cause in the same year Richard Horne of Watton in the County of Oxford to be arrested and taken into custody upon the complaint of Mr. Hiorne Deputy Steward of VVoodstock for not only refusing to furnish horses to carry the Kings Venison to Court he being Constable and required and of duty ought to do it but for reproachful and ill language or as was done not long before or after in his Reign by a Warrant under the hand of the L. Chamberlain for the apprehension of one that had spoiled or killed a Mastiff of the Kings when as our Laws have not yet had any prescript form or writs remedial for any of those or the like accidents at the Kings suit only for it would be no small disparagement to the Majesty of a King and supreme of such an antient Empire not to have power enough to redress complaints of that nature or to be enforced to put Embassadors to be Petitioners to his inferiour and delegated Courts of Justice which no Monarchy Kingdom or Republique in Christendom was ever observed to suffer to be done for that which their Superiors according to the Law of Nations ever had and should have power to grant without them for when our Laws which do not permit the King as a Defendant to be commanded in his own name under his own Seal and by his own writs or as a Plaintiff to supplicate those whom he commissionated to do Justice in his name and by his authority to all the meanest of his Subjects to do a parcel of Justice to himself when he wanted no remedies by his own Messengers or Servants to imprison any that should offend against his dignity and authority and in matters of his Revenue or for contempt of his Royal authority can by seisures or distress office or inquisitions process of his Courts of Exchequer Chancery Kings Bench Common-Pleas and Dutchy of Lancaster c. give himself a remedy is not to prosecute in any Actions at Law as common persons are enforced to do for our Kings should not certainly be denied their so just and legal rights when by their Office and dignity Royal they are the principal Conservators of the Peace within their own Dominions and by their Subordinate authority the Judges of their Courts of Record at Westminster and the Justices of Assize can and do legally punish and command men by word of mouth to be Imprisoned or taken into Custody by their Tipstaves Virgers Marshals or by the Warden of the Fleet or his men attending them when the Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold Earl Marshal and Constables of England are by their Offices Conservators and Justices of the Peace in all places of the Realm and the Steward of the Marshalsea within the virge by that derived authority can do the like and all the Justices of Peace in England were and are authorised by him who hath or should have certainly a greater power than any Justice of Peace who may by Law award a man to prison w ch breaketh the peace in his presence or appoint his servant to serve or execute his Warrant or cause by word of mouth to be arrested or imprisoned the person offending for contempts or an offender being in his presence to find security for the Peace and by the Common Law cause Offenders against the Peace to be punished by corporal punishments not capital as whipping c. when a Sheriff of a County and the Majors and head Officers of Cities and Towns Corporate do the like under and by the power given them by grants of the King and his Progenitors when the Steward of the Sheriffs Turn or a Leet or of a Court of Piepowder may commit any to ward which shall make any affray in the presence of any of them when the Lord Mayor of London whose Chamberlain of that City hath a power appropriate to his Office of Chamberlain to send or commit any Apprentices of London upon complaint of their Masters or otherwise to the Prison of the Compters or to punish and reform such disobedient Servants though the younger Sons of Baronets Knights Esquires of Gentlemen and sometimes the elder Sons of decayed or impoverished Esquires or Gentlemen who should have a greater respect given unto them then those of Trades men Yeomandry or lower Extractions by cutting and clipping their hair if too long and proudly worn or cause them to be put into a place well known in Guildhall London Called Little Ease where to a great Torment of their bodies they cannot with any ease sit lie or stand or by sometimes committing them to Bridewell or some other place there to be scourged and whipt by a Bedel or some persons disguised for no man can tell where to find or discern any reason that the King should not upon extraordinary occasions have so much power and coertion in his high and weighty affairs of government protection of his people and procuring and conserving their peace welfare and happiness as a Stâ—ward of a Court Leet or the Lord thereof in their far less affairs of Jurisdictions by punishing of Bakers and Brewers by that very ignominioâ—s and now much wanted use of the Pillâ—ry and Tumbrel in the later whereof the Offender was to be put in a Cathedra or ducking stool placed over some stinking and muddy pool or pond and several times immerged in it or that by any law or reasonable custom our Kings of England are to have a more limited power in matters of punishment government or a less power than the Masters Wardens of that petty and lower most the late erected Company or Corporation of the Midlers only excepted Company or Corporatioâ— of the Watermen who acting under the Kings authority can fine the Master Watermen for offences committed against by-laws of their own making and imprison them without Bail or Mainprize for not paying of it and cause their Servants for offences against their Masters to be whipt and punished at their Hall by some vizarded and invisible Tormentors or less than the power and authority of a Parish and most commonly illiterate and little to be trusted Constable who may upon any affray or breach of the Peace in his presence or but threatning to break the peace put the party offending in the stocks or keep him at his own house until he find sureties of the peace or less than those necessary military powers and authorities exercised in Armies Garrisons or Guards by inflicting upon offenders that deserve it the punishment of running the Gantlet riding the wooden horse c. or in maritime affairs by beating with a Ropes end ducking under the main yard c. when as the Powers given by God Almighty to his Vicegerent the King and Supreme Magistrate and the subordinate and derivative power concredited by him to his delegated and commissionated inferiour Magistrates are not debarred that universal and well-grounded maxim of Law and Right Reason Quando Lex aliquid
an alias and pluries Capias also to arrest returned with a non est inventus that such of the Kings Servants being sought to be arrested is not to be found and until there can be a contempt where there is none a consequent without an antecedent and an effect without a cause Howsoever if any of the Kings Servants should at any time be so indirectly and unduly outlawed he may by the favour of their Royal Master be inlawed and restored to the benefit and protection of Him and his Laws as was some hundred of years ago held to be Law and right reason by Bracton who left it as a Rule to posterity that Rex poterit utlagatum de gratia â—ua per literas suas Patentes inlegare recipere eum ad pacem suam reponere eum in legem extra quam prius positus fuit The King may of his Grace by His Letters Patents pardon the Utlary and restore him to the benefit of his Laws but if he were outlawed contra legem terrae debet eam pronunciare esse nullam utlagati secundum legem terrae facilius recipiuntur ad pacem secundum quod ibi fuerit causa vera vel nulla vel minus sufficiens contrary to the Law of the Land the Utlary ought to be annulled and the Defendant more easily received into the protection of the King and his Laws where there was a just cause for to reverse it or where the cause of the Outlawry appeared to be none or insufficient with whom concurred Fleta who likewise said quod utlagati extra legem positi ad legem gratia Principis concomitante restitui possunt inlagari dum tamen causa utlagariae nulla fuerit vel nimis mature That men outlawed or bereaved of the benefit of the Laws may by the favour of the Prince be restored when the cause of the Vtlary was none or it was sooner promulged or adjudged then it ought and may well be understood to be no otherwise When our very learned Bracton did long agoe rightly define an outlawed person to be qui principi non obediat nec Legi which obeyed not the King nor the Law and the cause of an Outlawry to be contumacia inobedientia contempt of the King and disobedience unto him and his Laws such Servant of the King which obeyeth the King his Soveraign and Royal Master in the duty of his place necessary attendance and service cannot be adjudged to disobey the King at the same time when he doth more especially obey him And if not guilty of any disobedience contumacy or contempt to the King cannot be understood to be so unto his Laws or established Courts of Justice which do act and do justice and punish in his name only and by his authority for where there cannot be a contumacy or cause of it according to the priviledge of the Kings Servants in the first Process or Summons in Order to the intended Vtlary nulla sequi deberet captio cum captio nulla saith Bracton nec ea quae sequntur locum habere debeant no Capias or Writ to arrest ought to issue and when there is no Capias or Writ to arrest the Vtlary which shall be endeavoured to be the consequence of it is not to be at all quia ubi primum principale quod est summonitio non subsistit for that the principal which was the Summons was not duly awarded But if any shall think it to be a contempt of the Kings Process or Courts of Justice although it be none against the K. himself such a contra-distinction will prove to be as invalid illegal and irreligious as that abominable one in the late Times of Confusion of distinguishing betwixt the person of the King his Authority and his natural and politique capacity which our Laws do declare to be so united as though most of the Regal Priviledges are adjudged to appertain to the Sacred Persons of our Kings for the Kings Prerogative as Justice Brown alledged in the argument of VVillon and Berkleys Case en respect de son person vaont a son person is in respect of his Person and do attend it and howsoever there are some that do only and properly belong to his Politique capacity yet his natural and politique capacities are neither to be confounded or so separated as one to be against or contrary to the other And they which are so willing to entertain or harbour any such opinions may do themselves more right to believe that which a more serious consideration may inform them That the Civil Law defining representation doth make it to be no more then locum alterius obtinere vel tantundem valere to be in the place of another or to avail as much as if he were present and preses Provinciae dicitur in provinciis representare qui in eadem judicis juris vicem tenet the President of a Province is said to represent is as a substitute of the Judge the Law and Acts there in the place of them which to all that are but smally acquainted with those excellent Laws cannot seem to be absâ—lute when they may every where find the Praetors or Proconsuls of Provinces advising as the younger Pliny sometimes did with Trajan the Emperor in their Letters to the Emperors upon all emergencies and cases in Law and directing and steering their Judgments and sentences according to their rescripts and answers retorned unto them and our common-Laws of England where they do sometimes seem to say that the King is virtually present in his Courts of Justice do it but as authorative with a quoad quatenus and quodam modo as unto such or such things and particulars in a certain manner as far as the reach and compass of the Delegated power committed unto their care and trust will extend for the King is not in such a manner represented by or in his Courts of Justice by his authority granted unto them as to be no where else in his natural or personal Capacity or Commands for then he must be Apotheosed or more then mortality or mankind will permit and so omnipresent and every where as to be at one and the same morning hour and instant of Time in the Terms or Law dayes in the Court of Common-Pleas Exchequer Kings-Bench and Chancery out of the later whereof he could not issue out in the same day and moment of Time his Writs Original and remedial under his Teste meipso witness our self in the Chancery authorizing the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas to hold Plea in most of the Actions which they have cognisance of and are impowred to hear or determine and be at the same time truly and properly believed to be in the Court of Common-Pleas nor could cause any of their Records to be transmitted coram nobis unto himself in his Court of Kings-Bench to correct the Errors committed in some Action by the Judges of
as the Court of Chancery did in the 8th year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth by her Writ supersede stay 2 Writs of Exigent in the Court of Common-Pleas at the Suit of two several persons against Robert Webb one of the Cursitors of the Court of Chancery by reason of his Office Attendance in that Court which Writ of Priviledge and Supersedeas was allowed by the Judges of that Court and an entry made upon the Roll where the Plea of his Priviledge was entred in these words Ideo consideratum est quod praedictus Robertus libertatibus privilegis praedictis gaudeat Ac separalia brevia praedicta ei conceduntur therefore it is ordered that the said Robert VVebbe shall enjoy his Liberties and Priviledges and that several Writs as a foresaid be granted unto him probably Writs of Supersedeas to the Sheriffs of London unto whom the Writs of Exigent had been before sent and directed or as the Court of Chancery hath done in the ninth year of the Reign of King James in the Case of Valentine Saunders Esquire one of the Six Clarkes of that Court require by the Kings Writs the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas to surcease the prosecution of the said Valentine Saunders to the Utlary or might aswell defend their Regal Rights in the case of their Servants in Ordinary by a Writ de Rege inconsulto commanding as in some other cases of their concernments not to proceed against them until their pleasure be further signified or assert and command the Liberties Priviledges of their Servants by Writs de libertate allocanda aswell as for Liberties to be allowed unto Citizens or Burgers which contrary to their Liberties were impleaded But too many of the Kings Servants Creditors for all are not so uncivil who would be glad to find a way or some colour or pretence of Law rudely to treat the Rights of the King and his Servants would willingly underprop that their humour and design with an objection that our Kings have conveyed their Justice unto their established Courts of Justice at Westminster and are not to contradict alter or suspend any thing which they do in his name therein And that if any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary be arrested without leave the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may not punish those that do offend therein and that being so Arrested they are so in the Custody of the Law as they ought not to be released until they do appear or give Bayl to appear and answer the Action CAP. VI. That the Kings established and delegated Courts of Justice to administer Justice to his People are not to be any bar or hinderance to his Servants in Ordinary in their aforesaid antient just and legal Priviledges and Rights or that the Messengers of his Majesties Chamber may not be sent to summon or detein in custody the Offenders therein or that any of his servants being arrested without licence are so in the custody of the Law as they cannot before apparance or bayl to the Action be delivered WHich will not at all advantage their hopes or purposes if they shall besides what hath been already proved aswell as alledged give Admittance unto a more weighed consideration that delegatio ad causas non intelligitur ad futuras a Commission or Authority entrusted for some special or determinate matters is not to be understood to extend unto all that in the administration of Justice may afterwards happen that in the Court of Exchequer the Barons are and should be the special Ministers and Supervisors of the Kings Revenue subject to his Legal Mandates and disposing power that the Court of Common-Pleas being a Court erected and continued by our Kings for the dispatch of Justice and ease of their Subjects and People in Common-Pleas or Actions wherein the King his Crown and Dignity are not immediately concerned do only hold Pleas and have Jurisdiction and Cognisance ratione Mandati by reason of the Kings Original Writs Command or Commission issuing almost in every Action from himself out of his High Court of Chancery that the Justices of the Kings-Bench are ad placita coram Rege tenenda assignati assigned as coadjutors to the King to hear determine Pleas supposed by Law to be heard before himself in that Court and by the ancient stile title of their Records said to be de consilio Regis of the Kings Councel that in the High Court of Chancery the King by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England as his Substitute or Deputy as some of our Judges in the 9th year of the Reign of King James have believed them to be in that supereminent and superintendant Court of and over all his other Courts of Justice commands his Sheriffs who are sworn to execute his Writs and not to prejudice his Rights to execute their Writs directed unto them in his Name and under his Seal doth provide and give remedies in all emergencies of Law and Justice where the Supreme and Legal Authority is implored or prayed in ayd or assistance And that where a Delegated Power or Jurisdiction is granted by the King as not only the Lawes of many other Nations but our Bracton and Fleta men not meanly learned in the antient Laws and Customes of England as well as in the civil Laws have adjudged he doth not exuere sede potestate so grant away that Jurisdiction as to exclude himself from all power and not be able upon just and legal Occasions to resume it or intermeddle in some part thereof when a Lord of a Mannor though he hath by a Patent or Commission granted to his Steward for life the power or jurisdictions of keeping his Courts assessing of Fines and the like matters appurtenant thereunto is not debarr'd when a just occasion shal either necessitate or invite him thereunto from his personal assessing of Fines or other Acts belonging unto the Court or that power authority which he should have over his Tenants that where the Liberty of a Court Baron appurtenant to the Grant of a Mannor with the jurisdiction of Sake or Soke holding of Pleas and punishment of Offenders is granted by the King or allowed to any man and his heirs by Custome or Prescription the King is not debarred upon any grievance or complaint of any Tenant of the Manor to command Justice to be done unto him by his Writs of Right Close or Patent and where a Leet being a more large or greater Jurisdiction hath been granted to a man and his heirs to seize and grant it to another for not rightly observing the order of Law therein as for not erecting a Pillory making of a Clerk of the Market and the like or altogether disusing of it and where liberties of retorna Brevum executing returning Writs in a certain Precinct or Liberty have been granted to a man his Heirs common practice and
out of his place for Bribery and Extortion it was in the Sentence or Judgment given against him said that Sacramentum Domini Regis quod erga Populum habuit custodiendum â—regit maliciose false Rebelliter quantum in ipso fuit he had falsly malitiously and traiterously as much as in him lay broke or violated the Kings Coronation Oath which demonstrates that although he had at the same time violated his own Oath made unto the King when he was admitted into his Office or Place yet his fault was the greater in breaking the Kings Oath and that part of his Justice with which he was trusted For the Grants of the Judges Places by the King durante bene placito or quamdiu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they do wel behave themselves the Kings Commissions of Oyer Terminer Et Gaola deliberanda of Gaol Delivery and to hear and determine Causes in their Circuits their Oathes besides their Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy taken at their admittance into their Places prescribed and directed in the 18th year of the reign of King Edward the third and administred by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keepers of the Great Seal of England for the time being That they the King and his People in the Office of Justice shall not counsel or assent to any thing that may turn unto his damage shall take no Fee or Robes of any but the King himself nor execute any Letters from him contrary to the Law but certifie him and his Councel thereof and shal procure the profit of the King and his Crown in all things that they may reasonably do the same in an Act of Parliament made in the 20th year of the Reign of that King they are expresly mentioned to be Deputed by the King to do Law and Right according to the usage of the Realm the Kings Writs directed unto them stiling them no otherwise then Justitiariis suis and those Courts the Kings Courts the acknowledgment of the Judges themselves in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and their readiness to obey all her lawful commands in the Case of Cavendish and that of Sir Edward Coke that the Judges are of the Kings Councel for proceedings in course of Justice their assisting the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England upon request or sending for some of them out of their own Courts into the Chancery their attending upon the King in his House of Peers in Parliament to assist and advise in matters of Law there debated when required but not with any power of Vote or decisive Judgment their often meetings out of their Courts altogether upon any of the Kings commands or references in causes difficult by Petition or Appeal to the King and their Opinions humbly certified thereupon and attending upon the King and his Councel upon matters doubtful wherein the ayde and advice of the Regal Authority was required and whether their Patents or Commissions be durante bene placito or quam diu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they shall well behave themselves are void per demise le Roy by the death of the King that granted their Patents or Commissions and to be renewed at the pleasure of his Successor may abundantly evidence that they may not claim or justly be beleived to be independant Soveraign absolute or without an Appeal to their King and Soveraign who granteth amongst many other Offices in the said Courts the Office and Place of Warden of the Fleet by the Name of the Keeper of the Kings Pallace at Westminster aad the Office thereby to attend by him or his Deputy the Courts of Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer and keep in safe Custody the Prisoners committed by them when all the Writs and Process of those Courts are issued under his Name and Seal and all but the Chancery which are honoured by his own Teste are under the several Testes or Subscriptions as the Law intendeth of the Chief Justices or Judges thereof together with the Exemplifications of Fines Recoveries Verdicts and other Records in the Court of Common-Pleas and the Court of Kings-Bench and in their several and distinct Jurisdictions are subjected unto and dependant upon the Regal Authority Crown and Dignity And cannot be otherwise understood to be when our Kings have sometimes fined Judges for Extortion or Bribery as King Edward the first did Sir Ralph de Hengham and diverse other Judges in the 16th year of his Reign when the Judges in the â—aid Courts cannot ex officio pardon or discharge a fine or punishment imposed or inflicted by them upon Offenders nor without his Writ of Error amend or correct Errors committed by themselves after the Term ended wherein they were committed are if they exceed their bounds subject by his Writ punishment of Praemunire to a forfeiture of all their Lands Goods Estate of their Lands in Fee-Simple or for Life to have their Bodies imprisoned at the will of the King to be out of his Protection and when he as he pleaseth commandeth the Rolls and Records of the Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas to be brought into his Treasury or the Tower of London for safety adjourneth those Courts upon occasion of Pestilence or other reason of State or Warre as King Edward the first did to York where they continued for some years after that the Judges are by Office of Court to stay surcease in many things where they do perceive the King to be concerned either in point of profit or other concernment untill they have advised with the Kings Serjeants or Councel learned in the Law when the Writs of Prohibition frequently granted by the Court of Common-Pleas or Kings-Bench in his name do signifie that he hath haute Justice power and authority over those and the inferior Courts of Justice and by his Supreme Authority doth by his Legal Rescripts and Mandates issuing out of his High Court of Chancery upon any defects in his Subordinate Courts for want of power and authority consonant or agreeable to the rules of right reason and equity moderate the rigors of his Laws correct Errors and provide fitting remedies for all manner of Contingencies or Disorders happening in the course execution or manage of his Laws or Justice testified by his Injunctions out of the Chancery to stay the rigors and proceedings in the Courts of common-Common-Law Commissions of Trail Baston more rightly ottroy le Baston granted by King Edward the first to inquire of and punish misdemeanours riots extortions c. which the Courts of Justice then in being had cognisance of might have upon complaint punished redressed many other Commissions of that kind made out by that other of our Kings with Commissions of Assise Association cum multis aliis or the like the Writs of Rege in consulto
a Protection cast quia moraturus that he remained with the Earl of Worcester who was Deputy to the Duke of Clarence was to be allowed for if the Duke by his Commission had power to make a Deputy it is reason that he which was with the Deputy in Service should be excused by the Protection In Trinity Term in the 11th year of that King where one of the Vouchees made a defalt the other had a Petit Capias awarded against him at the day of the retorn of the Petit Capias he that made the defalt brought a Protection which was adjudged to enure to them both In Hillary Term in the 21th year of the Reign of that King a Protection being granted to T. Rokes a Certiorari was directed to the Sheriffs of London to enquire if he attended in the Service of the King according to the tenor of the Protection or followed his own business and the Sheriffs of London certified that he did not attend the Service of the King but remained at London attending his own business whereupon the Plaintiff had an Innotescimus directed to the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas to repeal the said Protection and he shewed the Writ to the Court and prayed a resummons against the Defendant and had it In Hillary Term in the 21th year of the said Kings Reign after issue joyned upon a Writ of Entry and the Jury had appeared the Counsel for the Defendant prayed the Court to grant an Habeas Corpus for him and rhe Justices demanded of the Plaintiff and the Jury if they would agree unto it who consenting thereunto the Habeas Corpus was granted and the morrow after when the Jury appeared a Protection quia moraturus that the Defendant was in the Kings Service at Calais was brought to which being excepted that he was under age and that it appeared by his own sheweing that he was in prison it was answered that the Protection was of Record and to be believed before any such allegation and afterwards the Justices demanded several times of the Defendants Counsel if they would agree that thâ— Demandant and the Jury should be adjourned until the next day to the intent as was believed that the Demandant might in the mean time procure a repeal of the Protection which they supposed to be false and the Counsel for the Plaintiff praying time till the morrow to be advised touching the Protection which the Justices granted the Justices perusing again the Protection found that there was no default therein and said they ought to allow it which was done accordingly and the Jury was discharged And in the same year it was adjudged and declared to be Law that where a Tenant in a Precipe quod reddat had unduly purchased a Protection of the King whereby the Plaintiff was put without day and prejudiced that in that case he might have a Writ of disceit In Michaelmas Term in the fourth and fifth year of the Reign of King Philip and Queen Mary in a Writ of Entry in Le per brought by one Huggard against Knevet an Essoin was cast by one Anthony Knevet for Tho. Knevet that he was in the service of the King in the parts beyond the Seas and day thereupon given and some doubt arising amongst the Judges about the warranty of the Essoin and the form thereof and amongst the precedents which could be found that in the 35th year of the Reign of King Henry the sixth wherein the Abbot of Westminster was Plaintiff against VV. Yeoman of the Kings Buttery under the Kings Privy Seal not pleasing them but being adjudged insufficient the Judges were so unwilling to disappoint the purpose and expectation of the Supreme Authority as they themselves framed and devised a Writ to excuse the absence of the said T. Knivet And although in Trinity Term in the same year the Queen who began her Reign the 26th day of July 1553. did by her Attorney General by advice of the Lords of her Privy Councel demand the opinion of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas if a prisoner in the Fleet upon an Execution who might be very useful in her wars might be licenced by the Queen with his Keeper to go unto Barwick for the defence thereof it was resolved by all the Judges of both the Benches that he could not be dismissed by her Protection for that he was there to be kept in safe custody Yet in the fourth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth she did by her Letter under her Signe Manual and Signet directed unto Tirrel Warden of the Fleet cause Thurland who was in Execution for debt to go with his Keeper as hath been before mentioned about some affairs of hers and the publique So tender were the Judges in the antient and past ages of the Supreme Authority they sate under and the honor of their Princes which imparted unto them so much of the honor and dignity they enjoyed and so careful of the safety and concernment of the publique which was or should be the greatest care and interest of every man and had such an awe and veneration of Majesty in which the Supreme Authority and governing power resides as where they perceived any Essoin of the service of the King unduly cast or Protection not legally granted as by mis-information or necessity of preserving the publique peace and tranquility or upon reason of State they might sometimes happen they did not presently reject the Writs of Protections of our Kings but remit those that excepted against them to petition for their repeal by Innotescimus and where Essoins of some imployed in their service were cast did admit them put the cause without day and order the Essoiners in the mean time to bring their Warrants which if they failed a resummons of them was awarded and the fine of twenty shillings penalty imposed by an Act of Parliament sometimes paid and at other times pardoned and as careful of the high Authority of his Soveraign was Sir Orlando Bridgeman late Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas when he refused to bayl upon a Habeas Corpus one that was committed by the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold for Arresting one of the Kings Servants in ordinary without licence and advised him to submit himself to the Lord Chamberlain that humour and fashion of kicking against the Supreme Authority and wrastling with the Lords Anointed in seeking to be bayled upon Writs of Habeas Corpus granted by the inferiour and delegated powers for commitments upon contempts by the Superiour being so novel and unusual as the Books and Records of the Law or our Courts of Justice have afforded us no mention at all or very little of them until the Reign of King James or the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr when by the unhappy arguments upon the case of the Habeas Corpora in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles
