for out of the Country to give her attendance on the Queen as in former times impatient of a longer absence and fearful of a second Rival if he should any longer conceal his purpose Which having taken some fit time to disclose unto her he found in her a vertue of such strength against all temptations that he resolves upon the sentencing of the divorce which he little doubted to take her to him as the last sole object of his wandring loves A matter not to be concealed from so many espials as Wolsie had about the King Who thereupon slackneth his former pace in the Kings affairs and secretly practiseth with the Pope to recall the Commission whereby he was impowred together with Campegius to determine in it Anne Bollen formerly offended at his two great haste in breaking the compliance betwixt her and Percy is now as much displeased with him for his being too slow in sentencing the Kings Divorse On which as she had built the hopes of her future greatness so she wanted neither will nor opportunity to do him ill offices with the King whom she exasperates against him upon all occasions The King growes every day more open in his cariage towards her takes her along with him in his progress diâ—es with her privately in her chamber and causeth almost all adresses to be made by her in matters of the greatest moment Resolved to break through all impediments which stood betwixt him and the accomplishment of his desires he first sends back Campegius an alien born presently caused Wolsie to be indicted and attainted in a premunire and not long after by the counsel of Thomas Cromwel who formerly had been the Cardinals Solicitor in his Legantine Court involves the whole body of the Clergy in the same crime with him By the perswasions of this man he requires the Clergy to acknowledge him for supreme head on earth of the Church of England to make no new Canons and Constitutions nor to execute any such when made but by his consent And having thus brought his own Clergy under his command he was the less solicitous how his matters went in the Court of Rome to which the Pope recalled his cause which he either quickned or retarded as rather stood with his own interess than the Kings concernments The King being grown more confident in the equity and justice of his cause by the determinations of many of the Universities in France and Italy better assured than formerly of his own Clergy at home and wanting no encouragement from the French King to speed the business advanced the Lady Anne Bollen for by this time her father for her sake was made Earl of Wâ—ltshire to the Title Stile and Dignity of Marchâ—oness of Pâ—mbrook on the first of September 1532. assigning her a pension of a thousand pounds per annum out of the Bishopâ—ick of Durham And now the time of the intended interview betwixt him and the French King drawing on a pace he takes her along with him unto Calais where she entertained both Kings at a curious Mask At what time having some communication about the Kings intended mariage the French encouraged him to proceed assuring him that if the matter should be questioned by the Pope or Emperour against whom this must make him sure to the party of France to assist him with his utmost power what fortune soever should beâ—ide him in it On which assurance from the French the mariage is privately made up on the 14th of November then next following the sacred Rites performed by Dr Rowland Lee whom afterwards he preferred to the See of Lichfield and made Lord President of Wales None present at the Nuptials but Archbishop Cranmer the Duke of Norfolk the Father Mother and Brother of the new Queen and possibly some other of the Confidents of either side whom it concerned to keep it secret at their utmost peril But long it could not be concealed For finding her self to be with child she acquaints the King with it who presently dispatcheth George Lord Rochfort her only brother to the Court of France as well to give the King advertisement of his secret mariage as to desire him not to fail of performing his promises if occasion were and therewithall to crave his counsel and advice how it was to be published since it could not long be kept unknown It is not to be doubted but that the French King was well pleased with the news of a mariage which must needs fasten England to the party of France and that he would be forward enough to perform those promises which seemed so visible to conduce to his own preservation And as for matter of advice it appeared unnecessary because the mariage would discover it self by the Queens being with child which could no longer be concealed And being to be concealed no longer on Easter Eve the twelfth of April she shewed her self openly as Queen all necessary officers and attendants are appointed for her an Order issueth from the Parliament at that time sitting that Katherine should no longer be called Queen but Princesse Dowager Cranmer the new Archbishop repairs to Dunstable erects his Consistory in the Priory there cites Katherine fifteen dayes together to appear before him and in default of her appearance proceedeth judicially to the sentence which he reduceth into writing in due form of Law and caused it to be openly publish'd with the consent of his Colleagues on Friday the 23d of May. And on the Sunday sevennight being then Whitsunday the new Queen was solemnly crowned by the said Archbishop conducted by water from Greenwich to the Tower of London May 29. from thence through the chief streets of the City unto Westminster Hall May 31. and the next day from Westminster Hall to the Abby Church to receive the Crown a solemn tilting before the Court gate on the morrow after All which was done with more magnificence and pomp than ever had been seen before on the like occasion the particulars whereof he that lists to see may find them punctually set down in the Annals of John Stow fol. 563 564 c. And he may find there also the solemnities used at the Christning of the Princess Elizabeth born upon Sunday the 7th day of September and Christned on the Wednesday following with a pomp not much inferiour to the Coronation her Godfather being the Archbishop of Canterbury her Godmothers the old Dutchess of Norfolk and the old Marchioness of Dorset by whom shâ— was named Elizabeth acâ—ording to the name of the Grandmothers on eitheâ— side Not long after Christmass then next following began the Parliament in which the Kings mariage with the Lady Katherine was declared unlawful her daughter the Lady Mâ—ry to be illegitimate the Crown to be entailed on the Kings heirs males to be begotten on the body of the present Queen and for default of such issue on the Princess Elizabeth an oath devised in maintenance of the said succession and not long after
following they were dismist with many rich Presents and an annual pension from the Queen conducted honourably by the Lord Aburgavenny to the Port of Dover and there shipped for Calais filling all places in the way betwixt that and Baden with the report of the magnificence of their entertainment in the Court of England And that the Glories of their entertainment might appear the greater it hapned that Rambouillet a French Ambassador came hither at that time upon two solemnities that is to say to be installed Knight of the Garter in the place and person of that King and to present the Order of St Michael the principal Order of that Kingdom to Thomas Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Leicester The one performed with the accustomed Pomps and Ceremonies in the Chapel of St George at Windsor the other with like State and splendour in the Royal Chapel at Whitehall Such a well tempered piety did at that time appear in the Devotions of the Church of England that generally the English Papists and the Ambassadors of forein Princes still resorted to them But true it is that at that time some zealots of the Church of Rome had begun to slacken their attendance not out of any new dislike which they took at the service but in regard of a Decree set forth in the Council of â—rent prohibiting all resort to the Churches of Hereticks Which notwithstanding the far greater part continued in their first obedience till the coming over of that Roaring Bull from Pope Pius the 5th by which the Queen was excommunicated the subjects discharged from their obedience to the Laws and the going or not going to the Church made a sign distinctive to difference a Roman Catholick from an English Protestant And it is possible enough that they might have stood much longer to their first conformity if the discords brought into the Church by the Zuinglian faction together with their many innovations both in Doctrine and Discipline had not afforded them some further ground for the desertion For in this year it was that the Zuinglian or Calvinian faction began to be first known by the name of Puritans if Genebrard Gualier and Spondanus being all of them right good Chronologers be not mistaken in the time Which name hath ever since been appropriate to them because of their pretending to a greater Purity in the service of God than was held forth unto them as they gave it out in the Common Prayer Book and to a greater opposition to the Rites and Usages of the Church of Rome than was agreeable to the constitution of the Church of England But this Purity was accompanied