Court in the conusance of Heresie but onely for the punishment of Heresie adjudged in the Ecclesiastical Court and all men know that it is the Temporal not Ecclesiastical power although it may be executed or pronounced by Ecclesiastical persons that punisheth men for Spiritual Crimes The Pope cannot alter the Laws of England The Judges say that the Statutes which restrain the Popes provisions 11 H. 4. 37. 11 H. 4. fol. 69. 76. to the Benefices of the Advowsons of Spiritual men were made for that the Spiritual durst not in their just Cause say against the Popes provisions so as those Statutes were made in affirmance of the common Law Excommunication made by the Pope is of no force in England and the same being certified by the Pope into any Court in England ought not to 14 H. 4. fol. 14 c. be allowed neither is any Certificate of any Excommunication available in Law but that which is made by some Bishop in England for the Bishops are by the common Laws the immediate Officers and Ministers of Justice to the Kings Court in Causes Ecclesiastical If any Bishop do Excommunicate any person for a cause that belongeth 14 H. 4. 14. not to him the King may write to the Bishop and command him to assoyl and absolve the party If any person of Religion obtain of the Bishop of Rome to be exempt St. 2. H. 4. Cap. 3. from obedience regular or ordinary he is in case of a Premunire which is an offence as hath been said contra Regem coronam dignitatem ejus Upon complaint of the Commons of the horrible mischiefs and damnable customs which there were introduced by the Church of Rome that no St 6. H. 4. Cap. 1. person Abbot or other should have any provisions of Archbishoprick or Bishoprick which should be void till he had compounded with the Popes Chamber to pay great and excessive sums of money as well for the first fruites of the same Archbishoprick or Bishoprick as for the other less services in the said Court and that the said sums or greater part thereof be paid beforehand which sums passed the double or treble of that that was accustomed of old time to be paid c. It was therefore Enacted That they and every of them that did pay greater sums then had of old time been accustomed to be paid into the said Chamber should incur the forfeiture of as much as they may forfeit to the King No person Religious or Secular of what estate or condition that he St 7. H. 4. Cap. 6. were by colour of any Bulls containing Priviledges to be discharged of Tythes appertaining to Parish-Churches Prebends Hospitals Vicaredges Purchased before the first year of King R. 2. or after not executed should put in execution anysuch Bills so Purchased or any such Bulls to be Purchased in time to come upon pain of a Premunire In the Reign of Hen. 5. In an Act of Parliament made in the third year of Henry 5. it is Declared 〈…〉 H. 5. â—â—â— 4. â— That whereas in the time of H. 4. father to the said King the seventh year of his Reign to eschew many discords and debates and divers other mischiefs which were like to arise and happen because of many provisions then made or to be made by the Pope and also of licence thereupon granted by the said King among other things it was Ordained and Established That no such Licence or Pardon so granted before the same Ordinance or afterwards to be granted shall be available to any Benefice full of any Incumbent at the day of the date of such Licence or Pardon granted Nevertheless divers persons having provisions of the Pope of divers Benefices in England and elsewhere and Licenses Royal to execute the same Provisions have by colour of the same Provisions Licenses and acceptations of the said Benefices subtilly excluded divers persons of their Benefies in which they had been incumbents by a long season of the collation of the very Patrons Spiritual to whom duely made to their intent to the final destruction and enervation of the Estates of the same Incumbents The King willing to avoid such mischiefs hath Ordained and Established That all the Incumbents of every benefice of Holy Church of the Patronage Collation or presentation of Spiritual Patrons may quietly and peaceably enjoy their said Benefices without being inquieted molested or any way grieved by any colour of such provisions licencies and acceptations and that all licences and pardons upon and by such provisions made in any manner should be void and of no valour and if any feel himself grieved molested or inquieted in any wise from henceforth by any by colour of such provisions licenses pardons or acceptations that the same molesters grievers or inquesters and every of them have and incur the pains and punishments contained in the Statutes of Provisors before that time H. 4. St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 7. Lollardy Was made for extirpation of Heresie and Lollardy whereby full power and authority was given to the Justices of Peace and Justices of Assize to enquire of those that hold Errors Heresies or Lollardry and of their maintainers c. and that the Sheriff or other Officer c. may Arrest and apprehend them A man should undertake a very hard task that goes about to maintain that all Humane Laws did never transgress their limits nor encroach upon things that were not properly in their conusance and this Law ill suits with the temper of these times The King by consent of Parliament giveth power to Ordinaries to enquire St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 1. of the Foundation Erection and Governance of Hospitals other then such as be of the Kings Foundation and thereupon to make correction and reformation according to the Ecclesiastical Law nor could any other Power grant such Ordinances In the Reign of Henry the sixth 8 H. 6. fol. 3. Excommunication made and certified by the Pope is of no force to disable any man within England and this is by the ancient Common Laws before any Statute was made concerning forein Jurisdiction The King onely may grant or licence to Found a Spiritual Corporation 9 H. 6. fol. 16. The Pope wrote Letters in derogation of the King and his Regality 1 H. 6. fol. 1â— and the Church-men durst not speak against them but Humfrey Duke of Glocester for their safe keeping put them into the fire In the Reign of Edward the fourth The Pope in the Reign of King Ed. 4. granted to the Prior of St. Johns H. 7. f. 20. to have Sanctuary within his Priory and this was pleaded and claimed by the Prior but it was resolved by the Judges that the Pope had no power to grant any Sanctuary within this Realm and therefore by Judgement of Law it ought to be disallowed There it appeareth that the opinion of the Kings Bench had been oftentimes Ed. 4. 3. that if one Spirital
JUSTICE VINDICATED From the False FUCUS put upon it BY THOMAS WHITE Gent. Mr THOMAS HOBBS AND HVGO GROTIVS AS ALSO ELEMENTS OF Power Subjection Wherein is demonstrated the Cause of all Humane Christian and Legal SOCIETY And as a previous Introduction to these is shewed The Method by which Men must necessarily attain ARTS SCIENCES By ROGER COKE LONDON Printed by Tho. Newcomb for G. Bedell and T. Collins at the Middle-Temple-Gate Fleetstreet 1660. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty CHARLES II. By the Grace of GOD KING of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND Defender of the Faith IF it were not unbecoming confidence Most Eminent of Kings in Hugo Grotius who at most did owe Your Illustrious Uncle Lewis the Thirteenth but a topical and temporary obedience to dedicate his Book De Jure Belli Pacis to him founded upon such feigned and inconsistible principles because written for Justice Then will it not ill become a natural Subject of Your Majesties who by all divine and humane laws owes an indelible character of obedience to Your Majesty to implore Your patronage of Justice founded upon the true and genuine causes Nor is there any attribute of Justice which Grotius there ascribes to Your Uncle but is as properly or more due to Your Majesty For if Lewis were just because above any thing which might be spoken he did honor the memory of the great King his Father by imitating him how just then is Your Majesty when as not all the storms of adverse fortune in Your Father or Self could ever any ways shake the constant veneration You have always paid his Saintlike memory by imitating him whereas prosperity did almost ever fill the sails of Your Uncle and his great Father If he were just because he did instruct his Brother by all means but most by his own example then is not Your Majesty less just who by all means but most by Your own Example hath so well instructed Your Brethren that they in all respects answer the dignity of their high extraction and whose eminent Virtues have attained such a height of perfection that they are justly celebrated all over Christendom with admiration If he were just because he did adorn his Sisters with highest matrimonies yet certainly it was rather the felicity of his fortune then acts of his justice that he was by the marriage of his Sisters allied to all the greatest Hereditary Princes of Christendom how just then is your Majesty who hath so adorned Justice and Piety that as being by nature wedded to these though born one of the greatest Princes of the Western world You have preferred them before the enjoyment of Three Kingdoms If he were just because he did call back the almost buried Laws and opposed himself to a Generation making haste into worse Who then can express Your justice who hath recalled our buried and almost forgotten Laws and who with most manifest danger yet by Providence miraculously preserved for your Subjects deliverance did oppose your self against the Tyranny of the most perverse generation of men that ever pretended to be Christians If he were not only just but also clement whenas he took from his Subjects who by ignorance of his goodnes had transgressed the bounds of their duty nothing but the liberty of sinning nor did force their consciences differing from him in Religion Let the world then judge and admire your justice and clemency who of your own accord does refer the most perpetrated villany committed in the sight of the sun upon the person of your Royal Father not by your Subjects ignorant of his and your goodness but by those who had known his clemency and goodness and in the worst of their wickedness needed not have despaired of his favor to those of your Subjects neither convened nor elected by your authority And are so far from taking any thing from your peccant Subjects more then liberty of sinnng that you admit of a restitution to those of your Subjects who by such undue means had invaded the sacred patrimony of Gods Church and your Crown And though these things were committed upon pretence of Religion yet so tender is your Majesty that you will force no mans conscience not of these men And if it were justice and mercy in your glorious Uncle in the prosperity of his fortune to relieve oppressed people and Princes by his authority then was it no ways less justice and mercy in your Majesty that in the adversity of your fortune you did by all means endevour by your authority to relieve the oppressed and distressed Princes and people of Christendom To You therefore Great Sir being the Fountain and Centre of Justice in these your rightful Dominions in the lowest posture of humility do these Observations and Elements presume to offer themselves though not upon any confidence of themselves or Author but because wâ—â—ten for and in defence of Justice To You Sir who by an indifferent administration of just received and known Laws and moderating the severity of them Your Majesty being their Moderator as well as Arbitrator where it becomes impossible for your Subjects to fulfil them or inconvenient to Your self or Subjects in rigor to execute them if it be not your Subjects fault shall not less under God confer peace and happiness to all sorts of them then the Sun by its effluence does diffuse life and light to all the various creatures of the Universe This is it which in time will reduce your wandring Subjects to the secure and known paths of their Allegiance out of which they have gone astray This is it which will secure you from the imputation of Tyranny and convince your adversaries that it is not your fault in governing but theirs in disobeying if hereafter they bring upon themselves the miseries and calamities of another Civil war And this is that which will evidence to the world that then your adversaries became enemies to your Royal Father and Self when they first trod under foot the established and received Laws of their Country and that it is and always was the desire of Usurpers who having no just title but new Oppression to introduce more new Inventions of their own in place of the old Laws This is it which after your Majesties gracious Act of Oblivion for crimes past will so settle the minds of your Subjects that in the known ways of their ancestors they may expect favor and protection from your Majesty This is it which will so genuinely and equally support your Majesties Title that as it is so derived from the loins of innumerable Royal Ancestors as no man can shew where it began and so clear that in the world no man presumes to stand in competition with You so is it supported by received Laws of that continuance that they have lost their first original I presume not Sir to say this of mine own head to advise your Majesty much less have any diffidence of your Majesties governing your Subjects
Democracy of Sedition and the causes of it Of the Fathers Husbands Masters and Ecclesiastical Power The Third Book treats of Subjection Succession and the Municipal Laws of this Nation The Fourth Book treats of Justice Obedience Judgment and Equity The Fifth Book treats of the first Planting of Christianity under the British and Saxon Kings and of the Freedom of the British and English Churches before the Conquest and how far the Kings of England had exercised their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and how both British and Saxon Kings had been Nursing-Fathers to the Church of Christ and how far since the Conquest the Kings of England had exercised their Jurisdiction in the Assertion of their Regal Power in defence of the Church until Henry the 8th and of the Reformation made by Hen. 8. Edw. 6. Queen Elizabeth and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by them Queen Mary King James and King Charls A more particular Survey of the Contents of the First Book Chap. I. THe First Chapter not onely treats of those Rights which must necessarily precede all Humane and Ecclesiastical Laws but also of those Rights which are created by Humane Laws Chap. II. Treats of Divine Humane Ecclesiastical and Despotical Laws and from whence they are derived Chap. III. Shews what Virtue is and the causes of all Theological Moral Humane Prudential and Personal Virtues Chap. IV. Treats of Particular Moral Virtues and Chap. V. Proves them to be commanded by God in the old and New Testament Chap. VI. Demonstrates the Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Persons and Consciences of Men. Chap. VII Is of Promises Vows Leagues Pacts or Contracts and Gifts and from whence Men become obliged to them and does demonstrate that it is impossible that any Law or Legislative Right can arise from the Pacts or Contracts of Men which concludes the First Book DEFINITIONS JUs is a Right Due or Property in God principally and absolutely or in some Jus quid Man or Men by some Divine or Humane Law excluding all others but him or them from whom it is derived First All Right is either Jus Divinum or Naturale and this Right is The Specifications of it onely primely and absolutely in God and incommunicable to any Creature Or Secondly Jus Humanum is a Right which Men have from the Law of Nature Or Thirdly Jus Ecclesiasticum a Right by which the Tribe of Levi did under the Old Law exercise their Priestly Office and Function and a Right by which Bishops Priests and Deacons among Christians do execute their Office and Functions Or Fourthly Jus Legale a Right which all Subjects have in their Estates and Goods And this Right is either Jus Proprietatis or Jus Usufructuarium 2. Nature is either that eternal Being which ever was in God which Men What is Nature call Natura Naturans Or that first Being which is in any Creature superior to the Will of any Creature and created onely by God and this Nature Men call Natura Naturaliter the depraved sinful Nature of Man was not originally created by God but afterward made by Man 3. Jus Naturae Naturantis is that Right which must necessarily precede What is Jus Naturae Naturantis What is Jus Naturae Naturaliter and create Lex Naturae 4. Jus Naturae Naturaliter is that Right which is created by the Law of Nature but because this Right is proper to Man onely we will call this Right a Humane Right As also that Power which is created by the Law of Nature although it be Natural Naturaliter yet being proper to Man we call it Humane Power 5. A Law is the declared Will of him who by right commands forbids or What is a Law permits athing together with a penalty annext for not observance Lex dicitur à ligando quia obligat says Isidore rightly Etymologie of Lex Common Notions or Axioms 1. ALL Right which any Man or company of Men have is derived either from the Law of Nature or some Divine Positive Law declared in the Scriptures or from some Humane Law or particular Custom which is always presumed to be created or permitted by Humane Laws 2. Humane Laws and Customs refer to some particular place or Countrey as they are permitted or imposed by the supream Power of that place or Countrey viz. By them who have right to impose or permit them 3. The Laws of Nature oblige all Men of all conditions alike without exception and are eternal and immutable by Man and are and always were connatural with all Men. 4. No Being can precede or be superior to the cause of its Being 5. All Causes are superior and precede their Effects THE FIRST BOOK CHAP. I. De Juribus 1. LEx Humana lata has by the second Notion no being Jus Humanum Legislativum is not from any Humane Law but as it is caused or created by him who has the Jus Legislativum Lex Humana lata therefore cannot by the Fifth Notion create Jus Legislativum 2. If Jus Humanum Legislativum were from Jus Humanum Legislativum is not created by Divine positive institution Divine positive institution then by the Fifth Notion must the Scriptures precede all Legislative Right but this is evidently repugnant not only to the Scriptures themselves who testifie not only the Right which Fathers and Husband have over their Children and Kings over their Subjects long before God revealed them by Moses but also this Lawgiving Right is in every place of the world whether the Scriptures be received or beleeved or not It is evident therefore that this Law-giving Right is not created from Gods positive Laws in the Scriptures 3. Jus Humanum Legislativum is not by the first Proposition from Jus Humanum Legislativum is from the Law of nature immediately any Humane Law by the second Proposition Jus Humanum Legislativum is not from Divine positive Laws Therefore by the first Notion Jus Humanum Legislativum is from the Law of Nature 4. By the third Notion the Laws of Nature are and alwaies were connatural Jus Ecclesiasticum is not from the Law of nature with Men but the Right which God gave the Priests under the old Law and to Bishops Priests and Deacons under the new Law hapned long since Men were borne in the world and therefore the Ecclesiastical Right of Bishops and Priests is not from the Law of Nature 5. If Humane Laws could create the Right of Ecclesiasticks then by Nor from any humane law the 2. Notion he who may by right create Humane laws might also create this Ecclesiastical right But this is evidently false for all Kings Fathers and Husbands have a right of creating Humane laws but none have the right of creating the Ghostly right by which Ecclesiasticks exercise their function or office This right therefore is not created by any Humane law 6. By the 4. Propos Ecclesiastical right is not from the
in the regencie of the Queen mothers Blanch the mother of St. Lewis of Francis the second Charles the ninth Lewis the thirteenth and Lewis the fourteenth 20. Neither have the French better observed the other part of the It has been ill observed by the French Salique Law for the descending of the Crown to the heirs male for Pepin having put King Childerick into a Monastery had not any colour of title but as he was chosen by the Parliament of Paris so that it seems the Parliament of Paris may do what the King and general Assembly cannot and alter the most fundamental constitutions of France which forsooth at other times are immutable and Hugh Capet to make his title good against Charles of Lorrain the right Masculine heire of Pepin did derive his pedigree from one of the daughters of Charlemain son of Pepin Nor could Lewis the ninth a most religious Prince be resolved in conscience till he was satisfied that by his Grandmothers side he was descended from the right heirs of Charles of Lorrain But I wonder with what face these Frenchmen can urge the Salique Law against others and yet practise the contrary themselves For Charles the eight having married Anne the Dutchess of Brittain and by that title possessed the Dutchy by whom he had Claude married to Francis the first who had issue Henry the second who had issue Francis the second Charles the ninth Henry the third and Hercules Elizabeth married to Philip the second of Spain and Margaret married to Henry the fourth Now Francis Charles Henry and Hercules dying without issue legitimate I would know how against the Salique Law Charles and his posterity should have a title to Britain and yet King Philip and his posterity be debarred of it by vertue of this pretended Salique Law CHAP. III. Of the Municipal Laws of England before 1640. 1. TEmporal or Secular Laws are made to preserve men so long as Of Temporal Laws and incidently of the Municipal Laws of this Nation they live in this world in unity and peace one with another and these do not bind in conscience only but injoyn corporal and pecuniary mulcts for not observance or transgressing them The Municipal Laws of this Kingdom are either the Common Law which are general usages of that long continuance that they have quite lost their prime institution That they were not brought in by the Conqueror is most evident Common Law or Generall usage for the Conqueror swore to observe the good approved and antient Laws of this Kingdom and that the Subjects might the better observe Proem 8. part of Sir Ed. Cokes Reports their duty and the Conquerors Oath he caused twelve the most discreet and wise men in every shire throughout all England to be sworn before himself that without swerving either ad dextram or ad sinistram they should declare the integrity of their Laws without concealing adding or in any sort varying from the truth and Aldreb the Archbishop that crowned him and Hugh the Bishop of London by the Kings commandement wrote that which the Jurats had delivered and these by Publick Proclamation he declared to be authentick and under grievous punishment to be inviolably observed And that 441 years before the incarnation of Christ Mulumutius of Preface 3. report some called Dunvallo M. of some Dovebant did write two Books of the Laws of the Britans the one called Statuta Municipalia and the other Leges judiciariae which is as much as to say the Statute-Law and Common-Law And 356 years before our Saviour Mercia Proba Queen and wife of King Gwintclin wrote a book of the Laws of England in the British tongue calling it Marchenleg King Alfred or King Alured King of the West-Saxons 871 years after Christ wrote a book of the Laws of England calling the same Breviarum quoddam quod composuit ex diversis legibus Trojanorum Graecorum Britanorum Saxonum Danorum In the year after our Saviour 653. Sigabert or Sigisbert Orientalium Anglorum Rex wrote a book calling it Legum instituta King Edward of that name the third before the Conquest ex immensa legum congerie quas Britanni Romani Angli condiderunt optima quaeque selegit ac in unam coegit quam vocari voluit Communem legem But whether these latter were the Laws which are now used in England under correction may be question made because the Authorities cited are from such obscure and uncertain Authors that no great credit is to be given to them nor are those Books except Alfreds and Edwards which are obsolete and out of use with us and so have been these 600 years any where to be found whereby it may appear that they have any affinity with the Common-Law But it does most certainly appear out of most authentical Records that time out of mind before the Conquest there had been Sheriffs for the Writ of Assise and every other Original Writ to whom they were directed except to the Coroner in special cases who stands in place of the Sheriff and for Trials by the Oath of Twelve men and that the Writs of Assise and other Original Writs were retornable into the Kings Courts and that there had been a Court of Chancery for all Original Writs to issue out and none other and that those Mannors that were in the hands of S. Edward the Confessor are to this day called Ancient Demesne All which does more copiously and fully appear in this Proeme to the Third Part of the Reports And that the Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas the Exchequer be all the Kings Courts and have been time out of memory of man so as no Proem Rep. 8. man knows which of them is antientest Afterward in the Proeme to the Ninth Part of his Reports out of the Mirror of Justices which treats how the Land was governed almost twelve hundred years since having spoken of the Courts of Parliament Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas and the Exchequer he descends to the Justiciarii Itinerantes or Justices in Eire The Kings do right to all men by their Justices Commissioners itinerant assigned to have Conusance Justices Itinerant sec 6. of all Pleas. In aid of such Eires the Sheriffs Turns and View of Frankpledges are necessary c. Then he treateth of the Sheriffs Turn That the Sheriffs of antient Sheriffs Turn sec 7. Ordinance do hold general Assemblies twice a year in every Hundred whither all the Freeholders within the Hundred are bound to come by the service of their Feifs or Fees that is to say once after Michaelmas and another time after Easter c. Leets or Courts of View of Frankpledge are Assemblies ordained Leets or view of Frank-pledge sec 8. once a year not only of Freeholders but of all in the Hundred as well Denizens as others except Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and all Religious people and Clerks Earls Barons Knights Married women Persons dumb and deaf diseased Bastards and Lepers and