and the Responsa prudentum of their Commissionated Justices and the Reasonings and Dictates of those Disciples of refined Reason and how wide also is the difference betwixt Deliberation and things spoken of a sudden betwixt Arguments solemnly made both at the Bar and at the Bench and that which passeth from them obiter or in transitu hastily and without any premeditation or in passage or as circumstantial to some other matter or when it was not subjectum Argumenti the subject or material part of the Argument but came in as foreign or was not the principal Design thereof or was but as some of the Law Reports do mention other things to have been spoken onely ad mensam as they sate at Dinner or Supper or in their private Conferences or per Auditum by Hear-say or Report of another coming in from a Court or Business at Law where they that made the Report were not present neither were those Sons of Wisdom ignorant that Laws were to be so subservient to Government as not to incumber the just means thereof and the Power and Authority which should protect and take care of it For although Kings and Princes ought in performance of their Oaths taken at their Coronation to make the Methods and Rules of their Governments where Justice and Reason shall perswade it to come up as near as they can Legum suarum praescripto to the minde and direction of their established and allowed Laws and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom and moderate and guide their Power as Bracton saith to the right end for which it was ordained yet the Suprema Lex Salus Populi ne quid detrimenti Respublica capiat the Supream Law to heed above all things next to the will and commands of the Almighty King of Kings the safety of the People and Weal Publique committed to their charge wherein their own is not a little concern'd being not to be neglected enjoyns the care and observation of that great Principle in the Eternal Laws of Nature and right Reason that there ought to be in all Kings Princes and Governors such a Power and Means extraordinary as may answer the purpose of Government procure Justice relieve Necessities and repel any the Incursions of Dangers which present Laws or the greatest fore-cast could never provide or before-hand arm against when Time Necessities or Hazards imminent cannot tarry for the popular or long deliberations or assent of a Multitude who can sooner bring upon themselves a ruining and fatal Discord than procure any help at present and that to oblige Government to a close and pertinacious adhering to Laws or Rules already established which can yield them no relief or at the most none at present may be as inconvenient and destructive as to limit a Captain Master or Pilot of a Ship going to Sea what Orders and no other he must observe when Pirates or Enemies assaults unlooked for the Furies of the merciless Windes and Seas or those many other Misfortunes of which the Seas do produce as great a plenty as they do variety shall rush or break in upon him and must of necessity require other helps or directions and cannot always sayl by Card or Compass or in sight of a conducting Pole-Star but most sometimes for the preservation of himself the Ship and Passengers lowr his Sayls cut his Cables or Main-mast or throw Goods over-board to be recompensed by those whose good and safety was procured by it Or might be as fatal as it would be to an Army when a General or Commander of it shall be pinnion'd and fetter'd with Instructions or Authorities ill calculated and must not go beyond them when their Cares Arts and Stratagems are not to be before-hand prescribed by Laws Instructions or Rules of War but are to be used and practised as Occasions Opportunities Advantages or Disadvantages Successes Dangers or Misfortunes shall advise And therefore if we look down from the hills of Time into the valleys of the Ages past and take a view of the Laws and Constitutions of our Princes the Records and Monuments of their Justice distributed by themselves or the Judges their Substitutes the weight of the Reasons of their Judgements therein and the Obedience which the People have from Age to Age readily paid unto them they that will not wilfully sacrifice to a peevish Obstinacy may see cause enough for our Kings as well to make use of extraordinary Helps and Remedies in order to Justice and the Weal Publique as their delegated Judges have done by that which they call Office and Discretion or course of Court and Equity of Statutes in many Causes too many to be here instanced when the Laws would too much streighten them or not permit them to do that which Justice would require or expect at their hands to believe that the no unfaithful or unlearned Judges in the former Ages did not incroach upon the Liberties of the People or wanted a Warrant of right Reason when they had such a veneration and respect to the Prudence of divers of our Princes their Reason and Necessities of State and the preservation of the People and in doing of Justice as in the sixth year of the Reign of King Richard the First Adam of Benningfield and Gundreda his Wife having brought a Writ of Dower against Robert Mallivell and Pavie his Wife for seven Carves of Land in Raveneston with the Appurtenances in the County of Nottingham of which the said Gundreda had a Fine levied unto her in the Court of King Henry by Robert Mallivell Father of the said Robert Mallivell and thereof produced the Chirograph and alledged that the said Robert the Son had disseized them in the War or Rebellion of Earl John the Kings Brother and was with him in the War against the King at Kingeshage and that by reason of the Seisin of the said Robert by the said Earl John the Land was taken into the Kings hands as Hugh Bardo witnessed but the said Robert pleaded that he paid a Fine to the King for it and for that Land to have his Lands again and for that produced the Kings Letters to the Sheriff of Nottinghamshire who attested the truth thereof Et Dominus Cancellarius dicit quod ipse accepit ab ore Domini Regis quod ipse redderet Seisinam terrarum omnibus illis qui disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem dicit quod ratum habeâ—ur quod ipsi disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem inde consideratum est quod magis ratum habetur quod Dominus Rex ore precipit quam quod per literas mandavit quod Adam Gundreda habeant Seisinam suam and the Lord Chancellor witnessed that he was commanded by the King by word of mouth that he should make Livery of their Lands to all which were disseized by the said Earl John which would have required a good Warrant in a matter concerning so many and said that it was proved that they
against the Legality of this Court in the Reigns of King Henry the seventh Henry the eighth Edward the sixth Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth or since although Sir Edward Coke being unwilling to allow it to be a Court legally constituted as not founded by any Prescription or Act of Parliament hath thrown it under some scruples or objections with which the former Ages and Wisemen of this Nation thought not fit to trouble their Times and Studies that Court being not only sometimes imployed in the determining of Cases and Controversies irremedial in the delegated Courts of Justice out of the Palace Royal or by the Privy Council but concerning the Kings Domesticks or Servants in Ordinary as may be seen in the 33 year of the Reign of K. Henry the eighth in the Case of David Sissel of Witham in the County of Lincoln Plaintiff against Richard Sissel his Brother Yeoman of the Kings Robes for certain Lands lying in Stamford in the said County of Lincoln formerly dismissed by the Kings most Honourable Privy Council wherein the said David Sissel was enjoyned upon pain of Imprisonment to forbear any clamour further to be made to the Kings Grace touching the Premises In the second and third years of King Philip and Queen Mary Sir John Browne Knight one of the two Principal Secretaries to the King and Queens Majesties was a Plaintiff in that Court and in the thirteenth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth Sir James Crofts Knight Comptroller of the Queens Majesties Houshold against Alexander Scoffeild for Writings and Evidences in the Defendants Custody And those great assistants Lords and Bishops Commissionated by the King as his Council or Commissioners did sometimes in that Court as in the thirtieth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth superintend some Causes appealed aswell from the Lord Privy Seal as the Common Law and Sir John Russel Knight Lord Russel the same man or his Father being in an Act of Parliament in the thirteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth wherein he with the Archbishop of Canterbury and others were made Feoffees of certain Lands to the use and for performance of the Kings last Will and Testament stiled Master John Russel his Majesties Keeper of the Privy Seal was in that Court made a Defendant in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the sixth to a Suit Petition or Bill there depending against him although he was at that time also that Great and Ancient Officer of State called the Lord Privy Seal there having been a Custos Privati Sigilli a Keeper of the Privy Seal as early as the later end of King Edward the first or King Edward the second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the third about which time Fleta wrote nor was it then mentioned as any Novelty or new Office the Lord Privy Seal or Keepers of the Kings Privy Seal having ever since the eighteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the seventh if not long before until that fatal Rebellion in the later end of the Reign of that incomparable and pious Prince King Charles the Martyr successively presided and been Chief Judges in that Court which was not understood to be illegal in the twentieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when in a Case wherein George Ashby Esq was Complainant against William Rolfe Defendant an Injunction being awarded against the Defendant not to prosecute or proceed any further at the Common Law and disobeyed by the procurement of the said William Rolfe it was ordered That Francis Whitney Esq Serjeant at Arms should apprehend and arrest all and every person which should be found to prosecute the said Defendant contrary to the said Injunction and commit them to the safe custody of the Warden of the Fleet there to remain until order be taken for their delivery by her Majesties Council of that Court by Authority whereof the said William Rolfe was apprehended and committed to the Fleet for his Contempts but afterwards in further contempt the said William Rolfe's Attorney at the Common Law prosecuting a Nisi prius before Sir Christopher Wray then Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench against the Complainant in Guildhall London the said Attorney was then und there presently taken out of the said Court by the said Serjeant at Arms and committed to the Fleet. Nor by Sir Henry Mountà gue Knight Earl of Manchester who being the Son of a Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench was in Legibus Angliae enutritus in praxi legum versatissimus a great and well-experienced Lawyer and from his Labour and Care therein ascended to the Honour and Degree of Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench from thence to that of Lord Treasurer of England thence to be Lord President of the Kings most Honourable Privy Council and from thence to be Lord Privy Seal and for many years after sitting as Supreme Judge and Director of the Court of Requests in the Reign of King James and King Charles the Martyr together with the four Masters of Requests his Assessors and Assistants in that Honourable and necessary Court Which Office or Place à Libellis Principis of Master of Requests having been long ago in use in the Roman Empire and those that were honoured therewith with maximorum culmine dignitatum digni men accounted worthy of the most honourable nnd eminent Imployments and that Office or Place so highly esteemed as that great and ever famous Lawyer Papinian who was stiled Juris Asylum the Sanctuary or Refuge of the Law did under the Emperor Severus enjoy the said Office to whom his Scholar or Disciple Vlpian afterwards succeeded and with our Neighbours the French summo in honore sunt are very greatly honoured quibus ab Aulâ Principis abesse non licet and so necessary as not at any time to be absent from the Court or Palace of the Prince The Masters of Requests are and have been with us so much regarded and honoured as in all Assemblies and Places they precede the Kings Learned Council at Law and take place of them and amongst other Immunities and Priviledges due unto them and to the Kings Servants are not to be enforced to undergo or take upon them any other inferior Offices or Places in the Commonwealth There being certainly as much if not a greater Reason that the King should have a Court of Requests or Equity and Conscience where any of his Servants or Petitioners are concerned as the Lord Mayor of London who is but the Kings Subordinate Governour of that City for a year should have a Court of Conscience or Requests in the City of London for his Servants or the Freemen and Citizens thereof The Rights and Conveniences of our Kings of England doing Justice to their Domestick or Houshold Servants within their Royal Palaces or Houses or the virge thereof and not remitting them to other Judicatures together
to have done amiss when in Compassion or Justice in the case of the Kings Servants he shall moderate the furies and unjust pretences of unrighteous and unreasonable Creditors or Complaynants and according to the Laws and reasonable Customs of England and the Kings most Honourable Houshold give them and the Kings Servants a just and fitting protection respite or time of Respiration the rather if he find that some of their wants and distresses either would not or could not so quickly or heavily have fallen upon them if the publique necessities and occasions had not for the Protection and safeguard of those very Creditors or Complainants comprehended in the universality of the people drawn away from the King the Money which might have enabled him to a more Regular and Ordinary way of paying them their Wages Salaries or Pensions And should if right be done unto it give a less cause of disturbance to the Will or Fansies of those who would have it otherwise than the course generally well approved and now holden in the City of London in the Lord Mayors Court called the Court of Requests or Conscience Indulged at the first by no greater Authority then an Act of Common Council made by the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of that City about the ninth year of the Raign of King Henry the eight continued by some other Acts of their Common Council and strengthned by some Subsequent Acts of Parliament where upon any Action Commenced in the Sheriffs Courts of Guildhall London whereby any debt under forty shillings is demanded of any Freeman of that City the Defendant may before or after Verdict mark it as it is there Termed in a Clarks book attending for that purpose the Lord Mayor in his house and by that manner of transferring the Actions or proceedings before his Lordship in his Court of Conscience procure as much of it as he shall be able to obtein with an Order in case of Poverty or weakness of estate to pay it by Six pence or twelve pence a Week or some other small manner of payment the Plaintiff being to be Arrested or Attached if he shall disobey or transgress his Lordships moderation therein And such or the like Moderations may Aswell be allowed to the Lord Chamberlain and other great Officers of the Kings most Honorable Houshold in the case of the Kings Servants as it is and hath been to the Judges of the Courts at Westminster in the case of all the Subjects of England where in Order to the Salvo Contenemento the saving the Reputation and support of failing or fainting Debtors or Defendants and the Moderata Misericordia Moderation in punishments which in the reconciling of Justice and Compassion is not only Injoyned and Pattern'd by our many Excellent Laws and reasonable Customes since the Norman Conquest but ordained by a Law of King Canutus many years before in his direction to his Judges Vt in mulctà Irrogandâ adhibeatur moderatio ut ad divinam Clementiam temperata hominibus tolerabilis esse videatur that in Punishments or Penalties there be such a moderation as may resemble the Divine Clemency or compassion and be the more Tolerable for men to bear it from whence or the like Dictates of Right Reason have Issued and been warranted the Authority of those Sage Expounders of our Laws and distributers of Justice in their Remission of Penalties of Bonds and Obligations Moderation of Costs and Mitigation of Penalties stay of Posteas Verdicts and Executions Arrests of Judgments granting Imperlances Lessening of Fines incertain in Copyhold estates and giving them a reasonable Time of payment disappointing of Rigors Extremities and Oppression by the relieving of the Oppressed wherein the wisdom of our Laws and the discretion and Office of Judges and Courts do very often in some or other of those and very many other the like well regulated Acts of their prudence care and authority which might be here instanced bless and make happy this Nation Such or the like Princely Cares of our Kings and Princes for their Domestiques or Servants faithfully serving and attending upon their Soveraign giving us the reason why above three hundred and forty years ago when Fleta wrote his Book It was the Custom of the Aula Regis the Kings Palace si de aliquo familiari i. e. famulari Regis fiat querimonia if a Complaint should be made of any of the Kings Servants or Houshold he should be summoned to answer and if he came not at the day prefixed he should be Attached which is by sureties or pledges or some of his Goods or Chattels taken whereby to compel him to appear and another day prefixed and if he did not then appear his body should be taken if he were personally summoned within the Virge and should be brought before the Steward and the Marshal having him in his custody videlicet sub tali loco partito secundùm Legem consuetudinem Hospitii in a place to that purpose according to the Law and Custom of the Kings Houshold appointed was to be answerable for him quòd nisi de corpore respondeat de petitione satisfacere tenebitur supposito quòd de corpore fuit seisitus but if the Marshal did not keep him in Custody whereby he might have his body forth coming he should if he was ever seised of his body make satisfaction to the party complainant But where any person who is not of the Kings Servants or House should desire to sue or prosecute a Debtor in the Court of the Kings Palace before the Steward thereof he was to produce the Bond wherein the Debtor obliged himself ro their Jurisdiction and in that case the Debtor was to be destrayned until he found pledges to answer the Action Et si Pleg invenerit quinquagesimum diem litis receperit illo die non comparuerit and if he should find pledges and not appear within fifty days after for so many days it seems was then allowed unto him he was to be Arrested and detained until he gave Bail it being also as reasonable that a like or a greater time should be given to one of the Kings Servants complained of before the Lord Steward or Lord Chamberlain or other great Officers of the Kings Houshold to whose Jurisdiction it belongeth for in those more Reverential Times and acknowledgments of Superiority It was a Rule as well as an Ancient Custom that mitiùs agendum cum familiaribus servientibus Regis dum tamen Domestici sint Regis Collaterales the Kings Servants in Ordinary and Domestiques were to be more gently and respectfully dealt with then strangers quòd primò debent per Mariscallum summoniri quam si supersederint tum primò Distringantur tertiò si necesse fuerit Attachientur and ought first to be summoned by the Marshal and if then they did not appear they were to be Distreined and at or after the third distress if need were should
Chamberlain Treasurer and Comptroller of the Kings most Honourable Houshold Chancellor of the Exchequer with other of the Kings Privy Councel who together with the Justices of both Benches and Barons of the Exchequer do out of the six for every County make choice of three who are in a written Bill by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England shortly after presented to the King who appointeth as he pleaseth one of every three presented unto him as aforesaid for every County to be Sheriff by his Letters Patents under the Great Seal for the year next following And by Authority of the King and his Laws the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England appointeth the Judges in every year their several Circuits maketh and dischargeth all Justices of the Peace And such Petitions as could not be dispatched before the end of Parliaments were frequently adjourned to be heard and determined by the Chancellor and presenteth to all Parsonages or Spiritual Benefices in the Kings right or gift which are under the value of 20 l. per annum according to the antient valuation All the Records in the Courts of Chancery Kings Bench and Common Pleas Justices of Assise and Goal delivery are to be safely kept by the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer which the Commons of England in Parliament in the 46th year of the Reign of King Edward the third did in their Petition to the King call the Peoples perpetual evidence and our Kings of England have therefore in several of their Reigns sent their Writs and Mandates to the Chief Justices of both the Benches to cause their Records for some times therein limited to be brought into his Treasury and entrusted with the Treasurer and Chamberlains thereof in whose custody the Standard for all the Weights and Measures of England is likewise kept By an Act of Parliament made in the 14th year of the Reign of King Edward the third Sheriffs abiding above one year in their Offices may be removed and new ones put in their place by the Chancellor Treasurer and Chief Baron of the Exchequer taking unto them the Chief Justices of the one Beneh or the other if they be present Escheators who were and should be of very great trust and concernment in the Kingdom betwixt the King and his people were to be chosen by the Chancellor Treasurer and Chief Baron of the Exchequer taking into them the Chief Justices of the one Bench or the other if they be present but are since only made by the Lord Treasurer By a Statute made in the 14th year of the Reign of King Edward the 3d. the Lord Privy Seal and other great Lords of the Kings Councel are appointed to redress in Parliament delayes and errours in Judgement in other Courts By an Act of Parliament made in the 20th year of the Reign of the aforesaid King the Chancellor and Treasurer were authorized to hear complaints and ordain remedies concerning gifts and rewards unjustly taken by Sheriffs Bayliffs of Franchises and their Vnder Ministers and also concerning mainteiners and embracers of Juries taking unto them the Justices and other Sage persons such as to them seemeth meet By an Act of Parliament made in the 31th year of the Reign of that King the Lord Chancellor and Treasurer shall examine erronious Judgements given in the Exchequer Chamber And the Chancellor and Treasurer taking to them Justices and other of the Kings Councel as to them seemeth shall take order and make Ordinances touching the buying and selling of Fish By several Acts of Parliament made in the 37th and 38th year of his Reign Suggestions made by any to the King shall be sent with the party making them unto the Chancellor there to be heard and determined and the Prosecutor was to be punished if he prove them not And that upon untrue suggestions the Chancellor should award damages according to his discretion By an Act of Parliament made in the 11th year of the Reign of King Richard the second the keeping of Assises in good Towns are at the request of the Commons in Parliament referred to the Chancellor with the advice of the Judges By an Act of Parliament made in the 13th year of his Reign in every pardon for Felony Murder or Treason the Chamberlain or Vnder Chamberlain was to endorse upon the Bill the Name of him which sued for the same By an Act of Parliament made in the 20th year of his Reign no man shall go or ride armed except the Kings Officers or Ministers in doing their Office By an Act of Parliament made in the first and second year of the Reign of K. Henry the 4th no Lord is to give any Sign or Livery to any Knight Esquire or Yeoman but the King may give his honourable Livery to his menial Knights and Esquires and also to his Knights and Esquires of his Retinue who are not to use it in their Counties but in the Kings presence The Constable and Marshall of England for the time being and their Retinue of Knights and Esquires may wear the Livery of the King upon the Borders and Marches of the Realm in time of War the Knights and Esquires of every Duke Earl Baron or Baneret may wear their Liveries in going from the Kings House and returning unto it and that the King may give his honourable Livery to the Lords Temporal whom pleaseth him And that the Prince and his menials may use and give his honourable Livery to the Lords and his menial Gentlemen By an Act of Parliament made in the first year of the Reign of King Henry the 6th the Lords of the Councel may assign money to be coyned in as many places as they will A Letter of request may be granted by the Keeper of the Privy Seal to any of the Kings Subjects from whom Goods be taken by the King of Denmark or any of his Subjects By an Act of Parliament made in the tenth year of his Reign the Mayor of London shall take his Oath before the Treasurer of England and Barons of the Kings Exchequer wherein he shall be charged and sworn to observe all the Statutes touching Weights and Measures By an Act of Parliament made in the eleventh year of his Reign Fees Wages and Rewards due to the Kings Officers were not to be comprized within the Statute of Resumption made in the 28 th year of the Reign of the King By an Act of Parliament made in the third year of the Reign of King Henry the 7th for punishments of Maintenance Embracery Perjuries Riots and unlawfull demeanors of Sheriffs and unlawfull Assemblies it was ordained That the Chancellor and Treasurer of England for the time being Keeper of the Kings Privy Seal or two of them calling unto them a Bishop and a Temporal Lord of the Kings most Honourable Councel and the two Chief Justices of the Kings