with such irreverence this opposition drew along with it so much licenciousnesse as gave great scandal and offence to all sober men so that it was high time for those which had the care of the Church to look narrowly unto them to give a check to those disorders and confusions which by their practices and their preachings they had brought into it and thereby laid the ground of that woful schism which soon after followed And for a check to those disorders they published the Advertisement before remembred subscribed by the Archbishop of Canâ—erbury the Bishops of London Winchester Ely Lincoln Rochester and other of her Majesties Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical according to the Statute made in that behalf This was the only present remedy which could then be thought of And to prevent the like confusions for the time to come a Protestation was devised to be taken by all Parsons Vicars and Curates in their several stations by which they were required to declare and promise That they would not preach not publickly interpret but only read that which is appointed by publick authority without special Licence of the Bishop under his Seal that they would read the Service plainly distinctly and audibly that all the people might hear and understand that they would keep the Register book according to the Queens Majesties Injunctions that they would use sobriety in apparel and especially in the Church at Common Prayers according to Order appointed that they would move the Parishioners to quiet and concord and not give them cause of offence and help to reconcile them that be at variance to their utmost power that they would read dayly at the least one Chapter of the Old Testament and another of the New with good advisement to the increase of their knowledge that they would in their own persons use and exercise their Office and Place to the honour of God and the quiet of the Queens subjects within their charge in truth concord and unity as also observe keep and maintain such Order and Uniformity in all external Policy Rites and Ceremonies of the Church as by the Lawes good usages and Orders are already well provided and established and finally that they would not openly meddle with any Artificers occupations as covetously to seek a gain thereby having in Ecclesiastical Livings twenty Nobles or above by the year Which protestation if it either had been generally pressed upon all the Clergy as perhaps it was not or better kept by them that took it the Church might questionlesse have been saved from those distractions which by the Puritan Innovators were occasioned in it Anno Reg. Eliz. 8. A. D. 1565 1566. THus have we seen the publick Liturgy confirmed in Parliament with divers penalties on all those who either did reproach it or neglect to use it or wilfully withdrew their attendance from it the Doctrine of the Church declared in the Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation and ratified in due form of Law by the Queens authority external matters in officiating Gods publick service and the apparel of the Clergy regulated and reduced to their first condition by the Books of Orders and Advertisements Nothing remaineth but that we settle the Episcopal Government and then it will be time to conclude this History And for the setling of this Government by as good authority as could be given unto it by the Lawes of the Land we aâ—e beholden to the obstinacy of Dr Edmond Bonner the late great slaughter-man of London By a Statute made in the last Parliament for keeping her Majesties Subjects in their due obedience a power was given unto the Bishops to tender and receive the oath of Supremacy of all manner of persons dwelling and residing in their several Diocesses Bonner was then prisoner in the Clink or Marshalsea which being in the Burrough of Southwark brought him within the Jurisdiction of Horn Bishop of Winchester by whose Chancellor the Oath was tender'd to him On the refusal of which Oath he is endicted at the Kings Bench upon the Statute to which he appeared in some Term of the year foregoing and desires that counsel be assigned to plead his cause according to the course of the Court The Court assigns him no worse men than Christopher Wâ—ay afterwards chief Justice of the Common Pleas that famous Lawyer Edmond
added from the Holy Scripture where Solomon is found to be preferred unto the Throne by David before Adonijah the youngest Son before the eldest a Childe before a Man experienced and well grown in years And some Examples also might be had of the like Transpositions in the Realm of Scotland in Hungary Naples and else where enough to shew that nothing had been done in this great Transaction which was not to be presidented in other Places Upon all which Considerations it was thought most agreeable to the Rules of Polity that the King by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England should so dispose of the Possession of the Crown with such Remainders and Reversions as to him seemed best as might prevent such Inconveniencies and Emergent Mischiefs as might otherwise happen which could not better be effected then by setting the Crown on the Head of the Lady Jane a Lady of a Royal Blood born in the Realm brought up in the Religion now by Law established Married already to a Person of Desert and Honour and such an one in whom all those Graces were concentred which were sufficient to adorn all the rest of Her Sex Thus Reason being thus prepared the next Care was to have the Instrument so contrived in due form of Law that nothing might be wanting in the Stile and Legalities of it which might make it any way obnoxious to Disputes and Questions For the doing whereof it was thought necessary to call in the Assistance of some of the Judges and others of His Majesties Council learned in the Laws of this Realm by whose Authority it might be thought more passable amongst the People Of all which Rank none was thought fitter to be taken into the Consultation then Sir Edward Montague not onely as Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and very well experienced in His own Profession But because he being one of the Executours of the King deceased his concurrence with the rest of the Council seemed the more considerable A Letter is therefore sent unto him on the eleventh of June subscribed by the Lord Treasurer the Duke of Northumberland the Earls of Shrewsbury Bedford and Pembroke the Lord Admiral Clinton the Lord Darcie Sir John Gale Sir William Peter Sir William Cecil and Sir John Cheek By the Tenour whereof he was commanded to attend upon their Lordships the next day in the Afternoon and to bring with him Sir John Baker Chancellour of the first-Fruits and Tenths Master Justice Bromeley together with the Attorney and Sollicitour General Being brought into the King's Presence at the time appointed whom they found attended by the Lord Treasurer and some others of those who had subscribed the former Letter the King declared Himself with a weak Voice to this Effect viz. That He had considered in His Sickness of the Estate of His Realm which if it should descend on the Lady Mary who was then unmarried it might so happen that She might marry a Stranger born whereby not onely the Laws of the Realm might be changed and altered but all His own Proceedings in Religion might be also reversed That it was His Pleasure therefore that the Crown should Descend after His Decease unto such Persons aâ—d in such Form as was contained in certain Articles then ready to be shewed unto them to be by them digested and disposed of in due Form of Law These Articles when they had Perused and Considered of they signified unto the King that they conceâ—ved them to be contrary to the Act of Succession which being made in Parliament could not be Frustrated or made Ineffectual but by Parliaments onely Which Answer notwithstanding the King without allowing further time or deliberation commanded them to take the Articles along with them and give the Business a Dispatch with all speed as might be But finding greater Difficulties in it then had appeared unto their Lordships they made a Report unto them at their next Attendance that they had Considered of the King's Articles and the Act of Succession whereby it appeared manâ—festly that if they should make any Book concerning the King's Commandment they should not onely be in danger of Treason but their Lordships also The sum of which Report being cerâ—ifiâ—d to the Duke of Northumberland who though absent was not out of Call he came in great Rage and Fury to the Council-Chamber called the Chief Justice Traitour affirmed that he would fight in his Shirt in that Quarrel against any man living and behaved himself in such an outragious manner as put both Mountague and Justice Bromely in a very great fear that he would have struck them Calâ—ed to the Court again by a Letter of the fourteenth of the same Moneth they found the King more earnest in it then He was before requiring them with a sharp Voice and a displeased Countenance to dispatch the Book according to the Articles delivered to them and telling them that He would have a Parliament shortly to Confirm the same When nothing else would serve the turn Answer was made That His Câ—mmandment should be obeyed upon Condition that they might be Commissionated so