those that are Deciners elswhere to enquire of the offences personal and of all the circumstances of offences done in those Hundreds of the wrong done by the Kings or Queens ministers and of the wrong done to the King and the Commonalty But this ought not to be done by Bondmen or Women but by the Oath of Twelve Freemen The County-Court which the Sheriffs hold from moneth to moneth County-court sec 9. or from five weeks to five weeks according to the greatness or largeness of the County Of Court-Barons and Hundred Courts Court-Baron c. sec 10. The other mean Courts are the Courts of every Lord of the Fee c. Pipowders sec 11. Courts of Pipowders And that from day to day speedy Justice be done to Strangers in Fairs and Markets as of Pipowders according to the Law of Merchants Court of Admiralty The King hath soveraign jurisdiction upon Admiralty sec 12. the Sea Courts of the Forrest The Kings Ministers of his Forrests have Courts-Forest see 13. power by authority of their office to swear men without the Kings Writ for safeguard of the peace and the Kings right and the common good c. He treats of the Professors of the Law as Counters who are Serjeants and Pleaders Of Attornies Of Ministers of Justice as Viscounts Coroners Escheators Bailiffs of Hundreds c. And also by the antient Kings Coroners were ordained in every County and Sheriffs to keep the Peace when the Earls were absent from their charges and Bailiff in lieu of the Hundredors c. Of the Prerogatives of the King as of Deodands Alienation to Aliens Teeasure found Wreck Waif Estray Chattels of Felons and Fugitives Honors Hundreds Soakes Gaoles Forrests chief Cities chief Ports of the Sea great Manors These held the first Kings as their right and of the residue of the Land did enfeoff the Earls Barons Knights Serjeants and others to hold of the King by Services provided and ordained for defence of the Realm It was ordained that the Knights Fee should come to the eldest by succession of heritage and that Socage Fee should be partable between the Male-children and that the Liege-Lords should have the Marriage He treateth in the first Chapter of Crimes and their divisions of the crime of Majesty of Fausonnery of Treason of Burning of Homicide of Felony of Burglary of Rape c. In the second of Actions of Judges of Actors c. In the third of Exceptions dilatory and peremptory that is Pleas to the Writ and in Bar c. of Trial by Juries and by Battel of Attaints of Challenges of Fines c. In the fourth of Judgments and therein of Jurisdiction of Process in criminal causes and in Actions real personal and mixt So as in this Mirror you may perfectly and truly discern the whole Body of the Common Laws of England Thus far Sir Edward Coke Mr. Lambert in his unfolding the difficult things and words in his translation of the Saxon Laws says King Alured when he had made a League with Guthrun the Dane having followed the most prudent counsel given by Jethro to Moses first divided England in Satrapias Centurias Decurias He called Satrapiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies to divide He called Centuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Decuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a company of Ten men and by those names they are called to this day And that no man might be ignorant the Decuria did consist of Ten men whereof all of them were pledges that every one should be forth-coming to any Action in Law and if any one did any damage the other were bound to make it good and from hence the other nine were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Free-pledges we in the Pleas of Courts call them Francos plegios The tenth man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the Decurio or Tithingman by which name he is most known to the Eastern English at this day Others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first or chief Surety or Pledge The Kentish men call him Borsholder corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first Surety Centuria or a Hundred was made up of ten Decuria's as one Hundred is made up of ten times ten This viz. Hundred the men beyond Trent called by another name not unknown to the common people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wapentac Alured then further ordained That every man of free condition should be enrolled in some Hundred and be conjoined into some Ten-men company That of lesser businesses the Decurions or Court-Leet might judge and if any weightier matter were it should be deferred to the Hundred or County-Court Lastly that the Alderman and Sheriff I take it he calls them Senator Praepositus should compound the most difficult Suits and of greatest moment in that frequent Convention from all parts of the Shire or County And what the manner of judging was King Etheldred in the fourth Chapter of his Laws which he enacted in a full Senate or Parliament at Vanatnigum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Woodstock expounds almost in these very words In all and every Hundred let there be Assemblies and that Twelve elderly men of free condition together with the Sheriff Praeposito be sworne that they will not condemn the Innocent or absolve the Guilty So that Mr. Lambert seems to be of opinion that the Common-Law had its origination from King Alured or Alfred who was King of all England and a most victorious pious prudent and glorious Monarch about the year of our Lord 890. And from a most deplorable condition by reason of the Danish invasion and robbery reduced it to a most quiet calm and laid that foundation upon which the body of the Common-Law is since builded But whosoever was the first Founder and Establisher of them certain it is they were antient and Laws which better suit to the nature and disposition of English-men then any other that are or ever were in the world would do 2. As those general Usages or Customs which are generally observed Particular Usages are called the Common-Law so there are almost infinite particular Usages Prescriptions and Customs in several parts of this Nation which are observed as Laws by the Inhabitants of those places and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 3. Statute-Laws are Acts of Parliament which are neither general Statute-Law nor particular Customs but are Laws made by the Kings of this Land in Parliament upon sundry and diverse occasions according to the then occasions as they represented themselves For although all innovations are dangerous and therefore if it were possible no doubt it were best that humane Laws as the Laws of Nature might be immutable and eternal but as God hath created all things transitory and nothing in this world the same the next
at all So that it may be rather termed a Representative of the Free Corporations then a Representative of the Freeborn people of England The House of Commons therefore cannot be a Representative of the Freeborn people of England But suppose them the Representatives of the Freeborn people of this Nor the Supreme Authority of the Nation Nation yet cannot they be the Supreme Authority of it for no power can act beyond the power of its being I say therefore that no Representative can be supreme or superior to the cause of its being The House of Commons therefore cannot be granting it the Representative of the Freeborn people of this Nation the Supreme Authority of the Nation But if the house of Commons be not sent by the people and their Representatives Who creates them and by what right do they make a house of Commons Before we answer this Quaere wee will see of what sorts of men a house Of what sorts of men the house of Commons is compounded of Commons is compounded A house of Commons is compounded of three sorts of men viz. Knights of Counties Citizens sent by Cities and Burgesses of Corporations Barons of the Cinque Ports are the same thing differently expressed with Burgesses of Corporations Now that all Cities Burroughs Corporations and Cinque Ports are not so jure naturali nor by any inherent birthright but from their Charter which is nothing else but the Kings grant is so manifest that I think no man in his wits will deny But all Cities and Corporations are not alike in priviledges but more or less as they are impowred by their Charter or Grant of the King Some Corporations have Liberties Priviledges and are impowred to send Burgesses others have Liberties and Priviledges but not qualified to send Burgesses nay some Cities have Liberties and Priviledges but not endewed with this right of having Representative in the house of Commons as the Cities of Durham and Ely And as neither Cities nor Burroughs are endewed with these their Liberties What creates the house of Commons and Priviledges by any inherent birthright so neither are the Counties nor Inhabitants endewed with any right of sending Knights of their Counties by any inherent birthright for then had all the Counties a like right one as another and all the Inhabitans a like vote and they mighr create representatives as often as they should see occasion But all these are most evidently false for we have shewed before that not only the division of this Nation into Counties was an act of the Kings but all Counties are not alike endewed with this Priviledge some Counties in Wales sending but one and the County of Durham none at all Nor have all men a like vote in electing and yet as much subject to Laws made in Parliament as other men but men only who have 40 s. yearly freehold rent nor can these 40 s. a year men when they will send their representatives What then does impower these to send representatives Why let Sir Ed. Coke say Inst 4. p. 1. Knights of Shires Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Burroughs are respectively elected by the Counties Cities and Burroughs by force of the Kings Writ So that the Kings Writ is the first and efficient cause of the pag. 28. house of Commons as well of the Knights as Citizens and Burgesses the Commons cannot begin nor be dissolved without the King in person or representation If then Rebellion be as the sin of Witchcraft as the Holy Ghost saies Annot. and if crimen lesae Majestatis be the highest crime and impiety as all Lawyers hold and if Gratitude be one the chief of all Moral virtues as all men hold for si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris no man who is an ingrateful man but has rendred himself as if he had committed all manner of wickedness How impious then is it for men only from the Kings grace endewed with this high favor to convert it in opposition and derogation of that power and person from whence they originally received it But they say if the Commons did it then was it done by the people and so just and not to be questioned as if the people were not a thing to be governed and all as much subject to the King and Laws as every one or that a thing just or unjust in it self were more just or unjust because more or fewer did it Will any man say the crucifying of our Saviour was therefore just because many of the Jews did it or that a rout or riot is therefore lawful because done by many men or that it is not paricide or regicide if many Sons and Subjects kill their Parents and King As all the Members of both houses are created by the King so cannot The Parliament cannot begin but by the King these Members be formed into a body but by the King either by his Royal presence or representation By representation two waies either by a Guardian of England by Letters Patents under the great Seal when the King is in remotis out of the Realm or by Commission under the great Seal of Inst 4. p. 6. England to certain Lords of Parliament representing the person of the King he being within the Realm in respect of some infirmity This House is so far from being the Supreme Authority of the Nation The Jurisdiction of the Commons House that they are not a Court of Judicature nor can impose an Oath or take any mans Examination Yet Sir Ed. Coke says Inst 4. 28. that the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court because he says they cannot be prorogued or adjourned but by its self yet gives no more It is true indeed that to many purposes among themselves they do judge their Members and Elections and have a Committee for Religion but these things are more of custom whether good or bad I cannot tell then of any original right that I know or ever heard of And Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. 11. says They being the general Inquisitors of the Realm have principal care in the beginning of Parliaments to appoint Committees of Grievances both in Church and Commonwealth of Courts of Justice of Priviledges and of Advancement of Trade They have been wont too ever since the Statute de Tallagie non concedendo of course to grant the King Aids in extraordinary cases The House of Peers assisted as aforesaid are the Supreme Court of The Jurisdiction of the House of Lords Judicature in this Nation not only to judge whether matters presented to them by the Commons be fit or requisite for the King to pass into Laws as Monsieur Bodin well observes who disputes this better then any of our English Lawyers that I know of has done but also of Writs of Error and of matters of Fact either not determinable in other Courts or else when though they are determinable in other Courts yet in regard of nicety or
vero Regi prout ipsa feret facti ratio satisfacito aut graves sceleris admissi poenas rex ipse repetito Christiana siquidem fide imbuti regis est Deo illatas graviter pro facti ratione ulcisci injurias If any one entred into Holy Orders or one living with him be imposed upon or cheated in those things which belong to his estate or life then let the King himself unless he can procure it otherwise be to him in place of Patron and Kindred but the Cheator shall make the King satisfaction according to the valure of the fact or the King himself shall take great punishment of the wickedness committed for it is the part of a King endued with Christian religion severely to punish injuries according to the quality of the deed offered to God 10. For the proving of this Sir Edward Coke in the Proeme to the The antient Common-law did not admit of Appeals to Rome in cases Spiritual sixth Part of his Reports cites an Act of Parliament made 10 H. 2. an 1164. where it was enacted As concerning Appellations if any shall arise from the Archdeacon they must proceed to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Archbishop and if the Archbishop do fail in doing Justice it must lastly come to the King that by his precept the controversie may be ended in the Archbishops Court so that there ought not to be any proceeding further without the assent of the King And that this among many other might not taste of innovation the Record saith This recognition or record was made of a certain part of the customs and liberties of the Predecessors of the King to wit of Henry his Grandfather and of other Kings which ought to be observed in the Kingdom and held of all for the dissentions and discords often arising between the Clergy and our Soveraign Lord the Kings Justicers and the Peers of the Realm And all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Clergy with the Earls Barons and all the Nobles c. have sworne and assuredly promised in the word of mouth in one consent to keep and observe the said recognition toward the King and his heirs in good sooth without evil meaning for ever 11. The Revenue of Danegelt was first enacted because of Pyrates The Kings before the Conquest by their own authority did impose Taxes upon Church-lands For infesting the Country they did persist as much as they could to the devastation of it And to repress their insolence the yearly return of Danegelt was enacted viz. Twelve pence for every Hide of all the Country Mr. Selden in lib. 2. cap. 4. Analecton Anglobritannicon fol. 77. makes a Hide of land to be as much as could be tilled by one plough in a year Mr. Lambert in the Laws of King Edward fol. 128. makes a Hide to be one hundred acres of land to maintain them who should resist the irruption of the Pyrates when they met them But from the Danegelt every Church should be free and quiet and all land which was in the dominion of the Church wheresoever it lay paying nothing at all in such redemption for men did more confide in the prayers of the Church then in the defence of arms But if Lex vult non supervacaneum then is it clear that the Church-lands were liable to be taxed by the King for it had been a supervacaneous thing to have excepted the lands of the Church in this Law if the lands of the Church had not been liable to have been taxed at all And to manifest more clearly that the exemption of Church-land from Taxes was a meer concession of our Kings take the Stat. of Ethelulph the successor of Egbert written Analect Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 77. with his own hand Our Lord reigning for ever Whilst that we see perillous times in our days the fire of war the taking away of our goods together with the cruel depredations of our destroying enemies and barbarous Pagan nations do lie upon us the multiplied tribulations do afflict us even to utter destruction Wherefore I Ethelulph King of the West-Saxons with the councel of the Bishops and my Princes giving wholsom councel and the only remedy have consented I have determined that every portion given to the holy Church whether of either Sex serving God or to miserable Lay-men always the tenth Mansion where it is least or the tenth part of all Goods be made for ever free that it be safe and defended from all secular services yea from the Kings greater or lesser tributes or the taxations which we call Winterden and that it be free of all things for the forgiveness of our souls and sins to serve God alone without Expedition building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle 12. If King Ethelbert were obliged to S. Gregory for the Conversion At what time the Pope first usurped jurisdiction over the Crown of England of the English Saxons to the Faith Prince Edgar Athelin was smally beholding to Pope Alexander 2. For Edgar being Grandson to Edmund Ironside and the undoubted Heir to the English Monarchy after the death of Edward the Confessor Alexander not only allows the Conquerors pretensions to the Crown of England but interdicts all those who should Speed fol. 405. par 27. See the effects of the Popes curse Speed fol. 415. par 2. oppose him So that though Harold were an Usurper yet was his Holiness his Interdiction as much against the undoubted Title of Edgar as against Harold Nor were all titles of rights and interests of the English Monarchy ever perfect and compleat from that time until they were all united and perfected in King James 13. How far the Britanick Churches were from any dependence upon At what time the first contest hapned between the King Pope about the investiture of Bishops the Church of Rome we have already shewed And so free were the Churches of England under the Saxon Kings before the Conquest that before the Appeal of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Paschal 2. scarce any Appeal was ever made to Rome but that of Wilfreds which was overruled by the King and Church So that for near a thousand years after the Conversion of the Britains and Saxons to the Faith although by means of S. Eleutherius and Gregory the Great we do not find any thing which may prove the superiority of the Roman Church over either the Britanick or English And how strange a thing the investiture of the English Bishops by the Pope was to the King and Kingdom of England appears by the Letter of Paschal to Anselm in answer to Anselm's Significasti Reges De Elect. Pet. cap. 4. Regni Majores admiratione promotos c. You have signified to me that Kings and Nobles were moved with admiration that the Pall was offered to you by our Ministers upon condition that you should take an Oath which they brought you written from us And the King not only opposed
often gone out of the Church and Priests houses having restored the thing taken away let him abjure the Province and not return and if by chance he shall return let no man presume to entertain him unless he have leave from the King Of breaking the Peace of the Church If any one shall violently infringe the Peace of the Church the Justice Cap. 7. belongs to the Bishops but if one guilty in avoiding their Judgement or arrogantly contemning it shall despise it let the complaint thereof be brought to the King within forty days and let the Kings Justice make him give Security and Pledges if he can get them until he first give God afterward the Church satisfaction But if within one and thirty days either by his friends or acquaintance or by the Justice of the King he cannot be found out the King shall Outlaw him by the word of his own mouth i. e. he shall be excluded out of all protection of the King But if after he shall be found and can be retained let him be restored alive to the King or his head if he shall defend himself Lupinum enim gerit caput which in English is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the common and general Law concerning all men Outlawed Of the Tithes to be restored to the Church of Sheep and Hoggs 8. The tenth sheaf of all kinde of corn is due to God and therefore to be restored to God And if any one hath a company of Mares let him restore the tenth colt to God he who hath but one or two for every single colt one single peny In like maner who hath many Cowes the tenth calf who hath but one or two for every calf one single halfpeny and who make Cheese give to God the tenth but if he make none milk the tenth day In like maner the tenth Lamb the tenth Fleece the tenth Cheese the tenth Butter and the tenth Hogg Of Bees In like maner the tenth of the profit of Bees as also of under-Wood In some these two Chapters are joyned of Meadow and Waters and Mills Parks Warrens Fishponds tender Sprouts and Gardens and Merchandize and all other things which God shall give the tenth part is to be restored to him who gave the nine parts together with the tenth who shall have detained it let him be compelled to restitution by the Justice of the Bishop and King if need be For these things St. Augustine hath Preached and are granted by the King Barons and People but afterwards by the instinct of the Devil many have detained it and Priests careless of growing rich did not care to take pains to get them because they had sufficient means of living For in many places now there are three or four Churches where then there was but onely one and so they began to be diminished Of them who are judged to be brought to Judgment or Water by the Cap. 9. Justice of the King In that day wherein Judgment ought to be done let the Minister of the Bishop and his Clerks come thither and in like manner the Justice of the King with Legal men of that Province who may see and hear that all things be rightly done and whom the Lord by his mercy will save let them be quit and freely depart and whom the iniquity of the fault the Lord shall not condemn let the Justice of the King do justice upon them But the Barons who have their jurisdiction of their men let them see that they do so concerning them as they incur not displeasure with God and offend not the King And if a Suit does arise concerning men of other Baronies in their Courts let the Justice of the King be present because without it the Suit cannot be determined If any of the Barons hath not Justice in the Hundred where the Plea shall be holden it shall be determined at the next Church where the Judgment of the King shall be saving the Right of those Barons Of Romescot 10. Every one who shall have Thirty pence of current money in his house of his own property by the Law of England shall pay a Peter penny and by the Law of the Danes half a Mark But that penny ought to be summoned upon the Feasts of the Apostles Peter and Paul and collected at the Feast which is called To the Bonds so that it be not detained beyond that day If any one shall longer detain it let complaint be brought to the justice of the King because this penny is the Alms of the King and it is justice he cause this penny to be restored and the forfeiture of the Bishop and King But if a man hath more houses let him restore the Peter-penny for that wherein he resides upon the feast of Peter and Paul the Apostles Of the Office of the King and of the Right and Appendixes of the 17. Crown of the Kingdom of Britain And the King because he is the Vicar of the highest King and to this purpose ordained that he may both govern and rule the terrene kingdom and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church and that he defend the same from wrong-doers and destroy and root out workers of mischief Besides these Sir Ed. Coke in Cawdries Case instances in King Kenulph for that King Kenulph by his Letters Patents with the consent and councel of his Bishops and Senators of his Kingdom did give to the Monastery of Abingdon in the County of Berks and to one Ruchnius then Abbot of the said Monastery c. a certain portion of his Country c. and that the said Ruchnius c. should be ever free from Ecclesiastical right or jurisdiction and that the Inhabiters of it from thenceforth be kept under the yoke of no Bishop or their Officials but in all events of things and discussions of causes they be subject to the Decree of the Abbot of the Monastery aforesaid And that this Charter was above * * Counting to the time Sir Ed. Coke wrote 850 years since which was in the year 755. and after confirmed by Edwin of Britain King and Monarch of Englishmen and this Grant did continue until the dissolution of the Abby by Henry the 8. So that the Kings of this Nation have not only of antient time been Nursing fathers to Gods Church and have exercised their Regal power over the persons of all their Subjects in all cases but have even dispensed with and conferred Episcopal jurisdiction But this was only matter of fact and done but only in one place nor was it ever established by a Law before the Statute of Lollard and by Henry the Eight and the First of Eliz. Yet it was afterward as shall appear in the next Chap. used by divers Kings and often adjudged by the Judges before Henry the Eighth CHAP. III. Ecclesiastical Laws made by William the First who began to reign in the year of Christ 1067. THat Nations and Kingdoms