the Court of Common-Pleas nor by a Writ of Pone upon a Certiâ—rari out of the Chancery under his Teste meipso as â—f he were there present to direct it to be tryed in the Court of Kings-Bench coram nobis by a supposition that it should be there determined before himself neither did some of our Kings need to have holden Parliaments by their Substitutes or Commission as King Edward the third did in his absence to his Son Edward Duke of Cornwal and at another time unto Lionell Duke of Clarence another of his Sons if he could by any just or legal intendment have been supposed to have been there alwayes absolutely and to all purposes virtually present But if there should be a refusal by any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary to appear upon any Writs or Process issuing out of any of his Courts of Justice whilst they are in the Service of the King their Master yet when the King shall have discharged that refusal or contempt if it should be so called by a greater and more necessary command in the case of any of his Servants attending upon Him that contempt is no more to be insisted upon for if in such a case of his moeniall Servants his command in the necessary attendance upon his person or affairs in one place shall not amount to a Supersedeas or discharge of any supposed contempt of his Writs and Process and delegated Mandates in another And his commissionated Courts of Justice should adjudge his Servants to be guilty of a contumacy or contempt against his Courts of Justice in not obeying of his Process whilst they do attend upon his person in the safety and well being of Him and all his Subjects and of the Courts of Justice themselves they must separate themselves from themselves and themselves from the King which intrusted them with that authority by too much supposing his authority to be in themselves mistake fancy that authority in them to be Superiour to him that gave it erect to themselves a kind of Superiority over him which gave them that authority by and under which they do act and are impowred the bounds and limits whereof they should not go beyond or exceed For although there may be a contempt charged upon some one or more of the Kings many Servants attending in his Court or Pallace for disobeying or not performing some of his personal commands and upon the same party much about the same Time for a contempt for not obeying or performing the Precept or Process of his subordinate Judges by not appearing to some Action prosecuted before them and so a double contempt or contumacy against the King yet the contempt to the Kings personal command is and must needs be greater then that which is to his Justices or Courts of Justice and is more immediate then that which is but mediate concerns but some one particular Plaintiff not seldom in a malicious or unjust cause of Action or if just for some trivial hot headed uncharitable and unneighborly cause of Action as for Trespass of a Horse or Cow broken into his Pasture by the default or occasion of his own ill Fence or Hedges when the Beast knew as little of reason or property as the Plaintiff did of Religion or the rules of Christianity when that which is more immediately to the King may not a little but greatly concern the well or ill being of the whole Nation or of multitudes and in that general and universal concernment of the angry prosecutor himself when that which is but mediate and a lesser contempt to some one of the Kings Courts of Justice in not appearing to some of their Writs or Process made out in the Kings name and by his authority concerneth only a few particular persons And theâ—efore we should too much thwart those common principles of reason and understanding to deny the greater command its power and efficacy before the lesser and that of the King before that of his Justices or to punish and arrest any of the Kings Servants if they were not so justly entituled to the Priviledges aforesaid for all or the most part of Arrests by order or course of any Courts of Justice in civil Actions before appearance are grounded either upon contempts or propter suspitionem sugae to prevent running away for disobeying the lesser authority and a private and particular concernment to obey the greater or the commands of the King in just and lawful things as a Servant in matters relating to his service and in that to the weal publique or greatest concernment and may well be excused for failing in the lesser or private when he is by his Oath usually administred unto the Kings Servants truly and diligently to attend and wait and not to depart out of the Kings Court without licence had or obtained of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings most honourable Houshold unto whom it appertaineth and to obey all and singular commandments given in charge on the behalf of the King and is not by his Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to lessen or abridâ—e any of the Kings Royal Jurisdictions Preheminences and Priviledges from and under which are legally derived the aforesaid Rights and Priviledges of his Servants who if they were not priviledged are not in the contrariety and conflict of superior and inferior commands to neglect those of the Superior where he is so bound and ingaged by the duty of a Subject and Servant and so many obligeing Oaths to obey the Writs or Precepts of an Inferior to whom they are under no Obligation of Oaths nor are to be compelled to break those Oaths and Obligations or to do impossible things when as id possumus quod de Jure possimus things unlawful should be ranked amongst the impossibles our Laws do assure us that Lex non cogit impossibilia that the Law doth neither ordain nor compel impossible things to be done or doth punish for the not doing of them But if a restless Spirit of opposition to the Kings Rights or Regalities shall not permit an acquiescence unto that which hath been already said in defence of that part of it which concerns the Priviledges of his Servants but that an objection must be picked up to support their factious incivilities that the King ought not to punish or imprison any for the breach of his Servants Priviledges in the causing of any of them to be Arrested or Outlawed without leave or licence first procured when the Writs and Process tending thereunto are made in his own Name and under his smal or lesser Seals as to Writs and Process issuing out of the Courts of Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas delegated and entrusted by him unto the two Lord Chief Justices thereof the answer will have no difficulty if it shal be as it ought to be acknowledged that those Writs Process seldome expressing that the Defend is the K. Servant are of course made
not to proceed in matters concerning his own particular without his being first consulted de Attornato languidi recipiendo to admit an Attorney for one that is sick Writs of Aâ—â—aint against Jurors falsly swearing in their Verdicts Writs de Aâ—sisa continuanda to continue the prâ—â—â—â—dings upon an Assise Audita querela to relieve one that is oppressed by some Judgment Statute or Recognisance Writs de Certioraâ—i de tenâ—re Indictamenti to be certified of the Tenor of an Indictment de Vtlagaria of an Utlary de tenore pedis Finis of the Tenor of the Foot of a Fine mittendo tenorem Assise in Evâ—â—entiam to send the Tenor of a Writ of Assise into the Chancery to be from thence transmitted by a Copy for Evidence into the Court of Exchequer Writs quod Justitiarii procedant ad captionem Assise impowring the Justices of Assise to procede in the taking of an Assise and his Commissions frequently granted in some special cases as Dedimus potestatem impowring the Judges or others to take the acknowledgements of Fines with many other kinds of Commissions a posse Comitatus ad vim Laicam amovendam to remove a force where a Parson or Minister is to be inducted into a Church or Benefice Commissions granted ob lites dirimendas to compose contentious suites of Law where the poverty of one of the parties is not able to endure them and the granting of a priviledge by some of our antient Kings to the Bishop and Citizens of new Sarum or Salisbury that the Iudges of Assize or Itinerants should in their circuits hold the Pleas of the Crown at that Town or City which King Edward the first did by his Writ or Mandates allow or cause to be observed and many more which might be here instanced which with the Laws and practice thereof and the reasonable customes of England do every where and abundantly evidence that the King doth not intrust his Courts of Justice or the Judges thereof with all his Regal power and all that with which he is himself invested in his politique capacity or hath so totally conveyed it unto them as to make them thereby the only dispensers of his justice but that the appeal or dernier ressort from all his Courts of Iustice is and resides in the King being the ultimate supreme Magistrate as from the inferiour Courts of Iustice in the Counties or Cities to the Superiour Courts of Iustice at Westminster-hall from the Court of Common-Pleas by Writ of Error to the Court called the Kings-Bench from that Court to the Parliament And as to some matters of Law fit to be tryed by action at Law from the Chancery unto the Kings-Bench or Courts of Common-Pleas or Exchequer reserving the equity when what was done there shall be returned and certified and even from the Parliament it self when Petitions there nepending could not in regard of their important affairs be dispatched to the high Court of Chancery and that appeals are made to the King in his high Court of Chancery from the Admiralty Court when as the process and proceedings are in the Name and under the Seal of the Lord Admiral and from the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury for proving of Wills and granting of Administration when the Process and proceedings are not in the Kings name but in the name and under the Seal of that Arch-bishop So as the Gentlemen of the long Robe who in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr argued against the Kings Prerogative for the just liberties of the people of England in the case of the Habeas Corpora's when they affirmed the meaning of the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the first where there was an Exception of such not to be Baylable as were committed by the command of the King or of his Justices to be that the Kings command was to be understood of his commands by his Writs or Courts of justice might have remembred that in former times his Authority by word of mouth or in things done in his presence in matters just and legal not contradicting the established rules customes and courses of his Courts of Justice and the power and authority wherewith our Kings have intrusted them was accompted to be as valid if not more than any thing done in his Courts of Justice witness that notable record and pleading aforesaid betwixt the Prior and Bishop of Durham in the 34 th year of the Reign of that by his own and his Fathers troubles largely experienced King Edward the first which was not long after the making of that Statute concerning such as were to be bayled or not to be bayled where it was said and not denyed to be Law quod Ordinatio meaning an award or something acknowledged in the presence of the King in praesentia Regis facta per ipsum Regem affirmata majorem vini habere debet quam finis in Curia sua coram justitiariis suis levatus that any Ordinance or acknowledgment made in the Kings presence and by him affirmed was to be more credited and to have a greater force then a Fine levied before his Justices in his Courts of Justice which may be a good Foundation and Warrant for several agreements and Covenants made betwixt private persons and ratified by the King under his Great Seal of England by inspeximus and confirmations by his allowance and being witness thereunto as that of Rorger Mortimer Lord of Wigmore with Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford for the Honor and Earldome of Oxfâ—rd and the great Estate and Revenueâ—belonging thereunto forfeited by the said Earl in taking part with the Barons against King Henry the third and many others which might be instanced and are plentifully to be found in many Agreements and Covenants made betwixt Abbots and Priors and their Covents and divers of the English Nobility and great men mentioned in Master Dugdales first and second Tomes or Parts of his Monasticon Anglicanum For it was resolved in Easter Term in the fourth year of the raign of Queen Elizabeth by the then Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas the Lord Chief Baron and Whiddon Browne and Corbet Justices Carus the Queens Serjeant and Gerrard her Attorney General upon a question put unto them by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England that in case of Piracy or other the like crimes the Queen might in the intervals or vacancy of a Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England by a necessity of doing Justice without a Commission granted unto others to do it punish such offenders although the Statute made in the 28th year of the raign of King Henry the 8th Ca. 15th doth direct Piracy to be tryed by Commission And it was allowed to be Law in a Case put by King James that where an Affray or Assault was made by any in the Kings presence the King
married him To which Information the Sub-Escheator pleading that he did not seize the Lands which he that followed the Suit for the King proved that he did and Reginald de Legh pleading that the said Ralph before his death upon view of the said Wards Writings and Evidences finding that he had no Right thereto did acquit and release it and that the like appearing to the said Reginald by the sight of the said Writings he did satisfie and agree with the Friends of the said Ward for the said Marriage but confessed that he did take notice that the Sub-Escheator had seized the said Lands but the said Sub-Escheator perceiving that the King had no Right thereunto did relinquish it to the Friends of the said Heir And as well the said Reginald as the said Sub-Escheator petunt dicunt quod si videatur consilio Domini Regis quod in aliquo deliquerunt quod Dominus Rex suam inde faciat voluntatem did petition and pray that if it should appear to the Court that they had offended in any thing the King might do his Will and Pleasure therein a Modesty and Submission too little used now of later Times whereupon the Court declaring Quod potius pertineat Ministris Domini Regis maxime Justiciariis suis Statum Domini Regis jura Haeredis in custodia ipsius Regis Existentium manu tenere quam in aliquo infringere That it belong'd rather to the Ministers and Officers of the King more especially his Justices to maintain his Estate and the Rights of the Heir within his custody than in any thing to infringe them did adjudg that the said Reginald and Sub-Escheator should be sent prisoners to the Tower there to remain during the Kings pleasure and that the said Reginald should satisfie the King for the Marriage of the said Heir and the said Lands should remain in the Kings hands with a Salvo Jure saving of the Right of all Pretenders thereunto In the three and thirtieth year of the Reign of the aforesaid King upon the Petition in Parliament of Ranulph the Son of Hugh le Mareshal that whereas he was Demandant by a Writ of Entry against the Rector of Ashrugg for a Messuage and divers Lands and he alledged that he could not answer without the King It was answered Rex vult quod respondeatur quod Justiciarii procedant sed certificent Regem super hoc ante redditionem Judicii c. The King willeth that the Tenant do answer the Demandant and that the Justices do proceed but certifie the King thereof before they give Judgement And if then and ever since our Kings have had a Super-intending decision and confirming Power of Judgement in matters of Justice and that without it nothing can by our Laws and reasonable Customs be done in Parliament the highest of all their Courts where the King is as it were the Ens Potentiale and is no less than the Constituent Principle and Soul that animates all their Sanctions where the Laws and Judgements receiving life and vigor from Him and have their Energy do not seldom appear to have been made with Rex voluit the King willeth Rex providit the King provideth Rex mandavit the King commandeth Rex statuit the King appointeth Rex ordinavit the King ordaineth c. all the Courts of Justice and Equity in Westminster Hall and all the Inferior Courts of Justice will not be able to produce if Prescriptions could avail against the Kings Rights and Means of Government any Prescription or any Law Custom or Allowance to exempt them from the Kings Supream Jurisdiction whose Royal Ancestors and Predecessors did heretofore upon all extraordinary occasions so much praeside and intermeddle in their Courts of Justice as Fleta an Author of good account who as hath been before mentioned did about the later end of the Reign of King Edward the Second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the Third write his Book of the Laws of England and Customs of Courts at that time used doth declare the usage then to be That when the King in his Progress or Removal from his Palace at Westminster to any other County or Place to reside for a time as our Kings did heretofore often use to do and was in any other County the Steward of his Houshold as Deputy to the Chief Justice issued forth his Writ to the Sheriff of the Place or County where the King was to reside to cause to come before him at a certain day wheresoever the King should be in his Bailywick all Assizes of Novel Disseisin Mort d'Auncester last Presentations Grand Assizes all Juries Inquisitions and Attaints Pleas of Dower and which were summoned to be determined before the Kings Justices at the first Assizes when they should come into those Parts And all Pleas Juries Inquisitions and Attaints assigned to be heard before the said Justices but were not determined giving the parties a day to prosecute if they pleased and likewise to come before them at a day prefixed And to cause to be brought before them all Prisoners Bails and all Attachments which appertain to the Goal-Delivery quod quidem mandatum frequentur retro trahitur per ejusdem Senescalli mandatum Which Tryals might notwithstanding saith Fleta be recalled by the Stewards Mandate which would necessarily produce some delay of Justice or disturbance of the Peoples affairs or expectations Eo quod Rex forte novis emersis propositum suum mutaverat in regard that the King upon some new Emergencies had altered his minde or purpose But if the King did not decline or forbear his intended Progress then was holden the Goal-Delivery by the Steward And all Duels or Tryals by Battels Appeals and all criminal Matters were determined by him with what conveniency he might and afterwards all Causes concerning Trespasses done within the Verge and after that the Assizes and Juries Obligations and Contracts wherein the Debtors had of their own accord bound themselves to be tryed before the Steward and Marshall of the Kings House placita autem quae ibidem terminari non poterint de Comitatu in Comitatum die in diem poterit adjornare vel in Banco vel ad primas Assisas vel alibi secundum quod fuerit faciend ' donec fuerunt omnia terminata but those Pleas which could not be there determined were to be adjourned from day to day or County to County or to the Common-Bench or unto the first Assizes or elsewhere as it should be thought meet until all were rightly determined Et haec omnia ex Officio suo licite poterit facere non obstante alicujus libertate And all this he might by his Office lawfully do notwithstanding any mans liberty And surely such a Super-intendency of the Soveraign was as much allowed to be Law as Reason in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when upon an Affray in London for rescuing a Soldier a
and unfitting a course or method of Government For can any man that is Master of the least grain of Reason or Prudence think it safe for a Kingdom so to restrain if it could be a Soveraign Prince when a person in time of Pestilence or otherwise shall with a Plague-Sore running upon him come into the presence of the King who in case of Leprosie when it was more frequent than now it is can for the preservation of His People from the infection thereof make His Writ de Leproso amovendo command the Leper to be removed to some other place that He should have no power to bid any of His Servants to cause him to be taken away or put in prison Or that King James when his Life was assaulted by the Assassinate which Earl Gowrey had appointed to murther him did transgress any Law of Scotland Nature or Nations when he did arrest and struggle with him until the loyal Sir John Ramsey came to his Rescue Or that that prudent Prince after his coming into England did break any Law of England Nature or Nations or not perform the Office of a King when by his own Authority he did without sending to the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench or a Justice of Peace for his Warrant cause Sir Thomas Knivet and others to apprehend Guydo Faux but some minutes before the Match should have been secretly and undiscovered laid in order to the firing of the Gunpowder and other Matterials which were shortly after to take fire for the accomplishment of the intended treason of him and his wicked Complices to destroy the King Prince Nobility and the Chiefest of his People assembled in Parliament and all that were in or near the Cities of London and Westminster by the Gunpowder Plot of blowing up the Houses of Parliament And whether a King may not in the like case of Contempt or Danger as well do it as he may do where a Souldier prest in the Kings Service upon a Certificate by the Captain into the Chancery being the Watch-Tower or Treasury of the Kings Justice that he absented himself send his Writ or Mandate to one of his Serjeants at Arms to take him which Sir Edward Coke saith may be done per Legem terrae by the Law of the Land and may upon a Certificate of an Abbot or Prior into the Chancery do the like by his Writ to the Sheriff to take a man professed in Religion that is Vagrant and alloweth it to be Lex Terrae a Legal Process so to do in honorem Religionis in honour and respect to Religion or may not as wel imprison a man for a Contempt as Discharge him Or why He may not Arrest or cause any man to be Arrested for Felony or Treason or but suspition thereof when Sir Edward Coke is of opinion any man may do in the Kings Name upon a common Fame or Voice or Arrest a man by warranty of Law and of his own Authority which woundeth another dangerously or keepeth company with a notorious Thief whereby he is suspected or if the King shall not upon necessity or extraordinary occasions be enabled to do it for that supposed rather than any reason at all that he ought not so to do in regard that no man can have an Action against Him for any wrong or injury done unto him by the King How have our Lawes and reasonable Customes for many Centuries and Ages past submitted unto and not at all complained of the Kings Seizure of Lands but suspected to be forfeited or of Lands aliened without Licence or pardon of Alienation and the like Or why should not our Kings have as much liberty as the holy King Edward the Confessour might have had if he would to have commanded a Thief to be apprehended for stealing in the Royal Lodgings when he bad him onely be gone lest Hugeline his Chamberlain should come in and take him Or as legally as King Edward the Third and his Council did commit one that was found arm'd in his Palace to the Marshalsea whence he could not be bayl'd or deliver'd until the Kings Will and Pleasure should be known Or as it was adjudged in the thirty nineth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when in an Action of Trespass the Defendant justified the doing thereof by the Command of the King when he was neither Bayliff nor Officer of the Kings and it was adjudged by the Judges that he might so do without any Deed or Writing shewed for it or if they should mistake in their Arrests or Imprisonments of suspected Traytors or Felons should not have as much liberty as a Justice of Peace hath in criminal matters or as the Judges have in his Courts of Justice in civil Actions where the parties that mistake or bring their Actions where they should not or Arrest one man in stead of another are onely punished with Costs of Suit or Actions of False Imprisonment but not the Judges or Justices of Peace for howsoever some Flatterers when King Richard the Third having murthered his Nephews and usurped the Crown and sate one day in the High Court of Chancery had in some of the Pleadings or Causes heard before him alledged that the King could do no wrong and some of our Lawyers have since so much believed it as they have reduced it into a kind of Maxime and given it a place in some of their Arguments Reports Yet Bracton in the Reign of King Henry the Third and Justice Stamford in the Reign of Queen Mary did believe the King might unwillingly by Himself or His Officers or Ministers do wrong and declared the Law to be both in Bractons and Stamfords time that in such Cases the Subjects where they have any matter of Complaint or Grievance need not want their legal Remedies by Traverse Monstrans de Droit or Petition the reason of the latter being as Stamford saith because the Subject hath no other Remedy against the King but to supplicate him by Petition for the Dignity sake of the Person And a late Experience hath told us how a Dispute betwixt our two Houses of Parliament whether a Great Person accused of Delinquency might be Arrested and put under Custody before his Charge or Accusation could be made ready gave the Party opportunity to escape into the Parts beyond the Seas and the Disputants leisure and time enough to agree of the matter And it should be remote enough from any the suspition of Errour or over-credulity for any man to think an Arrest or Imprisonment by the immediate Command of the King in the case of Treason or Felony or but suspition of either of them not to be as legal as that of a Justice of Peace made by a Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England in his Name and by his Authority derived under him And those who will take out Sir Edward Coke's before mentioned Lessons and enter themselves into
libertatis privilegij praedictorum laesionem manifestam to the prejudice of the rights of the Crown and violation of the liberty and priviledge aforesaid hujusmodi vijs modis quibus poterint praecanere libertatem privilegia sua praedicta manu tenere cupientes And that they were desirous by all the ways and means they could to hinder such doings so prejudicial unto them and were resolved to maintain the Liberties and Priviledges of the Crown And not be able to protect his Houshold and domestick Servants in whose daily service and continual attendance both our Kings and their Subjects were more concerned than they could be by any the service or attendance of the Officers or Clerks in the Court of Chancery Which the Lords in Parliament did so well understand to be a Right inherent and due unto Royal Majesty as in the three and fortieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth they did in the Case of William Huggen one of the Queens Servants arrested upon an Execution send the Gentleman-Usher attending upon their House to the Prison of the Fleet to bring him before them and upon view of Precedents of some of their own Servants delivered though none of any the Kings or Queens did in conformity to the reason thereof cause the Plaintiff upon the Defendants promise to pay him to release him and the Under-Sheriff being committed to the Fleet was three days after upon his Petition discharged And in the first year of the Reign of King James The Earl of Suffolk Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House did procure Nicholas Reading one of his Majesties Servants arrested by an Execution at the Suit of Sir Edward Hales to be brought before the Lords in Parliament by a Writ of Habeas Corpus and so by the Plaintiffs consent released the Order mentioning that such an Arrest was contrary to the honor and priviledge of that Court. Or that not only the Judges of the superior Courts the Justices of Peace can as they have done it antiently and commonly imprison men for Contempts of them or their written Orders or verbal Commands without which they power could not Tueri Jurisdictionem uphold that Authority which the King had given them but the Constables of every Parish in London whose Offices and Authority at the first were saith the judicious and learned Lambard but as the fingers to the hands or body of the Constable of England a great Officer of the King and his Crown can in their Night-watches command better men than themselves to the Compters or London Prisons there to lodge the remainder of the night among the debauched or unruly sort of people calld Rats or Night-walkers but for angring his worship or not believing that he is a Prince of the Night the Kings Image and none of the smaller parcels of mortality and shall have so much connivence at his no seldom committed Follies as no other Habeas Corpus shall be granted to the injured person thn a submissive paying of his Fees of imprisonment and procuring himself as well as he can to be discharged by the greater discretion of the Lord Mayor or an Alderman before whom he is the next morning to be brought with his not to be discerned Fault or offences and if he should seek afterwards to be recompenced for such an affront is to expect as little favour as may be for himself and as much as may be for his adversary And that the King under whose Power and Authority they acted should not be able by his own immediate command or the Warrant of some of the great Officers of his Crown or Houshold to punish by imprisonment any contempts committed against himself and his soveraign power by the arresting of his domestick and houshold Servants without Licence who are neare unto his person and imployed in his hourly or daily service or attendance or that his power and Authority should not be efficacious or valid in his own case or immediate concernment and should be valid and sufficient to punish such as either contemned or abused his Justices and Servants extraordinary who are more remote from his person in the administration of his Justice As when Eustace de Parles and his brother were by King Edward the first in the one and twentieth year of his Reign committed to the Tower of London for abusing and striking in Westminster Hall William de Bereford one of his Justices of his Court of Common-Pleas And King Edward the third by his Justices and Authority punished the Bayliffs of Ipswich by the Forfeiture and Loss of their places seised the Liberties of the Town and delivered the Custody thereof to another during the Kings pleasure and made the Bayliffs of the Town to deliver in Court their Staves of Office for that they had suffered an unruly multitude to feast and revel with certain Malefactors condemned by the Justices of Assize and after their departure made a Mock game of them in sitting upon the Tribunal and Fining them and their Clerks Or that any should think it reasonable or no disservice of the King or his not to be incumbred Affairs to arrest any of his Houshold Servants without a Licence first obtained And shall at the same time decry or declaim against the Arresting of a Judge sitting in his delegated Court of Justice or travelling in the Circuit by and under the Kings Commission at the Suit of any private person or the Arresting and Imprisonment of an Admiral or Vice-Admiral going to Sea or a Commander or Governor of a Castle Fort or Garison upon the like occasion and think it reasonable that the King in reference to the Weal-publique in those his affairs and concernments should by priviledge protect and shelter them A right understanding whereof and of that which hath been before alleaged and the reasons supporting those Judgments of the not ignorant or unworthy but very learned grave and upright Judges in those former Ages and Times and of the Duties Honor and Respects which were and ought to be paid to the Soveraignty just and necessary means of Government assented unto by our Lawes and reasonable Customs of England and in praxi observantia junioris Aevi in the practise and course of Law in the succeeding Ages not denied by any positive or well interpreted Law may grant a Proeibition and give a Checque or Restraint to those opinions so of late hatch'd and hug'd against too many of the Actions of Authority in order to Government and the Weal-publique the necessity of preventing Evils before they happen or diverting abating or lessening them after they are happened and invite them to forsake their overmuch adoration of Sir Edware Cokes aforesaid Errors and believe Sir Thomas Ridley a Doctor of the civil Lawes and no stranger to our Common-Lawes who no longer ago than the beginning of the Reign of King James in his Book intituled A view of the Civil Ecclâ—siastical and Temporal