to do by His Majestie 's Warrant under the Great Seal of England and have a General Pardon for it when the Deed was done Not daring longer to resist and having made as good Provision as they could for their own Indemnâ—ty they betook themselves unto the Work digested it in form oâ— Law caused â—t to be Engrossed in Parchment and so dispatched it for the Seal to the Lord Chancellour Goodrick sufficiently prepared before-hand not to stick upon it Bâ—t then appeared another Difficulty amongst the Lords of the Council some of whâ—ch not well satisfied with these Proceedings appeared as backward in Subscribing to the Instrument before it went unto the Seal as the Great Lawyers had done at the first in being brought to the Employment But such was the Authority which Dudley and his Party had gained amongst them that some for fear and some for favour did Subscribe at last a Zeal to the Reformed Religion prevailing in it upon some a doubt of loosing their Church-Lands more powerfully over-swaying others and all in fear of getting the displeasure of that Mighty Tyrant who by his Power and Practices carried all before him The last that stood it out was Arch-Bishop Cranmer Who being sent for to the Court when all the Lords of the Council and most of the Judges of the Realm had subscribed the Instrument refused to put his hand unto it or to consent to the Disherison of the late King's Daughters After much Reasoning of the Case he requires a longer time of deliberation consults about it with some of the most Learned Lawyers and is finally sent for by the King who having fully set his heart upon the Business did use so many Reasons to him in behalf of Religion and plyed him with such strong Perswasions in pursuance of them that at the last he suffered himself to be overcome by His Importunities
Ploydon whose learned Commentaries do sufficiently set forth his great abilities in that Profession and one Mr. Lovelace of whom we find nothing but the name By them and their Advice the whole pleading chiefly is reduced to these two heads to omit the nicities and punctilioes of lesser moment the first whereof was this That Bonner was not at all named in the indictment by the stile and title of Bishop of London but only by the name Dr. Edmond Bonner Clerk Dr. of the Lawes whereas at that time he was legally and actually Bishop of London and therefore the Writ to be abated as our Lawyers phrase it and the cause to be dismissed our of the Court But Ploydon found here that the Case was altered and that this Plea could neither be allowed by Catiline who was then Chief Justice nor by any other of the Bench and therefore it is noted by Chief Justice Dyer who reports the Case with a Non allocatur The second principle Plea was this That Horn at the time when the Oath was tender'd was not Bishop of Winchester and therefore not impowred by the said Statute to make tender of it by himself or his Chancellor And for the proof of this that he was no Bishop it was alleged that the form of Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops which had been ratified by Parliament in the time of King Edward had been repealed in the first year of Queen Mary and so remained at Horn's pretended consecration The Cause being put off from Term to Term comes at the last to be debated amongst the Judges at Serjeants Inne By whom the cause was finally put upon the issue and the tryal of that issue Ordered to be committed to a Jury of the County of Surry But then withall it was advised that the decision of the Point should rather be referred to the following Parliament for fear that such a weighty matter might miscarry by a contrary Jury of whose either partiality insufficiency there had been some proof made before touching the grants made by King Edward's Bishops of which a great many were made under this pretence that the Granters were not actually Bishops nor legally possessed of their several Sees According to this sound advice the business comes under consideration in the following Parliament which began on the 30th of September where all particulars being fully and considerately discoursed upon it was first declared That their not restoring of that Book to the former power in terms significant and express was but Casus omissus and Secondly That by the Statute 5th and 6th Edw. 6th it had been added to the Book of Common Prayer and administration of the Sacraments as a member of it or at least an appendant to it and therefore by 1. Eliz. was restored again together with the said Book of Common Prayer intentionally at the least if not in terminis But being the words in the said Statute were not cleer enough to remove all doubts they did therefore revive it now and did accordingly Enact that all persons that had been or should be made Ordered or Consecrate Archbishops Bishops Priests Ministers of Gods Holy Word and Sacraments or Deacons after the form and order prescribed in the said Book be in very deed and also by authority hereof declared and enacted to be and shall be Archbishops Bishops Priests Ministers and Deacons rightly made Consecrate and Ordered Any Statute Law Canon or any thing to the contrary notwithstanding Nothing else done in this Parliament which concerned the Church not any thing at all in the Convocation by which it was of course accompanied more than the granting of a Subsidy of six shillings in the pound out of all their Benefices and promotions And as for Bonner who was the other party to the cause in question it was determined that neither he nor any other person or persons should be impeached or molested in regard of any refusal of the said Oath heretofore made and hereafter to be made before the end of that Parliament Which favour was indulged unto them of the Laity in hope of gaining them by fair means to a sence of their duty to Bonner and the rest of the Bishops as men that had sufficiently suffered upon that account by the loss of their Bishopricks By this last Act the Church is strongly setled on her natural pillars of Doctrine Government and Worship not otherwise to have been shaken than by the blind zeal of all such furioâ—s Sampsons as were resolved to pull it on their own heads rather than suffer it to stand in so much glory And here it will be time to conclude this History having taken a brief view of the State of the Church with all the abberrations from its first constitution as it stood at this time when the Puritan faction had began to disturb her Order and that it may be done with a greater certainty I shall speak it in the words of one who lived and writ his knowledge of it at this time I mean John Rastel in his answer to the Bishops challenge Who though he were a Papist and a fugitive Priest yet I conceive that he hath faithfully delivered to many sad truths in these particulars Three books he writ within the compass of three years now last past against Bishop Jewel in one of which he makes this address unto him viz. And though you Mr. Jewel as I have heard say do take the bread into your hands when you celebrate solemnly yet thousands there are of your inferiour Ministers whose death it is to be bound to any such external fashion and your Order of celebrating the Communion is so unadvisedly conceived that every man is left unto his private Rule or Canon whether he will take the bread into his hands or let it stand at the end of the table the Bread and Wine being laid upon the table where it pleases the Sexton or Parish-Clerk to set them p. 28. In the Primitive Church Altars were allowed amongst Christians upon which they offered the unbloody sacrifice of Christs body yet your company to declare what followers they are of antiquity do account it even among one of the kinds of Idolaâ—ry if one keep an Altar standing And indeed you follow a certain Antiquity not of the Catholicks but of desperate Hereticks Optatus writing of the Donatists that they did break raze and remove the Altars of God upon which they offered p. 34. and 165. Where singing is used what shall we say to the case of the people that kneel in the body of the Church yea let them hearken at the Chancel dore it self they shall not be much wiser Besides how will you provide for great Parishes where a thousand people are c p. 50. Then to come to the Apostles where did you ever read that in their external behaviour they did wear Frocks or Gowns or four-cornered Caps or that a company of Lay-men-servants did follow them all in one Livery or that at their Prayers