Nor was that less abhorrent to me which men in this factious age beg for a Principle viz. That all men by Nature or the Law of Nature are in a like equal condition and that the Laws of Nature are eternal and immutable even by God himself And yet by a continued violence upon these eternal and immutable Laws men should every where in the world live in Society or in the mutual offices of commanding and obeying Yet did not I so confidently resolve these things as to exclude what I could argue against them I therefore did suppose in my self a company of such men as were in a parity of condition yet could I never conceive it possible that ever any Civitas or Supreme power could be derived or created by them For either this Civitas must be superior to the Cives or People that made it or not If it were not superior to it then could it not govern or rule them for dominion is always placed in the superior part If superior to it then was the Creature or Instrument superior to the Cause and Creator which is most absurd Nor was it to me less monstrous to imagine that any thing could give or transfer that to another which it self hath not but this people or multitude who should make this civitas had neither Jus vitae or necis nor Property seperately nor conjunctly they could not therefore endue another with that power which none of them nor all of them together had and without which there can be no supream power which may protect and defend Subjects But I did not insist onely upon this but supposed that the cives could make a civitas which should be superior to them and endew it with a power which none of them nor all of them had yet was I no less perplexed then before who these cives which should make this civil Pact should be and who should be subject to it If onely those be the cives who made this civitas and they onely subject to it then were Women and Children who were none of the cives that made this civitas free and independent from it Nor could all the people or multitude of both Sexes and all Ages in such an imaginary state be the cives which must constitute this civitas by virtue of the civil Pact For many must necessarily be so yong as not being compotes mentium they could have understanding sufficient for the doing such an act And if no Laws oblige Men to their Pacts and Contracts done under such an age then sure it must be unreasonable that Children and Infants should be obliged to their act if they then did it or therefore obliged because others had done it upon whom they had no dependence Well but suppose these men in such a condition to be qualified to do such an act yet did another doubt arise which I could no ways salve viz. Who should define at what age the Men should be who should constitute this civitas Well I went yet further I supposed it granted That it should be agreed at what age Men in such a condition might give up their wills and constitute a civitas yet was it not in reason probable that this civitas should be of one days continuance For being formally constituted of such individual cives it could not be of any longer continuance then the cause Sublata causa tollitur effectus but the next day some of the cives would be probably dead and others grown up to be of age who were none of those individuals which did constitute the civitas Well but I supposed the cives who made Formae rerum sicut numeri consistunt in indivisibili They could not therefore be the cives that did constitute the civitas and by consequence no such could remain as the civitas this civitas to be immortal and no posterity yet could not I in reason expect it to be of any continuance for cujus est velle ejus est nolle and not onely all just and legal actions but all Arts and Sciences may truly and ultimately be resolved into their first Principles without any diminution to them The People therefore constant in nothing but inconstancy could not in reason be expected constant and obedient to their Creature the civitas onely and yet so in nothing else Besides I always did believe and yet do that all Mens Pacts and Wills must be conformable to the Laws of every place and where they are against them then do they oblige no further then to Repentance Much more therefore ought all mens Wills and Pacts to conform and submit to the Laws of Nature and never transgress that and that all Pacts and Acts of mens Wills made against it oblige to nothing but Repentance Nor is there any thing more abominable then to conceive that the Acts of mens Wills should irritate the Law of Nature which they say is immutable by God Hence it is I conceive that Mr. Hobbs will not have all men to be of a like and equal condition lege naturae but jure naturae and therefore most absurdly makes jus naturae to be contrary to lex naturae and yet oftentimes in his Preface and Cap. 8. Art 10. confounds jus with lex and that the Acts of mens Wills to make them in a better estate then God hath made them should be the Law of Nature or of God Whereas on the contrary If no man that ever was born in the World which was not a Posthumus King but was born in subjection not onely to his Parents or as a Servant in a Family but to something superior to these then cannot the will of that man nor all the men in the World alter or make that man in another condition then that whereof neither any act of his will nor the will of any man else was the cause But yet did not I conclude things onely as I was an intellectual or rational Creature but being a Christian I submitted all my Reason and Understanding to the most high Authority of sacred Scripture in those plain places which admit of no Controversie where both in the Old and New Testament the first causes of supream Power are owned to be Gods Ordinance Rom. 13. By God Kings raign and Princes decree Prov. 8. Justice and there can be no power but from above Joh. 19. 11. And all power is in relation to something subject to it But because I would not seem to see only with mine own eyes I desired yet to be better informed of these things and from whom better then Mr. Hobbs and Hugo Grotius Men no doubt of as eminent learning and parts as any this last Age hath produced these Men both derive their civitas from such Principles as is before spoken of viz. From the Pacts and contracts of Men in a parity and equal condition but so far was I from being convinced that if I understand them aright I was amazed to see such inconsistible
established several Laws for manners and by them have been often altered but that there is no such thing as the Law of Nature and that all men as well as other creatures are naturally carried to their profits And so there is no such thing as Justice or if there were it were the greatest folly because men by endeavoring the good of others prejudice themselves Since the Grecians and Romans were the first who in the world did make all power to be from the People I suppose that Mr. Hobbs and Grotius took their Principles from them Let us see whether by the People they understand the same thing with the Romans and Grecians or the same thing with one another By the People of Rome or Athens the Romans and Athenians understood them and them only who were civitate donati and not men born in a promiscuous rout and parity without all order and subordination but made so by violent usurpation By the People Mr. Hobbs understands the King or Court governing By the People Grotius every where I believe for he no where that I can find defines the People understands the Subjects governed and they who in a parity or equal condition constituted the Civitas Upon these and many other considerations and observations upon them I was so far from being convinc'd that I became much more firmly established then before in my Judgment for Opinion I will not have of those things wherein I am possest of the constant practice of the world in all ages places the plain undubitable and uncontrolled places of Scripture both in the Old and New Testament and no colour of allegation against them from any other places the Authority of the highest Philosopher my Country-Laws and all those Theses and Axiomes upon which almost all Reason and Philosophy are grounded and these things opposed by such monstrous feigned equivocal and silly beggings of the question which no man not blinded with faction or stupid ignorance can grant yet had not these Observations become publique if it had not been upon an odd occasion which was Upon a time being with a Brother-in-law a Kinsman of mine at dinner came to my Brothers where in discourse he asked me if I had seen a Book of Tho. Whites called The Grounds of Obedience and Government I answered no nor did I desire to see any thing of his doing having conceived a prejudice of the Mans ability and ingenuity He confidently replied that I should be convinced if I did but read it and that he would send me the book Yet was I so far from accepting his courtesie that I importunately desired him not to do it But he notwithstanding all importunity on purpose sent his man with it that night to me being at that time much afflicted with my wonted Melancholy which became more excited when I had read some part of it And seeing a thing so sensless and void of all humanity to be imposed upon the world which questionless was intended to prefer some Faction or Interest of his and yet forsooth he tells us it is a second Edition corrected and amended by the Author wheresoever therefore I name our Author I mean Tho. White Gent. I did in detestation of the Thing not of the Man for I never saw him in all my life set my self to make these Observations upon it He harps upon the same string with Mr. Hobbs and Grotius That all Supreme Power is originally created by Mens wills subject to it Yet being a fine Gentleman in quirpo he dances a Galliard by himself and most senselesly makes men out of society to be a Rational multitude and to have Property before they had Laws or Government and to be a People after they had given up their power to another to govern them But lest it should be objected that though our Author be hood-winked yet Mr. Hobbs and Grotius might be very clear-sighted and bare-faced I thought it not amiss to make these Observations upon them also As a Preparative to a Purge I pray Reader take these few Notes 1. First I say they falsly derive Government For though they all differ in the manner of it yet is all Government so far from being so derived as any of them would have it in the first Institution that if any of them can shew any one Government so derived since the beginning of the world I will yeeld the cause 2. They feign that for a Principle which never was viz. That men by nature are in a parity or equal condition For never were men since the Creation in any age or place of the world in such a condition But suppose somewhere in the world it might have been found that men in a like condition did by their acts and wills form themselves into a Society yet is it a most unreasonable thing to conclude from thence that all power in Government is from the People For Singulars are deduced and concluded from Universals not Universals by Singulars 3. The Principle they beg is destructive to all good manners for Justice is the fountain of all humane Virtues and Morality as all Philosophers and best and wisest men hold And if Justice be the duty which men owe their Superiors and that it may be truly and ultimately resolved into the first cause without any detriment or damage to it and if all order superiority and power in Government may truly and ultimately be resolved into the People or the wills of the Subjects or Party governed then the wills of the Subjects being the fountain and first cause of all Order and Justice that is Justice in the People to do what they list then which nothing can be more destructive to all Virtue Justice and Good manners 4. It is damnably destructive to Faith for All powers are of God Rom. 13. and No power can be given but from above S. John 19. 11. Nor were these Men when they wrote their several Treatises De Cive De Jure Belli Pacis and Grounds of Obedience and Government much better in their Religion if I conceive a right Notion of Religion viz. That it is Actus Divini cultus or the Publick worship and service of God in an unity form and communion then their Writings shew them to be for Justice and Government For though our Author be a Pretender to be of the Religion of the Church of Rome yet it would trouble the greatest Critique of this Age to shew where the Religion of either of the other were to be found And who but such men as these would pin their faith upon the tales and fictions of Poets before the most venerable and sacred Authority of Holy Scripture Nor can the eldest of Poets writings be compared in antiquity with the Scriptures For if it could Cur supra bellum Thebanum funera Trojae Non alias alii quoque res cecinêre Poetae And the Theban and Trojan War hapned after the Year of the World 2750. The Trojan War about the time
Lex naturae is that which is so willed or commanded by God I deny therefore that any Creature can have Jus divinum but that all right which any Creature hath is either from some Divine or Humane law Jus naturae is superior and must precede Lex naturae By Art 3. cap. 1. Every man hath Jus naturae Therefore every man hath a right above the Law of Nature and so Mr. Hobbs may save himself the trouble of his Philosophical Elements De Civie For since he makes every man above the Law of Nature sure he can never make him subject to any Humane Law 25. It is impossible for the Civil Law to command any thing contrary to Cap. 14. ar 10. the Law of Nature Observ Is it not a wonderful thing that this man should make the Civitas to be a humane Artifice and invention and the Law of Nature to be the immutable Law of God and yet that it should be impossible that this Artifice or created Deity to command any thing contrary to this immutable Law of God Sure the greatest Papalian never ascribed so much to the Pope in Cathedra I will then tell him wherein the Civitas may command Wherein the Civitas may command contrary to the Law of Nature contrary to the Law of Nature and wherein he is mistaken The Laws of Nature are either upon supposition of Humane Laws or not upon supposition of Humane Laws as Thou shalt not steal supposes a Humane Law which gives Property but Honor thy Parents Be grateful for benefits received c. supposes no Humane Law And therefore if the Civitas commands me to dishonor my Parents or to be ingrateful for benefits received which de facto it may this being but a Humane Law I am notwithstanding obliged to honor my Parents and be grateful for benefits received But Mr. Hobbs supposing no Laws of Nature but upon supposition of Humane Laws is the reason I conceive why he says It is impossible for the Civitas to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet will he have one exception viz. That the Civitas commands nothing Ibidem Observ 2. to the contumely of God If a man should ask him whether there be no Law of Nature but the Honoring of God If there be no other Law of Nature then to what purpose are all his Laws of Nature of standing to Pacts of seeking Peace c. Well but if men by the Law of Nature are obliged to honor God and it be impossible as he says for the Civitas to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature then is it impossible for the Civitas to command any thing to the contumely of God and so he has made a needless exception But it may be he does not think that men by the Law of Nature are bound to honor God for he has not so much as mentioned it in his Laws of Nature For then they are no Laws Mr. Hobbs Yes the Statues of Omri were Statutes although they commanded to the contumely of God and so was Nebuchadnezors command for the worshiping Observ 3. the Golden Image a Law though made to the contumely and dishonor of God Whereas he saies Quid sit Adulterium does depend upon the Civitas I would know of him whether it were Adultery in David in lying with Bathsheba Observ 4. during Uriahs life if it were then is it not true which Mr. Hobbs here saies if it were not then did God unjustly so severely to punish him therefore Tyranny is not a State of a City different from rightful Monarchy Cap. 7. art 3. Observ True upon your false and feigned Principles where the wills and pacts of men are made the cause and origination of all Power in Government where Mens wills are made their Laws then which nothing can be more destructive to all Laws divine and humane and the most Wilful man should be the most Just man for to what purpose should there be any Laws Divine or Humane if a Man 's own will be a rule and Law to himself and by this Mans principles it is only mens wills from which all Power in Government is derived and to which Men ought to be subject Yet good Man some difference he makes viz. only in the exercise Mr. Hobbs of their Power he forsooth is a King that rules well and he is a Tyrant that rules otherwise Observ As if Absoloms kissing the Israelites when they came to demand Justice and his desire to judge the people righteously had made him a good Title to the Crown of Israel or that Jeroboam or Athaliah had not been Usurpers but very Rightful Princes if they had ruled well But though he makes no difference between Swordbearers and Swordtakers between Gods Ministers and Theeves and Robbers yet the Holy Ghost does for Gods Minister is a Swordbearer and if he be not Gods Minister and a Rom. 13. 4. Swordbearer but a Swordtaker as our Saviour calls them who have not a St. Matth. 26. 52. just Authority then whosoever sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man And if ever Man had a just Gen. 9. 6. cause to have taken the sword then had St. Peter in defence of his Lord God and Master but our Saviour reprehends him telling him that whosoever takes the Sword shall perish by the Sword And it is not wicked men whom Usurpers Tyrants and Swordtakers so much murder for it is no better as vertuous and honest The worst of private Malefactors may justly with the Whore in Terence answer to the best of Swordtakers if there be any degree of goodness in any of them quamvis ego digna sum hac contumelia maxime indignus tamen tu qui feceris And whereas he only makes Tyrannus ab exercitio it is false for the abuse of a thing does not alter the nature of a thing as a Man is a Man although a bad Man who abuses those good parts which God hath given him so is a Father and a Master a Father and Master yet bad ones where they abuse their Power and so is a King a King although he abuses his Power and the Holy Ghost many times calls them wicked and idolatrous Kings c. but never Tyrants as this Man does I would here gladly be satisfied of Mr. Hobbs how if God made Man Cap. 1. art 12. and Cap. 8. art 10. in the state of pure nature as he saies in such a cut-throatly condition and so much worse than any other creature that men might jure naturali everlastingly kill one another and commit no offence if the King or Civitas does not restrain it God could in justice have punished Cain for killing Abel Cap. 6. art 16. if Cain or Abel had not gone to Do or Dedi and not to Dabo or Faciam with Adam and made him their King or Civitas over them and Adam have given them
Right or Law ab hac Grotius juris significatione flowed another larger which he saies a little after consists in discerning what delights or hurts us and in judging how things should be wisely distributed Observ What is there in this which is proper to Man does not every other Creature by an instinct in nature which God has given instead of reason discern much better then any Man does what thing delights and hurts them and all oviparal creatures more wisely distribute to their young ones then the wisest Man can to his Children He defines jus naturale to be Dictatum rectae rationis indicans actui Lib. 1. cap. 1. para 10. alicui ex ejus convenientia aut disconvenientia cum ipsa natura rationali inesse moralem turpitudinem aut necessitatem moralem ac consequenter ab auctore naturae Deo talem actum aut vetari aut praecipi The Law of nature is the dictate of right reason shewing to any action from its convenience or disconvenience with Rational nature that there is in it a Moral turpitude or a Moral necessity and consequently such an act is commanded or forbidden by God the Author of Nature Observ Would not any man after all this adoe expect that Grotius had defined something But if definitio be exclusio aequivoci then is that no definition which may signifie one thing as well as another and if humane actions convenient or disconvenient with Rational nature may be prudent and profitable aswell as Just and Moral then is there not in every action convenient and disconvenient with the Rational nature a Moral turpitude or necessity and so every such action is not the Law of Nature and so neither commanded nor forbidden by God But I forgive Grotius in this not having defined any thing less equivocally as also his every where confounding jus with lex in regard the Romans Civilians and generally Lawyers do so yet thus much I do affirm that if jus and lex according to Calepine do differ as Genus and Species or at least as the cause and effect for it is impossible there should be lex lata where there was not jus legislativum superior and the cause of the Law then he which writes of these things must distinguish and define them or he shall never write clearly or be clearly understood in any thing which he writes of them But though he makes jus naturale to be dictatum rectae rationis viz. a liberty or abstinence to every Man to do or not do whatsoever is reasonable Lib. 1. cap. 1. Parag. 10. to him and that this jus is the Law of God and unalterable by God himself yet without giving any reason for it he saies Sciendum est praeterea c. It is to be further known that natural Right or Law does not only act concerning those things which are above a Mans will but concerning many things which follow a mans will So Dominion which is now brought in use mans will brought in But being brought in it is wickedness in me to take against thy will that which Natural law or right Jus naturale shews to be of thy dominion Observ So that his Principles before were either equivocal or obscure And here is one which signifies contradictory and impossible things These things therefore granted and being the easie and known Principles upon which Grotius laies his foundation and so plain and perspicuous as no exception nay not so much as equivocation can be taken against them any of them or any part of them Sure he shall not need much to use the help of Geometry to build a most exact and noble Structure which shall not only be a Land-mark but also a Sea-mark for all Kings and Common-wealths now and hereafter to govern and steer their actions by tam per mare quà m per terram as well by Land as Sea but also a secure Rule for Subjects to continue their obedience until they pretend a necessity for rebellion if otherwise they cannot find some relief out of such popular Orators as Cicero Demosthenes Cleon c. which Grotius shall esteem of like weight with any testimony of Scripture It is a most pleasant thing to see the excellencie of Truth in her pure and simple nakedness how plain easie and beautiful she appears whereas Falshood with all the art learning and industry of man is still rendred more perplext confused and dark by how much is added to it And therefore to what a volume here has Grotius increased his Jus Naturale Sometime it is Jus divinum voluntarium jus divinum jus humanum jus humanum voluntarium jus gentium jus civile jus latius patens jus arctius patens jus constitutum jus immutabile jus commune jus gladii jus divinum perfectius jus belli solenne jus belli minus solenne jus precarium jus revocabile jus usufructuarium jus temporarium jus armorum movendorum magistratuum minorum jus naturae pro certo statu jus rectorium jus aequatorium jus superveniens regis jus externum jus internum jus exterorum supervenienti dominio jus pignoris jus retentionis jus servitutis jus luendi pignoris jus transeundi jus morandi jus habitandi jus habendi loca deserta jus reductive jus restrictive jus gentium improprie jus derelictum jus quaesitum jus feciale jus externum efficax jus reale jus inventionis jus primi occupantis jus proprietatis jus possessionis jus dominii jus herile jus paternum c. Whereas if he had made use of that plain and short Sentence which the greatest Glory of all the Heathen Roman Emperors professed he learned Alex. Severus of the Christians Quod tibi fieri non vis ne feceris alteri it would have signified infinitely more then is contained in all the confused obscurity which he imposes upon the world in this Book De Jure Belli Pacis founded upon this false and feigned Principle of the Original right and power of the People from whence he derives all power in Government For art thou a Subject thou wouldest not willingly any man should forceably or fraudulently take any thing which the Law has given thee from thee Do not thou so by another Is he a King he would not have his Subjects wronged by another Let not him wrong another Kings Subjects If one Subject does another wrong the Law is open he who is wronged may have relief by Action or Complaint not by Arms. If one King does wrong to another he who is wronged has God and his sword to defend himself and do justice upon his Adversary And whether the doing or not doing such a thing be wrong or injury is every King and not Grotius Judge and God the Judge of every King It is true that in all Faculties whatsoever and in all Arts and Sciences men must use Terms to express what they conceive by any general Notion and Thesis Et ab universalibus ad particularia ratiocinando oritur scientia and must alter their Terms