Laws of this Land said that it was an ordinary Complaint as well in the Temporal as the Civil and Ecclesiastical Courts that our Lawes were far otherwise interpreted than they were in former Ages and declared that the King by communicating his Authority to his Judges to expound his Lawes doth not thereby abdicate the same from himself but may assume it again unto himself when and as often as he pleaseth And was long before that so believed to be consistent with our Magna Charta the doing of Justice to his people and the dernier resort or ultimate Appeal as Saint Paul did unto Caesar and so desirable by those that could have remedy no where else as Reginald Basset having great Suites with William de Harecourt Thomas de Astley and other Knights that held of the Honor of Leicester did in the eleventh year of the Reign of King John give as an oblation two Palfreys to the King that the Cause might be heard before him wherein he got the better as appeareth by a Fine of 200 Marks the next year after paid into the Exchequer by the said Thomas de Astley pro falso clamore for not proceeding in his Suit or Claim against him For certainly in that great and most prudent Judgment and Justice of Solomon in the Case of the true and false Mother claiming the child when al Israel heard of the judgment which the King had judged and they feared the King for they saw that the wisdom of God was in him to do Judgement that so justly admired piece of Justice was as well and legally done in his House or Chamber as if it had been done by him in the Sanhedrim or any of his Courts of Justice In the evidencing whereof although the Arguments by me used and the Authorities cited may to the more learned and lesser part of the people seem to be too many needless or superfluous yet they may to others appear to be as profitable as necessary to undeceive or antidote all such who having a Magna Charta of their Fancies do metamorphose all they can our better Magna Charta and make their disobedience conveniences or interest the Standard and Rule of their obedience and may be more and more mislead or infected by the Errors of the opinions delivered for Law in the Case before recited of the Prohibitions and to wean them from those dangerous Antimonarchical Doctrines which they had suck'd in the late times of confusion when our Lawes and right Reason attending them and even Truth it self were by an usurped power false authority and â— mechanick and ignorant part of the people lead by a rebellious party persecuted banished or affrighted Wherefore they who do delight to oppose and cavil Regal Authority by gleaning all the objections which they can either frame or hear of and put the Law upon a Rack or Torture to wring and wrest out of it any thing that may help to accommodate their distempered and unruly Fancyes may think they are in the Road and High-way of Wisdom and Applause but will in the end whilst they forget the duty of Subjects to their King and the Commands of God to honour and obey him find themselves to be more than a little deceived and to be far enough out of it and might do better to hasten out of the sinful ways they walked in and the unsafety of the Paths they have trod and travelled in and help to still and put to silence rather than increase and foment those causeless complaints wherewith too many of our Nation surfetting upon happiness do too much affright and afflict themselves and others in their opposing the just priviledges and protection of the Kings Servants And remember that although there are few evils or not to be justified matters of Fact as well as those which have been good and vertuous which have not left some Vestigia records or precedents to after Ages and it hath not been unfitly said that Exempla illustraâ—t non probant that Examples may illustrate but not prove yet the precedents and examples which are founded and built upon Law Right Reason and Truth as these by us alleaged on the part of the Kings Servants have been are to be heeded and harkened unto and the contrary rejected That the instances and examples brought by me out of the Civil and Cesarean Laws ought to oblige as they do with many other Nations propter aequitatem in regard of the Equity and reasonableness thereof and more especially when ex jure gentium naturali ratione by the Law of Nations and Nature they are in the particulars by me endeavoured here to be asserted not only by them but our Common Laws and reasonable Customs of England to be justified and maintained And that it is and should be the Interest of all the good people of England to preserve the Honor of the King and that the Bonds of gratitude in a return of what they have in their Liberties and Priviledges received of him and his Royal Progenitors should perswade them not to deny unto him those just Rights which by Law do belong unto Him and his Servants CHAP. XXI That a care of the Honor and Reverence due unto the King hath been accompted and is and ought to be the Interest of all the People of England and that the Servants and retinue of a Soveraign Prinee who hath given and permitted to his Subjects so many large Liberties Immunities Exemptions and Priviledges should not want those Exemptions Immunities Customs and Priviledges which are so justly claimed by them FOR every man who hath not bound himself more than as an Apprentice to a Spirit or Custom of contradiction of Authority and made himself a slave to wickedness and a Companion of those that speak evil of Dignities may confess that it is and should be every mans Interest to observe the fifth Commandement of God in that Sacred and dreadfully pronounced Decalogue to Honor and reverence the King and common Parent and that St. Peter hath so conjoyned the Fear of God and Honor of the King as that the one cannot be without the other and it is obvious to every mans understanding that where there is Honor there seldome wants obedience and where there is an obedience Honor most commonly doth bear it Company so that if the Law of God Nature and Nations and the municipal Laws and Customs of all the Countreys Kingdoms and Common-Wealths of the World where Reason hath got any admittance have submitted unto and acknowledged a Majesty and more especial Honor to be due unto their Supreme and Soveraign si Majestas quasi major status dicitur quis non fatebitur majorem statum esse Regis in suo regno and if Majesty is so called in regard of a greater State and Degree who will not acknowledge that a King is greater than any in his Kingdome certae sunt saith Besoldus affectiones quae superioritatem concomitantur sine quibus
Regale Necessarium OR The Legality Reason and Necessity OF THE Rights and Priviledges Justly Claimed by the Kings Servants And which ought to be allowed unto them By Fabian Philipps Seneca in Traged Octavia Act 2. Collecta vitia per tot Aetates diu In nos redundant Seculo premimur gravi Lucanus de Bello Civili lib. 9. Squalent Serpentibus Arva Durum iter ad Leges patriaeque ruentis amorem LONDON Printed for Christopher Wilkinson and are to be sold at his Shop at the Sign of the Black-Boy in Fleet-street over against St. Dunstans Church 1671. To the Illustrious and Right Honourable James Duke Marquess and Earl of Ormond one of the Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Councel Lord Steward of his Majesties most Honourable Houshold and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter And unto the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Manchester one of the Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Councel Lord Chamberlain of his Majesties most Honourable Houshold and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter My Lords WEre it not that these unhappy times have brought forth a sort of reasonless men whose humors and Phancies led by an ignorance or Interest makes them unwilling to submit to Laws and the necessary and just means and Rules of Government unless their understanding which in those quarrelling and contentious Sceptickes is little enough may be convinced and satisfied with the Reason thereof these my Labours might have seemed to be as needless as Physick for those which are in Health and to be little more than a quarrel with my own Shadow But they that hear the dayly complaints now more than ever made against the Legal and just Priviledges of the Kings Servants the affronts offered to the Majesty and Supreme Authority of the King by Arresting and Imprisoning them without leave first obteyned of the Lord Chamberlain of his most Honourable Houshold or those other great Officers therein to whom it appertayneth and by bringing of Writs of Habeas Corpus by those which have been taken and Arrested by the Kings Messengers for their contempts therein to be delivered by the subordinate Courts of Justice against the mind and Authority of the King that Commissionated them and those many disparaging contests which do arise thereupon with the unwarrantable Opinions now put to Nurse that the King cannot in such a case protect his Servants without a great delay or hindrance of the Execution of Justice that they being Outlawed may be Arrested whether he will or no And that he hath so conveyed his Justice to his Courts of Justice as he is not in the case of his Servants to intermeddle therein may I hope Apologize for my undertaking and endeavors to perswade them out of those and some other their great mistakings and Errors which may produce a neglect and slighting of Authority and many an unforeseen evil consequence In the management whereof I can call my most reserved and private thoughts to witness and they will therein I am confident acquit me that I have not built an Altar to flattery or made any design or hopes of preferment to be my guide or incitement thereunto but have done what I now present unto you only to maintain the Honour and respect which is due to our Soveraign Lord the King and his Servants casta mente manu accompanied with a principle and opinion that he deserves to be accompted the greatest of villaines that would make it his design to lessen or detract from any of the Kings Rights Prerogative and just means of Government and to be ever infamous that for any ends whatsoever would endeavor to diminish or take away any of the peoples Legal Rights Liberties and Priviledges And in that middle way and path of Truth and doing Right to all Parties have no intention to give any assistance for the defrauding or too much delaying of Creditors just debts or stopping the course of Justice in any the peoples Actions or Prosecutions of their rights or for remedies against Wrongs or Injuries done unto them by any indirect course or shelter for such as shall only pretend themselves to be the Kings Servants when they are not truly or really thereunto entituled In which my Labours if any shall undervalue the Authorities which I have brought from the Laws of Nations Customs or usage of all or the most of our Kings and Princes and the Civil Law that great repository of Reason and Prudence to fortifie my assertion of the Priviledges of the Kings Servants they may please to understand that they are principally derived from the Laws of Nations Civil Law and universal right Reason consonant and agreeable to our common Laws which have instructed and guided themselves by many a maxime and piece of right Reason which they have received from them Or shall say that the Records of this Kingdom which have been cited in Conformity thereunto are only fit to make a history but do serve for no proof as some of those of the long robe have with much Injury unto them and themselves and the Truth not long ago been pleased to say or that the old things are passed away those Antiquities are obsolete and little to be regarded Wee are now upon a new way the Law hath been much altered and changed and those evidences and venerable Monuments of Time being the vestigia and footsteps of antient Laws and Customs are not to be much respected And will adventure to vent such Doctrines or Opinions and make themselves as Gutherius a learned French Advocate complaineth guilty of the neglects of those very necessary and usefull parts of Learning and Knowledge which are to be found in the Treasuries of Time and Antiquities may upon better consideration find cause to believe that the Reason of Laws doth never Expire that the unerring Wisdom of the Almighty that Writ some Laws with his own Finger and commanded his beloved people of Israel to repeat them to their Children and after Generations to ask of the days that were past and which were before them since the day that God Created man upon the Earth and that Bildâ—d the Sâ—uhite one of Jobs Friends gave him no ill Counsel when he advised him to enquire of the former Age and prepare himself to the search of his fathers and enforceth it by a Reason that we are but of yesterday and know nothing because our days upon earth are a Shadow and the giver of all Wisdom did long after by his holy Spirit in the Prophet Jeremy enjoyn them to stand in the ways and see and ask for the old Paths that in the making of new Laws and the amending or correcting of the old The knowledge of those which have been altered repealed or laid aside is not a little necessary to the end that by the old we may see the necessity and perfection of the new and by the old how to avoid the failings which might happen in the
I could perceive trodden by any but Your Lordships most Humble Servant Fabian Philipps THE TABLE OR Contents of the Chapters THat there is a greater Honour due unto the Palace and House of the King Then unto any of the houses of his Subjects Chap. I. 4 That the Business and Affairs of the King about which any of his Servants or Subjects are imployed are more considerable and to be regarded then the Business and Affairs of any of the People Chap. II. 29 That the Kings Servants in ordinary are not to be denied a more than ordinary Priviledge or respect nor are to be compelled to appear by Arrest or otherwise in any Courts of Justice out of the Kings House without leave or Licence of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings Houshold to whom it appertaineth first had and obteyned Chap. III. 38 That the Priviledges and Protections of the Kings Servants in ordinary by reason of his Service is and ought to be extended unto the Priviledged Parties Estate both real and Personal as well as unto their Persons Chap. IV. 244 That the Kings Servants whilst they are in his Service ought not to be Utlawed or Prosecuted in Order thereunto without leave or Licence first obteyned of the King or the great Officers of his most Honourable Houshold under whose several Jurisdictions they do Officiate Chap. V. 250 That the Kings established and delegated Courts of Justice to Administer Justice to his People are not to be any Bar or hindrance to his Servants in ordinary in their aforesaid Antient Just and Legal Rights and Priviledges Chap. VI. 289 That the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may punish those who do infringe his Servants Priviledges and that any of the Kings Servants in ordinary being Arrested without leave are not so in the Custody of the Law as they ought not to be released untill they do appear or give Bayl to appear and Answer the Action Chap. VII 310 That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in ordinary but were imployed upon some Temporary and Casual Affairs abroad and out of the Kings House Chap. VIII 318 That the Kings granting Protections under the Great Seal of England to such as are his Servants in ordinary for their Persons Lands and Estates when especially imployed by him into the parts beyond the Seas or in England or any other of his Dominions out of his Palace or Virge thereof or unto such as are not his Domesticks or Servants in ordinary or extraordinary when they are sent or imployed upon some of his Negotiations Business or Affairs neither is or can be any Evidence or good Argument that such only and not the Kings Servants in ordinary who have no Protections under the Great Seal of England are to be Protected or Priviledged whilst they are busied in his Palace or about his Person Chap. IX 343 That our Kings some of which had more than his nâ—w Majesty hath have or had no greater number of Servants in Ordinary than is or hath been necessary for their Occasions Safety well being State Honour Magnificence and Majesty And that their Servants waiting in their Turns or Courses are not without leave or Licence as aforesaid to be Arrested in the Intervals of their waiting or Attendance Cap. X. 355 That the King being not to be limited to a number of his Servants in Ordinary is not in so great a variety of Affairs and contingencies wherein the publick may be concerned to be restrained to any certain number of such as he shall admit to be his Servants extraordinary Chap. XI 365 That the Subjects of England had heretofore such a regard of the King and his Servants as not to bring or commence their Actions where the Law allowed them against such of his Servants which had grieved or Injured them with ut a remedie first Petitioned for in Parliament Chap. XII 375 That the Clergy of England in the height of their Priviledges Encouragement and Protection by the Papall overgrown Authority did in many cases lay aside their Thunderbolts and Power of Excommunications appeals to the Pope and obtaining his Interdictions of Kingdoms Churches and Parishes and take the milder modest and more reverential way of Petitioning our Kings in Parliaments rather than turn the rigors of their Canon or Ecclesiastical Laws or of the Laws of England against any of the Kings Officers or Servants Chap. XIII 389 That the Judges in former times did in their Courts and Proceedings of Law and Justice manifest their unwillingness to give or permit any obstruction to the Service of the King and Weal Publick Chap. XIV 392 That the Dukes Marquesses Count Palatines Earls Viscounts and Barons of England and the Bishops as Barons have and do enjoy their Priviledges and freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment of their Bodies in Civil and Personal Actions As Servants extraordinary and attendants upon the Person State and Majesty of the King in Order to his Government Weal Publick and safety of him and his People And not only as Peers abstracted from other of the Kings Ministers or Servants in Ordinary Chap. XV. 413 That many the like Priviledges and Praeheminences are and have been antiently by the Civil and Caesarean Laws and the Municipal Laws and Customs of many other Nations granted and allowed to the Nobility thereof Chap. XVI 445 That the Immunities and Priviledges granted and permitted by our Kings of England unto many of their People and Subjects who were not their Servants in Ordinary do amount unto as much and in some more than what our Kings Servants in Ordinary did or do now desire to enjoy Chap. XVII 466 That many of the People of England by the Grace and Favour of our Kings and Princes or along permission usâ—ge or prescription do enjoy and make use of very many Immunities Exemptions and Priviledges which have not had so great a Cause or Foundation as those which are now claimed by the Kings Servanes Chap. XVIII 489 That those many other Immunities and Priviledges have neither been abolished or so much as murmured at by those that have yeilded an Assent and Obedience thereunto although they have at some times and upon some Occasions received some Loss Damage or Inconveniences thereby Chap. XIX 494 That the Power and care of Justice and the distribution thereof is and hath been so Essential and Radical to Monarchy and the constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognisance divers Causes which their established Courts of Justice either could not remedie or wanted Power to determine have removed them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon Just and Legal Occasions respite or delay Justice Chap. XX. 503 That a care of the Honour and Reverence due unto the
the Lord Percy now Earl of Northumberland Mr. Jermyn now Earl of S. Albans and Mr. Henry Piercy in the Privy Gallery or Lodgings with blew Ribbons tyed or hanging about the upper part of their Legs or Boots he was so displeased therewith as he would not be pacified until he had called for a pair of Scissers and had with his own hands cut or clipped them off And well might it be observed in England when the Vltima Thule and our less Civilized Neighbours of Scotland Infected with the Careless and over-bold behaviour of some of their late Presbyterian Clergy towards Royal Majesty are not without those dutyful respects of being bare and uncovered in the Presence Chamber or Chief Rooms of their Kings Palaces although they be absent and out of the Kingdom and when any Acts of Parliament are agreed upon the Kings high Commissioner Presiding in Parliament in his absence bringeth the Acts of Parliament to the Kings Chair of Estate upon which and a Velvet Cushion the Royal Scepter being laid the Lord Commissioner kneeling before it and touching it with the Scepter gives a Sanction and Authority unto those or any other Acts of Parliament in that Submiss and dutyful manner touched therewith and makes them to be of as great Validity as if they had been Ratified by the Royal Signature And with more or a greater Reason might Kings and Free-Princes claim a Veneration to their Palaces or Houses when Bishops Antiently had their Episcopia or Houses so Respected as a Synod or Council thought fit to Order it a too much or more then ordinary respect when they Decreed Suggerendum est ex Divino mandato intimandum Regiae Majestati ut Episcopium quod domus Episcopi appellatur Venerabiliter reverenter introeat c. It is to be declared and intimated to the Kings Majesty that he enter the Episcopium which is the House of the Bishop Reverently And not very long ago in the Raign of that Vertuous King Charles the first an Action of Battery being brought by Sir Francis Wortley Knight and Baronet against Sir Thomas Savile Knight afterwards Lord Savile and Earl of Sussex for assaulting and wounding him at Westminster Hall door one or both of them being then Parliament men the Jury gave a Verdict for Sir Francis Wortley with three thousand pounds Damages the Offence being aggravated to that height in regard that it was done so near or in the Face of the Court of Common Pleas the Judges then sitting which could have no greater or better reason for heigthning that offence then that it was done in that Ancient Palace of our Kings and the Place where the King Administred Justice to His People by His Judges who Represented His Authority in that their limitted Jurisdiction And but lately when sitting the Parliament in the moneth of December 1666 the Lord Saint John of Basing Eldest Son of the Marquess of Winchester being a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament had in Westminster Hall no Court of Justice then and there sitting pulled Sir Andrew Henly Knight by the Nose whereby he according to the opinion of Sir Edward Coke had forfeited his Lands Goods and Chattels although his reason offered for it that the offence was so punishable because it might tend ad impedimentum Justiciae to the hinderance of Justice was not alone sufficient for that it may more truly be understood to be propter venerationem loci for the Reverence and Respect due to the Kings House or Palace was so affrighted with the Penalty and consequence of that Offence as he procured the House of Commons who could not tell how to believe the unhappy heretofore unadvised and never to be proved Doctrine of the pretended Soveraignty of that House to go with their Speaker unto the King at Whitehall and intercede for his Pardon And shortly after at a Conference in the Painted Chamber betwixt the Lords and Commons in Parliament some hot words happening betwixt the Marquess of Dorchester and the Duke of Buckingham who upon the lye given him by the Marquess of Dorchester had pulled him by the Nose or plucked off his Peruque they were both Committed Prisoners to the Tower of London and within two days after upon their submission to the House of Peers Released but the Duke of Buckingham coming after to the Kings Court at Whitehall before he had asked leave of Him or His Pardon the King did forbid him the Court alleadging that howsoever the House of Peers in Parliament had pardoned him for the Offence Committed against them yet he had not forgiven him the Offence which he had Committed against him And in support of those Observations and honors so justly due unto the Place of His Royal Residences the Lord Chamberlain did lately cause a Constable to be Imprisoned for an Ignorant and Indiscreet pursuit of a French Lacquaie who had slain an Irish Foot-boy into Whitehal and as far as the Royal Lodgings of the Queen where he took him and shortly after deservedly Imprisoned one Mr. White a Merchant for bringing two of the Kings Marshals-men into the Privy-galleries and neer the Council-chamber-door the King sitting in Council bade them Arrest an Agent or Envoy of the Duke of Curlands and he would Indempnifie them Who were notwithstanding severely punished Which just and fitting observations due unto the Mansions of Kings and Princes Cromwel that Leader and Conductor of the Rable and Scumme of a Rebellious part of the people and grand contemner of all Authority but what himself had usurped and of all Ancient Orders Rites Customs and Usages did not think to be unbecoming that Eagles nest into which He and His devouring Harpyes had crept and the House wherein the Kings Honour lately dwelt when he Committed Sir Richard Ingoldsby then one of his Colonels but afterwards a Penitent and Loyal Subject of His Majesty that now is Prisoner to the Tower of London for striking one in the Stone-gallery at Whitehall And so unquestionable was a more then Common or Ordinary Honour and Respect to be given to the Houses and Courts of our Kings as some of our Ancient Nobility have by that honour which our Kings did Originally confer upon their Persons in the Grant of Earldoms and Honours gained by an Usage of Time and Custom some more then Common Priviledges to their Chief Houses Castles and Lands anciently belonging to their Earldoms So as their Lands belonging to their Earldoms have been exempted from the Contribution of the Wages of Knights of the Shire elected to be Parliament men and their Houses from any Search by any Constable or Ordinary Officer and in all or many of the Records or Memorials of the Kingdom have been frequently called or termed Honours as the Honours of Oxford Arundel Lincoln Leicester c. for the Lands belonging to those Earldoms and there is to this day a Custome at Arundel Castle that none but the Earl thereof the Soveraign and Heir apparent exempted
the Law and Domineer over it's proceedings one of them Threatning to Hang up the Lawyers Gowns in Westminster-Hall as the Colours and Ensigns of their once dearly beloved Covenanting but afterwards ill requited and beaten Scots brethren had been used For to Ask or Petition for a Licence or Leave of the Lord Steward Lord Chamberlain or other Great Officers of our Kings Houses or Palaces to whose Jurisdiction it doth belong before any Arrest or Prosecution at Law can be had against any of the Kings Servants is no more then our Laws well Interpreted do order and enjoyn to be done in all Actions Civil Real or Personal against Private and Common Persons or such as are not the Kings Servants for if the Action be laid or entred in the Court of Kings Bench it is to be made Returnable Coram Domino Rege before the King himself who by the Justices of that Court Assigned to hold such Pleas as the King in the Constitution and fixing of the Court of Common Pleas reserved to be heard by himself or those assistant Judges is supposed to Hear and Determine such causes as are proper for that Cour◠or if the Action be desired to be Tryed in the Court of Common Pleas upon the Kings Original Writ which may as it was by the Franks not unfitly be called Indiculus commonitorius A Monitory Letter or Writ of the Kings Issuing out of the High Court of Chancery under the Teste me ipso or witness of the King himself and is to be sued out giving the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas which is the Legal and Proper Court Ordained for such matters a Warrant Power or Commission to hold Plea therein for otherwise saith Fleta nec Warrantum nec Jurisdictionem nequè cohertionem habent supposeth a Petition of the Plaintiff to the King as the Supreme Magistrate for a Debt or Summe of Mony unjustly deteined from him or some Trespass or Damage done unto him for which he cannot Sue or Prosecute without a Writ Remedial or Original granted by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Commanding the Sheriff of the County or Place where the Plaintiff layeth or desireth to try his Action if it be in Debt to take security of the Complainant for the proof or making good of his Action and to Command the Defendant or Party Complained of to pay the mony demanded and that if the Defendant do not pay the Mony upon the Sheriffs or his Officers or Bailiffs coming to him then they are to Summon him to appear before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster at a Return or Certain time prefixed which at the least is to be fifteen days after the Teste or Date of the Original and many Times with a Longer Return and as many more days given if the Original be sued out but fifteen days before the Terms of S. Michael and Hillary Easter or Trinity Terms but of it be procured or sued out in the later end of a Michaelmas Term and returnable Octabis Hillarii will have more then fifty days betwixt the Teste and Return and if sued out in the end of an Hillary Term returnable the first Return of an Easter Term following will have no less then 60 days betwixt the Teste or Date and the Return or if it Issue out in the end of a Trinity Term returnable the first return of a Michaelmas Term following will have no less then one hundred days betwixt the Teste or date thereof and the Return and more if it be in any of the later Returns of any of the said Terms in all which if the summons had but fifteen days betwixt the date of the Original Writ and the time prefixt the Defendant hath by intendment of Law so much Time or Respite for the payment of the mony in the shortest prefixion but a great deal more in those which are longer which by the reason and equity of our Laws is not to be understood to be easie or probably upon the Instant of the Sheriff or his Officers Commanding the Debtor to pay it but upon a reasonable and possible Time betwixt the Teste and return allowed for the payment thereof very Rich and sufficient able men not having always so much mony at hand to pay at an instant and the monyes demanded do many times in the end of the suit although it be not upon a bond or bill with a penalty or doubling of the summe appear not at all to be due or for some or a great part thereof to be unjustly required and if upon a Bond or Bill with a forfeiture doubling the principal Money or in an Action of Covenant Detinue Annuity or Accompt cannot think it just or reasonable presently to pay as much Mony as an unjust Complainant will not seldom if he may be his own Carver exact of him and in all Actions Personal whether it be for Debt or Damage some part of the time between the obteining the Kings Licence or leave to Sue in the Case of those which are not his Houshold Servants is between the Teste and Return of the Original necessary to be imployed for the Plaintiffs giving to make good his Action for more but never less our Ancient Records do often mention until some of our later ages and the Judges thereof since the Raign of King Edward the fourth in favour of the Disabilities and Inconveniencies which might happen in the Cases of many of the Common or Impoverished sort of people who otherwise would be debarred from the Justice which our Laws intended them were content to dispense with it by reteining only the reason of the Law and allow of the Sheriffs Indorsing and Returning upon the Writ the feigned names of John Doe and Richard Roe for the Sureties put in by the Complainants to make good their Complaints or Actions who being before hand not a little furnished with their weapons of offense may without any difficulty not seldom suddenly surprise the altogether unprepared Defendants our Laws not without cause believing it to be possible that Rich men might oppress the poor and that it is many times easier to offend then to defend and therefore that way of Inforcing the Plaintiffs to give Sureties or Pledges to prosecute their Actions was heretofore so strictly observed as if no Sureties or Pledges to Prosecute were put in by the Plaintiff he could not prosecute the Defendant at Law and if he made not his Action or Complaint appear to be just had in those more Legally Thrifty Times for the Kings Rights and benefit a fine set or Imposed upon him by the Judges pro falso clamore for his causeless accusation which doth frequently occur in the fine or Iter Rolls of the Judges of Assise in the Raign of King Edward the first and was Estreated and Returned into the Exchequer to be leavied upon his Lands Goods or Estate And all that or some of that