Sir John Mason Master of the Requests R. Bowes Master of the Rolls Most of which had formerly subscribed the answer to a Letter which came to them from the Princesse Mary on the ninth of July and were all pâ—â—doned for so doing except Cranmer only Now the Tenor of the said 〈◊〉 was as followeth In the name of our Soveraign Lady Mary the Queen to be declared to the Duke of Northumberland and all other his Band of what degree soever they be YOu shall command and charge in the Queens Highness name the said Duke to disarm himselfe and the cease all his men of war and to suffer no part of his army to do any villany nor any thing contrary to the peace and himself to forbear his comming to this City untill the Queens pleasure be expressedly declared unto him And if he will shew himselfe like a good quiet subject we will then continue as we have begun as humble suitors to our Soveraign Lady the Queen's Highnesse for him and his and for our selves And if he do not we will not fail to spend our lives in subduing of him and his Item Ye shall declare the like matter to the Marquesse of Northampton and all other Noble men and Gentlemen and to all men of war being with any of them Item Ye shall in all places where ye come notifie it If the Duke of Northumberland do not submit himselfe to the Queens Highnesse Queen Mary he shall be accepted as a Traytor And all we of the Nobility that were Counsellors to the late King will to the utmost portion of our power persecute him and his to their afterconfusion The Pursuivant having communicate his Instructions found none more ready to obey them then the Duke himselfe who had before dismist his forces and now prepared for his departure from that place though to what he knew not But as he was pulling on his boots he was first slaid by some of the Pensioners who being drawn into the action against their wils resolved to have him in a readinesse to bear witnesse to it and after taken into custody by Slegg a Serjeant The businesse being in dispute another Packet comes from the Lords of the Council by which all parties were required to depart to their severall dwellings the benefit whereof the Duke laid claim to for himself and was accordingly left by them at his own disposal And so he passed that night in some good assurance that he should fare no worse than the rest of the Council who had engaged him in the same cause and by whose order he had undertaken the command of that Army In the mean time the Earl of Arundell had done his errand to the Queen to so good a purpose that he was presently dispatched with Order to seize upon him Who coming to Cambridge the next morining found him preparing for his journy laid hold upon him and committed him to the charge of some of the Guard It is reported that the Duke had no sooner seen the Earle of Arundell but he fell down upon his knees and besought him to be good unto him humbling himselfe before him with more abjectednesse than formerly he had insulted over him with pride and insolence By safe but easie journies he is brought unto the Tower on the 25 day of July together with the Earl of Warwick the Earle of Huntington the Lord Hastings the Lord Ambrose and the Lord Henry Dudley two of Northumberlands younger sons Sir Andrew Dudly the Duke's brother Sir John Gates and Henry Gates his brother Sir Thomas Palmer who formerly had served his turn in the destruction of the Duke of Sommerset and Dr Sandys Vice Chancelor of the University of Cambridge Followed the next day after by the Marquesse of Northampton Dr Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London the Lord Robert Dudley another of Northumberland's sons and Sir Robert Corbet who having made their Applications to the Queen at Framingham found there no better entertainment than if they had been take in some act of Hostility The 27 day brings in Sir Roger Chomley Chief Justice of the Kings Bench and Sir Edward Mountague Chief Justice of the Common Pleas the Duke of Suffolk and Sir John Cheek on the morrow after shutting up the Arrer But the Duke of Suffolk stayed not long for being considered in himself as an easie person of whom they were to fear no danger and otherwise no more in fault than the rest of the Council he was released again within three dayes after to the great comfort of his daughter the late queen Jane who would have died dayly for her Father though but once for her self But so it fared not with the Duke of Northumberland a more dangerous person who together with John Earl of Warwick his eldest son and William Marquesse of Northampton was brought to their tryal on the eighth of August before Thomas Duke of Norfolk then sitting as Lord High Steward in Westminster Hall The Duke being brought unto the bar humbled himself with great reverence before his Peers professing his faith and allegiance to the Queen against whom he confessed he had so grievously offended that he intended not to speak any thing in his own defence But having been trained up to the study of the Laws in his younger dayes he desired the judgement of the Court in these two points First Whether any man doing any act by Authority of the Princes Councel and by warrant of the Great Seal of England and doing nothing wâ—thâ—â—t the same might be charged with treason for any thing which he might do by warrant thereof And secondly which pinched then his Judges to some purpose Wheâ—her any such persons as were equally culpable in the crime and those by whose Letters and Commandments he was directed in all his doings might sit as Judges and passe upon his trial as his Peers Whereunto it was answered by the Court with advice of the Judges First That the Great Seal which â—e preâ—ended 〈◊〉 his warrant was not the Seal of the lawful Queen of the Realm but thâ— Seâ— of 〈◊〉 â—â—surper who had no authority and therefâ—re could bâ— no warrant to him And secondly That if any were as deeply to be touched in the case as himself yet so long as nâ— attainder was upon Record against them they were looked upon by the Law as persons capable of passing upon any tryal and not to bâ— challenged by any in that respect but only at the Prince's pleasure Which being delivered by the Court in point of Law the Duke conceived that it would be to no purpose for him to plead Not Guilty and thereupon confessed the Indictment as the other two prisoners also did they all received judgement in the usual form On the pronouncing whereof he besought the Lords to move the Queen that she would be gratious to his sons who might be able to do good service in the time to come considering that they went not with him of their own free will but only in
made 〈◊〉 Purple silke and Gold garnished with the like girdle he is girt withall thereby showing him to be Duke of Cornwall by birth and not by Creation A cap of the same velvet thaâ—â—is 〈◊〉 is of furred with â—â—mines with Laces and a button and Tassells on the Crown thereof made of Venice Gold A Garland or a little Coronet of Gold to be put on his head together with his Cap. A long golden verge or Rod beâ—okening his Government A ring of Gold also to be put on the third finger of his left hand whereby he was â—o declare his Marriage made with equity and Justice But scarce were these provâ—sions ready but the Kings sicknesse brought a stop and his death shortly afâ—er put an end to those preparations the expectation of a Principality being therâ—by changed to the posâ—ession oâ— a Crown For the King having long lived a voluptuous life and indulgent too much unto his Pallate was gâ—owne so corpulent or rather so overâ—grownâ— with in unweildly burâ—hen of flesh that he was not able to go up staires from one roome to another but as hâ— was hoised up by an Engine Whâ—ch filling his body with â—oule and foggy humours and those humours falling into his leg in which 〈…〉 ancient and uncured â—ore they there began to settle to an inflamation 〈…〉 both waste his Spirits and increase his passions In thâ— mâ—ddest of 〈…〉 it was not his least care to provide for the safetâ— of his Sâ—n and preserve the succession of the Crown to his own Posterity At such time as he had married Queen Ann Bollen he procured hâ—s daughter Mary to be declared 〈◊〉 by Act of Parliament the like he also did by his daughter Elizabeth when he haâ— married Queen Jane Sâ—imour setling the Crown upon his issue by the said Queen Jane But having no other issue by her but Prince Edward only and none at all by any of his following wives he thought it a high point of Prâ—dence as indeed it was to establish the Succession with more stayes then one and not to let it rest on so weak a staffe as a childe of little more then nine yeares of age For which cause he procured an Act of Parliament in the 35th yeare of his Reign in which it is declared that in default of issue of the said Prince Edward the Crowne should be entailed to the Kings daughter the Lady Mary and the Heires of her body and for default thereof to the Kings daughter the Lady Elizabeth and the heires of her body and for lack of such issue to such as the King by his Letters Patents or his Last Will in Writing should Limit So that he had three children by three severall wives two of them borne of questionable Marriages yet all made capable by this Act of having their severall turnes in the succession as it after proved And though a threefold cord be not easily broken yet he obtained further power for disposing the Crown if their issue failed whereof being now sick and fearing his approaching end he resolved to make such use in laying down the State of the succession to the Crown Imperiall as was more agreeable to his private passions then the Rules of Justice which appeared plainly by his excluding of the whole Scottish Line descended from the Lady Margaret his eldest sister from all hopes thereof unlesse perhaps it may be said that the Scottish Line might be sufficiently provided for by the Marriage of the young Queen with the Prince his Son and that it was the Scotâ— own fault if the match should faile This care being over and the Succession setled by his Last Will and Testament bearing date the 28th of December being a full moneth before his death he began to entertaine some feares