it be that when God shall have called thee to his Kingdom which alone is better then thine thou maist confidently say I have received this sword from thee for defence of Justice this sword I return to thee pure and undefiled rashly guilty of no bloodshed Observ So that if he saies true that Lewis the 13. had his sword of Justice from God then does he say false here and in twenty places more that all Power of Governing is from the wills of the people Well but let us suppose a King made by the People which is the party governing and which is the party governed all Government being in the predicament of Relation where there is any one to govern or command there must be another to be governed and commanded Well then here are two the People and the King made by the People the one to govern the other to be governed Say now which is the party governing the King or the People it cannot be that the King should be the governing party for he is but a Creature and a thing made by the People and the Creator cannot be ruled and governed by the Creature the People then must be the party governing and the King must be the party governed the King therefore of France whom he so much flatters and all other Kings whatsoever from this determination of Grotius are the governed party and the People their Subjects are the governing party If therefore it be impossible to serve two Masters who by equal right command I would fain know how it is possible for a King to obey above Ten hundred thousand every one of his Subjects having as much right to command him as another and it is very like indeed to be a very well ordered Government and much conducing to the benefit and safety of the People where there is many Hundred thousands commanding and one individual person obeying But good Man he is very careful that though the People give Kings all their Regal Power that they part not with too much nay though they make Kings yet if you beleeve him they part with nothing at all for otherwhere he saies Imperium quod per Reges exercetur non desinit impeperium Lib. 2. cap. 16. Para. 16. populi Is not here a pretty play of a King and no King a King without Power and a People with all Power So that at the same time that he flatters Lewis the 13. by telling him neither King nor People are Judges of his succession he had before given the People of France a power of altering the right of succession without doing any wrong to his Son Lewis the 14 who now rules for he was res non existens when he wrote this book De jure belli pacis Sometime neither as Hogan Mogan nor stipendary to Lewis the 13 Lib. 2. cap. 7. Para. 25. directly where he saies In alienable Kingdoms the King may disinherit his heir Observ Who gave him his Fee to say this We cannot think it was Lewis he denies all his Grounds to pleasure him yet latet anguis in herba it may be because Henry the First was younger Son to Robert and Robert disposessed his eldest Son who bare his name and made his younger Son King from whom Lewis derives himself But how then can this stand with the 27 Para. that neither King nor People are Judges in succession or if Power which is exercised by a King does not cease the Power of the People then cannot Lib. 2. cap. 16 Para. 16. Kings give away their Kingdoms nor disinherit their Heirs for delegata potestas non potest participari Observ Well let us see his reason for this He says Such a Kingdom is like other alienable goods Here the right of the alienation of a Kingdom is well proved viz. I may give a poor man a penny and therefore a King may disinherit his Heir or give his Kingdom to whom he pleases And so he says Jacob did disinherit Ruben Observ What Kingdom was then given by any people to Jacob to which Ruben was Heir Besides for ought he knows or can find by Cicero Tacitus Demosthenes Cleon or any tale told by any Poet the time when Jacob lived and died was then when all things were common and undivided and how then could Jacob disinherit Ruben Observ Another Instance for the right of Alienation is of Davids disinheriting Grotius Adonijah Whether this be true read 1 Chron. cap. 28. v. 5 6 7. And of all my sons for the Lord hath given me many sons he hath chosen Solomon my son to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over Israel And he said unto me Solomon thy son he shall build my house and my courts for I have chosen him to be my son and I will be his father Moreover I will establish his kingdom for ever if he be constant to do my commandments and my judgments as at this day Nor was it for any crime Adonijah did not reign after David for David had sworne Solomon should reign before Adonijah's usurpation 1 King 1. 13. Mr. Hobbs makes no doubt but a Monarch may choose his Successor and Cap. 7. art 15. Cap. 9. art 12. by his will dispose of the Supreme power of the City And in the next Article he gives him leave to give it or sell it to whom he will Observ King James was observed to make his Honors vile because he exposed them to sale and so conferred them upon unworthy men not as they deserved them but they were able to pay for them thereby to satisfie his hungry Countrimen who were daily begging boons of him How vile would this man make Majesty how light the ligeance which is due not only by nature but by oath from all Subjects to their rightful Soveraigns And The Crown of England has been so free at all times that it hath no earthly St. 16. Ric. 2. cap. 5. subjection but immediately subject to God touching the regality of the same Crown and to no other And it is declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament upon demand made by the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. par p. 15. Crown whereto they are sworne How this can be consistent with this mans Sale of Crowns I do not understand Our Author is so in love with his Supreme and Absolute Trustee that let him but do what he list and he may say with Tiberius Caesar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When I am dead let the earth be mingled with fire Bodin in the last Chapter of his Republique because neither from Plato's nor Xenophon's opinion he can find Justice to consist in Geometrical nor Arithmetical proportion will therefore have it to consist in Harmonical he not understanding harmonical proportion For he makes it consist in four terms viz. 4. 6. 8. 12. and what proportion
King comes to be in the exercise of another Kings power he is subject to that King so long as he continues in the exercise or dominion of that King By more reason therefore ought the Subjects of any Prince to be in subjection to Supreme powers so long as they continue in the exercise of their power whether it were by Conquest or not Besides God hath ordained Supreme powers for mens preservation not their destruction And there must be some visible power upon earth which may put a period to and decide differences or they will be endless But there is no power under heaven but their sword that can put a period to the differences of Princes what therfore in such case the sword decides ought to be obeyed and the conquered Subjects nay Princes who come into the dominion or exercise of anothers power ought to be subject to it so long as they continue therein God therefore pronounceth Zedekiah a Rebel against Nebuchadnezzer But this reason cannot 1 Chro. 36. 13. hold for Subjects against their Soveraign where the Law may decide their Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by any humane or voluntary act differences and where by no Law of God or Man they are permitted to take the sword 26. Cujus est velle ejus est nolle No power less then that which made any thing can alter it But Regal power is Gods ordinance therefore nothing less then the power of God can alter transfer or communicate it Yet is the exercise of it subject to violence As Gravia sursum levia deorsum feruntur yet may a man by violence throw a stone upward and depress smoke from ascending without altering the nature of either So though Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by Man yet is the exercise of it not only subject to violence and usurpation but also being voluntary may be suspended by Supreme powers themselves without any diminution of the power or right of exercise of it When therefore Subjects or Enemies do unjustly invade and possess the Dominion of another this possession does not divest the right or jus ad rem of that other but only suspend the exercise of the others power or right during such usurpation So may a King by a league or peace with others by his act suspend the exercise of his power in any place unjustly usurped from him by others yet without diminution of his power or right to that place But this act cannot oblige his Successor nor himself after such term but they have a just cause of war if it be noâ— restored Having thus far treated of the efficient or final cause of Regal power it is time to descend to the Attributes of it CHAP. III. Of the Attributes of Regal power and incidently of the Power of Magistrates 1. WHo hath the Supreme power hath the sword of Justice to punish The sword of Justice is his who hath the Supreme power them who transgress Laws and endeavour to cause sedition He is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil be afraid for he beareth not the sword in vain for he is the Minister of God a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil Rom. 13. 4. And Gods rod in his hand Exod. 17. 9. 2. The end of all Government is either to preserve the governed inwardly The power of making War and Peace belongs to the Supreme power in peace or to defend them from the outward violence and opposition of others In vain therefore should Government be if he who hath the Supreme power may not as well defend Subjects from the violence of others outwardly as to preserve them from factions and feditions within And this power God gave to Moses Joshuah David and all the Kings of Judah nor can any King be a Supreme Prince without it nor the governed in a probable condition of hoping for preservation from it 3. Judgment is the determining of a good or bad action which cannot All Judgment is with him be in any who is subject to another What therefore could be a more subtile temptation of the Devil to our first Parents then to tell them Gen. 3. 5. that by eating the forbidden fruit they should be like to God knowing good and evil Solomon as the most requisite thing prays to God that he would give him an understanding heart that he might be able to judge between good and bad 1 King 3. 9. And The King by judgment establisheth the land Pro. 29. 4. And Give the King thy judgments O God and thy righteousness to the Kings Son that he may judge the people according to right and defend the poor Psal 72. 1 2. 4. The right of making Laws is with him The Scepter shall not depart Jus legislativum penes eum from Judah nor a Lawgiver from between his feet until Shilo come Gen. 49. 10. Submit your selves therefore to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supreme 1 Pet. 2. 12. And this is the onely visible means by which Subjects may become safe rich and happy 5. In punishment Equals cannot judge Equals much less can Inferiors That he does all things without punishment judge Superiors But a Supreme Prince cannot have an Equal much less a Superior therefore a Supreme Prince cannot be punished If a Supreme Prince might be punished for any thing he doth then cannot he do any thing but he will be liable to punishment for so doing For what property can he give to one which will not offend some other Nor did the veriest Thief or Murderer ever suffer punishment but some of his Comrades would seek revenge and if they might would punish the Lawgiver Besides who shall judge his Prince If any one then every one may Let no man therefore be hasty to go out of his sight nor stand in an evil thing for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him Where the word of a King is there is power and who shall say unto him what doest thou Eccles 8. 3 4. The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords Anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 24. 6. It may seem to some that this unlimited power of doing any thing Annot. with impunity will only beget a confidence in Kings of doing what they list without ever taking care of their duty in preserving their Subjects from intestine broils and factions and from the outward force and violence of their Enemies whereas more narrowly looked into no men are so subject to care and have their wills less then they For private men if they do any thing in their passion their fame and fortunes are alike neither much removed from their persons few take notice of it But they who are set in high place all men take notice of their actions In the greatest Fortune therefore is the
to the prejudice and dishonor of it for sure no man can imagine that because a Man is a King that therefore he should divest himself of Nature and neglect to use some means to get an Estate for his Posterity where there is none provided If it be objected that the Crown descends to the Heir not to the posterity if more then one I answer That no Crown but hath many Offices and Dignities appertaining to it which descend to the Heir he probably will not reject his own flesh and blood to advance strangers whereas in an Elective Kingdom it cannot be hoped for 10. The Government in Britain and England untill 1641. was Monarchy The Government of Britain was ever Monarchy Hereditary before 1641. hereditary If you believe Mr. Selden in the First Book cap. 1. of his Analecton Anglo-Britanicon he will tell you upon the Faith of Jeoffrey of Monmouth the stem and progeny of Brutus the Nephew of Aeneas and give you a series of the Government of his posterity to Cassivellanus King of the Trinobantes when Cesar first made his invasion here and cap. 5. from Cassivellanus Essex and Middlesex to King Lucius Now I trowe our Author for the honor and reverence of the Apostolick sea will not deny Lucius to be a King and the first Christian King of the Britaines who and whose subjects were baptised Plat. in vit S. Eleutherii p. 21. about anno 176. by Fugatius and Damianus sent to this end by Pope Eleutherius And see Tacitus Lips pag. 457. in vita Agricolae Ii Britanni scilicet his atque talibus invicem instincti Voadicâ generis regii faemina duce neque enim sexum in imperjis discernunt sumsere universi bellum c. with these and the like speeches inciting one another by common consent they resolve to armes under the conduct of Voadica a Lady of the blood royal for in matter of governing in cheif they make no distinction of sex It is not my purpose here to relate a series and Catalogue of all the Brittish Kings to the Saxon Monarchs nor of the Saxon to the Dane and Norman I deny that in any of these times there was any other Government but Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy never nor was ever any of those Kings chosen by the people Here by the way though I affirm the Government of England and Brittaine to be Monarchy yet I do not affirm that part of this Island which is called England was governed by one Monarch only till King Athestan reduced it about the yeare 938 nor the whole Island under one King before it was united under James anno 1602. And this Monarch not a thing in abeiance an aiery title but an absolute free and independent Monarchy Stat. 24. H. 8. cap. 12. It is resolved and declared that by sundry and old antick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realme of England is an Empire and so has been accepted in the world Publick Notaries made by the Emperor claimed de Jure to exercise their office here in England but were prohibited because it was against the dignity of a supream King see Sir Ed. Coke Instit 4. fo 342. Omnis sub rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo And ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub hominibus sed sub Deo And Rex autem qui vicarius summi Regis est ad hoc constitutus ut regnum terrenum populum domini super omnia sanctum veneretur ecclesiam ejus regat ab injuriosis defendat maleficos ab ea evellat destruat penitus disperdat ibid Now would I fain know what higher power can any man upon earth claim then is here by the Law acknowledged to be in the Kings of England Nor hath any Subject any property in his estate but what he claims from the King for all Lands and Tenements in England in the hands of Subjects are holden mediately or immediately of the King Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. fol. 1. Inst part 4. pag. 363 364. Nor have the Lords and Commons a concurring power with the King in making Statute-Laws for the King makes the Law the Lords and Commons consent Co. Lit. 159. b. And what concurring power of Lords and Commons is there in Magna Charta but only Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever c. And Charta de Foresta hath nothing which makes it a Law but Edward by the grace of God c. We will that all Forests c. Stat. Hiberniae made at Westminster 9 Feb. ann 14 H. 3. Henry c. commands that the Customs recited in that Statute and used in the Realm of England be proclaimed in Ireland and straightly kept and observed there And Stat. de Anno Bissextili made at Westm. ann 21 H. 3. ann 1236. is The King unto his Justices of the Bench greeting The Statute entituled Assisa panis cerviciae is made by the King The Statute de Scaccario is nothing but what the King commandeth And so let any man peruse all the antient Statutes of this Realm and he shall not find any so much as Consent of the Lords and Commons named in the making of them though it may be it was implied Nor had the Lords and Commons in the Parliament Anno 1641. any more power de jure then their Predecessors had before them And therefore the Common-Law and Statute-Law of this Realm were nothing but the declared Will of the King Nor hath any City or Borough c. any Priviledge but what they claim and hold immediately from the Kings Grant Customs I take to be those Usages which the Kings have permitted Sir Ed. Co. comment on Littleton 113 to divers of their Subjects in several places of this Realm time out of mind distinct and not the same with the Common Law And herein they differ from Prescription because this refers to the person that to the place so Prescription is what such an individual Man and his ancestors have done in such a place and Custom is what divers Men at once have used in such a City Borough Mannor or Village Add hereunto the Militia of the Kingdom the Mint the power of making War or Peace which were always in the King and for the manageing of which he hath usually taken the Results of his Ordinary Council and who will deny the Kings of England to have been Absolute Soveraigns What the Government since 1641. hath been I cannot tell nor do I care If you believe the Instrument it will tell you It is in One Person and the Freeborn People of this Nation so in Two and divided But who are the Freeborn People of this Nation Every man hath as much right to this Freedom as another here is no Vassalage no Civitate donatus in
of the Times which brought so great a calamity upon himself his Queen and Posterity 18. If there be any happiness in this world or the world to come which Resuming any thing granted to Subjects may be hoped for by any man no question but it is to be attained by Justice and Obedience and Justice and Obedience is in receiving and doing the Commands of our Superiors nor can any one be a just or obedient man in any thing wherein he makes not his Superior that is God Church King Father Mother or Master the reason or rule of it Yet there is nothing more desired and pretended by ignorant and seditious men then liberty And wherein do they place this liberty but in weakening the power of him to whom they owe their subjection And the more any Prince grants to his Subjects the more liberty the Subjects ascribe to themselves and the less power to their Soveraign and will rather be devoured by forein Enemies then endure that their true Prince shall infringe their liberties by resuming any thing granted them although it be for their necessary defence and preservation 19. Government is endangered either by intestine broils which are Granting priviledges to particular places causes sedition raised by factious and seditious men or forein war and Princes ought to be more careful to preserve their Subjects in general from intestine then forein war For besides that civil wars are more dangerous to the Crown then forein so intestine wars always end in loss of subjects in general whereas by forein wars much benefit may arise to King and subjects And there is nothing so much desired and that can so much conduce to the suppression of factions and seditions as the equal and due administration of the same Laws to Subjects in general But in vain shall Princes endeavor to suppress factions and seditions when they make them by making so many Factions as they make Corporations For who does not see what an antipathy there is between the Country-Justices and the Magistrates as they call them of Corporations where they agree not in aliquo tertio that is in some mischief plainly in advantage of the Corporation And let any man shew one Corporation of an hundred which hath not used the Priviledges granted them by Princes to the dissolving of that Power which granted them their Priviledges Ecclesiasticus says That without Handicrafts men and Tradesmen Cap. 38. 32 33. a City cannot be inhabited but they shall never sit in the place of Judicature And indeed what thing can there be more abhorrent then that men who by fraud and unjust gains have gotten much money should therefore sit in Judicature and judge and condemn poor men to death for small offences in comparison of theirs and different only in this that the one committed their offences fraudulently and covertly and the other forcibly and violently 20. As in mens natural bodies well-ordered action is much conducing Long peace disposeth men to sedition to the preservation of health and overmuch ease and sloth the original of many distempers which cannot be recovered without bloodletting and physick so in the bodies of Kingdoms and Empires a well-ordered Militia constantly kept in action conduceth much to the preservation of a Nation whereas sloth and neglecting military discipline makes a Nation not only unfit and unweildy to defend it self against its outward Enemies but also contracts infinite Civil distempers within it self all tending to a Civil war Well therefore might Cato Major in his great wisdom cry out in open Senate That soldiers and men of war were to be still busied in arms far from home for that in so doing all should go well with the State and the glory thereof increase And the Romans always judged an external war the most requisite and necessary remedy to prevent an intestine And no doubt but this is See Bod. de rep lib. 5. 563. at this day the Politick reason of the long wars which France makes against Spain rather then any fear or hatred of the Nations one to another It is therefore a miserable condition in which Princes are without Gods great and special favor to them that either they must maintain a forein war and so become accountable to God for all the blood which shall be spilt if unjustly undertaken or else by long peace and ease dispose their own subjects to the ruining and destroying of one another It is said of Q. Eliz. that she would never consent to the total subversion of Dunkirk lest that by a careless neglect of providing for themselves the Seamen should be forgetful and unfitting for Naval warfare And Scipio African would not give his consent to the utter subversion of Carthage lest that the Romans Carthage being destroyed should not find another Nation which might keep the Roman Valor exercised and so by its own unactivity and sloth it should degenerate and be dissolved Besides the excellencies of Military discipline not but that any thing may be abused by which Nations are protected from Foreign enemies not only Religion Justice Peace Learning c. are internally preserved it also makes men industrious and active in busines valiant in dangers temperate in their desires and to be wary and prudent in their actions It is indeed an admirable thing to consider how the most wise greatest and best God hath attempered all things Not only that all things are differing if not contrary to one another but also hath made and placed all Nations so enemies one to one another that he may by the help of one revenge the injury and injustice which is done by another that so from fear of danger all might be kept within the bounds of their duty Hence it was that God said I will henceforth not cast out before me one man of the nations which Josuah left when he died that through them I may prove Judg. 2. 21 22. 3. 1. Israel whether they will keep the way of the Lord and walk therein as their forefathers did or not And these are the nations which the Lord left that he might prove Israel 21. There is nothing more establisheth a Throne than Judgment Selling of places of Judicature causeth sedition which is giving sentence according to Law but he that buyes the place must needs sell judgment or else he will be a looser by it And what can more dispose Subjects to seditions and to seek for judgment and right in an extraordinary way then that they cannot hope for it from corrupt Judges Well therefore said King Jugurth when he departed from Rome Vade venalis civitas mox peritura si emptorem inveneris Besides who will fear to violate Laws and endeavor to raise sedition if he may hope to buy off his punishment which should deter him from it by corrupting the Judge 22. Though no man hath any thing proper against him who hath supreme Imposing and raising Taxes disposes to sedition power and
cum populi multitudine copiosa ac omnibus adhuc in eodem Parliamento personalit ' existent ' votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibus praeceptum decret ' fuit quod Monasterium Sancti Edmundi c. sit ab omni jurisdictione episcopor ' com' illius ex tunc imperpet ' funditus liberum exemptum c. Illustris rex Hardicanutus pred' regis Canuti filius haeres success ac sui patris vestigior ' devotus imitator c. cum laude favore Aegelnod ' Dorobornensis nunc Cantuariensis Alfrici Eborac ' episcopor ' aliorumque episcopor ' suffragan ' nec non cunctorum regni mei mandanorum principum descriptum constituit roboravitque praeceptum were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Rex Eldredus convocavit Magnatos Episcopos Proceres Optimates ad tractandum de publicis negotiis regni And this was a Parliament Inst 4. p. 3. But none of these you will say have the obligation of Laws upon us Well let us see those Acts of Parliament which have and what is the difference By the way no Acts of Parliament are now nor these 400 years have had the force of Statute-Laws in England but those made in Henry the Third's time and since And what was the first and great Act of Magna charta but Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Magna Charta an Act of Parliament Ireland c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever That the Church of England shall be free and shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable We have granted also and given to all the Freemen of our Realm for us and our heirs for ever those Liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their heirs of us and our heirs for ever Note this great Charter which made the Church and Nota bene Kingdom of England the most free in the world was a free and voluntary act of an English Monarch in Parliament And all that violation and destruction of all those happy Grants and Concessions both in Church and State have been made by a cursed conspiracie of a factious and seditious company of men falsly and most injuriously arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament without and against the Kings good mind and pleasure Charta Foresta was Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandy and of Guyen c. We will that all Forests which King Henry our Grandfather afforested shall be viewed by good and lawful men c. Statutum Hiberniae was nothing else but Henry by the grace of God King of England c. To his trusty and welbeloved Gerard son of Maurice Justicer of Ireland greeting Commanding him to cause the Customs recited in the Act and used in England to be proclaimed and streightly kept and observed in Ireland Statutum de Anno Bissextili was The King unto the Justices of the An. 21. H. 3. Bench greeting c. The Statute intituled Assisa panis cervisiae was An. 51. H. 3. The King to all to whom these presents shall come greeting We have seen certain Ordinances c. Stat. de Scaccario The King commandeth that all manner of Bailiffs Sheriffs An. 51. H. 3. and other Officers as well Justices of Chester c. Statutes made in the Parliament at Marleborough wherein the King An. 52. H. 3. made these Acts Ordinances and Statutes underwritten which he willeth to be observed for ever firmly and inviolably of all his Subjects as well high as low Statute of Westminster the first were the Acts of Edward the son of An. 3. Ed. 1. Henry c. by his Council and the assent of Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and all the Commonalty of the Realm c. the King ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth to be necessary and profitable unto the whole Realm First the King willeth and commandeth that the peace of Holy Church and of the Land be well kept and maintained in all points and that common right be done to all as well poor as rich without respect of persons c. Statutes made at Gloucester where our Soveraign Lord the King for An. 6. Ed. 1. the amendment of the Land and for the relief of his people c. hath provided and established these Laws underwritten willing and commanding that from henceforth they be firmly observed within the Realm Statute of Rutland hath no other title then The King to his Treasurer An. 10. Ed. 1. and Barons of the Exchequer and to his Chamberlains greeting c. Articuli super Chartas were Grants in Parliament made by the King An. 20. Ed. 1. at the request of the Prelates Earls and Barons assembled in Parliament Note the Commons are not so much as named in these Acts of Parliament The Statute of Quo Warranto made at Gloucester and Statute de Protectionibus An. 30. Ed. 1. An. 33. Ed. 1. made at Westminster the King only speaks Stat. de conjunctim Feoffatis The King unto all to whom these c. An. 34. Ed. 1. greeting And after the recital of the things contained in the Act it is said In witness of which thing we have caused these our Letters Patents I my self being Witness at Westminster Statute of Amortising of Land made by Ed. 1. only the King speaketh Ordinatio pro statu Hiberniae made 17 Ed. 1. the King speaketh by the assent of his Council Statute Ne Rector prosternat arbores in coemiterio only the King speaketh and neither Council nor Parliament mentioned An. 35 Ed. 1. Statute for Knights hath no other title then Our Lord the King hath An. 1. Ed. 2. granted c. And Stat. de frangentibus prisonam 1 Ed. 2. hath nothing to create it a Law but The King willeth and commandeth and neither Parliament nor Council named in either of them Articuli Cleri made at Lincoln the King and his Council are named An. 9. Ed. 2. The Statute of York was made by the King by the assent of the Prelates An. 12. Ed. 2. Earls Barons and Commonalty there assembled So that in these three Kings reign although the King did enact them in Parliament yet the manner was different almost in all In Ed. 3. his time was the form of enacting Laws truly defined and An. 1. Ed. 3. much used by him and the subsequent Kings At the Parliament holden at Westminster King Edward at the request of the Commonalty and by their Petition made before him and his Council in the Parliament and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great men assembled at that Parliament hath granted c. In the next Parliament holden at Northampton the Laws are made by An. 2. Ed. 3. him and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great