voluntatem illius qui debet domum vel curiam or by doing any thing saith an old Manuscript of Coxford Abby or Monastery which is against the will of the owner of the House or Court which King Henry the first in his Laws de Jure Regis concerning some particulars of his Prerogative and Regality did number amongst the rest and accompt to belong unto him and his Successors and in the perclose of that Law which in some Copies is mentioned to be made assensu Baronum Regni Angliae by the consent of the Barons of England it is said haec sunt Dominica placita Regis nec pertinent vicecomitibus apparitoribus vel ministris ejus sine diffinitis praelocutionibus in forma sua these are the Rights and Jurisdictions belonging to the King in his Demesne and do not belong to any Sheriffs Apparitors or their Bayliffs unless especially granted unto them By which and the HVSFASTENE an old course and custom amongst the Saxons which ordained that every house with their FOLGHERES Followers or Servants should be in Franco Plegio in some Franke pleg or Liberty where by the Courts held in those places or Justice there to be had any controversies betwixt them and others or wrongs done by or unto them might be determined the rule of the Civil Law which in many of the Customs or Municipal Laws of this and other Nations was the guide or Pole star which conducted them being that actio sequitur forum rei the Action to which our Common Laws have ever since in their Real and other actions much agreed is to be tryed in the Court where the person or lands of the party defendant are that before recited law of K. Edw. the Confessor which amongst other his highly valued Laws Enacted that Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons and all that had Soc a liberty of distributive Justice in their Lands or Territories and Sac a power to fine or punish such as were found guilty either by complaining without a cause or proved to have done wrong to another which gave or confirmed many a liberty or set the example of the succeeding Kings gratifying many of their Subjects with the like in making them tanquam Reguli little Princes within their own Estates or Dominions should have suas Curias Consuetudines their Courts and liberties in their view of Frank Pleg Court Leets and Court Barons and should have under their Jurisdiction etiam milites suos proprios servientes such as served them in wars or held of them by the service thereof or were their domestick or houshold servants Item isti suos Armigeros alios sibi servientes and the Esquires and servants likewise of their servants saith Bracton expounding that Law of King Edward the Confessor the King certainly should not be denied his own Franchise view of Frank-Pleg or jurisdiction to do Justice where either his service or servants were concerned or at least to be complained unto before any violent course of Law should be taken in other Courts against them for otherwise if the King should not have always had such a franchise view of his Frank Pleg or Laws or Customs Hospitii sui as Fleta terms them of his Royal House or Palace there would have been some vestigia foot steps or track to be found either in the Antient Monuments and Memorials of our Laws or of those of later ages or of some other time That the King had been an immediate or single Complainant by way of Action for any abuses only offered to his servants or contempts to his person or Royal Authority which by a long most just and necessary prescription as far as time with his Iron teeth hath left us any remembrances was always left and reserved to the authority and Jurisdiction of the Lord Chamberberlain of the Kings House and the Kings other great Officers who by the Messengers of the Kings Chamber who in such particulars have been as the Lictores Sergeants or Bayliffs pro ista vice upon such occasions to arrest and bring them to the Justice of the King in his Royal Court or Palace and must needs be as lawful or a great deal more in his own particular immediate concernment as it is for the Lord Keeper of the great seal of England or Lord Chancellor to direct the Kings Serjeant at Arms allowed to attend that great and illustrious Officer and Superintendent of the Chancery by himself or his Deputy to arrest and take into his chargeable custody the person of any that shall have committed any grand or reiterated contempt against the process orders or decrees of that honourable Court or for that or the Court of Common-pleas to make the Warden of the Fleets men or the Virgers or Tipstaves attending upon the said Courts or for the Courts of Kings Bench or Exchequer to make the Marshals or Tipstaves thereof to be the Lictores or Messengers of their punishments and displeasure or as the house of Peers in Parliament do make use of the Kings Usher of the black rod and the house of Commons in Parliament of the Kings Serjeant at Arms nor could it have been likely that the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings house who in the Reigns of our Kings Edward the first second or third and probably by foregoing and elder constitutions did in the absence of the Lord Chief Justice of England vicem gerere execute in the Kings Court as Fleta tells us the Office or place of the said Lord Chief Justice should not retain in the Government of the Kings Servants and Houshold so much power as might protect them from injuries or their Royal Master from contempts or neglects of Duties or respects to his person Palace or servants for who that hath not bid defiance to his own Intellect as well as the wisdom of former ages can pretend any shew or colour of Reason that the King should want the power or authority to do as the late blessed Martyr King Charles the first did in the apprehension of certain Watermen in the year 1632. and committing them to Bridewell for refusing to carry the French Ambassador by Water upon the complaint of the Kings Master of the Barge in the year 1634. for the apprehension of William Hockley a Hackney-Coachman for refusing to wait upon the French Embassador or of John Philpots Post-master of Rochester for dis-respects to Monsieur St. German the French Embassador or in the year 1636. for the arrest of John Clifford of Chelsey upon the Complaint of the Spanish Embassador or to cause one Robert Armstrong to be taken into custody by one of his Messengers in the year 1639. for arresting the Post-Master of St. Albans who it may be for ought the offender then knew was bringing some Packet or Letters to the King or his Lords of the Councel for the discovery of some impending dangers which would need as sudden a prevention as the Gunpowder once intended and near atchieved Treason or to
no Vagabonds Masterless men Boyes or Idle persons be suffered to harbour in her Court Wherfore the Servants attending therein should not now be so much in the ill opinion causeless contempt of the Mechanick and vulgar part of the people for those which are ex meliore luto better born and more civilly educated cannot certainly so lose their way to a gratefull acknowledgement of their Princes daily protection and needed favours as to villifie or slight his Servants by imitating the sordid examples of a less understanding part of the people or want their due respects if it shall be rightly considered that our Ancestors and a long succession of former ages were not so niggard or sparing of their well-deserved respects When our Kings and Princes and the wiser part of their people supposed to be in Parliament did attribute so much unto them and so very much trust and confide in them as they did from time to time put no small power into their hands and leave no small concernments of themselves and the Kingdom to their prudence fidelity and discretion When the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England who administreth the Oathes usually taken by the Lord Privy Seal Lord Treasurer of England Lords of the Kings most Honourable Privy Councel Chancellor of the Exchequer Master of the Rolls Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster Justices of the Courts of Kings Bench and Common Pleas Barons of the Exchequer Kings Attorney and Sollicitor General Serjeants at Law Masters of Requests and Chancery upon and before their admission into their several Places and Offices nominates and appoints the Custos Rotulorum and Justices of the Peace in every County of England Wales some few Franchises and Liberties excepted and by his largely extended Jurisdiction committed unto his trust doth by the Writs remedial of his Soveraign guide and superintend the Cisterns and Streams of our Laws those living waters which do chear and refresh our Vallies and make them to be as a watered Garden And with the two Lord Chief Justices Master of the Rolls the other Reverend Judges and the Masters of Chancery appointed to distribute the Kings Justice according to the laws and reasonable customs of the Kingdome have their Robes and Salaries allowed and are as Justice Croke acknowledged in his argument against the Ship-money as the Kings Councel at Law the chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas being as is mentioned in a Manuscrip of Henry Earl of Arundel copyed out of a book of George Earl of Shrowsbury Lord Steward of the houshold unto King Henry the seventh and King Henry the eighth communicated unto me by my worthy friend Mr. Ralph Jackson one of his Majesties Servants in ordinary a great Member of the Kings house for whose favour counsel and assistance in the Law to be shewed to the houshold matters and servants he taketh an yearly Fee by the Bâ—tler of England of two Tuns of Wine at two Terms of the year which is allowed in the Court of houshold When the Justices of Peace in every City and County are or should be the under Wheels in that excellently curiously framed Watch of the English Government as the late blessed Martyr King Charles the first when he so sadly forwarned the pulling of it in pieces by a mistaken Parliament and the Rebellious consequences of it not unfitly called it are at their quarter Sessions under his pay and allowance when the Assize of the bread to be sold in England was in the fourth year of the Reign of King John being thirteen years before his granting of Magna Charta ordained by the King by his Edict or Proclamation to be strictly observed under the pain of standing upon the Pillory and the rates set and an Assise approved by the Baker of Jeoffry Fitz-Peter chief Justice of England the nas one of the Kings more especial Servants as to matters of justice resident and attendant in the Kings House or Palace and by the Baker of R. of Thurnam that Constitution and Assise being not at all contradicted by his Magna Charta or that of his Sons King Henry the 3 d. Which Assise of bread contained in a writing of the Marshalsea of the Kings house being by the consent of the whole Realm exemplified by the Letters Patents of King Henry the 3 d. in the 51 th year of his Raign was confirmed and said to be proved by the Kings Baker By an Act of Parliament made in the 9 th year of the Reign of that King if the King be out of the Realm the chief Justices one of which if not both were then residing and attending in the Kings Court were once in the year through every County with the Knights of the Shires to take Assises of Novel Disseisin and Mortdancester in which if there be any difficulty it was to be referred unto his Justices of the Bench there to be ended By an Act of Parliament made in the 6th year of the Reign of K. Edward the first Wine sold against the Assise was to be by the Mayor and Bayliffs of London presented before the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer who then resided in the Court or Palace of the King The Statute of Westminster the 2. made in the 13th year of the said Kings Reign mentioneth That the Kings Marshal is to appoint the Marshal of the Kings Bench and Exchequer the Criers and Virgers of that and the Court of Common Pleas which at this day is done by and under the Authority of the Earl Marshal of England who by his Certificate made by his Roll of a personal service in a Voyage Royal performed by those that held Lands or Offices in Capite and by Knight Service he discharged an Assessement of Esonage by Parliament superintendeth the cognisance and bearing of Armes of the Nobility and Gentry and the duty of the Heralds and Officers attending thereupon And with the Lord Great Chamberlain before the unhappy change of the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into Free and Common Socage introduce and bring unto the King such as were to do Homage unto him for their Baronies or Lands By an Act of Parliament made in the 14th year of the Reign of King Edward the third and by the Kings Authority the Sheriffs of every County in England and Wales who are for the most part under the King the only Executioners of Justice in the Kingdom are three out of six for every County presented by the Judges of every Circuit the morrow after the Feast of All-Souls in every year to the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lord Privy Seal Lord Treasurer Lord Steward the later of which at the beginning and opening of Parliaments is by his Office to administer the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy to every Member of the House of Commons in Parliament the Master of the Horse Lord
course of Law its Process may inform us that the King hath notwithstanding such a power superintendency of Justice inherent in him over all the Courts of Justice high or low in the Kingdome as upon the Sheriffs retorn quod mandavit Ballivo libertatis that he made his Warrant to the Bayliff of such a Liberty to arrest such a Defendant and that the Bayliff nullam sibi dedit responsionem had made him no retorn nor answer he may thereupon by his Justices cause a Writ to be made to the Sheriff commanding him quod non omittat propter aliquam libertatem Ballivi libertatis c. quin capiat that he do not omit to enter into the said Bayliffs liberty and arrest the Defendant and may also when a Defendant is outlawed cause at the instance of the Plaintiff a Capias Vtlegat Writ to be made to take arrest the utlawed person with a non omittas propter aliquam libertatem power and authority to enter into any Liberty under the name of his Attorney General as an Officer intrusted with the making of the said Writs of Capias Vtlegatum and that Offices either granted by the King for term of Life or in Fee or Fee-Tayle are forfeitable by a Misuser or non user by not executing that part of the Kings Justice committed to the care and trust of the Officers thereof And so necessary was the Kings Supreme Authority heretofore esteemed to be in the execution and administration of Justice as in the Case between the Prior of Durham and the Bishop of Durham in the 34th year of the Reign of King Edward the first where amongst other things an information was brought in the Kings-Bench against the Bishop for that he had imprisoned the Kings Officers or Messengers for bringing Writs into his Liberty to the prejudice as he thought thereof and that the Bishop had said that nullam deliberationem de eisdem faceret sed dixit quod ceteros per ipsos castigaret ne de cetero literas Domini Regis infra Episcopatum suum portarent in Lesionem Episcâ—patus ejusdem he would not release them but would chastise them or any other which hereafter should bring any of the Kings Letters or Writs within his Bishoprick to the prejudice of the Liberties thereof And in the entring up and giving the Judgment upon that Information and Plea saith the Record Quia idem Episcopus cum libertatem praedictam a Corona exeuntem Dependentem habeat per factum Regis in hoc minister Domini Regis est ad ea quae ad Regale pertinent infra eandem libertatem loco ipsius Regis modo debito conservanda exequenda Ita quod omnibus singulis ibidem justitiam exhibere ipsi Regi ut Domino suo mandatis parere debeat prout tenetur licet proficua expletia inde provenientia ad usum proprium per factum praedictum percipiatur in regard that when the Bishop had the liberty aforesaid by the Kings Grant or Charter from the Crown and depending thereupon he is in that as a Servant or Minister of the Kings concerning those things which do belong unto the Kings Regality within the Liberty aforesaid to execute and preserve it in a due manner for and on the behalf of the King so as there he is bound to do Justice to all men and to obey the King and his Commands as his Lord and Soveraign although he do by the Kings Grant or Charter take and receive the profit arising and coming thereby Wherein the Judges and Sages of the Law as in those Ancient Times they did not unfrequently in matters of great concernment have given us the reason of their Judgment in these words Cum potestas Regia per totum Regnum tam infra libertates praedictas quam extra se extendant videtur Curiae toti Consilio Domini Regis quod hujusmodi imprisonamenta facta de hiis qui capti fuerunt occasione quod brevia Domini Regis infra libertatem praedictam tulerint simul cum advocatione acceptatione facti Et etiam dictis quae idem Episcopus dixit de Castigatione illorum qui brevia Regis extunc infra libertatem suam portâ—rent manifeste perpetrata fuerunt when as the power and authority of the King doth extend it self through all the Kingdome as well within Liberties as without it seemed to the Court and all the Kings Counsel that such imprisonments made of those which brought the Kings Writs within the Liberty aforesaid the Bishops justifying and avowing of the Fact and the Words which the Bishop said That he would punish all such as should bring any Writs to be executed in his Liberty were plainly proved Et propterea ad inobedientiam exhaereditationem Coronae ad diminutionem Dominii potestatis Regalis Ideo consideratum est quod idem Episcopus libertatem praedictam cujus occasione temerariam sibi assumpsit audacim praedicta gravamina injurias excessus praedictos perpetrandi dicendi toto tempore suo amittat Cum in eo quo quis deliquit sit de Jure puniendus Et eadem libertas Capiatur in manus Domini Regis Et Nihâ—lominus corpus praedicti Episcopi capiatur Wherefore because it tended to disobedience and a disherison of the Crown and diminution of the Kings Power and Authority It was adjudged that the Bishop for his rash presumption and boldness and for committing the aforesaid wrongs and injuries should forfeit his Liberty aforesaid for that every man is to be punished according to the nature of his offence And it was ordered That the Liberty should be seized and taken into the Kings hands and that the Body of the Bishop notwithstanding should be taken into Custody For the Kings Justice to which his Coronation Oath is annexed is inseparable from his Person so fixed to his Diadem and Regal Authority as it is not to be absolutely or any more then conditionally deputed and intrusted to any other or otherwise then with a reserve of the last Appeal and his Superiority and therefore King Edward the first in some of his Writs Commissions or Precepts saith that he but not his Judges was Deâ—itor Justitiae so a Debtor to Justice as not to deny it to any of his People complaining of the want of it and ad nos pertinet the care thereof belongeth to the King and to that end appointed his high Court of Chancery and his Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and required all the Officers Clerks of that Court to take care that pro defectu Justitiae nullus recedat a Cancellaria sine Remedio no man for want of Justice do go away from the Chancery destitute of remedy from whence also lyes an Appeal to the King himself in Parliament and in the Case of Sir William Thorpe Chief Justice of England in the 24th year of the Reign of King Edwardâ— the third being put
unto the Court and submit himself unto the Law which he did and was put to his fine gave sureties to pay it Which proofs and arguments touching the subordination of the Judges or their Courts of Justice are not nor ever were intended for the reverend Judges and Sages of the Law or the Students Professors and Practisers thereof whose learning and Judgments neither scrupled or needed it but unto those vulgar and mechanick busie headed and unquiet part of the People qui nesciunt se ignorare will not own any ignorance when they are most ignorant but will be sure to dislike every thing which they do not understand because they take their measures by the shortlines of their vulgar take and incomprehensive capacities which makes them to be so restless and unsatisfied in their mistakings and so lincked and wedded unto them I had not been so large in clearing that particular which unto some may seem more then requisite but that it may justly be feared that those opinions or impressions if not disâ—odged and fully convinced may as those long agoe condemned Heresies and Errors in the Church did in our late distractions and distempers rise up again under the pretence of new notions and gain a kind of Succession too like a perpetuity And therefore every man may without any the Incumbrances of doubts or controversies be assured CHAP. VII That the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may punish those that doe infringe his servants priviledges and that any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary being arrested without leave are not so in the custody of the Law as they ought not to be released untill they do appear or give Bayl to Appear and Answer the Action WHen it must or should be acknowledged that notwithstanding that by the Statutes made in the 37th and 38th years of the Reign of King Edward the third untrue Suggestions made to the King and his Councell were prohibited and to be punished and that by a Statute made in the 42 d. year of the Reign of that King no man was to be brought to answer any accusation to the King without praesentment before Justices or matter of Record yet matters extraordinary or suggestions which had truth or evidence to accompany them were not by any of those Acts of Parliament forbidden and howsoever that by a Statute or Act of Parliament made in the 17 th year of the Reign of King Charls the Martyr the Kings Privy Councel were restrained from intermedling in matters concerning Freeholds and the Properties of the Subject which comprehends many of the matters which may concern any man brought before them or accused yet there is no restraint of Arrests or sending for Delinquents by the Kings Messengers or prohibition against the right use of them or the high and super eminent authority of the King and the Lords of his Honourable Privy Councel in cases to prevent Duells and make abortive dangers and inconvenient to the publique punish Riots unlawfull Assemblies and misdemeanors beyond the reach and Authority of Justices of the Peace many other emergencies who may certainly as legally make use of Messengers or Serjeants at Arms to compell disobedient and refractory persons to appear before them as the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England by or under the Kings authority doth now and hath long agoe used to do in cases of contempt of the Processe of that Court after an Attachment with Proclamation and Commission of Rebellion or as the Lord Privy Seal did usually in the Court of Requests after the like Processe could not apprehend or take the person contemning his authority or not appearing before him for unto what purpose shall that honourable and venerable Assembly who Sir Edward Coke saith are Profitable instruments of the State and do bear part of the Soveraignâ— cares and imploy their time and endeavors in the Execution of the Duty of their Oathes and Places and that great trust incumbent upon them if they may not enjoy a coercive Power which the Judices paedanei petty Judicatures and even the Pye-Powder Courts of the Kingdome do enjoy or should make it their business to baffle their own authority and only send for People to come unto them when they please or when they are come before them do what they please but should within their Conusance and Jurisdiction according to a Maxime and Rule of the Civil Law well allowed and entertained by our Common-Law Cum aliquid conceditur id quoque concedi videtur sine quo id efficere non potest when any Jurisdiction or authority is granted that also which should support and attend it seemeth to be granted with it have as great a power of coercion to attend their authority as the Parliament the greater and more extraordinary Councel under the King and Head thereof is allowed and all other Councels in all the Kingdomes and Republiques of Christendome and are not therefore to be denied a just and competent Power to attend them in the administration of the affairs or business of the King intrusted unto them or to be debarred their inspection into all the affairs of the Kingdom concerning the good welfare of the King his People upon casualties accidents and cases extraordinary reformations of abuses by the Kings Edicts or Proclamations and in the deficiency of Laws in matters or things not foreseen or provided for by Laws which cannot be either so prophetick or comprehensive as to supply or give a Remedy to all things but must leave many things to ragione di Stato reason of State and the cares of our Pater Patriae Father of his Countrey and Kingdome to provide against necessities otherwise irresistable which can neither at all times tarry for the calling of a Parliament or the suffrages of it or be communicated unto the vulgar especially in unquiet or cloudy times when our Peace the blessing of our Nation cannot either enjoy her self or impart her comforts to the People without the more then ordinary vigilance of the King and his Privy Councell where the King himself is very often present especially in the absence of that as ancient as the Raign of King Edward the third then and many ages after well regulated Court of Star-Chamber many of whose Judges were the Kings Privy Councell the King himself being there rarely or seldome present and of that necessary Court of the High Commission preventing and watching over such abuses or misdemeanors as might either scandalize or disturbe the peace and good order of holy Church and such as served at the Altar And certainly that formerly great power and authority which resided in the Steward or Major-domo of the Kings Houshold who as Fleta hath recorded it enjoyed in the Reign of King Edward the first such an extraordinary power as he did vicem gerere exercise as it were the Office of Deputy to the Lord Chief Justice of England whose Office and place
untill it was by that prudent Prince restrained and limited to the Authority and Jurisdiction which it now enjoys was much more large and extensive than now it is and that of the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House whose power and priviledge over that part of the Kings Servants which are under his Authority being exempt from that of the Lord Steward having been not by any Act of Parliament prohibited may not be thought to exceed the power and auâ—hority inherent in their Offices and places when they shall punish or commit to prison any who shall attempt to violate or infringe the honour and priviledges of the Kings House or Servants derived unto them from his Supreme Authority who having Ordinariam Jurisdictionem in regno suo pares non habet neque superiores an Ordinary and Supreme Jurisdiction and hath neither Peer nor Superior may as well protect his Servants in his affairs and business in his House or about his Person and punish any that shall hinder them therein as the Judges in his Courts of Justice who neither have or can claim any other power or authority than what he delegates or entrusteth them withall do upon all occasions in the Case of their Officers Clerks or menial Servants They therefore who shall so much suffer their reason and understanding to wander and be mislead as to deny the Kings most Honourable Privy Councell or any other Court within their Cognisance Power and Authority tueri Jurisdictionem such a coercive power as may support their Jurisdiction may think but never find they have any ground or cause for it and if they please to tarry for a conviction untill the never failing unhappy consequences shall bring them too late to acknowledge that which in viridi observantia by late abundant sad experiments is more then a little visible in the disorders of the present Church Government occasioned by the reverend Governors want of power who having their hands as it were tyed behind them are made to be as good old Ely admonishing and reproving to no purpose and how little the directive or commanding Power of Laws will signifie where the coercive shall be absent may bitterly repent it And will meet with as little reason to second or assist their opinion that a priviledged person imprisoned contrary to his priviledge is so in the custody of the Law as not to be able to claim or make use of his priviledge to release or discharge him when the frequent use of discharging men out of prison by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of Priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their appearances discharged And in matters of Parliament Priviledge can teach and prove the contrary for in the Case of Trewynniard a Burgess of Parliament in the Court of Kings-Bench in Easter and Trinity Term in the 38th year of the Raign of K. Henry the 8th the said Trewynniard was discharged by his Priviledge although he was arrested upon an Utlary after Judgement and the Judges of the Court of Kings Bench did adjudge and declare That every Priviledge is by prescription and every praescription which soundeth for the Common-weal is good although it be a prejudice to any private person And that such a priviledge hath been alwayes granted by the King to his Commoners at the request of their Speaker the first day of the sitting of Parliament And it is common reason that forasmuch as the King and all the Realm hath an interest in the Body of every of its Members it seemeth that the private commodity of any particular man ought not to be regarded for it is a maxime That magis dignum trahit ad se minus dignum the more worthy is to be preferred before the lesse and concluded That the Parliament is the most High Court and hath more Priviledges then any Court of the Realm and that in such a Case every Burgess is to be priviledged where the Action is but at the Suit of a Subject and that by such a temporary discharge the Execution is not discharged but remaineth When as men protected that were not the Kings Houshold Servants had their Protections allowed aâ—ter the commencement of the Action sometimes after Issue joyned at other times of the nisi prius or Triall at other times after the Verdict given and sometimes at the dayes in Banck and where any Defendant neither protected or priviledged was imprisoned he was not so believed to be in the Custody of the Law but that the Judges or any one Judge of the Court out of which the Process or Writ issued might not as well out of the Term as in the Term grant in their Subordinate Jurisdiction a Supersedeas quia improvià e or erronice emanavit because there was some Error or mistaking in the awarding or granting of the Writ by which he was taken And those Authentique Books of the Register of Writs old and new Book of Entries and the presidents therein contained will sufficiently testifie that arrests of priviledged persons and the goods or persons of priviledged persons have been and ought to be discharged from Attachments Arrests and Imprisonments and that which they would call the Custody of the Law by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their Appearances discharged But however the pride and disrespectfull and disobedient humors of too many of our Nation be now so much in fashion as to quarrell with every thing of Authority and the Regalities of their Soveraign the dayes of old and Ages past will evidence that the before mentioned Priviledges of the Kings Servants in Ordinary were for ought appears to the contrary believed to be so legall and reasonable CHAP. VIII That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary but imployed upon some temporary and casuall affairs abroad and out of the Kings House AS it was desired and thought fit and necessary to be communicated to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary or his Domesticks but only imployed as extraordinaries upon some of his special affairs or occasions which were but Temporary and to that end it was requisite that some signification or notice should be given that they were so imployed and that they should not be arrested imprisoned or disturbed in it but be protected from it the like being also done when any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary where imployed out of the Kings House or Pallace by their Writs of Protection under the great Seal of England for otherwise probably it would not have been known that they were his Servants either ordinary or extraordinary or what was their business And therefore in the Register of Writs a Book in the Statute of Westminster the second made in the 13th year of the Reign of K. Edward the first in the year of our Lord 1285 called the Register of the Chancery