and Jealousies touching the safety of the Prince whom he should leave unto a factious and divided Court who were more like to serve their own turns by him then advance his interest His brother-in-Law the Duke of Suffolk in whom he most confided died not long before the kindred of Queen Jane were but new in Court of no Authority in themselves and such as had subsisted chiefly by the countenance which she had from him As they could contribute little to the defence of the Princes person and the preservation of his Rightâ— So there were some who had the Power and who could tell but that they also had the will to change the whole frame of his design and take the Government to themselves Amongst which there was none more feared then the Noble Lord Henry Earle of Surrey the eldest son of Thoâ—as Howard Duke of Norfolk strong in Alliance and Dependance of a Revenue not inferiour to some forreign Kings and that did derive his Pedigree from King Edward the first The Earle himselfe beheld in generall by the English as the chiefe Ornament of the Nation Highly esteemed for his Chivalry his Affability his learning and whatsoever other Graces might either make him amiable in the eyes of the people or formidable in the sight of a jealous impotent and way-ward Prince Against him therefore and his Father there were Crimes devised their persons put under an Arrest their Arraignment prosecuted at the Guild Hall in London where they both received the sentence of death which the Earle suffered on the Tower Hill on the 19. of January the old Duke being reserved by the Kings death which followed within nine dayes after for more happy times Which brings into my minde a sharp but shrewd Character of this King occurring in the writings of some but more common in the mouthes of many that is to say that be never spared woman in his lust nor man in his anger For proofe of which last it is observed that he brought unto the block two Queens two Noble Ladies one Cardinall declared of Dukes Marquisses Earles and the sons of Earles no fewer then twelve Lords and Knights eighteen of Abbots and Priors thirteen Monks and Religious Persons about seventy seven and many more of both Religions to a very great number So as it cannot be denied that he had too much as all great Monarchs must have somewhat of the Tyrant in him And yet I dare not say with Sir Walter Rawleigh That if all the patterns of a mercilesse Prince had been lost in the World they might have been found in this one King some of his Executions being justifiable by the very nature of their Crimes others to be imputed to the infelicity of the times in which he lived and may be ascribed unto Reasons of State the Exigences whereof are seldom squared by the Rule of Justice His Infirmity and the weaknesse which it brought upon him having confined him to his bed he had a great desire to receive the Sacrament and being perswaded to receive it in the easiest posture sitting or raised up in his bed he would by no meanes yield unto it but caused himselfe to be taken up placed in his chaire
towards London where he was Proclaimed King with all due Solemnities He made his Royal Entry into the Tower on the last of January Into which He was conducted by Sir John Gage as the Constable of it and there received by all the Lords of the Council who with great Duty and Affection did attend His comings and waiting on Him into the Chamber of Presence did very chearfully swear Allegiance to him The next day by the general consent of all the Council the Earl of Hartford the King's Uncle was chosen Governour of His Person and Protectour of His Kingdomes till He should come unto the Age of eighteen years and was Proclaimed for such in all parts of London Esteemed most fit for this high Office in regard that he was the King's Uncle by the Mothers side very near unto Him in Blood but yet of no capacity to succeed in the Crown by reason whereof his Natural Affâ—ction and Duty was less easie to be over-carried by Ambition Upon which Gâ—ound of civil Prudence it was both piously and prudently Ordained by Solon in the State of Athens That no man should be made the Guardian unto any Orphan to whom the Inheritance might fall by the Death of his Ward For the first Handselling of his Office he Knighted the young King on the sixth of February Who being now in a capacity of conferring that Order bestowed it first on Henry Hoble-Thorn Lord Mayor of London and presently after on Mr. William Portman one of the Justices of the Bench being both dubbed with the same Sword with which He had received the Order of Knighthood at the hands of His Vncle. These first Solemnities being thus passed over the next care was for the Interment of the Old King and the Coronation of the New In order to which last it was thought expedient to advance some Confidents and Principal Ministers of State to higher Dignities and Titles then before they had the better to oblige them to a care of the State the safety of the King's Person and the preservation of the Power of the Lord Protectour who chiefly moved in the Design Yet so far did self-Interest prevail above all other Obligations and tyes of State that some of these men thus advanced proved his greatest Enemies the rest forsaking him when he had most need to make use of their Friendship In the first place having resigned the Office of Lord High Chamberlain he caused himself to be created Lord Seimour and Duke of Somerset Which last Title â—ppâ—rtaining to the King's Progenitours of the House of Lancaster and since the expiring of the Beauforts conferred on none but Henry the Natural Son of the King decealed was afterwards charged upon him as an Argument of his aspiring to the Crown which past all doubt he never aimed at His own turn being thus unhappily served the Lord William Parr Brother of Queen Katherinâ— Parr the Relict of the King deceased who formerly in the thirty fifth of the said King's Reign had been created Earl of Essex with reference to Ann his Wife Daughter and Heir of Henry Bâ—urchier the last Earl of Essex of that House was now made Marquess of Northampton in reference to her Extraction from the Bohunes once the Earls thereof John Dudly Viscount L'isle and Knight of the Garter having resigned his Office of Lord Admiral to gâ—â—tifie the Lord Protectour who desired to confer that place of Power and Trust on his younger Brother was in Exchange created Lord High Chamberlain of England and Earl of Warwick Which Title he affected in regard of his Discent from the Beauchamps who for long time had worn that Honour from whom he also did derive the Title of Viscount L'isle as being the Son of Edmond Sutton alias Dudley and of Elizabeth his Wife Sister and Heir of John Gray Viscount L'isle discended by the Lord John Talbot Viscount L'isle from Richard Beauchamp Earl of Warwick and Dame Elizabeth hisâ— Wife the direct Heir of Waren Lord L'isle the last of the Male Issue of that Noble Family In the next place comes Sir Thomas Wriothsley a man of a very new Nobility as being Son of William Wriothsley and Grand-Child of John Wriothsley both of them in their Times advanced no higher then to the Office of an Herald the Father by the Title of York the Grand-father by that of Garter King at Arms. But this man being planted in a warmer Sun grew up so fast in the esteem of King Henry the Eight that he was first made Principal Secretary afterwards created Baron of Tichfield advanced not long after to the Office of Lord Chancellour And finally by the said King installed Knight of the Garter An. 1545. For an addition to which Honours he was now dignified with the Title of the Earl of South-hampton enjoyed to this day by his Posterity These men being thus advanced to the highest Titles Sir Thomas Seimour the new Lord Admiral is Honoured with the Stile of Lord Seimour of Sudeley and in the beginning of the next year made Knight of the Garter prepared by this accumulation of Honours for his following Marriage which he had now projected and soon after compassed With no less Ceremony though not upon such lofty Aims Sir Richard Rich another of the twelve which were appointed for Subsidiaries to the great Council of Estate by the King deceased was prefered unto the Dignity of Lord Rich of Leez in Essex the Grand-father of that Robert Lord Rich who by King James was dignified with the Title of Earl of Warwick Anno 1618. In the third place came Sir William Willoughby discended from a younger Branch of the House of Eresby created Lord Willoughby of Parham in the County of Sussex And in the Rear Sir Edmond Sheffield advanced unto the Title of Lord Sheffield of Butterwick in the County of Lincoln from whom the Earls of Moulgrave do derive themselves All which Creations were performed with the accustomed Solemnities on the seventeenth of February and all given out to be designed by King Henry before his death the better to take off the Envy from the Lord Protectour whom otherwise all understanding people must needs have thought to be too prodigal of those Honours of which the greatest Kings of England had been so sparing For when great Honours are conferred on persons of no great Estates it raiseth commonly a suspicion amongst the people That either some proportionable Revenue must be given them also to the impoverishing of the King or else some way left open for them to enrich themselves out of the purses of the Subject These Preparations being dispatched they next proceed unto the Coronation of the King performed with the accustomed Rites on the twentieth of the same Moneth by Arch-Bishop Cranmer The Form whereof we finde exemplified in a Book called The Catalogue of Honour published by Thomas Mills of Canterbury in the year 1610. In which there is nothing more observable then this following Passage The King saith he being brought