to instance the Acts of Parliament which give one Jointenant a power to compell the others to sue a Writ of Partition which was denied at Common-Law and right of Entry where they were put to their Cui in vita c. It may suffice that in no Kings reign there have not been Acts of Parliament which have been so far from making declarations of the Common-Law that they have made manifest alterations in it And as the Common-Law hath no force nor reason against an Act of Parliament so hath no particular Custom any force or reason against it for no man can prescribe against an Act of Parliament and all Lands in Gavel-kind were particular Customs but taken away by Act of Parliament And many Acts of Parliament have not declared the Succession of the English Diadem according to the usual custom thereof but made manifest alteration thereof as in the Succession of Hen. 4. 5. 6. Rich. 3. Hen. 7. 8. which being unjust and the cause not depending upon Humane laws ought not to be obeyed Nor secondly is that a less error that Judicial Records are equivalent to Acts of Parliament for they are so far from being equal to Acts of Parliament that in truth they are no Laws but Inferences and Conclusions which are deduced from Laws For there is not any Judicial Record which is not unjust if it cannot truly and ultimately be resolved in some general or particular Custom Act of the Parliament or grant of the King So that Acts of Parliament the Common Law Particular Customs and Prescriptions and Royal Grants are as Axioms Postulata or Principles in Arts or Sciences and Judicial Records Reported Cases and Yearsbooks are Inferences Conclusions or Sciences deduced from Acts of Parliament the Common Law and particular Customs of this Land or Concessions of the King Touching Royal Government Royal Government being the ordinance of God and from the Law of Nature is paramount to all Humane laws and the prime and efficient cause of them they cannot therefore declare the cause so as to create any obligation of what they are but the effects and from whence derived We have thus far treated of the means by which the Kings of this Nation have until 1640. governed and preserved their Subjects internally But because it is the office of Kings to preserve their Subjects as well from foreign force as internal broil there is yet something wanting of which we have not treated viz. The power of making War and Peace and maintaining Alliance and Traffique Of these in regard they refer to Foreign powers and jurisdictions and are not subject to the Laws of the Nation we shall forbear to treat only affirming that it is necessary that at all times this power must be so vested in the King that at all times he may have the aids and assistance of his Subjects in prosecution of the Ends aforesaid The end of the Third Book The Contents of the Fourth Book HAving thus far treated of all created Rights and the causes of all Laws and created Powers and Vertues and these being previous and necessary to all Justice and Obedience We in this Book descend to treat of Justice in the first Chap. as the most eminent and noble of all Humane vertues it being that which not only conserves private Families but all Nations and Kingdoms in unity peace and society and demonstrate it neither to be in Geometrical proportion as Plato would nor Arithmetical proportion as Zenophon held nor in Harmonical proportion as Bodin taught Nor is that corrective and distributive Justice which Aristotle affirmed to be in Arithmetical and in Geometrical proportion The Second Chap. treats of Obedience and shews how that it necessarily proceeds and yet is different from Justice The Third Chap. treats of Judgment and shews how it differs from Law and Justice The Fourth Chap. treats of Equity and shews how it differs from Judgment and how necessary Courts of Equity as well as Judicature are THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Of Justice 1. JUstitia est habitus animi communi utilitate Cicero's definition of Justice servata suum cuique tribuens Societatem conjunctionis Humanae munifice atque aequè tuens Justice is a habit of the Minde common utility being conserved giving to every one their right and bountifully and equally Cicero lib. 1. de legibus defending the Society of Mankinde Et Justitia est quae suum cuique distribuit Justice is that which does distribute to every man what is his right Where he says That Justitia est obtemperatio scriptis legibus we will shew that is not properly Justice but Obedience onely 2. Justice is the upright doing of an act conserving Society in that Quid sit Justitia formality as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it Justice is the doing of a just action the doing of a just action is the upright doing of any act as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it preserving Peace and Society I say Justice must have these two properties viz. upright doing that is abstraction from all affections of love hate or self-interest and the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act Other actions proceeding from Wisdom Reason Experiment or Discourse c. are prudent profitable c. but none are just or honest actions which cannot be truly and ultimately resolved into the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act So Quotuplex that Justice is twofold either commanded or permitted 3. Injustice is the abuse or falsifying the Law or Command of him What is Injustice who by right commands to the hurt or prejudice of another As a Law preceding and Integrity are inseparable incidents to Justice so Hypocracy seeming just and yet abusing or falsifying a Law and the damage of another or more are incidents inseparable to injustice 4. Let us see who may by right command and who are obliged to do God commands by highest right in conformity to their Laws and Commands I say God by highest right ought to command all the created things in Heaven and Earth and all Creatures are chiefly and absolutely obliged to do whatsoever he commands without any reasoning or disputing why he so commands For the earth is Psal 24. 1. Job 41. 11. Psal 50. 12. the Lords and all that therein is the compass of the World and all that dwell therein And whatsoever is under the whole Heaven is Gods and the World is mine and the fulness thereof All Gods commands therefore have a like and equal influence upon all his Creatures all Creatures as compared to him are alike vile and between him and them is no proportion To abuse then or falsifie any Law of God or Nature to the hurt or prejudice of another is a sin of injustice in all Gods Creatures and
over their Servants is generally restrained every where as well among Mahumetans as Jews and Christians where men are of the same faith So that Masters cannot put their Servants to death as Masters for any crime If they otherwise punish them unjustly the Servants have their remedies by the Laws of their Country Object 1 But who shall judge whether this be contrary to the Laws of God or his Country the Master or the Servant I say not the Servant Object 2 But if the Servant may not judge yet has he not a Conscience as well as his Master I answer That Ignorance and an ill-set Conscience excuseth no more from doing what he ought and Servants actions in general ought to be done about the Masters persons or affairs in which it is a very hard matter for the Master to command any thing contrary to the Law of God or his Country But if the Master does command his Servant to do any act in prejudice to another if it be not so much as the Master cannot make satisfaction as to kill or maim another the Laws do make a favorable construction of what is done by the Servant as Servant and punish the Master as commanding and not the Servant as doing in order to such commands In a Masters commands to a Servant is usually implied a Warranty which secures the Servant for doing what he commands him 18. It is Injustice in any man to tell another that he gave such a price Injustice in Commutation for such a commodity whenas he gave not so much thereby to deceive another who believes him and gives him thereafter to a greater value then the thing is worth I say this is a sin of injustice in the Seller for in Lying he did falsifie the Law of the God of Truth to the damage of the Buyer 19. In Justice commanded no man ought to do more or less but to the Of permissive Justice in a King utmost of his power ought to do what is commanded him in that formality as it is commanded In Justice permissive it is not always so but the utmost or rigid exacting of what is permitted is highest injury As a King is permitted to execute his Laws but the rigid executing of all Laws against all Offenders at all times without any consideration of inability or other circumstance of person time or place is highest injury to his Subjects For it is impossible though Laws should be general and not respect the persons but the good of the Subjects that all Laws can at all times be alike observed by all Subjects And therefore though it be permitted to a King to execute all his Laws or else he should have none to be executed yet in the execution of them he ought to weigh circumstances of person time and place whether it were the malice or defence of the person offending or whether he were able to fulfill such Law or not c. Or otherwise Summum jus est summa injuria 20. As a King so ought not a Subject rigidly to exact of another In a Subject whatsoever is by Law permitted him at all times As a Tenant by sterility of the year inundation of waters c. is so damnified that he is not able fully to satisfie his Landlord but to his utter ruine I say in such case the Landlord ought to remit of what by rigor of the laws he might justly take Or if in such case the Landlord shall rigidly exact his utmost due to his Tenants ruine when it is not the Tenants fault such exaction such summum jus est summa injuria A man is permitted to sue any man for triflings tres passes of pedibus ambulando c. yet if upon all occasions a man shall sue every man that steps out of the footpath such a man will be counted a wrangling knave and such suing summa injuria Yet is not the Law in fault but the men for if it were not permitted to men to exact their rents and sue for small trespasses then would no Tenant pay rent nor should any man be secure of enjoying what he is possest of 21. It is true that Aristotle says That he is a just man that keeps the laws Who is a just man Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. 3. and that he is an unjust man who commits contrary to laws and that therefore one Justice contains all other virtues God having made Man as well a sociable as reasonable creature and a free Lord of all his actions whose will may freely imperate his actions not as it is with irrational creatures whose objects determine their actions as he pleaseth neither did ever yet in this world any man do any act virtuous or vitious but it was freely in his own choise whether he had done it or not And by making him sociable made him more excellent then the other creatures of this orb We do not therefore look for Justice in so large a sense as Aristotle here takes where every particular or personal virtue may be taken for Justice 22. We take that virtue to be Justice which conduceth to the preservation The excellency of Justice of Society for other personal virtees as Temperance Chastity Frugality c. although not as virtues yet may they be found in other creatures which is only proper to Man and wherein Man does excell all other creatures And no question but that the meanest Servant uprightly and conscientiously performing the trust and command which his Master commands him is as just and honest a man as the greatest man whatsoever 23. Nor is it less true that Aristotle says That he that commits any Who is an unjust man thing against the Laws is an unjust man and so the commission of any thing against the Laws is a sin of injustice and every sin a sin of injustice But by reason of humane frailty it is very difficult if not impossible for the most just man not to be an unjust man where injustice is taken in such a latitude And in this sense the most just and righteous Subject that ever was stands in need of Gods mercy and the Kings But the injustice we look for we take in a more restrained notion not every unlawful act done upon ignorance or passion c. but where men premeditately and wilfully make the laws of God or man a cloke and pandar to shelter and hide their unjust and illegal actions They that tread under foot all Sacred and Civil sanctions intended for the conservation of peace and society among men to set up themselves above all laws of God or man and to make way for their own lusts in stead of Divine and Humane laws They who the Prophet David says imagine mischief as by a law Such men such actions are Psal 94. 20. most properly unjust men and acts of injustice 24. Injustice differs from Injury only in agencie and patiencie in him How Injustice differs from Injury who does and in
him who suffers It is injustice for any man unjustly to make use of any law of God or man or Temporal power which must be from some law of God or man to the hurt or prejudice of another and such hurt or prejudice is injury to whom it is done 25. Damage is nothing else but loss Injury is loss unjustly done So How Injury differs from Damage that all Injury is damage but every damage is not injury As a man hath a house c. burnt by lightening this is damage no injury A man is punished justly for some fault this is damage no injury Injury always is done by injustice that is when the doing is countenanced by some Law or Greatness Damage is when the doing is neither countenanced by Law or Power as Neighbors who live by one another do usually do one another Trespass whith is damage but no injury 26. We have declared before that no man ought to make use of Volenti non fit injuria how to be understood or abuse indeed any gifts whereby he does excell another to the damage and hurt of another who is not so well qualified And no question but that God will require of every man an account of all those talents wherewith he did entrust him for good And if he were pleased to punish him so severely who had hid his talent because he had not increased it and done S. Matth. 25 26 c. good how severely then will God take revenge upon him who abuseth those natural gifts wherein he excells another to the hurt and prejudice of his weaker brother But humane laws being made for the rule of outward actions for only God sees the hearts and inward thoughts of men Courts of Judicature cannot judge whether it were this mans folly abused by the craftiness of another but whether this man did this thing or not and no Fool or Madman shall be received against his own act although his Heir shall It is not therefore that an innocent or foolish man may not be injured although he will willing but that he shall not be judged injured by any Civil Court where it may be made appear he was willing 27. Bodin in the sixth book cap. 6. de repub says That Plato judged that pag. 747. Plato's opinion of Justice the best form a Commonwealth which was compounded of Popular command and a Tyrant Note the Grecians did usually call Kings Tyrants and did many times take Tyrant in a good sense yet dissenting from himself he made his Civitas not only in State but also in manner of Governing Popular as one who gave to the multitude of all the Citizens the power of making Laws of creating Magistrates of indicting War of making Peace and lastly of giving rewards and punishments A Civitas being established after this manner he denied it could be happy unless it were governed by a Geometrical proportion for he thought that God the most antient Moderator of this world whom every best Lawgiver ought to imitate does preserve all things in Geometrical proportion He was often wont to boast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which things although they be Plato's yet are no where found in his writings But a Popular Empire Rejected by Bodin as repugnant to himself constituted by Plato is plainly contrary to Geometrical proportion because the people follow an Equality of things And Equality agrees with Arithmetical proportion no ways with Geometrical 28. And because Xenophon emulous of Plato thought that Cities and Laws Xenophons opinion of Justice ought to be constituted and distributed in Arithmetical equality induces Cyrus as yet a boy beaten because created a King by his companions he had so commanded the Vestments to be exchanged that the greater were given to the greater and the lesser to the shorter Cyrus so beaten by his Master is taught that he is born a Persian and therefore should use the laws and manners of the Persians which give that to every one which is his property not the Medes who thought that that was to be given to every one that was fit and commodious for him Plato when he was advertised the stripes were to be inflicted upon him not Cyrus rejected Cyropoedia This contention therefore of Xenophon and Plato being divulged by speeches among the Grecians afforded increase to two factions of the Great men and People Some following the Popular state did greatly love the Arithmetical proportion of Justice Others because they did excell in Riches and Nobility were not less in love with the Geometrical proportion agreeing with Aristocracy But it is strange Plato bred in a Popular State should assert Justice to be in Geometrical proportion and Xenophon in a Mungrel Aristocracy made up of two Kings and the Ephori should assert Justice to be in Arithmetical 29. Justice in Arithmetical proportion he says was like Polycretus rule Pag. 751. a. compared of all the most right and as it were Iron macerated with Vinegar so as it should be inflexible The Geometrical form of governing a City did imitate a Lesbian Rule for this was made of Lead and flexible in every part that so it might be accommodated to every thing that nothing might be lost of the matter of it so far as it might be done But this he says after being so flexible loses the name of a Rule 30. But neither of these forms of Justice will down with him For in the Arithmetical form he says That women tender and young children 76◠Xenophons 〈◊〉 rejected by Bodin and why old men and those afflicted with sickness should have the same punishment for the same offence with robust and stout men which might be fatal to one and not scarce felt by the other Yet was this against the practice of all Democratical States for neither in the Roman nor Athenian States were all men alike punished for the like offence The Romans who were civitate donati were not by the Laws to be put to death nor punished as Slaves for any offence Nor were the Popular States less dissenting from their Principles in conferring rewards and greatness upon men For when were men ever so great as in Popular States as Pompey Caesar Crassus Lucullus Pericles c. 31. Nor is he less out of love with the Geometrical form of Governing Plato's rejected also and why or Justice for then he says all Patricians or Noblemen must marry only with Patricians and Plebeians with Plebeians all places of Honor must be always conferred not for virtue or desert but as men were Great or Noble So that from hence he says were almost perpetual dissentions p. 774. a. between the Senators and Plebeians until the Consulship Censure Preture and the High Priesthood were communicated to the Common people some few excepted 32. Well but because Bodin cannot find Justice to consist in Arithmetical Bodins opinion of Justice nor Geometrical proportion he will try what may be done by Harmonical and says That
Before all things they propounded one God to be devoutly and holily worshiped and that there should be no Heathen worship c. Therefore they first decree that the peace of the Church be kept within Cap. 1 the walls holily and inviolably and also that tranquillity which is delivered into the Kings hand Furthermore if any man shall renounce the Christian faith so as by words or deeds he advance the Heathen worship he shall forfeit the price of his head or the punishment of the Law according to the offence If a man entred Religion or bound to God by promise steal or fight or forswear or commit adultery he shall forfeit the price of his head or suffer punishment for transgressing of the Law according to the nature of the crime at least he shall satisfie God according to the rules of the Church and be cast into prison if he cannot find Sureties If a Priest upon Feasting-days or Fasting-days shall go astray if it be among Englishmen let him be fined thirty shillings but if it happen among the Danes let him pay half a mark If a Mass-priest upon appointed days provide not Oil or deny Baptism as the use is among the English let him be fined and with the Danes the breach of the Law is twelve * * Quaere the value of an Oran Oran If any man of Religion commit any thing worthy of death let him be taken and held to the Bishops judgment Of Incest Furthermore it seemed good to the wise men that of men guilty of Incest the King shall have the higher and the Bishop the lower unless he shall abundantly make recompence to God and men and shall perform what is enjoined them by the Bishop If two brethren or two of the same alliance commit fornication with the same wife let them be fined the value of their head or be punished for the transgression of the Law according as is meet and as the crime deserves If a man condemned to death desires ingenuously to confess his sins to a Priest let it be granted him And let all men Gods laws so follow that they obtain Gods mercy and be acquitted of wise men If a Dane pay not his Tythes let him undergo the punishment of the breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If a Dane withhold what is due to Rome let him be punished for the breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If any Dane pay not to the Candles let him be punished for breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If a Dane shall not pay the just Alms of the Plough let him be punished for breach of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Law let an Englishman be fined If a Dane shall suppress or retain any Divine Laws or Duties let him be punished for breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If any man wilfully wound another offering Divine service let him be guilty of death but if he shall die let him be outlawed and all Ministers of Justice apprehend him hurt or unwilling And if it were his fault that he was stricken or did against Gods law or resisted the King if a man so flatter himself let him be without recompence or as we say he has the means in his own hands Of working on Holidays If a Dane sell any thing upon Sunday let him forfeit the thing and twelve Ora's an Englishman thirty shillings If a Freeman do any work upon an Holiday let him forfeit his freedom or be fined and punished for breach of the Law let a Servant be beaten or be made to fear being beaten If a Dane shall make his Servant work upon a Holiday let him be punished for breach of the Law and an Englishman be fined Laws Ecclesiastical made by King Aethelstan Who began to reign in the year of our Lord 924. I Aethelstan King by the prudent counsel of Walshelmes mine Archbishop and other my Bishops command all Governors that are in my Government in the name of God and all his Saints and for their good will towards them that before all things they pay just Tythes as well out of our property as the duties of living creatures and fruits of the earth and that all Bishops Ealdermen and Sheriffs do the same thing And I will that my Bishops and Sheriffs who sit in judgment upon other men that they observe this rule and that they finish all these things upon the day we have appointed viz. the Anniversary of S. John Baptist beheaded Further when we think with our self what the most excellent Father Jacob said to God I will offer my tythes and a peace-offering to thee and what the Lord spake in the Gospel To the all-having man shall be given and he shall abound We moreover may think on those things which are so terribly written in this very book If you will not pay your tythes giving us only the tenth part the nine parts shall be taken from you Also we are admonished that Heavenly things are more excellent then Earthly and eternal things then our frail bodies Whensoever therefore ye hear what the Lord commands and what we ought to follow those things only I would have you to do which you can justly and lawfully prepare Of Church-breaking Cap. 5. Concerning the Ordal see Versteg an Seld. annal Anglo lib. 2. cap. 8. and Lamberts pref Saxon laws Cap. 23. And we command concerning Church-breaking if he be a man of the threefold * Ordal let him give satisfaction as is rehearsed in the Judgment-book Of them willing to undergo the Ordal If any man will undergo the Ordal then let him come three days before the Mass-priest hallow it and feed himself with bread and salt and water and worts before he go to Trial and let him go to Mass every day and The trial of the Ordal was either to be soused over head and ears in cold water or to thrust his hand a cubit deep into boiling hot water or to go barefoot or hold a burning hot iron in the Triers hand If they neither shak'd the rope to be pulled out of the water nor burned nor scalded their hands or feet they were acquited offer his gift and upon the day he shall undergo the Ordal let him take the Eucharist and swear that he is innocent and knows nothing of the wickedness whereof he is accused If it be of cold Water that the Question made let him be plunged over head and ears half an ell in the water but if it be of Iron let him hold it three days before he put it out of his hand And the Accuser shall proceed to follow the oath he made before and both shall fast by the command of God and the Bishop and let there be on neither side above twelve men but if the Accused comes with more then twelve men then unless they will depart let the Ordals be void And upon each Friday let every one of Gods Ministers in every Church