then next following and King Edward the 4th by vertue of his Kingly Prerogative as the Writ and the Record declared granted his Protection unto John Namby Gentleman Executor of William White alias Namby for himself and his Servants and their Lands and Estates to endure for three years very many of the Subjects of England in those dayes and the Reigns of our former Kings travelling on Pilgrimage for devotion or penance to Jerusalem or St. James of Compostella or which were Cruzadoed or voluntarily went unto the Holy Land so called for recovery of it in such numbers as about the year of our Lord 1204. being in the latter end of the Reign of King John sixty thousand English took the Cross for the Holy Land whose Protections saith Fleta were not in those dayes disallowed in the Courts of Justice because it was then understood to be in causa Dei the cause of God or for some which were sent on the Kings messages or affairs to Rome Normandy or Gascoigny in France or other parts beyond the Seas or in those many our English Warlike Expeditions and Armies sent to Jerusalem France Spain and Scotland or the Borders thereof in the Reigns of many or most of our Kings and Princes from William the Conquerors entring into England and the subduing of it untill the Reign of King James and into Wales or the Borders thereof untill the Reign of King Edward the third when the Nobility and principal part of the Gentry were even in those times more likely then the Commonalty or vulgar to be in debt and wanted not upon occasions the credit and good will of the Common people to trust them and freedom from Actions at Law and troubles in the mean time and the many thousands of our Tenants in Capite who by the Tenure of their Lands as well as by the bond and obligation of their Loyalty to their Kings and Princes were to attend them in the service of War not only upon their Summons and Commands in their Foreign Expeditions but at home in their defence against Rebellions and sudden Insurrections and had in the mean time no doubt Protections and freedom from Suits and Arrests whose Court Barons and Leets more then now orderly kept permitted not their Tenants disobedience unto them or their Jurisdictions or an enhance of the price of their Commodities and their Lands so entayled as they could not if they would either borrow or owe much money When the Nobility and Gentry like the Stars in our Hemisphere kept their courses and great Hospitalities addicted themselves to actions of greatness goodness charity and munificence and their numerous Tenants depending upon them returned them submissive and humble obedience a reverential awe and gratitude and held much of their Lands upon trust of performance of their Services and many Husbandry works instead of Rents and in that were more endebted to their Landlords and entrusted by them then their Landlords were unto them who did not as now they do with their Wives and Daughters resort to London to learn vice and vanities and run into Debt more than they should do nor make themselves at costly rates so great and oâ—ten purchasers of Transmarine Wares and Commodities which the small Income of the Customs in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when our Clothing and Exportation far exceeded our Importation will witness when the profit of her Customs in both was at first let to Farm but at 13000 l. per annum and afterwards at no more then 50000 l. per annum when there was not so great and consuming expences in Coaches Wine and other Foreign Toyes and Trifles when by reason of 600 Monasteries and Religious Houses and the great Retinues and number of Servants kept by them and the Nobility Bishops and Gentry and depending upon them the younger Children of the Nation were so largely provided for as there were not so many Trades or Apprentices in London as there have been of latter times so many Taverns Cooks or Trades of pride and luxury to entice the Nobility and Gentry into debts and expences when the rates and prices of their Wares and Commodities honester made and of Victuals and Houshold provisions were limited and bounded by our then better than now executed Laws and Trade was not let loose to all manner of fraud and unlawfull gains and the Companies or Corporations of Trades were not so many Combinations to adulterate and abuse the Trade of the Kingdom as now they do when there was not so frequent trusting by Trades-men as now of late only to encrease their gain double and raise their prices and make a more then ordinary usury upon the kindness they pretend to do their Customers by trusting of them when Trade and the furnishing of vice and excess had not made the Gentry so endebted to the City who are not in their Countreys or Neighbourhood so much under the lash of their complaints or prosecution when the Church-men by reason that some contracts were upon distrust of performance sworn and bound up by Oath would ratione sâ—andali sometimes take occasion to draw into their Courts the cognisance of Debts and Excommunicate them untill they were about the Reign of King Edward the first prohibited by the King and his Courts of Justice And Usury was as well before as long after accounted such a mortal sin as Christian Burial and the power of making last Wills and Testaments was denyed unto them the personal Estates of the Usurers confiscated the dying in debt reckoned a sin punishable in the next World all or some of which might give us the reason why there was in former times but very little complaint against Protections for most of that little which appears of the use or pleading of Protections in our Law-books or Records through so many past ages were in Pleas or Actions concerning Lands or Replevins c. but few in personal Actions or Actions of Debt and those which do in every Kings Reign appear in our Records to have been granted in respect of the many occasions and importunities which might otherwise have induced the granting of them to have been but a few in respect of many more which might have been granted if the prudence and care of our Kings had not restrained or limited their own power and authority therein for that there were then either few or out-lying over-grown or long-forborn Debts or the reason of the parties protected being imployed in the Kings Service which was and ever is to be accounted the interest of every man and a concernment of the Publique was enough to pacifie them and the care and reverence of the King and his business taught the people to obey rather then dispute that necessary part of his Prerogative which deserves our imitation when conform to the Laws of Nations Queen Elizabeth by the advice of as wise and carefull a Councel as any Prince of the World was ever blessed with did in
ultra mare because they were then beyond the Seas or that if the King had sent beyond the Seas any of his Privy-Chamber or Bed-Chamber as hath been not seldom done by-divers of our Kings and Princes to some Foreign Prince or Potentate for the greater credit of their Messages as Balak King of Moab did long before the World was gray or hoary headed when after he had sent Messengers unto the Prophet Balaam and he refused to come unto him he sent yet again Princes more Honourable then they not thinking it fit or honourable to imploy any below stairs or the inferior sort of their Houshold Servants or their Barber as Lewis the 11th of France did in his unfortunate Espargne or saving of charges when he sent him as an Agent or Envoy to the great Inheretrix of Burgundy and the 17. Netherland Provinces which brought him a reproach and loss of those grand expectations which he might otherwise probably have compassed and saved millions of money some hundred thousand mens lives and the trouble and disquiet of the greatest part of Christendom in the since seeking in vain to obtain those rich Countries by Conquest which that Marriage and a more solemn Embassy might have more easily gained such Bed-Chamber man or Gentleman of the Kings Privy-Chamber should have the immunity or freedom not to be arrested or molested by reason of any Actions or Suits at Law whilst he was thus imployed because it was per praeceptum Regis by the Kings command fuit in obsequio Regis and was in his service and yet when he was come and returned to his place and attendance in the Kings Bed-Chamber or Privy-Chamber where he did before daily officiate and was in obsequio Regis per praeceptum Regis in the Kings service unless it could be then understood to be any either reason or sence to believe that he was not in the service of the King or by his appointment when if truth and reason might as they ought to do consort together it was evident he was must be arrested or imprisoned without the Kings leave or license as if he were not of the Kings Bed-Chamber or Privy-Chamber or any of the Kings Servants or if the granting of a Protection by the King to an Earl or any other of the Nobility whilst he was imployed in his Wars or affairs as many have been in Foreign parts should at his return into England be debarred of his priviledge not to be Utlawed or Arrested by Process or Writ of Capias or that Ambassadors sent from hence unto Foreign Kings or Princes without any Writ of Protection which hath ever been thoughâ— needless to be granted unto them should not when they come home enjoy those Immunities and Priviledges were before their going or after their return appropriate and justly due unto them Or that the King may not with as great or greater reason or cause of kindness unto himself and his Servants as well grant his Writs of Protection unto his Servants in ordinary as he hath done unto some Strangers or Foreign Merchants or unto the Prior of an Hospital or some other person with a nolumus or command not to molest or permit to be troubled their persons lands goods or possessions and a suscepimus in protectionem defensionem taking them into his defence or protection or that the service or attendance of his Domesticks or Servants in ordinary either in relation to his person or his affairs subservient thereunto which do concern him and in him the Publick safety and welfare should not claim a greater regard then other more remote And should heretofore be a Supersedeas to some of his Servants elected to serve for the people of their Country in Parliament which with the House of Peers and presence and authority of the King makes it to be the Highest Court of Justice in the Kingdom and next unto the King who is the head life and being of it their greatest and most darling concernment far exceeding any or the most part of Imployments in the Kings extraordinary occasions either at home or abroad which hath been the usual subject matters of the Kingâ— Protections under the Great Seal of England and not now be able or allowed to receive a just and fitting respect and priviledge in his more subordinate and ordinary Courts of Justice When as in the 7th year of the Reign of King Richard the second James Barners being elected a Member of Parliament was discharged by the Kings Writ and a new Writ caused to be made for another election quia est de retinentia Regis familiaris unus Militum Camerae Regis because he was of the Kings Retinue one of his Houshold Servants and one of the Knights of his Chamber attending in or near unto it and in the same year Thomas Morvile was discharged of his election into the House of Commons in Parliament which was superseded quia est de retinentia charissimae Dominae Matris nostrae Johannae Principissae Walliae for that he was in the service or retinue of his Mother the Princess of Wales But that and all which hath been said and evidenced will it seems not yet be enough to remove the pride of heart of such as take a delight to arrest and imprison the Kings Servants and Attendants without license or leave first granted for Debts or other Actions to which they are entituled or perswade them to abandon that unmannerliness and an Objection which they have lately found out as they think to support it That if the number of the Kings Servants were less there would not be so many to demand their Priviledges or cause their Creditors to complain against them and that if any of the Kings Servants in ordinary be so without leave or license arrested or imprisoned whereby the King should or might lose their service he was to provide others in their places And that any of the Kings Servants in ordinary waiting upon him by turns or courses for some of them do not may without leave or license be arrested in the intervals of their waiting or attendance which undutifull and uncivilized opinions too near of kin to the Principles of Wat Tyler and Jack Cade and their Clownish Associates might have been laid upon the Levelling Dunghill and ought to be buried with their illiterate and ungodly Levelling Principles which hath so long afflicted this Nation and so greatly helped to ruine and undo the peace and happiness of it the Adjutants or Authors whereof may upon a more sober and modest enquiry easily find CHAP. X. That our Kings some of which had more then his Majesty now hath have or had no greater number of Servants in ordinary then is or hath been necessary for their occasions safety well-being state honour magnificence and Majesty and that their Servants waiting in their turns or courses are not without leave or license as aforesaid to be arrested in the intervals of their
of record under his Seal In Easter Term in the fourth year of that King in an Action of Trespass after a distress awarded against the Jurors and the Array challenged a Protoction was after a grand debate allowed Martin one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas going to the Justices of the Kings Bench to ask their advice and from thence into the Exchequer Chamber to Juni Chief Baron In Michaelmas Term in the 19th year of the Reign of that King a man being taken by a Capias had a Protection allowed quia moraturus for the victualling of a Fort in Scotland upon a probability that he came to London to buy victuals and that issue might be taken thereupon and a repeal obtained In Hillary Term in the same year Newton Justice said that if the Demandant cast a protection it lyeth not yet an Essoin of the Service of the King doth And where the King commandeth an Attorney to do him service whereby he appeared not and the Client loseth in the mean time his land and he brings a Writ of disceit against him then it would be against reason that the King should compell him to do him service and that he should not be Essoined for that service but in such a case it seems to be usual to record the Kings service and in that case the Essoiner shall be sworn that he was in the Kings service And that a woman may be in the Kings service for that she is Nurse or Landress and a man as his Carver In Michaelmas Term in the 22th year of the Reign of that King in an Action inter Brookesby and Everard Digby al jour de nisi prius a Protection was brought and although Paston was of opinion it was not allowable because it did not agree with the Record yet Ascue was of opinion that if the Protection said suscepimus in Protectionem it was to be allowed In Michaelmas Term in the 27th year of the aforesaid King an Essoin cast for one who was gone into the Holy-land was refused because six months were passed and the Defendant should be allowed a year and a day and it was said by the Judges that it was the like where the party was in service del Roy yet it was allowed to be good in a common Essoin and a common Essoin was cast accordingly And in an Action brought in the Exchequer by a Denizen against two Aliens and the Jury adjourned a Protection was brought by the one bearing date the first day of the Nisi prius and by the second bearing date the second day and both allowed as it was in a like case and as it was held by the Judges of the one Bench and the other in the case of the Lord Hungerford In Michaelmas Term in the 8th year of that Kings Reign Danby Justice said in the case of Sir Robert Hungerford that in one and the same day the Defendant may cast many Protections and it was said that no Protection quia profecturus purchased pending the plea is allowable if it be not in a Voyage Royal or with the King himself or for great business of the Realm as appeareth by the Statute made in the 13th year of the Reign of King Richard the 2d cap. 16. and Prisot chief Justice did bid the Defendant sue to the Privy Seal and bring a Certificate that his Captain by Indenture was to serve the King in his warrs which being shewed and it appearing that he was to go into Norusandie to serve under such as the King should appoint but because it appeared not by the Indenture nor the Protection that it was in the case of the Statute the Protection was not allowed In the same Term Richard Vere bringing a Protection quia moraturus super vitulationem ville Calesie and the Plaintiff averring that he was within the four Seas and not in the Kings service the Plaintiff was ordered upon a resummons to prove his averment In Easter Term in the 30th year of that Kings Reign after an Imparlance the Defendant bringing his Protection quia moraturu super salva custodia Castri Domini Regis de B. in partibus transmarinis that he was imployed in the safe custody of the Castle of B in the parts beyond the Seas and was afterwards seen in Court it was said that if a man protected be afterwards seen in England the Plaintiff may sue forth the Kings Innotescimus to repeal the Kings Letters Patents for the Protection And that if a man bringing his Protection at the Nisi prius if betwixt that and the day in bank the Protection be repealed there shall be a resummons sued and Danby said that the Protection until the repeal was alwayes allowable In Easter Term in the 35th year of the Reign of that King it was agreed to be law that where Justices of Nisi prius have no power to allow or disallow a Protection they ought to surcease In Hillary Term in the 38th year of the Reign of the said King a Protection being cast for one that was committed to the Fleet and had a Cepi corpus retorned against him Moyle Justice alledged that he might notwithstanding be in the Service of the King whereupon the next day after he was mainprised and the Protection was allowed until the Court should further consider of it In Hillary Term in the 39th year of the Reign of the said King a Protection being disputed because it wanted the usual form it was alledged that there needed no special Protection to go to Rome for that the Embassadors or Procurators of the King who go and remain there for the profit of the King and his Realm have never used to have such Protections and if they had it would have been seen before that time and that the King by his Prerogative may take a man into his protection where another is not to be disherited and Moyle one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas then said that the King might grant a Protection for a year and that being elapsed might grant another for the like Term c. but not at the first and that a Protection quia profecturus doth not lye pendente placito depending the Plea if it be not in a Voyage Royal or business of the Realm In Michaelmas Term in the second year of King Edward the fourth at the return of a Petit cape against the Husband and Wife which is a Judgement by defalt the Husband did cast an Essoin of the Service of the King which was allowed and it was in that case said by Moyle that a Protection of the King differed from an Essoin of his Service for that the intent and effect of the Protection is that the King is the parties Protector and hath taken him into his protection and defence In Hillary Term in the 7th year of the Reign of that King the Judges were of opinion that
the Martyr the drawing aside of the curtain of State and the dispute of the Kings power of committing any one for contempts against him or his Authority which every Justice of Peace and Master of a Company of Trade in London can be allowed to do by the peoples misunderstanding of the Arcana Imperii secrets of State and necessary rules of government an unhappy fancy and spirit of opposition so intoxicated many of them as they have believed it to be law and right reason that if the King will not so soon as they would have him give leave to Arrest any of his Servants the Law and his Courts of Justice are to do it that if the King should by such a way of prosecution be inconvenienced by the want of their service it is by his own default in making so ill a choice of men indebted to attend him or if they being so Arrested cannot perform their duty he is to provide such as may better do it and if the King should cause any to be committed that had Arrested any of his Servants without licence they were upon his Habâ—as Corpus to be bayled by the Judges of some of the Courts of Law at Westminster and left at liberty to go to Law with him if they could tell how or to incourage as many as would follow that evil example to misuse his Royal Prerogative which without any stretching or dilating of it to the very confines or uâ—most bounds of its regal Jurisdiction is legally warranted by the design and reason of publique good the preservation of every mans estate and property and the good at one time or in something or other of him that thinks himself the most delayed or injured in his humour or expectation for it ought to be every where reason and so acknowledged that as long as there is a King and Supreme Governour who is to take care of the universality of the people subjected born or protected under his government he is not to want the means wherewith to do it and that in order thereunto his service must needs be acknowledged to be for publique good and the exemptions and privileges belonging thereunto no less than a Salus populi the great concernment of the peoples peace protection welfare and happiness and should be the Suprema Lex that great Law in and by which the means of goveâ—nment and the Royal Prerogative was and is founded and established and that such a cause built and sustained by the rules of right reason and justice ought to be every where reason and justly entituled to that Axiom manente causa non tollitur effectus the cause alwayes remaining constant and unalterable the effects and operation naturally from thence arising are necessarily to follow and be allowed and that the cause of priviledge claimed by our Kings the cause and fountain of all exemptions and priviledges so largely given to many of their people should not in the case of their own Servants have its course or passage stopt or diverted When from that Spring and those causes which have fertilized and gladded the Vallies of our Israel have sprung and arisen those necessary priviledges which the Nobility Peers and Baronage of England have antiently enjoyed in their personal freedome from Arrests or Imprisonment of their bodies in Civil Actions Pleas or Controversies and from Common Process or any Utlaryes which might trouble them or their high Estates not only for the reason given in the 11th year of the Reign of King Henry the fourth by Hull or Hulls that in Actions of Debt or Trespass a Capias will not lye against an Earl or any of like Estate because it is to be intended that they have Assets and a great Estate in Lands whereby they may be summoned and brought to answer or as many misled by that opinion do and would yet understand it But principally CHAP. XV. That the Dukes Marquesses Count Palatines Earls Viscounts and Barons of England and the Bishops as Barons have and do enjoy their privileges and freedome from Arrests or imprisonment of their bodies in Civil and Personal Actions as Servants extraordinary and Attendants upon the Person State and Majesty of the King in order to his Government Weal Publick and Safety of him and his people and not only as Peers abstracted from other of the Kings Ministers or Servants in Ordinary IN regard of their service to their Prince and a not seldome personal attendance upon him and the honour and dignities thereunto allowed and appertaining to those Illustrious and high born Dukes Marquesses Earls Peers and Nobility who are accounted to be as extraordinary Servants not as the word Extraordinary hath been of late times misused by applying it unto those who were but quasi Servi scarcely Servants or but listed and put into the Rolls of the Kings Servants when they are neither known to him or ever were or intended to be in his actual Service and honourable Attendants of their Prince as well in times of Peace as emergencies of War and as Generals or Commanders of their Armies in times of War and therefore the Emperour Justinian in his Letter or Epistle to Narses a great General or Commander of his Army mentions Aulus Anduatius C. Tubero to be sub Narsetis Ducatu as Souldiers under the conduct of Narses making the word Ducatus which in after ages only signifyed and was applyed to a Dukedom then to denotate no more than an Army or Command only of it And the Latine word Dux since used for Duke was as Sir Henry Spelman well observeth antiently nomen officiale a name of Office or Dux delegatus vel praefectus exercitus postea feudale by reason of the Lands which were annexed to its honour by reason of that service afterwards honorarium meerly Titular or honoured with that Title in being heretofore his Chieftaine or Leader of an Army And so were the Marquesses in those antient times who were as Capitanei Generals or great Commanders in the Empire or kingdome and were as to that by reason of their honorary possessions partakers in some sort of the Royal Dignity Whereby to defend the Frontiers the Title and Military Office thereof being about the year 1008. after the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour by the Emperour Henry sirnamed Auceps of the house of Saxony instituted to defend some of the Frontiers of Germany against the Incursions of the Hungarians was so little known or respected in England about the Reign of King Richard the second as he having created Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford Marquess of Dublin in Ireland and afterwards in the 21th year of his Reign John Beaufort Earl of Somerset Marquess of Dorset which dignity being afterwards taken from him by the tempest and change of those times in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the fourth and the Commons in Parliament in the fourth year of that Kings Reign petitioning that he might be