thought fit to nominate to that imployment And afterwards appointed a Sub-Committee of eight Persons to prepare the Work make it ready for the rest that it might be dispatched with the more expedition which said eight persons were the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Doctour Thomas Goodrick Bishop of Elâ— Doctour Richard Cox the King's Almoner and Peter Martyr Doctour in Divinity William May and Rowland Taylour Doctours of the Laws John Lucas and Richard Goodrick Esquires By whom the Work was undertaken and digested fashioned according to the Method of the Romane Decretals and called by the Name of Reformatiâ— Legum Ecclesiasticarum c. But not being Commissionated hereunto till the eleventh of November in the year 1551 they either wanted time to communicate it to the chief Commissioners by whom it was to be presented to the Kâ—ng or found the King encumbred with more weighty matters then to attend the peâ—â—sal of it And so the King dying as he did before he had given life unto it by his Royal Signature the Design miscarried never thought fit to be resumed in the following Times by any of those who had the Government of the Chuâ—ch or were concerned in the Honour and Safety of it There also passed another Act in Order to the Peace of the Common-Wealth but especially procuâ—ed by the Agents of the Duke of Sommerset the better to secure him from all Attempts and Practices for the Times ensuing by which his Life might be illegally endangered The purport of which Act was to make it High Treason for any twelve Persons or above assembled together to kill or imprison any of the King's Council or alter any Laws or continue together the space of an hour being Commanded to return by any Justice of the Peace Mayour Sheriff c. Which Act intended by his Friends for his Preservation was afterwards made use of by his Enemies for the onely means of his Destruction deferred a while but still resolved upon when occasion served It wâ—s not long before Earl Dudly might perceive that he had served other mens Turâ—s against the Duke as well as his own and that having served their Turns therein he â—ound no such forwardness in them for raising him unto the Place They were all willing enough to unhorse the Duke but had no mind that such a rank Rider as the Earl should get into the Saddle Besides he was not â—o be told that there was nothing to be charged against the Duke which could touch his life that so many men of dâ—fferent Humours were not like to hold â—ong in a Plot together now their Turns were served that the Dukâ—'s Friends could not be so dull as not to see the emptiness of the Practice which was forged against him nor the King so forgetfull of his Uncle when the Truth was known as not to raise him up again to his former height it therefore would be fittest for his ends and purposes to close up the Breach to set the Duâ—e at Liberty from his Imprisonment but so to order the Affair that the Benefit should be acknowledged to proceed from himself alone But first the Duke must so acknowlege his Offences that his Adversaries might come off with Honour In Order whereunto he is first Articled against for many Crimes and Misdemeanours rather imputed to him then proved against him And unto all these he must be laboured to subscribe acknowledging the Offences contained in them to beg the Favour of the Lords and cast himself upon his Knees for his Majestie 's Mercy All which he very poorly did subscribing his Confession on the twenty third of December Which he subjoyned unto the Articles and so returned it to the Lords Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 4 o. An. Dom. 1549 1550. THe Lords thus furnished with sufficient matter for a Legal Proceeding condemned him by a Sentence passed in the House of Peers unto the Loss of all his Offices of Earl Marshal Lord Treasurer and Lord Protectour as also to â—he Forfeiture of all his Goods and near two thousand pounds of good yearly Rents Which being signified unto him he acknowledged himself in his Letter of the second of February to be highly â—avoured by their Lordships in that they brought his Cause to be Finable Which Fine though it was to him almost unsupportable yet he did never purpose to contend with them nor once to justifie himself in any Action He confess'd That being none of the wisest he might easily err that it was hardly possible for any man in Eminent place so to carry himself that all his Actings should be blameless in the eye of Justice He therefore submitted himself wholly to the King's Mercy and to their Discretions for some Moderation desiring them to conceive of what he did amiss as rather done through Rudeness and want of Judgment then through any malicious Meaning and that he was ready both to do and suffer what they should appoint And finally he did again most humbly upon his Knees intreat Pardon and Favour and they should ever finde him so lowly to their Honours and Obedient to their Orders as he would thereby make Amends for his former Follies By which Submission it may be called an Abjectedness rather as he gave much secret Pleasure to the most of his Adversaries so he gained so far upon the King that he was released of his Imprisonment on the fourth day after And by his Majestie 's Grace and Favour he was discharged of his Fine his Goods and Lands being again restored unto him except such as had been given away either the malice of his Enemies being somewhat appeased or wanting power and credit to make Resistance This great Oak being thus shrewdly shaken there is no doubt but there will be some gathering up of the Sticks which were broken from him and somewhat must be done as well to gratifie those men which had served the Turn as to inclinâ— others to the like Propensions And therefore upon Candlemasâ—-Day being the dâ—y on which he had made his humble Submission before-mentioned William Lord St. John Lord Great Master and President of the Council is made Lord Treasurer John Dudley Earl of Warwick Lord High Chamberlain is preferred to the Office of Lord Great Master the Marquess of North-hampton created Lord High Chamberlain Sir Anthony Wingfield Captain of the Guard is made Comptroller of the King's House in the place of Sir William Paget of whom more anon and Sir Thomas Darcie advanced to the Office of Vice-Chamberlain and Captain of his Majestie 's Guard And though the Earls of Arundel and Souâ—â—-hampton had been as forward as any of the rest in the Duke's destruction yet now upon some Court-displeasures they were commanded to their Houses and dismissed from their Attendance at the Council-Table the Office of Lord Chamberlain of his Majestie 's Houshold being taken from the Earl of Arundel and bestowed on Wentworth ennobled by the Title of Lord Wentworth in the first year of the King Some Honours
threatned more Danger then the other To which Request He did not onely refuse to hearken except the King would promise to restore the Catholick Religion as He called it in all His Dominions but expresly commanded that neither His Men noâ— Ammunition should go to the Assistance of the English An Ingratitude not easie to be marked with a fitting Epithete considering what fast Friends the Kings of England had alwaies been to the House of Burgundy the Rights whereof remained in the person of Charles with what sums of Money they had helped them and what sundry Wayâ— they had made for them both in the Nether-Lands to maintain their Authority and in the Realm of France it self to increase their Power For from the Marriage of Maximilian of the Family of Austriâ— with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the year 1478. unto the Death of Henry the Eight which fell in the year 1546 are just threescore and eight years In which time onely it was found on a just account that it had cost the Kings of England at the least six Millions of Pounds in the meer Quarrels of that House But the French being more assured that the English held some secret Practice with the Emperour then certain what the Issue thereof might be resolved upon a Peace with EDVVARD in hope of getting more by Treaty then he could by Force To this end one Guidolti a Florentine is sent for England by whom many Overtures were made to the Lords of the Council not as from the King but from the Constable of France And spying with a nimble Eye that all Affairs were governed by the Earl of Warwick he resolved to buy him to the French at what price soever and so well did he ply the Business that at the last it was agreed that four Ambassadours should be sent to France from the King of England to treat with so many others of that Kingdom about a Peace between the Crowns but that the Treaty it self should be held in Guisnes a Town belonging to the English in the Marches of Calice In pursuance whereof the Earl of Bedford the new Lord Paget Sir William Peter