like Law is according to the nature of the fact if any of these be committed upon any solemn Festival And if any one will purge let him bring a threefold purgation Of deteining the Duties of the Church by force Cap. 45. If a Dane shall resist by force any one desiring the rights or duties belonging to God let him be punished for breach of the Law An Englishman shall be assessed in a deeper mulct unless he purge himself with eleven men and be himself the twelfth man But if he wound any man let him make amends and pay a grievous mulct to the Lord and let his hands be bored through unless he shall redeem them from the Bishop But if he killed any one let him be outlawed and pursued by all Magistrates with all the harm that they lawfully may And if afterward that man so pursued be killed let it be confirmed and unpunished and no further enquired after Of a man breaking Holy Order 46. If any man violate his Order or Rule of living let him be fined according to the dignity of his Order or price of his head for punishment of the breach of the Law or forfeit all he hath Of Repairing the Church 63. All men by right ought to use their endeavor to repair the Church Of him who keeps a man Excommunicated or Outlawed 64. If any man shall unjustly keep any Fugitive from Gods law let him be restored to right and forgiven those things which did appertain to him and let him pay to the King the price of his head But if any one shall keep and hold any other excluded from the protection of Divine or Humane laws he shall endanger himself and all he hath The Conclusion of Canutus his Laws Now I beseech all men and in the name of Almighty God command every man that they be truly from their heart converted to God and with all care and diligence search out what is to be followed and what avoided And truly it does much conduce to our souls health that we love God and hold his precepts and admonitions and hear his word by his teachers For we shall bring forth these to be seen in that day wherein God shall come to give judgment upon all men according to those things they did whilst they lived And then at length shall that blessed Keeper bring the Flock committed to his charge into the Heavenly kingdom and the joys of Angels for those things which he had done in his life and also that blessed Flock follow that Pastor who hath wreathed it out of the hands of the Devil and give the gain to God And further we study that all men may so agree to please God that for the time to come we may avoid the flames of Hell-fire The Interpreters of Gods Law ought often to preach the benefit of Divine things and indeed it is their function and does much benefit all men to salvation And all men ought with a good mind diligently to hear and have Gods admonitions always fixed in their soul for their profit And lastly that every one by his words and deeds all he can holily and thankfully do well to the greater amplitude and glory of God his Lord for so at length we shall abundantly all of us obtain Gods mercy Let the name of the Lord be praised to whom be laud honor and glory for ever God Almighty be merciful to us all according to his will Amen Ecclesiastical Laws made by Good King Edovard Who began to reign Anno Salutis 1042. Of Clerks and their Possessions Cap. 2. LEt every Clerk and also Scholars and all their goods and possessions wheresoever they be enjoy the peace of God and his Church Of the Times and Dayes of the Kings Peace 3. From the coming of our Lord until eight days after Epiphany let the peace of God and his holy Church be all over our Kingdom also from Septuagesima until eight days after Easter also from the Ascension of our Lord until eight days after Whitsuntide also all the days in Ember-weeks also upon every Saturday from the ninth hour and all the day following until Munday also upon the Vigils of S. Mary S. Michael S. John the Baptist of all the Apostles and Saints whose solemnities are celebrated by Priests upon Sunday and All Saints upon the Kalends of November alwaies from the ninth houre of the Vigil and the following Solemnity Also in Parishes in which the Dedication is observed also in the Parishes of Churches where the proper Feast of the Saint is celebrated And if any one will come devoutly to the celebration of the Saint he shall enjoy peace going staying and returning Also to all Christians going to Church to pray be peace in going and returning In like manner at Dedications Synods to men coming to Chapters whether they be summoned or of themselves have any thing to do be highest peace Also if any man excommunicated flee to the Bishop for absolution let him freely in going and returning enjoy the peace of God and his Church But if any man shall do otherwise with him let the Bishop do justice therefore But if any arrogant man will not amend for the justice of the Bishop the Bishop may make the matter known to the King and the King may constrain the malefactor to make him amends whom he hath outlawed viz. first to the Bishop then to him and so they shall be two swords and the sword shall help the sword Of the Justice of the Church 4. Wheresoever the Kings Justice is or before whomsoever Pleas are holden if one sent of the Bishops coming there opens the cause of the holy Church it shall first be determined For it is just that God be every where honored before others Of all Tenents of the Church 5. Whosoever shall hold any thing of the Church or have a mansion upon the ground of the Church shall not be compelled to hold Pleas out of the Ecclesiastical Courts although he be outlawed unless which God forbid he shall have default of right in the Court Ecclesiastical Of Guilty men fleeing to the Church 6. Whosoever guilty or nocent shall flee to the Church for protection after that he hath gotten the entrance of the Church let him not be apprehended of any man pursuing him unless by the Bishop or his Minister but if in fleeing he enters into the House or Court of any Priest let him enjoy the same security and peace he should have had at the Church so as the house of the Priest and his Court stood upon the ground of the Church Here if the thief or stealer be what he hath evil gotten if it be at hand let him restore but if he hath wholly consumed it and hath wherewith to restore of his own let him make full satisfaction for the damage he brought to him who was damnified But if as is usual the Thief hath not wherewith to do it and by chance hath
have their origination from God we Introduction have already in its proper place asserted And that these Kingdoms thus created by God have periods alterations and conversions set by him which cannot be foreseen or prevented by man is certainly as cleer and evident as the former and often owned by God himself in Sacred Writ as well over his own people as others But that therefore any man or men should therefore endeavour to make alterations in Kingdoms is like to a man who becaufe all men naturally die thinks he may kill any man and father the fact upon God And if God even over his own peculiar people did for the sins of the Kings and people especially the Israelites so often convert the line of the Kings then can it not in reason be expected in this Iron and much more sinful Age that God should every where continue a fixt and certain succession of Kings according to the ordinary course of Nature viz. Primogeniture But that therefore the Pope or any other creature may arrogate to themselves a right or power superior to the Law of Nature is no less absurd then that a Son may kill his Father because all Fathers have periods set by Nature which they cannot pass And that all Subjects do by birth owe a natural subjection to rightful Princes in whose dominion they were born which relations can never be dissolved but by God himself we have in their proper places demonstrated Yet may the exercise of this power be suspended so long as such Subjects come into the power of other Princes whether it be by conquest or otherwise and do owe them a temporary obedience so long as they continue there and their posterity born in their dominions owe such Princes a natural obedience which can never be dissolved And also that since there is no other Judge under Heaven to decide the controversie of Princes but their swords which can never be alledged by any Subjects who have Laws to decide their differences such decision is good as to the exercise of any Princes power over all them who fall under ir and all Subjects born in such exercise of power or dominion become natural Subjects to any Prince who by conquest acquires the dominion of another we have also demonstrated in its proper place Yet whether it were of old that Popes did arrogate to themselves this right of deposing Temporal Princes or debarring them of their right which about this time was frequently asserted by and practised by the Popes and which Pope Alexander was pleased to confer upon the Conqueror against all Right and Law to the manifest prejudice of Eadgar Athelin let us see the Epistle of S. Eleutherius to King Lucius as it is cited in chap. 17. of S. Edovards Laws In the year from the passion of Christ 169. or 156. our Lord Eleutherius the Pope wrote to Lucius King of Britain at the Petition of the King and Peers of the Kingdom of Britain You have required of us that the Roman Laws and of Cesar be transmitted to you which you would use in the Kingdom of Britain We can always reprove the Roman Laws and those of Cesar but not at all the Law of God For ye have by Gods mercy of late received into your Kingdom of Britain the Law and Faith of Christ you have of your self in your Kingdom sufficient Authority from whence through Gods grace by the advice of your Kingdom to make a Law and by it through Gods patience you shall rule the Kingdom of Britain And you are the Vicar of God in your Kingdom according to the Kingly Prophet The earth is the Lords and the fulness of all the world and all who inhabit therein And again according to the Kingly Prophet Thou hast loved Justice and hated iniquity and therefore thy God hath anointed thee with oyl of gladness above thy fellows And again according to the Kingly Prophet God is thy Judgement c. Therefore neither the Judgement nor Justice of Cesar for they are sons of the King Christian Nations and people of the Kingdom who live under your Protection and Peace and Reign and are according to the Gospel Even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings c. But they are Nations and your People of the Kingdom of Britain and who divided you ought to congregate recall nourish hold with your hand protect and rule into one for concord and peace and to the Faith and to the Law of Christ and his holy Church and always to defend it from evil doers and malitious men and its enemies Wo to the Kingdom whose King is a boy and whose Princes eat together in the morning I Do not call a King because of his small and tender age but because of his folly and iniquity and rage according to the Prophet King Men of blood and deceitful shall not live out half their days c. By eating we understand the Pallat by the Pallat Luxury by Luxury all things filthy and evil according to King Solomon Wisdom shall not enter into the soul of the evil doer nor shall dwell in a body subject to sins Rex dicitur à Regendo non à Regno A King thou shalt be so long as thou rulest well which thing if thou wilt not do the name of King shall not remain in thee and thou shalt lose the name of King which God forbid God Almighty grant to you so to Rule your Kingdom of Britain that you may Reign with him for ever whose Vicar you are in the Kingdom aforesaid who with the Father and Son c. Of the Right and Ecclesiastical freedom of Asylum's Cap. 1. That is to say Peace to the holy Church Of whatsoever forfeiture any one is guilty this time and he can come to the holy Church let him have peace of life and member and if any one hath set his hand against that which the Mother-Church shall require whether it be an Abby or Church of Religion let him restore that which he hath taken out and one hundred shillings for forfeiture and concerning the Mother-Parish-Church twenty shillings and concerning a Chappel ten shillings And according to the peace of the King in the Laws of the Mercians he shall make amends with En perchenâ—laâ— one hundred shillings accordingly as of Heinefare and prepensed lying in wait Of Peter-pence or Romescot Cap. 18. A Freeman who hath Field-Beasts valued at thirty pence shall pay a Peter-peny For four pence which the Lord shall give all his Borderers and his Boner and his Servants be quit A Burger who hath of his proper goods so much as shall be esteemed half a Mark let him pay a Peter-peny He who in the Law of the Danes is a Free-man and hath field-cattel which are valued worth half a Mark in silver ought to give a peny to St. Peter and for that peny shall all be quit who reside in his Demains Of them who do not pay the Roman
Tribute or of St. Peter Cap. 20. Who shall deny the peny of St. Peter the peny let him pay by the Justice of the Church and thirty pence forfeiture and if he will be impleaded concerning it by the Justice of the King let him forfeit to the Bishop thirty pence and forty shillings to the King Of Religion and the publick Peace 51. First of all we Ordain above all things That one God be worshipped all over our Kingdom and the one Faith of Christ be always kept inviolate c. The Laws are Translated out of the Original set forth by Mr. Abraham Whelock in his Appendix to the History of Bede from page 150. to 107. Sir Ed. Coke in Caudrys Case cites a quare Impedit 7 Ed. 3. tit 19. where it is agreed that no man can make an appropriation of any Church having cure of souls being a thing Ecclesiastical and to be made by some person Ecclesiastical but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but William the first of himself without any other as King of England made appropriation of Churches with cure to Ecclesiastical persons wherefore it does follow he had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Here is nothing but argumentum à facto ad jus and a man may as well infer that Saul Jeroboam and Azariah did offer sacrifice and burn incense and therefore they had Sacerdotal power in them or that King John did give the Crown and received it again from him and therefore the Crown of England is holden of the Pope Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the first Who began to Reign in the year of Christ 1100. THese at last are the happy joys of the long wished for peace and liberty Proem by which the glorious Cesar Henry doth shine forth to his whole kingdom in Divine and Secular Laws written Institutes and Exhibitions of good Works Moderate Just Valiant Prudent whom God may make to command with happy auspices and healthful prosperity of body and minde with his famous wife Maud the second and their children for ever and the everlasting peace of this Nation His Epistle to all his Leigmen 1. Henry by the Grace of God King of Englishmen to all Barons and his Leigmen French English health Know that I by Gods mercy and the Common Counsel and consent of the Barons of the Kingdom of England am Crowned King of the Kingdom aforesaid and because the Kingdom was oppressed by unjust exactions I in respect of God and the love which I have towards you all first of all make the Church of God free so that I will neither sell nor let to farm nor after the death of an Archbishop or Bishop or Abbot will take any thing of the Demesns of the Church or her men until the successor be come in c. Of the propriety of Causes Cap. 5. In all Causes Ecclesiastical and Secular legally and in order to be handled some are Accusers some Defenders some are Witnesses some are Judges In every discussion of honesty fitting men are to be joyned together and that without any exaction until the quality of the Causes and the intention of the Accused the manner of Witnesses and election of Judges be weighed with upright scrutiny Let there be no foreign Judgements nor celebrated by their improper Judge in place or time nor in a doubtful case or the party accused being absent the sentence being pronounced notandum that for all if the accused had competent warning and lawful leave of answering and defending he be not denied or impleaded or outlawed or circumvented by some stealth or judged by deceit If he be satisfied in the Witnesses Judges and Persons If he consent to the Judges or hurt or contradict It is not altogether so in Ecclesiastical business as Secular in Secular business after that any is called shall come and begin to plead in the Court it is not lawful to go back before the Cause be determined although they shall agree but in Ecclesiastical business it is lawful to go back in the Cause aforesaid If a man suspect a Judge or think himself oppressed surely Judges ought not to be so nisi quos impetitus Elegerit Neither may any one be heard or give judgement before that they be chosen and he who refuses to consent to the elected let no man communicate with him until he obey but if in judgement there arises dissention among the parties of which a strife comes forth let the sentence of the more prevail It is Enacted in the Cause of Faith or of any Ecclestastical Order he ought to judge who neither takes reward nor is of another Law and will do nothing without an accuser For God and our Lord Jesus Christ did know Judas to be a Thief but because he was not accused therefore he was not rejected and whatsoever he acted among the Apostles for the dignity of his Office remained firm As also Clerks ought not to receive Laiks Accusers so ought not Laicks to receive Clerks to be Accusers of Clerks in their Accusations and Informations and Witnesses ought to be legitimate and present without any infamy or suspition or manifest spot because they cannot rightly accuse Priests who cannot be Priests nor of their Order nor is it needful to Judge a man before he hath had lawful Accusers present and accepts a place of defence to wash out his crimes And it is our pleasure as often as many crimes are objected to Clerks by Accusers and they cannot make good one of the first of which they are accused they shall not be admitted to the rest And a Bishop shall not be condemned unless by seventy two Witnesses nor the Archbishop be judged of any A Presbyter-Cardinal Note the preheminence of a Bishop in England at this time above a Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by forty four Witnesses a Deacon-Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by twenty six Witnesses nor a Sub-Deacon under seven nor let the greater despair for the force of the lesser men and there always the Cause may be Pleaded where the Crime is admitted If a man stricken will he may plead his cause before his Judge and if he will not before his Judge he may hold his peace and as for men stricken as often as they desire respit let it be granted And every man which objects a crime let him write that he will prove it and if before he be changed he will not follow he is convinced no crime is to be accounted But if he will prosecute if he shall not prove what he objects let him undergo the penalty which he brought the Apostle says Against a Presbyter a writing is not to be received without two or three approved witnesses how much more against Bishops if these things be observed of Presbyters and other faithful men If any one will accuse any of the Clerks in an accusation of Fornication according to the precept of St. Paul two or three testimonies are required from him but if he
Item Whereas Commissions be newly made to divers Justices that 6. they shall make enquiries upon Judges of the holy Church whether they made just proces or excessive in Causes Testimentary or other which notoriously pertaineth to the cognizance of holy Church the said Justices have enquired and caused to be Indicted Judges of the holy Church in blemishing of the Franchise of the holy Church That such Commissions be repealed and from henceforth defended saving the Article in Eyre such as ought to be No Scire facias shall be awarded against a Clerk for Tythes Item Whereas Writs of Scire facias have been granted to warn Prelates 7. Religious and other Clerks to answer Dismes in our Chancery and to shew if they have any thing or can any thing say wherefore such Dismes ought not to be restored to the said Demandants and to answer as well to us as to the party to such Dismes That such Writs from henceforth be not granted and that the proces hanging upon such Writs be annulled and repealed and that the parties be dismissed from the Secular Judges of such manner of Pleas saving to us our right such as we and our ancestors have had and were wont to have of reason In witness whereof at the request of the said Prelates to these present Letters we have set our Seal Dated at London this 8th of July the year of our Reign of England 18. of France the 5th In the Reign of Ed. 3. 16 Ed. 3. tit Excom 4. An Excommunication by the Archbishop albeit it be disannulled by the Pope or his Legats is to be allowed neither ought the Judges to give any allowance of any such sentence of the Pope or his Legat. It is often resolved that all the Bishopricks within England were founded In the Reign of Ed. 3. by the Kings Progenitors and therefore the Advousons of them all belong to the King and at first they were Donative and if that any incumbent of any Church with cure die if the Patron present not within six moneths the Bishop of that Dioces ought to collate to the end the Cure may not be destitute of a Pastor if he be negligent by the space of six moneths the Metropolitan of that Dioces shall confer one to that Church and if he also leave the Church destitute by the space of six moneths then the common Law gives to the King as Supream within his own Kingdom and not to the Bishop of Rome power to provide a competent Pastor for that Church The King may not onely exempt any Ecclesiastical person from the Jurisdiction 17 Ed. 3. 23. of the Ordinary but may grant him Episcopal Jurisdiction And thus it appears there the King had done of antient time to the Arch-Deacon of Richmond This resolution is not grounded upon any Custom or Law but onely upon a particular fact of a King à facto ad jus non valet argumentum All Religious or Ecclesiastical Houses whereof the King was Founder are by the King exempt from Ordinary Jurisdiction and onely visitable and 20 E. 3. Excom 9. 19. Ed. 3. corrigible by the Kings Ecclesiastical Commission This resolution too is onely grounded upon matter of Fact and what man will warrant all the Facts of Kings not to be repugnant to the Laws of God and man Yet shall not these men in other things of much less moment allow the Kings Proclamations to be Legal nor any thing less then the Commons Law or Acts of Parliament The Abbot of Bury was exempted from Episcopal jurisdiction by the Kings Charter This is nothing neither but matter of Fact 20 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. The King presenteth to a Benefice and his presentee was disturbed by one who had obtained Bulls from Rome for which offence he was condemned 21 Ed. 3. 40. fol. 40. to perpetual imprisonment c. Tythes arising out of any parish the King shall have for that he having the Supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is bound to provide a sufficient Pastor 22 Ed. 3. l. 1. Ass pl. 75. that shall have the cure of souls of that place which is not within any parish And by the common Laws of England it is evident that no man unless he be Ecclesiastical or have Ecclesiastical jurisdiction can have inheritance of Tithes The King shall present to his free chappels in default of the Dean by 27 Ed. 3. fol. 84. lapsin respect of his supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction And Fitz Herbert saith that the King in that case does present by laps as Ordinary Fitz nat Br. 34. Au Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man within England and no suit for any cause though spiritually rising in 30 Ed. 3. lib. Ass pl. 19 c. this Realm ought to be determined in the court of Rome In an Attachment upon a Prohibition the Popes Bull of Excommunication of the plaintiff was adjudged insufficient 21 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. 33 Ed. 3. tit Agel de Roy. 38 Ass pl. 20. Reges sacro Oleo uncti sunt Spiritualis jurisdictionis capaces A Prior which is the Kings Debtor and ought to have Tithes of another spiritual person may chuse either to sue for substraction of his Tithes in the Ecclesiastical court or in the Exchequer Fitz Herbert in his N. B. fol. 30. holceth that before the St. 18 Ed. 3. Cap. 7. the right of Tithes were determinable at the temporal courts at the election of the party And the courts of divers Manors of the Kings and other Lords in antient times had the probate of last Wills and Testaments and it appeareth by 11 H. 7. fol. 12. That the probate of Wills and Testaments did not appertain to the Ecclesiastical courts but that of late time they were determinable there The King by his Charter did translate Canons secular into regular and 38 Lib. Ass pl. 22. 46 Ed. 3. Proem 6. religious persons Nicholas Moris elected Abbot of Waltham which was exempt from ordinary Jurisdiction sent to Rome to be confirmed by the Pope who not having regard to the said Election gave to the said Nicholas the said Abby with all the said Spiritualities and Temporalities the Bull was adjudged against the Laws of England and the Abbot for obtaining the same was fallen into the Kings mercy whereupon all his Possessions were seised into the Kings hands Where the Abbot of Westminster had a Prior and Covent who were Regular 49 Ed. 3. lib. ass pl. 8. and mort in Law yet the King by his Charter did divide that Corporation and made the Prior and Covent a distinct and capable body to sue and be sued by themselves It was Enacted by the whole Parliament That as well they who obtained St. de 25 Ed. 3. de Provisoribus provisions from Rome as they that put them in execution should be out of the Kings Protection and that a man might do with them as enemies to the King c.