come with them to sach Convocation often times and commonly be arrested molested and inquieted the King willing gratiously in that behalf to provide for the security and quieâ—ness of the said Prelates and Clergy at the supplication of the said Prelates and Clergie and by the assent of the great men and Commons in Parllament assembled did ordain and establish that all the Clergy hereafter to be called to the Convocation by the Kings writ and their servants and familiars should for ever hereafter fully use and enjoy such liberty or defenee in coming tarrying and retorning as the great men and commonly of the Realm of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliament did enjoy or were wont to enjoy or in time to come ought to enjoy In the 23. and 24 th year of the Raigne of that King the Commons in Parliament did pray the King that every person being of the Lords or Commons House having any assault or fray made upon him being at the parliament or coming or going from thence might have the like remedy therefore as Sir Thomas Parre Knight had which shews that in those days they did not endeavour to punish any breach of their priviledges by their own authority but made their addresse by their petitions unto the King as their Soveraigne and Supreme for his Justice therein To which the King answered the Statutes therefore made should be observed In the 28 th year of the said Kings Raigne It was at the request of the Commons in parliament for that William Taylebois of South Lime in the County of Lincoln Esq would in the Parliament time have slain Ralph Lord Cromwell one of the Kings Councel in the Pallace of Westminster Enacted that the said William Taylebois should therefore be committed to the Tower of London there to remain one year without bayle baston or Mainprize and that before his delivery he should answer unto the same In the 14 th and 15 th year of the Raign of King Edward the 4 th William Hide a Burgess of Parliament for the Town of Chippenham in Wiltshire being a Prisoner upon a Writ of Capias ad satisfaciendum obtained a Writ out of the Chancery to be delivered with a saving of the right of other men to have Execution after the Parliament ended notwithstanding the Pâ—ecedent of Sir William Thorpe Knight Speaker of the house of Commons in the 18 th year of the Raigne of the Raigne of King Henry the 6 th taken in Execution for a debt of 1000 l. at the suit of Richard Duke of York betwixt the adjournment and recess of that Parliament and could not be released so as a new Speaker was chosen in his place which may well be conjectered to have been so carried by the then overbearing power and influence of that Duke and his party great alliance and pretences to the Crown which that meek and pious King was not able to resist For in the 17 th year of the raigne of King Edward the 4 th at the petition of the Commons in Parliament the King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal granted that John Atwill a Burgess of the City of Exeter condemned in the Exchequer during the Parliament upon eight several informations at the suit of John Taylor of the same Town should have as many Writs of Supersedeas as he would untill his coming home after the Parliament In the 35 th year of the Raigne of King Henry the 8 th Trewyniard a Burgess of Parliament being imprisoned upon an Utlary in an action of debt upon a Capias ad satisfaciendum was delivered by priviledge of Parliament allowed to be legal by the opinion of the Judges before whom that case of his imprisonment and release was afterwards debated and their reasons as hath been before remembred given for the same with which agreeth the precedent in the case of Edward Smalley a servant of Mr. Hales a member of Parliament taken in Execution in the 18 th year of the Raigne of Queen Elizabeth in the Report whereof made by the Committee of Parliament for his delivery it is said that the said Committee found no precedent for the setting at large any person in arrest but only by writ and that by diverse precedents on Record and perused by the said Committee it appeared that every Knight Citizen and Burgesse of the house of Commons in Parliament which doth require priviledge hath used in that case to take a corporal oath before the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England for the time being that the party for whom such writ is prayed came with him to the Parliament was his servant at the the time of the arrest made whereupon Mr Hale was directed by the house of Commons to make an oath before the Lord Keeper as aforesaid and to procure a warrant for a Writ of priviledge for his said servant howbeit the Lords in Parliament did in the Raigne of Queen Elizabeth usually of their own authority deliver their Servants out of Execution if arrested in Parliament time In the 27 th year of her Raigne a Member of the house of Commons having been served with a Writ of Subpaena issuing out of the Chancery and the house signifying to the Lord Keeper that it was against their priviledge he retorned answer that he could not submit to any opinion of the house concerning their priviledges except those priviledges were allowed in Chancery and would not recall the Subpaena With which accordeth Mr. VVilliam Pryn too violent an undertaker in the late times of usurpation to assert their phantosme or feigned soveraignty whereof he was then and since his Majesties happy restoration untill his death a member who having by the keeping of the Records in the Tower of London found the way to a better weighed and more sober consideration and cause enough if he would have well inspected himself and what he had formerly written to retract those many errors which an overhasty reading and writing had hurried him into hath in his animadversions upon Sir Edward Cokes 4 th part of his Institutes declared that the house of Commons in Parliament had untill the later end of the last Century assumed no Jurisdiction to themselves or their Committee of priviledges to punish breaches of priviledges but onely complained thereof to the King or the Lords in Parliament And therefore King James in an answer to a Petition of the House of Commons in Parliament in Anno Dom. 1622 was not in an error when he said that although we cannot allow of the stile calling your priviledges your antient and undoubted rights and inheriiance but could rather have wished that you had said that your priviledges were derived from the grace or permission of our Ancestors and us for most of them were from precedents which shews rather a tolleration then inheritance yet we are pleased to give you our royal assurance that as long as you contain
your selves within the limits of our duty we will be as careful to maintain and preserve your lawful liberties and priviledges as ever any of our predecessors were nay as to preserve our own Royal Prerogative Et ab hac radice Regalitatis rectae Rationis And from that root of Regality and right reason only Foundation and Original though Sir Edward Coke is willing to mistake it when he would have it to flow from a respect only due to Justice and the Courts thereof have proceeded the great reverence and awe due unto the Superior Courts of Justice at VVestminster Hall for lesser or inferiour Courts do neither deserve nor claim it when the Judges do sit there in their several Superior Courts under the Shadow and protection of the Royal Oak Whence also came that very necessary custom and usage to be bare uncovered and respectful in their words and behaviour to one another in the Judges presence as well as unto the Judges themselves and from whence and the reflex of Supreme authority have the Judges power to fine or imprison such as mis-behave themselves therein as in the case of VVilliam Botesford fined to pay two Marks by the Justices of the Court of Kings Bench for threatning to kill one Hawis Gaygold for prosecuting him in an action of trespass and using those Menaces in aula placitorum in presentia Justic. ipsius Regis Curiae suae contemptum in VVestminster Hall in the presence of the Kings Justices and in contempt of the Court and was committed to the Marshall and that at an Assize holden at Northampton in the third year of the Raign of King Edward the third John Blundell was attached ad Respondend tam domino Regi quam VVillielmo de Towcester Attorn Thomae Comitis Mariscalli Angliae de placito quare insultum fecit super ipsum in domini Regis curia contemptum per verba contumeliosa ipsum vili pendebat in retardationem prosecutiones negotiorum praedict comitis aliorum to answer aswell unto the King as VVilliam of Towcester Attorny for the Earle Marshall of England wherefore he made an assault upon him in contempt of the King and his Court and did with many scandalous words revile him to the disturbance of the business of the said Earle and others Super quo Juratores de consensu partium praedict instanti die transgressionis impanellat whereupon a Jury being the same day of the trespass and offence by the consent of both parties impannelled the Jury found that the said John Blundell was guilty and he was committed to prison fecit finem domino Regi per dimid Marcae per pleg ' c. qui manuceper quod bene se gereret pacifice versus predictum VVillielm alios quoscunque and was fined to pay half a Mark to the King and gave bayl for his good behaviour towards the said William and all others And whence all the Judges are impowred to free such as are arrested in the face or sight of the Court though it be upon process granted by themselves or any other Court in the Kings name or upon the most just and legal action as likewise to aggravate or make the punishment greater for offences done in the face or contempt of the Court and that all such misdemeanors are in Indictments or Writs brought or commenced upon them said to be in contemptum domini Regis curia suae in contempt of the King and his Court from which or the like ground or reason came also that great honor respect and care of Judges in the superiour Courts by the Statute of the 25 th year of the Raigne of King Edward the third which makes it to be high Treason to kill any of them with a forfeiture of all their lands and estates as in case of Treason committed against the King and no less then misprision of Treason for any to draw a Weapon upon any Judge or Justice sitting in the Courts of Chancery Exchequer Kings Bench Common Pleas or upon Justices of Assize or Justice of Oyer and Terminer although the party offending do not strike for which he shall lose his right hand all his goods suffer imprisonment and forfeit his Lands during his life and no less a punishment for rescuing a prisoner in or before any of the Courts committed by any of the Judges or arrested by any of their Writs Mandates or Process the no small punishments inflicted for abusing of Jurors or for beating a Clerk in vemendo versus curiam in his way to one of those Superior Courts where he was imployed or for threatning a Counceller at law for acting or pleading for his Client the priviledge of the Barons Officers and Clerks of the Exchequer granted or allowed by King Henry the First and to this day not to be denied them not to pay Toll or Custome for any thing they shall buy for there necessary uses or occasions nor to be compelled to appear at Hundred Courts Assizes or Sessions which the Officers Clerks and Ministers of the other Superior Courts are likewise indulged nor to bear Offices in the parish wherein they live as Constable Church-Warden c. either in the Vacations or Term Times and that the Barons of the Exchequer Et omnes alii ministri ibidem ministrantes sive de clero sint sive Regiae Cur. qui assident as the words of their Writs of priviledge are which exempts such of the Clergy from the dominering power in those dayes of the Ecclesiastical Court ex mandato ad alias quaslibet causas extra Scaccarium sub quibusounque Judicibus vero Judice sub quo lis mota fuerit sive sit Ecclesiastious sive Secularis non evocentur si forte vocati fuerunt ratione regiae potestatis publica authoritate tam ex dignitate Regia quam consuetudine antiqua excusantur and all the Officers Clerks and Ministers sitting in that Court or attending therein by the Kings command shall not be constrained to appear or attend upon any causes actions or suits against them before any Judges whatsoever whether Ecclesiastical or Secular and if they be cited or called before such Judges by reason of any of the Kings Writs or Process are aswell in respect of the Kings Royal Dignity as also by antient custome to be excused the Writs of priviledge granted unto them where they are prosecuted in any other Court Pleas or actions concerning freehold appeal or felony only excepted mentioning as they do in case of priviledge of the Courts of Chancery Kings Bench and Common Pleas that if the Plaintiffs have any cause of action except as is before excepted they may if they please prosecute or bring their actions or complaints against such priviledge person in the Court where he is attendant From which Royal Fountain and Original and the care of publick preservation flowed or was necessitated that priviledge now and heretofore allowed to the Kings Guards
both Horse and Foot Garrisons and Commanders of Castles Towns or Forts and was believed to be necâ—ssary in the time of Justinian the Emperor Qui statuit milites conveniri tam in causis Civilibus quam Criminaelibus coram ducibus suis quod miles nisi a suo judice coerceri non possit that Soldiers should be cited and tryed aswell in causes civil as criminal before their Captains or Commanders And that a Soldier should not be compelled to appear before any other which was not in that time any new Edict or Ordinance but a Declaration of an antient law and custome in use amongst the Romans in the Infancy of their mighty Monarchy some hundred of years before the birth of our Redeemer as may be evidenced by Juvenal and what was in use and practise and accompted to be of antient institution in his time which was not long after the birth of our Saviour when he saith Legibus antiquis Casâ—â—erum more Camilli Servato miles ne vallum litiget extra Et procul a Signis justissima Centuriorum Cognitio est igitur de milite By antient laws and customes sacred held By great Camillus Soldiers were not to be compel'd To appear in Courts of Justice but in the Campe to abide And by their own Commanders to be try'd And from the like causes and considerations of the Kings service and safety of the Kingdome are allowed by our reasonable laws and customes the priviledges and franchises of the Cinque Ports that the Inhabitants within the liberties thereof do sue and are only to be sued in the courts thereof and the Kings ordinary Writs and Process do not run or are of any 〈◊〉 therein and such as are in certain special cases are only to be directed to the Constable of the Castle of Dover and the Warden of the Cinque Ports and those franchises were so allowable by law as the Abbot of Feversham in his time a man of great power and authority and armed with many and great priviledges of his own both Spiritual and Temporal being imprisoned by the Warden of the Cinque Ports for an offence committed therein for which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury citing the Kings Officers there into his Ecclesiastical Court the Record saith Quia secundum consuetudinem regni approbatam ratione juris Regii ministeri Regis pro aliquibus quae fecerunt ratione officii trahi non debeant Rex prohibuit Archiepiscopo Cantuar. ne volestari faciat ministros suos Dover de eo quod Abbatem de Feversham pro delicto suo incarcerassent per considerationem Curiae quinque portuum de Shepway in regard that by the custome of the Kingdome approved and the right and prerogative of the King the Kings Officers are not to be compelled to appear in other Courts the King prohibited the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that he should not molest or trouble his Officers or servants at Dover for that by a judgement of the Court of the Cinque Ports holden at Shepwey they had imprisoned the Abbot of Feversham for an offence by him committed From the like causes and considerations of the Kings service and good of his household and servants the multitude of tenants heretofore of the Antient Demesnes of the Crown which were in the hands of King Edward the confessor or William the Conqueror for that as Sir Edward Coke saith they plowed the Kings Demesnes of his Maners sowed the same mowed his Hey and did other services of Husbandry for the sustenance of the King and his honorable household to the end that they might the better apply themselves to their labors for the profit of the King had the priviledge that they should not be impleaded in any other of the Kings Courts for any their lands or in actions of accompt Replevin ejectione firmae Writs of Mesne and the like where by common intendment the realty or title of lands may come in question are to be free and quit from all manner of Tolls in Fairs and Markets for all things concerning their husbandry and sustenance of Taxes and Tallages by Parliaments unless the Tenants in Antient Demesnc be specially named of contributions to the expences of the Knights of the Shire for the Parliament and if they be severally distreined for other services they may all for saving of charges joyne in a Writ of Monstraverunt albeit they be several Tenants and where they recover in any action are by the Laws of William the Conqueror to have double costs and damages From which Spring and fountain of priviledges in relation only to and for the concern of the Prince and Son and Heir apperant of the King of England and his revenue hath been derived those of the Court of Stanneries or jurisdiction over the Tyn Mines where by the opinion of Sir VVilliam Cordell Knight Master of the Rolls Sir James Dier Knight Cheif Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and Justice Weston no Writ of Error lyeth upon any judgment in that Court and by an act of Parliament made in the 50 th year of the raigne of King Edward the third and the grant of that King all Workmen in the Stanneries are not to be constrained to appear before any Justice or other Officers of the King his Heirs or Successors in any plea or action arising within the Stanneries unless it be before che Warden of the Stanneries for the time being Pleas of land life or member only excepted nec non recedant ab operibus suis per summonitionem aliquorum ministrorum seu heredum nostrorum nisi per summonitionem dicti custodis and should not depart from their said works or labors by reason of any Summons of the Officers of the King or his Heirs unless it be by the Summons of the aforesaid Warden were to be free as to their own goods from all Tolls Stallage Aides and Customes whatsoever in any Towns Havens Fairs and Markets within the County of Devon and that the VVarden aforesaid should should have full power and authority to administer Justice to all that do or should work in the Stannaries or any forreigners in and concerning any plaints trespasses contracts or actions except as is before excepted arising or happening within the Stannaries and that if any of the workmen be to be imprisoned they shall be arrested by the said Warden and kept in the prison of Lydeford and not else where untill according to the Law and custome of England they shall be delivered All which before mentioned Exemptions and Priviledges as effects flowing and proceeding from their true and proper causes may justifie those more immediate and proximate of the Kings Servants in Relation to his person and a greater concernment more especially when so many of the people of England can be well contented to enjoy not a few other immunities exemptions and priviledges which have had no other cause or foundation then the indulgence and favour
same time consider the damage which our Kings have suffered by their Grants to divers Abbeys as amongst others unto the Abbey of St. Edmonds-Bury in Suffolk which in a Plea betwixt that Abbot and the Bishop of Ely and his Steward in the sixth Year of the Reign of King Richard the First appeared by the Charters of King Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror and King Henry the First to be in general words all the Liberties which any King of England might grant the very large Priviledges of Common of Pasture and Estovers the later of which hath spoiled much of the Timber of the Kingdom in many vast Forrests and Chases their many deafforrestations and that of three Hundreds at once in the County of Essex at the Request and Petition of an Earl of Oxford their taking their Customs and Duties upon Merchandize Exported or Imported at small and priviledged Rates and manner of payment of Tonnage and Poundage and by the granting away of so many Franchises Exemptions Priviledges view of Frank Pleg and Liberties which the Commons in Parliament in the one and twentieth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third thought to be so over-largely granted as they complained That almost all the Land was Enfranchised and Petitioned That no Franchise-Royal Land Fee or Advowson which belong or are annexed to the Crown be given or severed from it And so very many more Immunities Franchises and Priviledges which since have been indulged and granted to very many of the People which like the dew of the heavenly Manna which so plentifully covered the Camp of the Children of Israel and lay round about them have blessed many of the English Nation and their after Generations as the dew of Hermon and that which descended upon the Mountains of Zion And so many were those exemptions customs prescriptions and immunities Quae longi temporis usu recepta quaeque ratio vel necessitas suaserit introducenda rata stabilita fuerinâ— quasi tanto tempore principis consensu Judâ—cioque probata Which by a long accustomed use introduced by reason or necessity as the Learned Baldus saith concerning those which by the Civil Law and the Law of Nations have as approved by the consent and Judgment of the Prince been ratified and permitted as they would if faithfully and diligently collected as my worthy Friend Mr. Tho. Blount hath done very many of them in his Learned and laborious Nomo Lexicon not onely put Posterity in mind how very many and almost innumerable they are and how much they ought to be thankful for them but that their Forefathers did without any the least doubt or scruple believe that the Kings and Princes which granted them had power enough to do it And ought not to have their ways or passages stopped or blocked up by those Opinions of Sir Edward Coke and the rest of the Judges in contradiction of the late Learned Doctor Bancroft Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the case of Prohibitions argued and debated before King James and his Privy Council and Council Learned in the Law in Michaelmas Term in the fifth Year of his Reign that Rex non Judicat in Camera sed in Curia the King is to decide and determine the Causes and Controversies of his Subjects in his assigned and Commissionated Courts of Justice but not out of them or in his Palace Court or Chamber nor take any Cause out of his Courts and give Judgment upon it and that no King after the Conquâ—st ever assumed to himself to give Judgment in any Cause whatsoever which concerned the administration of Justice within the Realm and that the King cannot delay Justice or Arrest any Man neither Arrest any Man for suspicion of Treason or Felony as other of His Lieges may Wherein the Men of new Notions who in the Itch and Hope of Gain or the good will and applause of a Factious Party can like the after hated Ephori of Sparta upon all occasions oppose the Kings legal Rights and Prerogatives and thinking to satisfie others as well as themselves in making ill-warranted matters of Fact the Directors or Comptrollers of the Law may suspend their adoration of those Errors in that so called twelfth Report of Sir Edward Coke which being published since his Death have not that candor or fair dealing of Plowden's Commentaries or the Reports of the Lord Dyer or many other of his own Reports but concealing the Arguments and Reasons urged by the Opponents doth onely give us a Summary of his own and the other Judges Opinions which we hope may vanish into a mistake and meet with no better entertainment from those Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law if they were now in the Land of the Living to revise and examine those Opinions so Dogmatically delivered then a Retractation or Wish that they had never seen the Light or walked in the view of the Vulgar and advise those who would gladly make them the Patroni of so many ill Consequences as either have or may follow upon such Doctrines to build upon better Foundations and not to adhere so much unto them or any others though they should be willing to seem to be as wise therein as Socrates or Plato but rather subscribe to the Truth CHAP. XX. That the power and care of Justice and ihe distribution thereof is and hath been so essential and radical to Monarchy and the Constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognizance divers Causes which their established Courts either could not remedy or wanted power to determine have remoued them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon just and legal occasions respite or delay Justice WHen the King is Author omnis Jurisdictionis the Author of all Jurisdiction which is the specifica forma virtus essentialis Regis qua se nequit abdicare quamdiu Rex est neque vis illa summae ditionis potestatis Regiae dignitate citra pernitiâ—m ejus interitum separari distrahique potest Speciâ—ick form and essence of Kingly Majesty which the King cannot alienate or depart from as long as he is King nor may that Jurisdiction or supream Power be severed from the Regal Dignity without the ruine or destruction of the King as Mr. Adam Blackwood a Scotchman hath very well declared in his Book against Buchanan his Learned more than Loyal Countrey-man concerning the Magistracy Lords of Sessions and Judges in Scotland That all Judges and Magistrates Ne in Civilibus quidem causis nullam nisi munere beneficioque Regis sententiae dicendae nullam Juris judiciorum potestatem habent derived even in Civil Causes all their power and authority from the Kings Authority and without it had no power to give a Sentence or Judgment quicquid enim Magistratuum est quicquid judicium
convenire Commanded the whole County without any delay to assemble together as well French as English and more especially such of the English as were skilful in the ancient Laws and Customs of England ubi Goisfredus Bishop of Constance in loco Regis saith the Leiger Book of Rochester vel vice Regis saith Eadmerus fuit Justiciam illam tenuit â—at Judge for or in the place or stead of the King as his Commissioner Hujus placiti multis testibus multisque rationibus determinatum finem postquam Rex audivit laudavit laudans cum consensu omnium principum suorum which could not be the Commons in Parliament as it is now formed or the then Commune Concilium the Parliament consisting of his Nobility Bishops and Peers who could not all of them be stiled Princes but were rather such of his greater sort of Nobility as were then attending upon him in his Court assembled and met together by his Command in that great and more than ordinary County-Court confirmavit ut deinceps incorruptus persevâ—raret â—irmiter praecepit the end of which Trial made by many Witnesses and Reasons being certified to the King he greatly approved it and by the consent of all his Princâ—s confirmed and strictly commanded it to be inviolably observed In the Reign of William Rufus his Son the Delegated Justice of the King in his Courts was so little believed not to be the Kings or the Judgments thereby or therein given not owned or understood to be given by the King as it was the Opinion as well as Complaint of Anselme Arch-bishop of Canterbury how justly or unjustly the Men of that Age when the Church-men were unruly and did not seldom forget themselves and their Benefactors did best know quod cuncta Regalis Curia pendebant ad nutum Regis nilque in ipsis nisi solum velle illius considerari That all matters in the Kings Court depended upon his Will and his onely Will was the Director thereof and whether the particular Interest of that stout and pious Prelate had therein misled his Judgment or no they must be too much unacquainted with our Laws reasonable Customs Annals Memorials Records and Accompts of Time and Transactions bigane and past as well as those of other Nations and the right origination or signification of the word Curia or Court and the no infrequent usage or acceptation thereof if they do not acknowledge that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuncupatur potestas Dominium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui potestate fretus est judiciumque exercet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi habitacula Domini That Curia signifieth Power and Dominion and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that exerciseth that Power in giving Judgment therein and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Habitation or Place of Residence of the Lord or Superior dicebatur autem Curia saith the judicious Sr. Henry Spelman primo de Regia seu palatio Principis inde de familia Judiciis in ea habitis ritu veterrimo it being at the first or more especially called Curia or the Court and took its Denomination by a most antient Usage or Custom from the Kings House or Palace and afterwards from their Houshold or Family and the Place where Kings did administer Justice And so untill Courts for the distribution of Justice were allow'd for the ease of Princes and better accommodation of their People out of their Houses or Palaces it will not be easie or possible to espy any essential difference as to the Place of doing Justice betwixt Curia Regis and Camera Regis the Court or Chamber of the King for after that some of our Courts of Justice in England by the indulgence of their Soveraigns ceased either to be ambulatory or resident in their Palaces those that have not bid a defiance to that universally allowed and entertained Maxim by all or most part of Mankind Qui facit per alium facit per se He that doth by another is truly and rightly said to have done it himself and are not resolved to encounter or be adversaries to all the right Reason which they can meet with or to pick up such weak and incogent Arguments as may make a shadow rather than substance of Truth or right Reason ought to confess that there is no real difference between the Kings doing of Justice in his own Person and cauâ—ing it to be done by others or betwixt the hearing of Causes or doing of Justice in the Hall or his Privy Chamber or any other Room of his House or Palace and that before and from the Conquest untill after the thirty eighth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third whilst the Chief Justice of the Court of Kings Bench attended our Kings as well in their Courts as Progress to assist him in matters of Law and the Decision of Pleas of the Crown and such matters of Law as were not appropriate to the Decision of the Court of Common Pleas as it was then and hath been since constituted which did not leave the Kings Court or Palace untill King Henry the Third commanded it in the twentieth Year of his Reign to abide at Westminster Our Kings of England have in their own Persons heard some or many Causes and given divers Judgments in Aula in their Court or Palace in some Causes wherein they had the assistance of the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-Bench and when they did not do it personally by reason of their frequent Divertisements Addresses of Ambassadors from Foreign Princes or in respect of the many great Affairs and Cares of State and Government which could not afford them the time or leisure to do it did cause it to be done by their Authority and by their constituted Justices who Vicaria Potestate by as it were a Deputation Lieutenancy or Assignation to those onely purposes represented them and were impowered to do it the Courts of Justice in William the Conquerors time being called Justicia Regis the Justice of the King and the Judges or Justices in the Reign of King Henry the Second Justiciae Regis in the abstract the Kings Judges or Justices For the Kings Justice or Superiority was never yet by any Law or Reason absolutely or altogether conâ—ined to his delegated Courts or authorized Judges or Justices or to any certain or determinate Place as that froward and powerful enough Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury could not but acknowledge when in a Parliament or Great Council holden in the Kings Court at Winchester by the Command of King William the Second or William Rufus in the Contest betwixt him and that King concerning that Archbishops resolution oâ— going to Rome and the Kings refusing to give him Licence divers of the Lords and Bishops passed in and out betwixt them and at last the Archbishop himself went in unto him to expostulate and debate the Matter with him And in the making of the Constitutions of Clarendon in