Principal Secretary of Estate and Sir John Mason Clerk of the Council were on the twenty first of January dispatched for France But no sooner were they come to Calice when Guidolâ—i brings a Letter to them from Mounsieur d' Rochpot one of the four which were appointed for that Treaty in behalf of the French In which it was desired that the English Ambassadours would repair to the Town of Bulloign without putting the French to the Charge and Trouble of so long a Journey as to come to Guisnes Which being demurred on by the English and a Post sent unto the Court to know the pleasure of the Council in that particular they received word for so the Oracle had directed that they should not stand upon Punctilioes so they gained the point nor hazard the Substance of the Work to preserve the Circumstances According whereunto the Ambassadours removed to Bulloign and pitch'd their Tents without the Town as had been desired for the Reception of the French that so they might enter on the Treaty for which they came But then a new Dâ—fficulty appeared for the French would not cross the Water and put themselves under the Command of Bulloign but desired rather that the English would come over to them and fall upon the Treaty in an House which they were then preparing for their Entertainment Which being also yielded to after some Disputes the French grew confident that after so many Condescensions on the part of the English they might obtain from them what they liâ—ted in the main of the Business For though it cannot otherwise be but that in all Treaties of this Nature there must be some Condescendings made by the one or the other yet he that yields the first inch of Ground gives the other Party a strong Hope of obtaining the rest These Preparations being made the Commissioners on both sides begin the Treaty where after some Expostulations touching the Justice or Injustice of the War on either side they came to particular Demands The English required the payment of all Debts and Pensions concluded on between the two Kings deceased and that the Queen of Scots should either be delivered to their Hands or sent back to Her Kingdom But unto this the French replyed That the Queen of Scots was designed in Marriage to the Daulphin of France and that She looked upon it as an high Dishonour that their King should be esteemed a Pensioner or Tributary to the Crown of England The French on the other side propounded That all Arrears of Debts and Pensions being thrown aside as not likely to be ever paid they should either put the higher Price on the Town of Bulloign or else prepare themselves to keep it as well as they could From which Proposals when the French could not be removed the Oracle was again consulted by whose Direction it was ordered in the Council of England That the Commissioners should conclude the Peace upon such Articles and Instructions as were sent unto them Most of them ordinary and accustomed at the winding up of all such Treaties But that of most Concernment was That all Titles and Claims on the one side and Defences on the other remaining to either Party as they were before the Town of Bulloign with all the Ordnance found there at the taking of it should be delivered to the French for the Sum of four hundred thousand Crowns of the Sun Of which four hundred thousand Crowns each Crown being valued at the Price of six Shillings and six Pence one Moity was to be paid within three days after the Town should be delivered and the other at the end of six Moneths after Hostages to be given in the mean time for the payment of it It was agreed also in relation to the Realm of Scotland That if the Scots razed Lowder and Dowglass the English should raze Rox-borough and Aymouth and no Fortification in any of those places to be afterwards made Which Agreement being signed by the Commissioners of each side and Hostages mutually delivered for performance of Covenants Peace was Proclaimed between the Kings on the last of March and the Town of Bulloign with all the Forts depending on it delivered into the power of the French on the twenty fifth day of April then next following But they must thank the Earl of Warwick for letting them go away with that commodity at so cheap a Rate for which the two last Kings had bargained for no less then two Millions of the same Crowns to be paid unto the King of England at the end of eight years the Towns and Territory in the mean time to remain with the English Nor was young Edward backward in rewarding his Care and Diligence in expenditing the Affair Which was so represented to him and the extraordinary Merit of the Service so highly magnified
might have done so also if they had not either been well watched or trusted upon their Parol to be forth-comming as the phrase is upon all occasions And though I find the name of Pates subscribed to some of the former Sessions yet it is not to be found to this the man being of a moderate and gentle spirit and possibly not willing to engage himself in any Counsels which might prove detrimental to his native country And as for Goldnel though his zeal to Popery was strong enough to carry him beyond the Seas yet it did not carry him so far as Trent there being so many retireing places nearer home in which he might repose himself with more contentment But leaving the Fathers in Trent to expect the comming of the holy Ghost in a cloak-bag from Rome according to the common scorn which was put upon them we must prepare our selves for England first taking in our way the affairs of France which now began to take up a great part of the thoughts of the Queen and her Council The Reformed Religion had made some entrance in that kingdome during the Reign of king â—rancis the first exceedingly dispersed and propagated in most parts thereof notwithstanding the frequent Martyrdoms of particular persons the great and terrible Massacres of whole Townships Commonalties and Churches even by hundreds and thousands in divers places of the Realm To which encrease the fickle nature of the French the diligence of their Preachers and the near neighbourhood of Genevâ— were of great advantage all which advantages were much improved by the authority and reputation which Calvin carried in those Churches and the contentment which the people took in a form of Government wherein they were to have a share by the rules of their Discipline and thereby draw the managery of affairs unto themselves Being grown numerous in the City of Tours and not permitted to enjoy the liberty of assembling within the walls they held their meetings at a village not far off for their publick Devotions the way to which leading through the gate of St. Hugo is thought to have occasioned the name of Hugonots which others think to have been given them by reason of their frequent nightly meetings resembled by the French to the walking of a Night-spirit which they called St. Hugh but from what ground soever it came it grew in short time to be generally given as a by-name to those which professed the Reformed Religion whether in France or else-where after Calvin's platform Their numbers not diminished by so many butcheries gave them the reputation of a party both stout and active which rendred them the subject of some jealousie to the Roman Catholicks and specially to those of the House of Guise who laboured nothing more than their extirpation But this severity sorted to no other effect than to confirm them in their Doctrines and attract many others to them who disdained to see poor people drawn every day to the Stake to be burned guilty of nothing but of zeal to worship God and to save their own souls To whom were joyned many others who thinking the Guisiards to be the cause of all the disorders in the Kingdom judged it an Heroick Act to deliver it from oppression by taking the publick Administration out of their hands But nothing more encreased their party than the accession of almâ—st all the Princes of the Blood of the House of Burbon the Chiefs whereof were the Duke of Vendosm who called himself King of Navarr in right of his Wife the Princes of Conde the Duke of Montpensier who finding themselves neglected by the Queen-Mother and oppressed by the Guisiards retired in no small discontments from the Court and being otherwise unable to make good their quarrels offered themselves as Leaders of the Hâ—gonot-faction who very cheerfully submitted to their rule and conduct The better to confirm their minds they caused the principal Lawyers of Germany and France and the most famous Protestant Divines to publish in writing that without violating the Majesty of the King and the dignity of the lawful Magistrate they might oppose with Arms the violent Domination of the House of Guise who did not onely labour to suppress the true Religion and obstruct the free passage of Justice but seemed to keep the King in prison Having thus formed their Party in the minority of King â—rancis the second their first design was that a great multitude should appear before the King without Arms to demand that the severity of the judgments might be mitigated and liberty of conscience granted intending that they should be followed by Gentlemen who should make supplication against the Government of the Guisiards But the purpose being made known to the Court the King was removed from Bloâ—sâ—n â—n open Town