person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
12. twenty nine Abbots and Priors for so many then were Lords of Parliament It is declared That where by divers sundry old authentique Histories and Chronicles it was manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and has been so accounted in the world governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and Royal estate of the Imperial crown of the same unto whom a Body Politique compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality been bound and ought to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience He being also institute and furnished by the goodness of God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this his Realm in all causes matters debates and contentions happening to occur insurge or begin within the limits thereof without restraint or provocation to any Forein Princes or Potentates in the world The body Spiritual whereof having power when any cause of Law Divine happened to come in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared interpreted and shewed by that part of the said body Politique called the Spiritual body then being usually called the English Church which always hath been reputed and also found of that sort that both for knowledge integrity and sufficiency of number it has been always thought and was also at that houre sufficient and meet of it self without the intermedling of any exterior person or persons to declare and determine all such doubts and to administer all such offices and duties as to the the rooms Spiritual did appertain For the due administration whereof and to keep them from corruption and sinister affection the Kings noble Progenitors and Antecessors of the Nobles of this Realm have sufficiently endowed the said Church both with honor and possessions And the Laws Temporal for trial of Property of Lands and Goods and for the conservation of the people of this Realm in unity and peace without rapine and spoil was and yet is administred adjudged and executed by sundry Judges and Ministers of the other part of the said Body Politique called the Temporalty And both their Authorities and Jurisdictions do conjoin together in the due administration of Justice the one to help the other This Statute does moreover affirm that Ed. 1. Ed. 3. Rich. 2. H. 4. and other Kings did make divers Laws Ordinances Statutes c. for the entire and sure conservation of the prerogatives liberties and preheminences of the said Imperial Crown and of the Jurisdictions Spiritual and Temporal of the same to keep it from the annoyance as well from the See of Rome as from other Forein Potentates and does make all Causes determinable by any Spiritual jurisdiction to be adjudged within the Kings authority All First-fruits and all contributions to the See of Rome by any Bishop St. 25. H. 8 cap. 20. were forbidden upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods and cattals for ever and all the Temporal lands and possessions of every Archbishoprick or Bishoprick during the time that he or they who offend contrary to the said Act shall possess and enjoy the said Archbishoprick or Bishoprick And that if any presented to the See of Rome by the King to a Bishoprick and he be there delayed he may be consecrated by an Archbishop in England and that an Archbishop presented to the See of Rome to be there consecrated and there letted may be consecrated by two Bishops of England And because the Pope hereof informed did not redress and reform the said exactions nor give answer to the Kings mind therefore the said Statute did prohibit any man to be presented to the See of Rome for the dignity of an Archbishop or Bishop or that any Annates or First-fruits be paid to the Bishop of Rome and that upon the avoidance of any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick the King his heirs and successors may grant to the Prior and Covent or Dean and Chapiter of the Cathedral Churches or Monasteries where the See of such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall happen to be void a Licence under the Great seal as of old time hath been accustomed to proceed to Election of an Archbishop or Bishop of the See so being void with a Letter missive containing the name of the person which they shall elect and choose and for default of such Election the King by his Letters Patents may nominate an Archbishop or Bishop and that every Archbishop Bishop to whose hands any such presentment or nomination shall be directed shall with speed invest and consecrate the person nominated and presented by the King his heirs and successors And if any Archbishop or Bishop Prior and Covent Dean and Chapiter shall for the space of twenty days next after such Licence or Nomination come to their hands neglect or shall execute any Censures Excommunications Interdictions c. contrary to the execution of any thing contained in this Act that then they incur the penalty of a Praemunire An act concerning the exoneration of the Kings subjects from exactions St. 25. H. 8. cap. 21. and impositions before that time paid to the See of Rome and for having Licences and Dispensations within this Realm without suing further for the same The King shall be reputed Supreme Head of the Church of England St. 26. H. 8. cap. 1. and have authority to reform and redress all Errors Heresies and abuses in the same Every Archbishop and Bishop disposed to have a Suffragan may elect 26 H. 8. c. 14. discreet Spiritual persons being learned and of good conversation and present them under their seals to the King making humble request to his Majesty to give to one of the two such title name stile and dignity of Bishop of such of the Sees as the King shall think fit and that every such person to whom the King shall give any such stile and title of the Sees abovenamed viz. the Towns of Thetford Ipswich Colchester Dover Gilford Southampton Taunton Shaftsbury Molton Marlborough Bedford Leicester Glocester Shrewsbury Bristow Penrith Bridgwater Nottingham Grantham Hull Huntington Cambridge and the Towns of Perth and Barwick S. Germans in Cornwal and the Isle of Wight shall be called Bishop Suffragan of the same See whereunto he shall be named and that every Archbishop and Bishop for their own peculiar Diocese may and shall give to every such Bishop Suffragan such Commissions as have been accustomed for Suffragans heretofore to have or else such Commissions as by them shall be thought requisite reasonable and convenient And that no Suffragan shall use any ordinary jurisdiction or Episcopal power otherwise nor longer time then shall be limited by such Commission upon pain of the penalties mentioned in the Statute of Provisions made the 16. of Rich. 2. The King shall have authority to name Thirty two persons sixteen
suffet imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprize And for the second offence shall suffer a years imprisonment and be deprived of all his spiritual promotions and for the third offence shall suffer imprisonment during life It was Enacted that the Justices of Oyer and Terminer and Justices of Assize should have power and authority in the open and general Sessions to hear and determin the offences committed against this Act yet so that every Archbishop and Bishop had liberty to joyn and associate himself to the said Justices of Oyer and Terminer or to the Justices of Assize All books called Antiphoners Missals Grails Portuasses Primers in Latine An. 3. 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 10. or in English and other books used for service in the Church saving such as are set forth by the Kings Authority shall be clearly abolished All Images graven painted or carved taken out of any Church or Chappel and the aforesaid books shall be defaced or openly burnt Such form and manner of making and consecrating of Archbishops and Anno 3 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 12. Bishops Priests and Deacons and other Ministers of the Church as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in the Law of God by the King to be appointed and assigned or by most of the number of them shall be devised for that purpose and set forth under the Great Seal before the first of April next coming shall be lawfully exercised and used and none other An Act for uniformity of Prayer and administration of the Sacraments An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. in the English Tongue and that every person upon every Sunday and Holiday having no lawful cause to be absent do resort to his Parish-Church and they which refuse are to be punished by the censure of the Church and that all persons who shall be at any other common prayer or Sacraments shall for the first offence suffer Imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprise for the second Imprisonment during a whole year and for the third Imprisonment during life All the Sundays of the year the Feast of our Lord Jesus his Circumcision of the Epiphany of the Purification of the blessed Virgin of St. Matthew An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 2. the Apostle of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of St. Mark the Evangelist of St. Philip and Jacob the Apostles of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist of St. Peter the Apostle of St. James the Apostle of St. Barthelomew the Apostle of St. Matthew the Apostle of St. Michael the Archangel of St. Luke the Evangelist of St. Simon and Jude the Apostles of All Saints of St. Andrew the Apostle of St. Thomas the Apostle of the Nativity of our Lord of St. Stephen the Martyr of St. John the Evangelist of the holy Innocents Munday and Tuesday in Easter-week Munday and Tuesday in Whitson-week are to be observed and kept for Holy days and none other And that every even or day next going before any of the aforesaid days of the Feasts of the Nativity of our Lord of Easter of the Ascension of our Lord Pentecost of the Purification of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of all Saints and of all the Feasts of the Apostles other then the Feasts of St. John the Evangelist and Philip and Jacob shall be kept for fasting days and none other Archbishops Bishops in their Dioces and all other having Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction may enquire of every person offending in the premises and punish every offender by censures of the Church and enjoyn him such penance as by the spiritual Judge shall be thought meet This Statute does not abrogate abstinence from flesh in Lent and Fridays and Saturdays or any day appointed to be kept by vertue of an Act made the second and third Ed. 6. Cap. 19. When any Holy day happens on the Munday the fast of that day shall be kept upon the Saturday immediately before and not upon the Sunday A view of the Reformation of Ed. 6. and of the lawfulness of it That the Book of commom Prayer Administration of the Sacraments The Reformation made by Ed. 6. was not meerly a civil sanction and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was framed and composed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops of the Land assembled to that purpose by the King is clearly expressed in the Preface to the Act of the 2. 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. The right that Christian Kings have to call and assemble Synods It is no new thing for Kings to assemble the Bishops and Church to redress and reform errors Councels and Convocations for the redress and reformation of errors and corruptions in the Church is properly the subject of another Treatise but that the Kings and supream Powers before Christianity under the old Law from Moses to Maccabees did always use it and that the first great Nicene Councel the second general Councel at Constantinople the third at Ephesus the fourth at Calcedon the fifth at Constantinople the sixth at Constantinople the seventh at Ephesus were all called by Christian Emperors is manifested by the Bishop of Winchester Andrews in the Sermon of the Right and Power of calling Assemblies nor were the general Councels convoked by Emperors but the Emperors and Kings did convoke and assemble Provincial and National Assemblies and Synods He shews that the Bishop of Syracuse in Sicily and Restitutus Bishop of London in Britain were summoned to a Synod in France by the Emperor Constantine ' Writ onely this was in the beginning of his Reign in the latter end of it in the thirtieth year of his Reign and the year before his death he called the Councel at Tyre and from thence removed it to Jerusalem and from thence called them to appear before himself at Constantinople After him Constans called one at Sardis Valentinian at Lampsacus Theodosius at Aquileia Gratian at Thessalonica Nay when the Emperors were professed Arrians even then did the Bishops acknowledge their power to call Councels came to them being called sued to them that they might be called came to them as Hosius to that of Arimine Liberius to that of Sirmium and that of Seleucia sued for them as Liberius to Constantius as Leo to Theodosius for the second Ephesine Councel Innocentius to Arcadius and sometime they sped as Leo and sometime not as Liberius and Innocentius and yet when they sped not they held themselves quiet and never presumed to draw themselves together of their own heads After the Empire fell in pieces and the Western Empire fell into the hands of Kings in Italy Theodoric called one at Rome Alaric at Agatha In France Clowis the first Christian King there called one at Orleans Childebert at Auvern Theodebert called another at Orleans and Cherebert at Toures And
by reason or colour of any such Declaration or Sentence or otherwise and will doe my endeavor to disclose and make known unto his Majesty his Heirs and Successors all Treasons and Traitrous Conspiracies which I shall know or heare of to be against him or any of them I doe farther sweare That I doe from my heart abhorre detest and abjure as impious and Hereticall this damnable Doctrine and Position That Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I doe beleeve and in my Conscience am resolved That neither the Pope nor any person whatsoever hath power to absolve me of this Oath or any part therof which I acknowledg by good and full authority to be lawfully ministred unto me and doe renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary And all these things I doe plainly and sincerely acknowledg and sweare according to these expresse words by mee spoken and according to the plaine and common sense and understanding of the same Words without any Equivocation or mentall Evasion or secret reservation whatsoever And I doe make this Recognition and acknowledgment heartily willingly and truly upon the Faith of a Christan So helpe me God Unto which Oath so taken the said Person shall subscribe his or her name or marke No Indictment to be had or found for not repairing to Church or for not receiving the Sacrament according to Law nor any Proclamation Outlawry or other proceeding thereupon shall be avoyded discharged reversed for default of forme other then by direct Travers to the point of not coming to Church or not receiving the said Sacrament If any Person so Indicted afterward submit and conform himselfe and become obedient to the Lawes of the Church of England and heare Divine Service according to the Statute in that case made and publiquely receive the Sacrament according to the Lawes of this Realm that then every such person may reverse and discharge the said Indictment Every subject of this Realme that shall passe out of this Realme and voluntarily serve any forreign Prince State or Potentate not having taken this Oath as aforesaid shall be a felon If any Gentleman or person of higher degree or any person or persons which hath born or shall bear any office of Captain Lieutenant or any other Office in Camp Army or Company of Souldiers shall after voluntarily serve any foreign Prince State or Potentate before he shall become bound by obligation with two such sureties as shall be allowed by the Officers which by this Act are limited to take such bond unto the King in the summe of 20 l. at least with condition to the effect following shall be a Felon The Tenor of the Condition followeth viz. That if the within bounden c. shall not at any time then after be reconciled to the Pope or Sea of Rome nor shall enter into or consent unto any practice plot or conspiracy whatsoever against the Kings Majestie his Heirs and Successors or any of his or their Estate or Estates Realms or Dominions but shall within convenient time after knowledge thereof had reveal disclose to the Kings Majesty his Heirs and Successors or some of the Lords of his or their honorable Privie Councell all such practices plots and conspiracies That then this obligation to be void The Customer and Controller of every Port Haven or Creek or one of them and their Deputies and none other may receive such Bond to the uses aforesaid and minister the Oath aforesaid taking for such bond six pence and no more and for such oath nothing which said Customer and Controller shall Register and certifie such Bond and Oath so taken into the Exchequer at Westminster once every year upon penalty of 5 l. for every Bond not so certified and 20 s. for every Oath not so certified If any person put in practice to absolve or perswade any of the Kings Subjects from their naturall obedience to his Majesty either within or without the Dominions or upon the Sea c. or to reconcile them to the Pope or Sea of Rome or any other Prince State or Potentate that then every such person their Aiders Counsellors and Abettors shall be adjudged Traitors and every person which shall willingly be absolved or reconciled as aforesaid shall be adjudged a Traitor The last branch shall not extend to any person which shall be only reconciled to the Pope or See of Rome and shall return into this Realm and within six dayes after before the Bishop of the Diocess or two Justices of Peace joyntly or severally submit himself to his Majesties Lawes and take the Oath of Supremacy made in the first year of the Queen * and also the Cap. 1. Oath mentioned in this Statute Where Oathes are so taken the Bishop and Justices shall at the next Generall or Quarter-sessions certifie upon the penalty of fourty pound All persons who offend against this branch of the Statute shall be indicted and tried by the Justices of Assize and Goal-delivery of that County for the time being or before the Justices of the Kings Bench and there be proceeded against according to the Laws against Traitors as if the offence had been committed in the same County If any Peer of the Realm shall happen to be indicted of any offence made Treason by this Act he shall be tried by his Peers If any person shall not resort weekly to some usuall place of Divine Service any Justice of Peace in the Limit Division or Liberty where such person shall dwell may give a Warrant to the Churchwarden of the Parish upon proof or confession made before him to levy twelve pence for every such default by distresse and sale of the Goods of the offendor and for default of such distress the said Justice may commit the offendor to prison untill payment be made No man shall be impeached upon this clause except it be within one moneth after such default made No man being punished according to this branch shall for the same offence be punished by forfeiture of twelve pence upon the Law made in the first year of Queen Eliz. This Statute repeals the two branches of 35 Eliz. 1. the first beginning and for that every person having house or family is in bounden duty to have speciall regard of the Goal governance and ordering of the same and so forth to the next clause beginning thus provided neverthelesse that this Act shall not in any wise extend to punish or impeach any persons for relieving c. ending with these words any thing in this Act contained to the contrary notwithstanding In lieu whereof every person which shall willingly maintain relieve or keep in his house any servant sojourner or stranger which shall not repair to some usuall place of Divine service according to Law by the space of one moneth not having a reasonable excuse shall forfeit ten shillings for every such moneth Every person which
