch-man six Dutch-men c. There was but one here that was suspected only to have something of an English man in him sworn of the Jury and the Lord Chief Justice sharply rebuked the Clerk of the Court alledging that he knew not but he might have brought bread and cheese in his pocket and would keep them all night with other words to like purpose 3. The Prisoner was not suffered to speak a word to the Jury after the King's Counsel had spoken to take off the aggravating glosses they had put upon his pretended crime and the Judges that said they would be the Prisoner's Counsel dismissed the Jury possessed with the last exasperating charge given by those who were both the Accusers and professed Counsel against him 4. The Prisoner on his Sentence-day challenged the Sollicitor before the Court as to the injury done him on the day of his Tryal by his large and bitter Invective which he had not liberty to reply to for the vindicating of his own Innocency and unpejudicing the Juries understanding in the fittest season The Judges that had promised him before pleading they would be his Counsel instead of relieving him herein as in all reason they ought afforded him no other answer but a sharp Rebuke for criminating and scandalizing the Court together with some threatning expressions But what need had he to regard their threatnings that he saw resolved to pass a Sentence of Death upon him say what he would The main thing he charged the Sollicitor with was his saying openly in Court that he must be made a publick Sacrifice shewing no reason why and of whispering to the Foreman of the Jury in the Court before they went to Verdict a thing notoriously against all Law and Reason Amongst other things he had also said What Counsel did the Prisoner think would or durst speak for him in such a manifest Case of Treason unless he could call down the heads of those his fellow-Traitors Bradshaw or Cook from the top of Westminster-Hall or to that effect when as there were able heads in the bottom of Westminster-hall ready to have spoken to his Case if they might have been assigned by the Court But what may not be said when nothing may be replied For a person that is designing his own Interest Honours Advantages and Preferments to have the last word to the Jury against a Prisoner that stands at the Bar in danger of his Life and that a person of so generally acknowledged worth and publick concern and to perform it with impertinent flashes of Wit and declamatory flourishes of Rhetorick sending away the Jury with the fresh and last impressions of all that noise and buzze of his glosses upon the whole matter and having with irritating expressions misrepresented and aggravated the supposed crimes is a thing to be hissed oft the stage of this earth by the common Reason of all mankind What worse circumstances can a Prisoner be in than to stand at a Bar of Justice to be tryed and there hear his professed Accuser and Adversary misrepresenting miscalling and aggravating the actions he is questioned for pressing all upon the Jurors consciences with the greatest edge and flourish of all the Art Wit and Eloquence he is furnished with as Tertullus served Paul and then be deprived of all possible defence against his slanderous and injurious suggestions Paul was not so served he had the last word to his Jury when Tertullus had done Acts 24. But the children of this world are wise in their generation they knew well they had to deal with one that had been experienced for twenty years together to be a person of a very happy and unparallel'd dexterity in taking off the paint and false appearances that others by premeditated Speeches could put upon ill matters with an extemporary breath If it be said he had fair warning beforehand to say all that he had to mind the Jury of and that he was not to speak after the King's Counsel It is answered Though this were hard at best and indeed not at all sutable to the true and lawfull Liberties of English-men yet were it more tolerable in case the King's Counsel had started no new thing against the Prisoner used no provoking and unworthy expressions or made no new and unforeseen glosses upon the matter he stood charged with For then the Prisoner might be presumed to have sufficiently obviated beforehand any thing that would be said by the Counsel had they only recapitulated and so probably might have rendred his Jury somewhat uncapable