to the strong Castle of Amboise as if he could not otherwise be safe from some present Treason After which followed a strict inquiry after all those who had a hand in the design the punishment of some and the flight of others with the conclusion taken up by the Guisian faction to settle the Spanish Inquisition in the Realm of France To pacifie the present troubles an Edict is published by the King on the 18th of March 1560 in the French account for the pardoning of all who simply moved with the zeal of Religion had ingaged in the supposed conspiracy upon condition that they disarmed within 24 hours and after that another Edict by which a general pardon was indulged to all Reformatiâ—â—â— but so that all assemblies under the colour of Religion were prohibited by it and a charge laid upon the Bishops to take unto themselves the cognisance of all causes of Heresie in their several Diocesses But this so little edified with those of that party that greater tumults were occasioned by it in Provence Languedock and Poictoâ— To which places the Ministers of Geneva were called who most willingly came By whose Sermons the number of Protestants so increased in those Provinces and by their Agents in most others that in this year 1562. they were distributed into two thousand one hundred and fifty Churches as appeared upon a just computation of them But in the midst of these improvements the power and reputation of the side was shrewdly weakned by the falling off of Anthony Duke of Vendosme and King of 〈◊〉 who did not only openly forsake the party but afterwards joined himself in counsel and design against it with the Duke of Guise The foundâ—ing of so great a pillar threatned a quick ruine to the fabrick if some other butteress were not found to support the same The war was carried on from one place to another but seemed to aim most at the reduction of Normandâ— where the Hugonoâ—s had possessed themselves of some Towns and Casâ—les by which they might be able to distress the City of Paris and thereby make a great impression on the rest of the Kingdom It was thereupon advised by Lewis Prince of Coâ—de the
c. XXXVII The goods of Christians are not common The Riches and Goods of Christians are not common as touching the right title and possession of the same as certain Anabaptists do falsly boast Notwithstanding every man ought of such things as he possesseth liberally to give alms to the poor according to his ability XXXVIII Of Christian mens Goods which are not common The Riches and Goods of Christian men are not common c. XXXVIII It is lawful for a Christian to take an Oath As we confesse that vain and rash swearing is forbidden Christian men by our Lord Jesus Christ and James his Apostle so we judge that Christian Religion doth not prohibit but that a man may swear when the Magistrate requireth in a cause of Faith and Charity so it be done according to the Prophets teaching in Justice Judgment and Truth XXXIX Of a Christian man's Oath As we confesse that vain and rash swearing is forbidden Christian men c. XXXIX The Resurrection of the Dead is not past already 41 The Resurrection of the dead is not past already as if it belonged onely to the Soul which by the grace of Christ is raised from the death of sin but is to be expected by all men in the last Day for at that time as the Scripture doth most apparently testifie the dead shall be restored to their own bodies flesh and bones to the end that the wicked man according as either righteously or wickedly he hath passed this life may according to his works receive rewards or punishments XL. The Souls of men deceased do neither perish with their Bodies 42 They who maintain that the Souls of men deceased do either sleep without any manner of sense to the day of Judgment or affirm that they dye together with the Body and shall be raised therewith at the last Day do wholly differ from the Right Faith and Orthodox Belief which is delivered to us in the Holy Scriptures XLI Of the Millenarians 43 They who endeavour to revive the Fable of the Millenarians are therein contrary to the holy Scriptures and cast themselves down headlong into Jewish Dotages XLII All men not to be saved at last 44 They also deserve to be condemned who endeavor to restore that pernicious Opinion that all men though never so ungodly shall at last be saved when for a certain time appointed by the Divine Justice they have endured punishment for their sins committed FINIS An. 1516. 1519. 1519. 1522. 1525. 1526. 1527. 1528. 1529. 1530. Vt praefecto sacris Bigoranno Episcopo omnia sine Romani PoÌ„tificis authoritate administrarentur Thuan. Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis authoritatem posse consecrari 1531. 1532. 1550. 1552. 1553. An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1553. 1553 4 An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1553 4 An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1554. 1554. An. Reg. Mar. 2. 1554. An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1553 4. 1554 5. An. Reg. Mar. 2. 1554 5. An. Reg. Mar. 2. 1555. An. Reg. Mar. 3. 1555. * Canis pessimine catulum relinquendum An. Reg. Mar. 3. 1555 6. 1555 6. 1554 5 a Non est ea purâ—tas quae optaâ—da â—oret b Faecis Palpisticae reliquâ—as 1555. 1555 6. 1556. An. Reg. Mar. 4. 1556 7. An. Reg. Mar. 4. 1556. An. Reg. Mar. 4. 1556 7. 1557. An. Reg. Mar. 5. 1557. Aâ—â—anasdem Armâ—niae Regem fraude deceptum Catenis sed ne quid honori dâ—â—ssâ—t auraeis vicit Antoâ—ius Vell. Paterc 1557 8 Quod vetera extollimus venientium incuriosi 1558. An. Reg. Mar. 5. 155. a In summo cum essâ— oâ—io quod Anglos proâ—â—â—â— hospitio suscâ—â—â—rat c. P. Mart. Epist. Ubi vocifâ—raâ—tur quidam Martyres Anglicos esse Martyres Diabâ—â—â— In epist. octob 8. An. Reg. Mar. 6. 1558. * In His Proclamation of March 5th 1603. * Quibus artibus Imperii fundamenta locavit Pater iisdem operis tâ—tius gloriam consummavit Filius Just. lib. 6. * Nec â—diâ— nec amore dicturus aliquid c. Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. An. 1536 Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 387. 1536. An 28. Hen. 8. Cap. VII An. 1537. Anno. 15â— Plin. Lib. 7. Cap. 9. Church Hist. 7. Fol. 422. Id. Ibid. Sâ—ow Chron p. 575. Godw. Ann. Hen. 8. p. 117. Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 430. Stow Chron. fol. 863. Cot. M. S. p. 325. An. 1538. Anno 1538. Anno 1539. Anno 1540. An. 1542. Anno 1541. Anno 1542. Speed ex John Leshly Fol. 1014. Anno 1543 Anno. 1544. Anno. 1545. An. 1545. An. 1546. Anno 1546. Act of An. 35. Henry the 8th Cap. â— Sand. de Scis Angl. p. 214. Ibid. p. 211. M. S. de Eccles in Bishop Cot. p. 5. An. 1546 7 * Nè quis fâ—eree Curator ad quem post Pupillorum obiâ—um spectaret 〈◊〉 Diog. Laert. iâ— Vua Solonis pag. 38. Acts Mon. fol. 11â—â— * Antiqu. Jud. lib. 10. cap. 4. An. 1547. * ubi sentire quae velis quae velis loqui liceat Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. * 1. Edw. 6. cap. 1. * Appellatur Calix 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Haymo in 1. ad Cor. cap. 11. * In quibusdam Eccleâ—iis provide objervatâ—r uâ— poâ—ulo Sanguis non deâ—â—r Sect. 3. qu. 80. Art 11. * Matt. Paris in Hâ—n 3. An 1245. * 〈…〉 * Quas Ecclesias dicti Progenitores nostrâ— dudum singulis vacationibus earundem perâ— sonis â—doneis jure suo Regio libere conferebant Apud Mason De Minist Anglic. lib. 4. cap. 13 pag. 497. An. 7 8 An. Reg. 2º 1547 8. An. Reg. 2º 1548. An. Reg. 2. o 1548. * Sed Richardus Ciscestriensis ut ipse mihi dixit non subâ—cripsit Lib. Peâ—w * Act. 2. Edw. 6. 1. * See the Book called Cyprianus Anglicus lib. 4. An. 1637. * Multis piis viâ—um est ut leges de Coelibatu â—â—llerentur propter Scandalum An. Reg. 3º 1548 9. An. Reg. 2. 1548 9 An. Reg. 3º 1549. An. Reg. 3 o 1546. An. Reg. 3º 1549. * Mediis consiliis vel Authorem esse vel approbatorem Calv. Epist. ad Bucer * In quo nihil non ad Dei Verbum exigi fas est Epist. ad Prot. * Ut vel moderemur vel rescindamus c. ibid. * Nisi maturè compositum esset Dissidium de Ceremoniis p. 98. An. Reg. 4º 1549 50. An. Reg. 4º 1550. * Hominem hortatus sum ut Hoppero Manum Porrigeret * Magis expedâ—re judico ut eâ—vestis alia id genus plura cum fieri commode posuit auferantur c. * Ego com essem Oxonii vestibus illis albis in Choro nunanam nil volti quamâ—â—â— eâ—sem Canonicus * 〈…〉 * Fol. 1062. * Fol. â— 604. An. Reg. 5o. 1551. An. Reg. 5. o 1550 51 * Acts and Mon. * Printed 1556. pag. 81. * Vt eos incitaremus ad pergendum c. pag. 98. * In statu Regni multa adhuc desiderantur pag. 384. * Quae non obseuret modo c. An. Reg. 6o. 1552. * Regia Authoritate in lucem Edâ—ti * Paucas fuisse Haereses ad quâ—s superandas necessarium fuerit Consilinm plenarium Occidentis Orientis lib. 4 cap. 12. marg An. Reg 7. 1553. An. 1553. ☞ 1532. 1555. 1536. 1550. 1552. March 18. 1553. 1554. 1555. An. Reg. Eliz. 1. 1558. An. Reg. Eliz. 1. 1558 9. * Fuit hic nimium popularitâ—r dispeasatum An. Reg. Eliz 1. 1559. An. Reg. Eliz. 2. 1559. 1559 60. 1560. An. Reg. Eliz. 2. 1560. An. Reg. Eliz. 3. 1560. 1561. An. Reg. Eliz. 3. 1561. An. Reg. Eliz. 4. 1561. 1561 2. An. Reg. Eliz. 4. 1560. An. Reg. Eliz. 4. 1562. An. Reg. Eliz. 5. 1562 3 An. Reg. Eliz. 5. 1563. An. Reg. Eliz. 6. 1563. An. Reg. Eliz. 6. 1564. An. Reg. Eliz. 7. 1564. 1564 5 An. Reg. Eliz. 7. 1565. An. Reg. Eliz. 8. 1565 6. An. Reg. Eliz. 8. 1566.