shall retain in service see or livery any person which shall forbear to goe to some usuall place of Divine service by the space of a moneth shall forfeit for every such moneth he knowing the same the summe of ten pounds This Act shall not extend to punish any person for maintaining relieving or harbouring his Father or Mother wanting without fraud any other habitation or sufficient maintenance or the ward of any person committed by authority to the custody of any by whom they shall be so relieved maintained or kept The Sheriff or other Officer upon lawfull Writ Warrant or Processe to him awarded to take or apprehend any Popish Recusant standing excommunicated for recusancy may break open the house where any such person excommunicated shal be or raise the power of the County for apprehending such person Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined before the Justices of the Kings Bench and Justices of Assize And all offences other than Treason shall be enquired heard and determined before the Justices of Peace in their next Generall and Quarter-sessions No attainder of Felony by this Act shall extend to forfeiture of Dower or corruption of blood The Defendant in any action commenced or brought against him by virtue of any thing in this Act may plead to the generall Issue by an Evidence that shall prove his doings or proceedings warrantable by this Law This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away or abridge any authority or jurisdiction of Ecclesiasticall censures No person shall be charged in any penalty by force of this Act which shall happen for the wifes offence in not receiving the Sacrament during her Marriage nor any woman shall be charged with any penalty for not receiving during Marriage In all cases where the Bishop or Justices of Peace by virtue of this Act may take of any Subject not a Nobleman this oath above mentioned The Lords of the Privie Councell or any 6 of them where of the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer or principle Secretary to be one have authority to require the same at any time of any Noble-man or Noble-woman being above the age of 18. years and if such Noble-man or Noble-woman other then the woman married refuse the same they shall incurre the penalty of a Premunire Where any person shall pass out of the Cinque-Ports or any member thereof to any parts beyond the seas to serve any foreign Prince State or Potentate the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports for the time being or any person by him appointed have power to take bond and minister this oath to such passengers If any man discover any Recusant or other person which shall entertain or Stat. Annn. 3 Jac. cap. 5. relieve any Jesuit Seminary or Popish Priest or shall discover any Mass to have been said and the persons which were present and the Priest or any that were present within three daies shall not only be freed from any penalty but shall have the third part of the forfeiture of all such summes of money goods and chattels which shall be forfeited for such offence if the forfeiture exceed not 150 l. if it doth exceed 150 l. then the discoverer to have 50 l. and the discoverer after conviction of the offendor shall have a certificate from the Judges or Justices of Peace before whom such conviction shall happen to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Officer that shall seize the goods commanding him to pay the same accordingly No Popish Recusant shall come into the house where the King or the Heir apparent shall be unlesse commanded by the King or by Warrant from the Lords of the privy Councell upon penalty of one hundred pound the one moity to the King the other to the discoverer who will sue for the same in any Court of Record where no Essoine Protection or Law Gager shall be allowed All convicted Popish Recusants dwelling in London or within five miles within three moneths after the Session of Parliament shall depart out of it and not dwell within ten miles and deliver up their names to the Lord Major if they dwell in London and if such Recusant shall dwell within ten miles of London to deliver up his name to the next Justice of Peace within fourty dayes after the Session of Parliament upon the penalty of one hundred pounds the one halfe to the King the other to him who will sue as aforesaid All Recusants which shall dwell or remain in London or within ten miles thereof shall within ten dayes after indictment or conviction depart out of the said compass and deliver up their names to the Lord Mayor In case the said Recusant shall dwell in any County within ten miles of London then within ten daies after conviction or indictment shall give up his name to the next Justice of peace the person offending shall forfeit one hundred pounds the one halfe to the King the other to the Informer as aforesaid Tradesmen Recusants who have no other habitation may continue within London and the compass of ten miles This Act repeals that branch of the 35 Eliz. cap. 2. touching licence of Recusants to remove or pass above five miles from their place of abode The King or three or more of the Privy Councell under their hands may licence a Recusant to travell out of the compass of five miles So may four Justices of Peace of the County with the privity of the Bishop of the Diocesse in writing or of the Lieutenant or any of the Deputy Lieutenants the party taking his corporall oath that he truly informes them of the cause of his journey and making no causless stayes No convict Recusant shall practise the Common Law as a Councellor Clerk Atturney or Solicitor nor shall practice the Civill Law as Advocate or Proctor nor practise Physick nor be an Apothecary nor shall be Judge Minister Clerk or Steward of any Court nor keep any Court nor shall be Register or Town-clerk or other Minister or Officer in any Court nor shall bear Office as Captain Lieutenant Corporall Sergeant Auncient-bearer or other Office in Camp Troop Band or Company of Souldiers nor bear any office in any Ship Castle or Fortresse of the Kings upon penalty of one hundred pounds to be forfeited as aforesaid No popish Recusant convict or having a Wife convict shall bear any publick office in the Common-wealth Every married woman being a Recusant convict her husband not being convict shall forfeit 2. third parts of her Joynture and Dower during her life and be made uncapable of being Executrix or Administratrix to her husband Every Popish Recusant convict shall be deemed as a person excommunicated so long as he continues not conformable and not come to Divine service and receive the Sacrament and take the oath appointed by this Parliament in the first chap. Yet such Recusant may sue for such of his Lands Tenements c. and for the profits thereof which are not
said Justices of peace or any of them or shall hinder or disturb any such Justices or any person authorised by them to seize the same shall forfeit all such armour and amunition to the King and beimprisoned by warrant from any of the Justices of the County during the space of three moneths without bayl or mainprize This Act nor any thing therein shall not abridge the authority and jurisdiction of Ecclesiasticall censures See Statute 6 anno 7 Jacobi who shall take the oath of obedience to the King and by whom it shall be ministred and within what time If any married woman being lawfully convict as a popish Recusant for not coming to Church shall not within three moneths after such conviction conform her self and repair to Church and receive the Sacrament according to Law then shall shee be committed to prison by one of the Kings Privy Councell if she be a Baroness or if she be under that degree by two of the Justices of the peace of the County whereof one of the Quorum without Bail or Mainprise untill she conform her self to come to Church and receive the Sacrament unlesse the Husband shall pay to the King ten pounds a moneth or the third part of his Lands and Tenements so long as the Wife remaining out of prison shall continue a convicted Recusant during which time and no longer she shall have her liberty If the giving of the temporall powers cognizance of crimes meerly spirituall Annot. be objected to Edw. 6. Queen Elizabeth and King James I think no man will undertake to answer for all things done by men yet thus much may be answered that it was no new thing for the Statute of 2 H. 5. cap. 7. gives Justices of peace and Justices of assise full power and authority to enquire of these who hold Errors Heresies and Lollardy and of their maintainers and that the Sheriff and other Officers may arrest and apprehend Anno 1. Sess 2. cap. 2. them and that this was done by Queen Mary See Mary Of King James AS there was never any Prince who had a more clear and undoubted King James his Title and Reception right and title to the English Diadem then King James for besides that he was Heir to both Houses of York and Lancaster as is most truly acknowledged by both Houses of Parliament Anno 1. cap. 1. Jac. he was derived by a long descent of Royall Ancestors from Malcolm Conmor or Cammore King of the Scots and the Lady Margaret being the name of her from whom the united Title of both Houses of York and Lancaster descended upon him Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling Son and Heir of Edward eldest son of Edmond surnamed Ironside so that all titles as well of right of blood as of conquest might so truly be ultimately resolved into him that in the whole world no just exception could be taken against them so never was any Prince received with so little opposition and contradiction by all sorts of his Subjects both in England and Ireland where all those long rebellions and commotions did expire with Queen Elizabeth and in both Kingdomes all became so pacate and calme that during all his Reign in neither Nation was any sword drawn in opposition to him There was such havock made in the Reign of H. 8. Ed. 6. of all Church His care of the Church Lands upon pretence forsooth of Reformation that to stay it there was a Law made in the first of Queen Eliz. cap. 19. that all Gifts Grants Feofments Fines and other Conveyances made by any Arch-bishop or Bishop of any Honours Castles Manors Lands Tenements or other Hereditaments being parcell of the possession of his Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick or united or appertaining or belonging to any of the same to any person other then the Queen her Heirs and Successors whereby any Estate should or might pass from the Arch-bishop or Bishop other then for the term of 21 years or three lives reserving the old Rent or more shall be utterly void Cambden Eliz. Reg. pag. 36. takes notice of the great abuse made by the Courtiers of that clause or exception of the Queen c. And indeed William of Burley had by the Queens permission so gelt the Bishoprick of Ely by virtue of this clause that it lay void above twenty years before any man of abilities or honesty would take it so pol'd and maimed although some were conunitted to prison for refusing of it But King James as his first and chiefest care by an Act of Parliament in the first year of his Reign cap. 3. made a Law that all assurances afterward made to the King of any of the Lands of Arch-Bishops or Bishops should be void so that the rapine and prey made upon the Church was first restrained totally by him King James was not only a devout observor of the Government Rites His care of Religion and Ceremonies of the Church of England but made it one of his chiefest cares to have brought an Uniformity as well in Scotland as in England and proceeded so far as to settle Episcopacy among them naming thirteen new Bishops for so many Episcopall Sees as had been anciently in that Church three of which received consecration from the Bishops of England and conferred it on the rest of their Brethren at their comming home Which Bishops he armed also with the power of an High Commission the better to keep down the insolent and domineering spirit of the Presbyterians In order to the other he procured an Act to be passed in the Assembly at Aberdeen 1616. for composing a Liturgy and extracting a new book of Canons out of the scattered Acts of their old Assemblies At the Assembly held at Perth anno 1618. he obtained an Order for the receiving the Communion kneeling for the administring Baptisme and the Lords Supper in private houses in cases of extreme necessity for Episcopall confirmation and finally for the celebrating the Anniversaries of our Saviours birth his Passion Resurrection and Ascension and the coming down of the Holy Ghost all which he got confirmed in the following Parliament So far did this wise King advance the work of Uniformity before his engaging in the cause of the Palatinate his breach with Spain and the warre which issued thereupon did divert his thoughts To his peacefull disposition and his care of the Church and Religion His great learning and clemency in the next place may be truly added his great abilities in learning so far transcending not only the Kings of the present age his contemporaries but all his predecessors and surely scarcely to be paralled by any of his time as his many learned works testifie To these other virtues may be added a mind no wayes vindicative although sometimes transported with present passion yet of some small continuance that in person or estate he was never noted to punish any man rashly or extrajudicially And although he was no great lover
of the Commons Lawes of this Land yet a great assertor of them and in disgrace with him would oftentimes affirm that there was no time whenever he could speak reason but the King would hear him With the reputation of these virtues he governed these Islands in greater peace then posbly in the ordinary nature of things could be expected In the 3. year of his Reign viz. Anno Dom. 1605. was a most hainous and The cause of the many Laws made against Popish Recusants vile attempt intended not only against the very Person of the King but even of his Posterity which had not advanced the designe of the conspirators and the Church and all the Nobility not of their faction with the Commons in Parliament assembled And the conspirators had proceeded so far that they had not only made provision to have effected their purpose and intended the fifth of November being the day for the convention of the Parliament after their Proroguement and therefore probably expecting not only a more then usuall convention both of the Lords and Gentry but even of the King himself to have blown up the Parliament House But the designe being as foolish as desperate was discovered the night before it should have been executed although it is thought that it was known even to the King himself and the Earl of Salisbury before as by accident and so had no other effect then what the conspirators might reasonably have expected had it succeeded viz. ruine to themselves for their faction being so very few in proportion to the rest of the Nation and without either money Forts or Army in reason they could not have done any thing considerable in order to their further designes and severe Lawes against all which might be suspected to be of their faction to prevent any such further attempts It is true where Tacitus observes that the conspiracies of Subjects where His defects and frailties they succeed not doe advance the Soveraignty and verefied in this attempt of the Gunpowder-Treason for how many Lawes were that Parliament and afterward enacted against all Popish Recusants we have before shewed yet so it happened and so usually happens when not carefully minded by Princes that another faction far more formidable both to King and Church openly pretending assistance to the King and Church in persecuting this faction secretly acquired strength to themselves in so doing Nor was this unseen by this wise King being naturally a greater enemy to the Faction persecuting the persecuted but either not having that magnanimity which is so requisite in a Soveraign or apprehending he had not means sufficient to goe through he neglected to apply such medicines as were necessary to the curing of this Gangrene so dilating it self both in Church Court and State but desiring Peace especially at home although almost upon any termes he rather sought to repell the breaking out of Puritanisme during his Reign then to eradicate it for the future Add hereunto that being excessively addicted to Hunting and not greatly loving the Common Lawes and finding it impossible to govern this Nation otherwise and minding controversies in Divinity more than the management of his temporall affaires and though free from Sacriledge and Corruption in his person yet carelesse of it in his Favourites and Countrymen and nothing so prudent a Manager of the Revenues of the Crown as his Predecessor whereby being forced to recede from many of his Regalities the Reins of Government both in Church and State became so loose that in the ordinary nature of things it was very difficult they should be reassumed by his Successor Ecclesiasticall Laws made by King Charles THere were some few Lawes made against Interludes c. on the Lords day and 10. groats penalty for offence to be levied by Justices and Constables which a man may read in the first Car. 1. 3 Car. 1. There had never in any time been before this Kings Reign so long Peace The state of the Church State in the beginning of K. Charles his Reign viz. for neer 80 years in this Nation as in the beginning of his Reign but neither doth peace make mens minds peaceable nor were things otherwise well disposed for the continuance of it for not only the zealous and obsequious duty which the Subjects paid to the Royall name in the person of Queen Elizabeth was quite dead and almost forgotten the great wisedome and learning of his Father not to be hoped for in the tender years of the Son the Exchequer without money and yet the King engaged in a Warre against the Spaniard for recovery of the Palatinate but the Puritan Faction which Queen Elizabeth desired so much to suppresse and so much hated by his Father was grown so farre up in Church State and Court that in all they were far more numerous both in England and Scotland and all forein Plantations then all his other Subjects Nor was the condition of Ireland better for not only the Protestant party were jarring among themselves but the Popish intent upon their destruction which after they did execute in a terrible manner To these may be added the government both in Church and State so neglected that the exercise of any Lawes to reduce them to conformity would be imputed to have been Innovations and Tyranny The Kings Councell either uncapable of giving counsell or not faithfull to their Prince Nor was there any thing left to oppose all these growing calamities but the hopefull virtues of a young Prince unacquainted in Temporall affaires and a stranger to all worldly calamities which are of no more power to protect him against seditious and rebellious Subjects then the Lawes of God and all which may be called sacred will retain men in obedience where they are not restrained by a present coercive power But these stormes which after brought this Saintlike Prince and this wofull Church State to so lamentable a condition as they lately lay under did not breake out in the very beginning of his Reign but in all three Nations did gather into such black clouds in all his reigne that almost at once breaking forth in such a terrible Tempest as upon the matter it so overwhelmed King Church and Government that there was scarce any footsteps of them left I had here designed to have inserted a short History of the chiefe occurrences of his Reigne and by what degrees this saint-like Prince became a victim to the rage and lust of his seditious subjects and have the papers now by me but in regard it must needs rub soares which may rather in their tendernesse anger then ease them and also because the History of his life hath been by others more fully written but most of all because it is his Majesties pleasure to have the memory of things rather buried in oblivion then renued I shall forbeare and doe no more then give the description of him and shew the consequence of his calamities The Description of King
from voluntary and contingent causes of man so contactus naturalis in bodies apted and disposed doth necessarily generate yet is there no necessity that this contactus should bee but it might not have beene c. Universall causes in nature produce nothing of themselves but as meeting with particular and materiall causes disposed to production the universall causes are alwaies prime and necessary but their meeting with particular causes are not alwaies so but often times contingent and voluntary As God by the confluence of naturall causes is alwaies the first cause of all creatures by Generation so is he the first cause of the preservation of all Creatures yet doth not he preserve them by any absolute necessity of his part alone but by such meanes as he hath ordained for every Creature I say this meanes doth not alwaies come to passe from inevitable necessity of the part of God but often times from the will of men and contingent causes for example no man lives but as he daily repaires nature by eating and drinking yet there is no necessity that he should eat or drink but he may choose whether he will or not Nor is God less the prime preserver of intellectuall and rationall creatures yet doth he not preserve them as other creatures void of understanding but thus using the intellectuall and rationall faculty of their Soul yet there is no man but may chuse whether he will use his understanding and reason in his actions and that man who doth not use his understanding in his actions but only his affections and passions how great soever he be will live to see misery enough And though Religion and Justice cannot of themselves preserve men in Peace and Happinesse but some superior cause which must order and dispose them thereunto yet so necessary are they for the preservation of peace and happiness that whersoever they are neglected men did ever degenerate into straction confusion and prophanenesse this superior cause which dignifies men above all other creatures as well intellectuall as sociable is God who is the prime efficient and necessary cause of peace and happinesse among sociable Creatures and Religion and Justice are the necessary meanes which he hath ordained therefore But though Religion and Justice be necessary for the peace and happinesse of any Nation yet is it not alwaies necessary on Gods part men should be Religious and Just but men may chuse whether they will do religious and just acts or not God therefore is the first and necessary cause of peace and happinesse among men and Religion and Justice the necessary meanes which he hath ordained thereunto and this to be performed by man and let no man thinke that God will save any man in this world or blesse him in the world to come against his Will when men will not endeavor these things by such meanes as hee hath ordained Man therefore by Religion and Justice ought to endeavour through God's blessing to attaine to Peace and Happinesse as well in this World as in the next without which hee cannot reasonably hope for eyther Having thus far treated of the causes of all society and vindicated the Government and Lawes of my native Country and mother-Church of England It will not be amisse before I conclude to add a word or two in vindication of Sir Edward Coke my most honored Ancestor since by words and writing he is so traduced as indeed Quis ille a tergo quem nulla aconia pinsit by men so maliciously or ignorantly or both Among the rest one a late writer of a Pamphlet I will not call it because of the subject being the life of our late Soveraigne yet it is without name although I thinke few men but are sufficiently assured of the Author upon a seditious and reproachfull speech he sayes tending to the dishonour of his Majesties Government made by Mr. Coke after the wonted rate of his lavish pen without any more adoe makes him a Chip of the old Block But of all men I am content he next after one of our Mercuries should say it since if he be not traduced unjustly hee can asperse the Nobility upon the faith of a Mercury and so many others upon none at all and his Quotations upon his Geography So fals that upon search made by a Reader and scarce any to be found to be true upon the reprinting he blotted out the pages and only quoted the Authors and left the Reader to finde them where he could If these be true then certainly his ipse dixit is of small account if false then let him deny them But I can tell our Historian newes of his Soldier whom he page 156. made openly to be shot to death in Saint Pauls Church yard for as is confidently reported and beleeved he was apprehended about Whitehall June 17. and is at this time in faire election of being hanged And being no lesse a more famous Geographer then Historian though his second Edition suffers much for want of his expunged pages to finde out his quotations hee page 123. makes the Town and Castle of Conway a place of principall command on that narrow channell which runs between the County of Carnarvan and the Isle of Anglesey whereas the Town and Castle of Conway stand upon the River Conway which parts Denbighshire from Carnarvanshire a little below the mouth of the River Gessen nay let any man see whether the River Conway falls not into the Irish or Virgivium Sea but whether it fals into the Irish or Virgivium Sea or not yet certainly it cannot fall into the narrow Channell which parts Carnarvanshire from Anglesey which begins at Abermenay ferry and ends at Porthathir ferry whereas the mouth of Conway is little lesse distant from Porthathir ferry then that is from Abermenay Porthathir ferry being upon the matter equidistant from either What heed then is to be taken to the ipse dixit of such a Geographer and Historian let any man Judge Sure he had more need mend his own Errors then be so rash and lavish a Censurer of other mens Although I take not this mans tongue to be any slander so not worth an answering or at most a bare denyall of what he sayes were sufficient which I doe since it is but gratis dictum yet since other men have assumed to themselves such licence of aspersing him it will not ill become mee to shew how unjustly he is aspersed in those things whereof they traduce him as first this man makes him a seditious man certainly it is very strange that in the living of 83 yeeres the many of his writings and his many imployments doth not produce so much as any suspicion thereof that I ever heard of One thing yet pleases me that in all these seditious commotions Judge Jenkins and almost all the assertors of the Kings Cause have next after Divine Laws maintained it principally out of his writings nor doe I remember that any of the adverse part I am sure