such Causes as all the Kings and Princes of the civilized Part of the World have used to do And of small or no force or avail would be that Clause in our Magna Charta so hardly obtained by our Fore-fathers that the King Nulli negaret Justitiam vel Rectum should not deny Justice or Right unto any who demanded it and little deserving to be called or thought a Liberty if it were not within the reach of his Power and it would be a kind of Injustice to oblige or require him to do that which he could not Which the Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law in the eighteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the First were so unwilling to interpret to be out of his Power As when John Bishop of Winchester having granted unto him free Chace in all the Demesn Lands and Woods of the Prior and Covent of St. Swithen in Winchester and their Successors and being in the Kings Service in the Parts beyond the Seas and having his Protection for all his Lands Goods and Estate brought his Action wherein he did set forth the Kings Protection and his being as aforesaid in his Service against Henry Huse Constable of the Kings Castle at Portcester for that he had hunted in his aforesaid Chace and Liberty in contempt of the King and contrary to his aforesaid Protection whilest he was in his Service as aforesaid To which the said Henry Huse pleading that what he had done was lawful for him to do by reason of a Privilege belonging unto his said Place or Office of Constable of the Castle aforesaid and Issue being joyned thereupon the Court stayed it and delivered their Opinion That no Jury ought to be impannelled nor any Inquisition taken thereupon in regard that Inquisitio ista Domino Rege inconsulto tam propter Cartam ipsius Domini Regis porrectam quam nemo per inquisitionem patrie vel alio modo judicare debet nisi solus Dominus Rex quam ratione Ballivae predict ' que est ipsius Domini Regis ad quam predictus Hâ—nricus dicit libertatem predictam pertinere that such an Issue or Inquiry ought not to be the King not consulted or made acquainted therewith as well in respect of his Charter produced which none but the King by any Jury or Trial ought to Judge as in regard of the Liberty alledged by the said Henry to be belonging to the King Et dictum est partibus quod sequantur versus Dominum Regem quod precipiat procedere ad predict ' inquisitionem capiend ' si voluerit vel quod alio modo faciat voluntatem suam in loquela predict And the Parties were therefore ordered to attend and petition the King to command the Judges if he please that they proceed in the said Action or by some other way declare his Will and Pleasure concerning the said Action and is a good direction for Subjects to ask leave of the King before they Arrest or any way endeavor to infringe the Priviledge of his Servants In the twentieth year of the Reign of that King in a Case in the Court of Common-Pleas where William de Everois being Demandant had complained to the King that the Judges of that Court did delay to give Judgement and the Judges acknowledging that he had been long delay'd in regard that the said William required Seisin to be delivered unto him by a Contract made in the time of War which he denied Dictum est prefatis Justic ' quod ad judicium procedant prout facere consueverunt Et faciend ' est de seisina contractibus factis in tempore partes Guerre the King ordered the Judges that they should proceed to Judgement as they used to do and make an Order concerning the Seisin and Contracts had between the parties thereunto in the time of the War In the same year a Complaint being made to the King that Sir John Lovel Knight being Plaintiff before the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas in a Writ which had long depended and was made in an unusual Form of the Chancery and the Defendant in the beginning of the Plea before Thomas of Weyland and his Associates the Justices of the said Court had put in his Plea of Abatement and Exceptions to the said Writ and prayed that it might be Entred upon the Rolls and Recorded which afterwards could not be found but in regard that Elias de Beckingham one of the Judges remembred the said Plea to whose onely memory a greater Credit is to be given than to the Rolls of the said Thomas of Weyland who with the rest of his Fellow Judges except the said Elias of Beckingham were formerly Fined and punished for other Misdemeanors Et idem Elias semper fideliâ— extiterit in servicio Regis fideliter se gesserit and the said Elias was always faithful and in the Service of the King did well behave himself And all the then Judges did agree that if a Writ of that Form should be brought unto them and pleaded in Abatement they would immediately quash it And for that non est Juri consonum quod per maliciam predict Thome sociorum suorum sibi adherentium qui Exceptiones Tenentis admittere noluerunt cum ipsum proposuerit tempore Competenti non allocaverunt per prout prefatum Eliam recordatum est It is not agreeable to Law that by the malice of the aforesaid Thomas and his Fellow Judges confederating with him who would not admit or allow of the Tenants Exceptions when it was in due time pleaded as by the said Elias was witnessed Dictum est Justic ' quod procedant ad Judicium super exceptione Tenentis prout fuerit faciend ' ac si in Recordo inveniretur The Judges were ordered to proceed to Judgment upon the Tenants Exception as it ought to be done if it had been recorded In the year next following William de Mere Sub-Escheator of the King in the County of Stafford and Reginaldus de Legh who was one of the sworn Justices of the King having an Information brought against them before the King and his Council the Justices of the Court of Kings-Bench for that after the death of Jeffery de Howâ—l who held Lands of Ralph Basset by Knight-service and the death of the said Ralph who had seized all the Lands of the said Jeffery and had in his life time the custody and marriage of William the son of Jeffery and dying seized of Lands holden of the King in Capite and of the custody of the said William and the Heir of the said Ralph being likewise under age and with the Lands of the said Ralph seized by the said Sub-Escheator he suffered the Heir of the said Jeffery without the Kings Writ to enter upon the Lands of the said Jeffery And the said Reginald de Legh by fraud and collusion betwixt him and the said Sub-Escheator took away the Heir of the said Jeffery and
under His Seal and Teste Me Ipso directed to all His Courts of Justice And are as Bracton saith Formata ad similitudinem Regulae Juris framed by and according to the Rules of Law whiâ—h warranting many of the Proceeding thereof are in the Assize betwixt Wimbish and the Lord Willoughby in Trinity Term in the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth said and not denyed to be Law and the Act of the King but not of the Chancellor So as they who shall endeavour to impose upon other men that the King is not by Law presumed to be present in his Court of Kings Bench where the Records do mention the Judgements given therein to be coram Rege before the King as if he were personally present with the Judges of that Court who are assigned to assist Him may as to the Kings Power in matters of Justice and over the Judges and Courts delegated by Him do well to seek a reason which is justly to be feared will never be found why it should be Law or Reason for King Alfred in the discords or ignorance of his Subordinate Judges in the distribution of Justice to hear and determine the Causes Himself or for King Canutus long after to judge the Causes of such as complained unto him when our Bracton doth not at all doubt of it when he saith that the Judges nullam habent Authoritatem sed ab alio i. e. Rege sibi Commissam cum ipse qui delegat non sufficiat per se omnes Causas sive Jurisdictiones terminare they have no Authority but what they are intrusted with by the King who granted it when as he who delegated them is not able or sufficient by himself to hear aad determine all Causes in every Jurisdiction unto which our Register of Writs that Pharmacopeia Director and Magazine of Medicines and Remedies for many a Disease in the Estates and Affairs of the People which Justice Fitz Herbert in his Preface to his Book De Natura Brevium of the Nature of Writs calleth The Principles of the Law and the Foundation whereupon it dependeth and in Plowdens Commentaries is as to many things truly said to be the Foundation of our Laws and so Authentique as Brown Justice in the Case betwixt Willon and the Lord Barkley in the third year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth declared that all Writs were to pursue the Forms in the Register and it was enough to alledge so is the Register will easily assent and all our Books of the Law all the Practice and Usage of our Courts of Justice all our Records Close and Patent Rolls and our Kings hearing and determining of Differences betwixt the Common Law and Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdictions and their making of Orders to reconcile the Proceedings of the severall Judges thereof and the like betwixt the Admiralty Court and the Courts of Common Law ordered decided and agreed before King Charles the First and His Privy Council in the ninth year of His Reign the Judges in criminal Matters not seldom attending the King for a Declaration of His Will and Pleasure where a Reprieve Pardon or Stay of Execution shall be necessary will be as so many almost innumerable powerful and cogent Arguments to justifie it And a common and dayly Experience and the Testimony of so many Centuries and Ages past and the Forme used in our Writs of Scire Facias to revive Judgements after a year and a day according to the Statute of Westminster the 2. with the words Et quia volumus ea que in Curia nostra rite acta sunt debite executioni demandari because we would that those things which are rightly done in our Courts should be put in execution c. may bear witness of that Sandy Foundation Sir Edward Coke hath built those his great mistakings upon and those also that the King cannot propria Authoritate Arrest any man upon suspition of Treason or Felony when the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the First expresly acknowledgeth that the King may Arrest or cause men to be Arrested as well as His Chief Justice without distinction in ordinary and civil or criminal matters and when by the beforemention'd Opinions of Sir Christopher Wray Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas and of all the Judges of England delivered under their hands in the Four and thirtieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth it was acknowledged that She or the Lords of Her Privy Council might do it And in the before recited great Case of the Habeas Corpora in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr there was no question made but that the King might lawfully do it with a cause expressed in the Warrant And many a Nobleman and others hath in several of our Kings Reigns either upon suspition of Treason or Flagranti Crimine in or very near the acting of it or upon great Misdemeanors been Arrested by our Kings and Princes onely Command and sent Prisoners to the Tower of London As the Great Mortimer Earl of March by King Edward the Third the Pompous Cardinal Wolsey and Queen Ann of Bulloin by King Henry the Eighth the Duke of Northumberland by Queen Mary the Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Essex by Queen Elizabeth for Treason Robert Earl of Somerset and his Lady committed for Felony Sir Tho. Overbury for refusing to go Ambassador when he was sent by King James Henry Earl of Oxford for striking up a Great Lords heels in a Solemnity of a great Feast when the French Ambassador was entertained in Westminster Hall for presuming to offer to wash his hands after the King had washed in the Basin which as Lord Great Chamberlain of England he had holden to the King Thomas Earl of Arundel for marrying the Lord Matravers his Son to the Sister of the Duke of Lenox and Richmond without his Licence and Philip Earl of Pembroke and the said Lord Matravers for striking and scuffling with one another in the House of Peers in Parliament and some others by King Charles the First and some by His now Majesty and our Parliaments have many times in some Charges brought against offenders of the Weal Publique petitioned our Kings and Princes to do it and many others have been so committed in the Reigns almost of all our Kings and Princes of which every Age and History of this our Kingdom can give plentiful Examples which we may believe to have been done by good and legal Warrant when in all our many Parliaments and Complaints of the People therein such Arrests and Imprisonments have not been in the number of any of their complained Grievances for otherwise what Power Writ Authority or Warrant of a Judge or Justice of Peace could have seiz'd upon that Powerful Mortimer and taken him in Notingham Castle out of the amorous Embraces of Queen Isabel the
hinder such intollerable mischiefes as Manslaughter Sacriledge burning of Houses Spoils Depredations or Plunder and other enormities which besides the evils before Committed might happen or ensue if a sudden remedy in such a case should not be applyed Et etiam quod Dominus Rex qui est omnibus et Singulis de Regno suo Justitiae debitor non potuit in hoc casu nisi Injuriam Coronae sue intulisset dissimulasse quin concessisset breve per quod citius et celerius pervenire posset ad cognitionem veritatis rei pred â—um petitum â—uerit And likewise that the King who to all and every of the people of his Kingdom is a debtor of Justice and ought to do it could not in this case unless he should do an injury to his Crown dissemble or forbear the Punishment thereof or abstain from the granting of a Writ when it was required whereby he might the sooner come to the knowledge of the matter aforesaid and it was by the aforesaid Judges of the Kings Bench adjudged Quod breve predictum in casu isto in casibus consimilibus est necessarium et rationabile that the Writ aforesaid was in that Case and the like necessary and reasonable And as to what the Earl of Gloucester had alleaged that it ought to have been a Judicial Writ videtur consilio Domini Regis it seemed to the Judges that Dominus Rex a quo omnes ministri sibi subjecti recordum habent est superlativum et magis arduum recordum et supra omnes ministros suâ—s et processus et record rotulorum praecellens the King under whom all his ministers do derive their Authority to make their Records hath a more high and superlative Record excelling that of all his Ministers his Justices being by Sir Edward Cook so stiled Et etiam antequam Dominus Rex inhibet circumspicit et considerat Judicio interiori propter utilitatem communem ut evitetur deterius quod oriri possit et subsequi ex malo incepto nisi inhibitio interveniret et sic procedit inhibitio ex praemeditato Judicio conscientiae Domini Regis propter bonum pacis And also that the King doth before he maketh his inhibition forecast and consider within himself what may be done for the Weal publick to the end that he may prevent a worser evil or mischief which might arise or be the consequence of an evil beginning if he should not have made such an inhibition And therefore that Inhibition did proceed out of the Judgement and dictates of the Conscience of the King for the Peace and welfare of his Kingdom Contra quod Judicium si quis praesumpserit attemptare quanto citius et debitus possit habere processus ut super hoc convincatur veritas super delinquentem in hoc casu tanto honorabilius est Regi Majestati et regno et populo utilius et magis necessarium which Judgement if any shall resist or contradict by how much speedier a due Process may be had for the Conviction of the Offender by so much the more Honorable it is for the Kings Majesty and the more profitable and necessary for the People and Kingdom Per quod videtur in hac parte quod Inhibitio procedit proprie et Judicio aquo predictum breve quod vocatur Scire facias debite sumi potest maxime cum res supradictâ— specialius in hoc casu tangat Dominum Regem Coronam et Dignitatem quam aliam tertiam personam By which in this Cause it appeared to the Judges that the Inhibition was duely and well granted and had its Original from the Judgement of the King from which the aforesaid Writ which is called a Scire Facias was deduced especially when the matters aforesaid did more concern the King his Crown and Dignity than any third Person And it was the Opinion of the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench in that before mentioned judgment in the three thirtith four thirtieth year of the Reign of that King in the Case betwixt the Prior and Bishop of Durham that any ordinance award or acknowledgement made in the Kings presence and by him affirmed was to be more believed and to have a greater force than a Fine levied before his Justices conformable to the Civil Law which saith that Principis dicto fides adhibenda plenissima si Officii ratione aliquis a se vel coram se actum vel gestum esse verbo vel literis attestatur An unquestionable Faith is to be given to what in the Office or Affairs of the King shall be done by or before Him attested by his Word or Letters In Trinity Term in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the second in a Writ of Novel Disseisin brought by Isabella the wife of Peter Crok after the Kings Writ of Prohibition to proceed Rege inconsulto obtained by the Bishop for that he pretended it to have been forfeited to the King and granted unto him saving the Reversion and She replying and issue being joyned and two hundred forty pound Damages given and the King having afterwards sent his Writ to Proceed and the Bishop bringing his Writ of Error and Errors being assigned amongst which one was that the King understanding that the Judges had taken the Assise and given Judgement had sent another Writ to Richard de la Rivere one of the Justices in the Commission commanding him that Si ita esset that if it were so he should send the Record and Process to the King and that the said Justices post receptionem brevis predict nullam potestatem in hac parte habentes ad predictum breve Regium nihil considerantes Erronice et minus rite processerunt ad Judicium predict reddend c. After the Receipt of the Writ aforesaid had no Power in that behalf but had erred in not regarding the Kings Writ and proceeded illegally unto which the said Isabella replying that after the taking of the Assise the King had sent his Writ which was inrolled in the Record that the Justices should Proceed Cum omni celeritate qua de Jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni Angliae with as much speed as by the Law and Customs of England they might Quibus recitatis et plenius intellectis Record et brevibus predictis videtur Curiae quod ex quo pretextu illius brevis eis directi de procedendo ad Judicium c. Quod est de posteriori dato quam predictum breve de venire faciend Recordum et Processus c. Per quod breve de venire faciend c. Potestas Justic. eis extitit ablata nec in eadem brevi de procedendo ulla mentio fuit de allegatione ipsius Episcopi predicta nec de eo quod Dominus Rex alias eis mandavit quod post Captionem Assise predict ad Judicium inde reddend inconsulto Rege minime procederent ad Judicium predict
reddend erronice et sine warranto processerunt Upon view and due consideration of which Record and Writs aforesaid it appeared to the Court that the aforesaid Justices had by colour of the Writ of Procedendo which was of a later Date than the Writ of Venire Facias to cause the Record and Proceedings to be brought before the King and that by that Writ of Venire Facias the Power of Proceeding was taken from the aforesaid Justices nor in the said Writ of Procedendo was any mention made of the Bishops aforesaid Allegation nor of the Kings former Command that after the taking of the Assise they should not without Advising with the King Proceed to Judgement and that by such a giving of Judgement they had Proceeded Erroniously and without Warrant whereupon and other the Errors alledged the Judgement was Reversed and the Seisin of the Land adjudged to the Bishop In the third year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Bishop of Winchester being Attached to Answer the King Quare decessit a Parlemento tent ' apud novam Sarum absque licencia Regis contra inhibitionem Regis et in Regis contemptum Wherefore he departed from the Parliament Holden at New Salsbury without Licence of the King contrary to the Kings Inhibition and in Contempt of the King Episcopus dicit quod ipse est unus de Paribus Regni et Praelatis Regni et eis inest venire ad Parlementum Domini Regis summonit Et pro voluntate Domini Regis cum ipse placuerit Et dicit quod siquis eorum deliquerit erga Dominum Regem in parte aliqua in aliquo Parlemento debet corrigi emendari non alibi in minor Cur ' quam in Parlemento per quod non intendit quod Dominus Rex velit in Cur ' hic de hujusmodi transgressione contempt ' fact in Parlemento responderi c. To which the Bishop pleaded that he was one of the Peers and Prelates of the Kingdom and that they are to come to the Parliament of the King when they are summoned when he pleaseth and that if any of them should offend the King in any thing the King ought to correct or call them to accompt for it in Parliament and not elsewhere in any lesser Court. Wherefore he hoped that the King will for any such offence or contempt cause him to answer in Parliament To which the King's Attorney replyed Quod licet Regi de hujusmodi transgressione sectam facere vel delinquentem punire in quacunque Curia sibi placuerit c. Et Episcopus e contra ut prius ideo datus est dies That by Law the King may prosecute against a Delinquent in whatsoever Court he pleaseth which the Bishop denied as aforesaid and therefore further day was given c. King Edward the second having by his Letters Patents granted to Maurice Brownesword Officium Custod Vlnagij in Anglia postea ipsum inde amovit et conâ—ulit dictum Officium Nicholao Sherlock unde Mauricius per petitionem Regi porrectam in Bancum Regis missam petit quod dictum Officium ei restituatur The Office of the Aulnage in England and afterwards displaced him and granted the said Office to Nicholas Sherlock and Maurice Brownsword having thereupon exhibited his Petition to the King which prayed that the said Office might be restored unto him and the King having sent it to the Judges King Edward the third his Son notwithstanding in the fifth year of his raign misit breve suum Justic quod non vult ea irritari quae Pater suus in hoc fecit praecepit quod supersedeant quousque aliud inde ordinaverit c. sent his Writ to the Justices declaring that he would not have that to be made void which his Father had done and commanded them to proceed no farther therein untill his further order In a Judgment given in the Court of Kings Bench in Easter Term in the tenth year of the Raign of the aforesaid King upon a Taxation or Assesment upon the County of Hertford for the wages of Hoblers and Footmen It was declared Quod nihil renovandum seu emendand quod factum fuit per Regem that nothing was to be revoked or amended which was done by the King and in the same Term and year Super prolationem Recordorum Rotulorum Curiae al. Dominus Rex misit breve suum Justic mandando quod nihil agerent in prejudicium sâ—u ex hereditationem Domini Regis sed quod supersederent in negotio praedicto nihil inde faciendo inconsulto Rege upon producing of the Records and Rolls of the Court the King sent his Writ to the Justices commanding them that they should do nothing in his prejudice or disherison and that they should stay and proceed no further without advising with him In Easter Term in the forty sixth year of the Raign of King Edward the third Thomas Bishop of Durham was attached ad respondend tam Domino Regi quam Gulielmo sil Henr ' de Aslokey quare iâ— placito erroris in utlagaria ad sectam tam Katerine quae fuit Vxor Willi ' de Kilkenny quam ad â—ectam Dâ—iâ— Ept ' infra libertatem Episcopat ' Dunelm non misit Recordum ex Mandato Regis in Bancum Regis to answer the King as William the Son of Henry of Aslokey wherefore upon a Writ of Error brought to reverse an outlawry as well at the Suit of Katherine which was the Wife of William of Kilkenny as at the Suit of the Bishop within the liberty of the Bishoprick of Durham he had not sent the Records as the King had commanded into the Court of Kings Bench and upon a second Writ commanding him to do it or to shew cause which was delivered at his Castle of Auckland and a third Writ of the like Tenor delivered to the Bishop himself at Waltham Cross spretis mandatis record processus non misit nec causam significavit quare id facere noluit but disobeying the Kings commands had neither sent the Records and Process nor shewed any cause why he did it not Episcopus dicit quod nulla brevia ei liberavit apud Dunelm ' quod ad illud apud Waltham retornavit quod ipse est Comes Palatinus Dominus regalis cujusdam terrae vocat le Bishoprick de Durham habet omnia Jura regalia quae ad Comitem Palatinum Dominium regalem pertinent per se Justic ' Ministros suos ibidem excercenda ac Justic ' suos proprios viz. Coronatorem Cancellar Cancellariam brevia sua propria ibidâ— de Cancellaria sua emanantia quod ministri Domini Regis ad aliqua officia sua exercenda ibidem in aliquo ad omnia Com' placita se non intromittant realia et personalia quae ad comitem Palatinum pertinent infra terram praed ' quod habet Justic.
suos ibidem et ad assignand ' Justic ' per Commissionem et ad Error ' corrigend per ipsum Episco pum vel alios Justiciar suos tam ad sectam Domini Episcopi quam aliorum praediâ—tus Willielmus replicavit quod non esset consonum rationi se ipsum de facto prosecutione proprijs fore Judicem cum proprie ad Regiam Majestatem in omnibus Causis ortis inter subditos Jurisdictio pertinet dinoscere et licet ad aliquam Personam per privilegium speciale de causa cognoscere indultum fuit si substitutus in exhibitione Justitiae defecerit Errorem per superiorem et non per substitut ' corrigi debet et super hoc dati sunt dies de termino in terminum To which he pleaded that no Writs were delivered to him at Durham and to that which was delivered unto him at Waltham he had returned that he is Count Palatine and Lord of the Royalty of the Lands called the Bishoprick of Durham and hath all the Rights and Regalities which do belong unto a Count Palatine and that Royalty there to be exercised by him and his Ministers and Justices that is to say hath a Coroner Chancellor and Court of Chancery and that the Kings Officers do not in any thing intermeddle therein and that the said Bishop as Count Palatine hath there likewise his Court and Justices of Common-Pleas as well real as personal and power to assign by Commission Justices to correct and reverse Errors committed by him or any of his Justices as well at his own Suit as others Unto which the said William replyed That it was not reason that he should be Judge of his own Actions when as properly it belonged to the Majesty of a King to determine of all Causes betwixt his Subjects And although he in favour granted to some Person a special priviledge to hear and determine Causes yet if any substituted by him do fail in the distribution of Justice the Errors shall be corrected by the Superior and not by the Substitutes whereupon further days were given from Term to Term. Nor was the Duties of Subjects so worn out but that so much respect was in those better Times given to our Kings Royal Protections granted to such as were not employed by them as the Laws and reasonable Customs oâ— England did allow the protected Persons in their Lands and Estates to bring their Actions against the Infringers or Disturbers thereof as in the Case of Roger de Limecote against the Sheriff of Liecester in the first year of the Reign of King Richard the First for disseising him of two Knights Fees Nicholas Talbot against William Prior of Dunstar in the eight and thirtieth year of the Reign of King Edward the Third of Walter Warr against Gervase Wretchey and John Parkey in the same year and of many others in the said Kings Reign and no Pleas in Bar or alledging Illegality put into the same but in others some collateral Pleas and Defences made by Releases or the like For those Lovers of their Countrey and honor of their Kings did not think as some would fondly and untruly assert that all the Royal Protections granted by them had at the first no better an Original or Foundation than an Imitation of the many Protections and Priviledges granted by our Kings and Princes to Bishops Monasteries and Religious Houses did not believe that our Kings could not respite for a while the payment of moneys due unto any of their Subjects or do as much as amounted to it when King Edward the Third in his Wars with France and great want of Moneys did about the thirteenth year of his Reign revoke divers Assignations for the payment of Moneys due unto private and particular persons until he should be better enabled to pay them And it was about the twelfth Year of the Reign of King James in the Grand Case of Boltons Complaint against the Lord Chancellor Ellesmeere adjudged in Parliament That upon a Bill called A Bill of Conformity exhibited in Chancery by a Debtor against his Creditors for not accepting of his Offer of as much satisfaction as he was able to give them and for refusing thereupon to permit him to enjoy his liberty the Lord Chancellor or the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England might by Injunctions prohibit and stay all Suits at the Common Law commenced by him or any such refractory Creditors For our Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench Common-Pleas and Exchequer have in their several subordinate Authorities not seldom mitigated and reduced the high and unreasonable Fines incertain demanded by divers Lords of Manors of their Copy-hold Tenants for their Admissions unto a more reasonable Rate of two years improved Value and enforced them to accept it And Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon Magna Charta would not bring into the meaning of the Clause of Nulli negabimus vel differemus Justiciam That the King would not deny or delay Justice such Protections as do appear in the Register and are warranted by the Books of Law And although in the eighth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth it was in transitu and by the way said by Cottesmore a Judge in the Case concerning the Priviledges of the University of Oxford That the King cannot grant that a man shall not Implead or have any Action against another Yet it was at the same time declared to be Law and right Reason by Babington a Judge That to a Lord of a Manor Conusance of all Trespasses done within his Lordship may be granted by the King and that a Plaintiff shall be bound to bring his Action accordingly and that in that Case the King hath not fore-closed him of his Action so as our Novelists and such as invent all the Oppositions they can against the just and legal Authority of their Sovereigns may do better to acknowledge that howsoever it was the opinion of some of the Judges in the Reign of King Henry the Sixth That if any should Arrest a man by the Kings Command when all men Arrested are so by the Authority of the King and his Writs or Process an Action of False Imprisonment might be brought against him that obeyed the Kings Command although it was done in the presence of the King Yet the whole Tenor and Meaning of that Case and that sudden Opinion arguendo or by way of instance deliver'd thereupon was no more but that such a Command ought to be attended with some Specialty or cause shewed And so little did the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench in Trinity Term in the ninth year of the Reign of King Henry the Fifth intend or think it fit to subject to the humor of any froward or undutiful person the important Affairs and Service of the King As William Reedhead and Nicholas Hobbesson Purveyors for the King having taken forty Quarters of Malt for the Kings use for the Victualling
of the Town of Harfleet in France from William Atkin he brought his Action of Trespass against them for the taking away of fifty quarters of Malt from him Unto which as touching the supposed Trespass and ten quarters of Malt they pleaded Not Guilty and took Issue thereupon And as to the forty quarters of Malt residue pleaded and produced the Kings Letters Patents dated the twentieth of January in the third year of his Reign and that he thereby did Assign them joyntly or severally to take a thousand quarters of Malt for the Victualling of the said Town of Harfleet where-ever it might be found as well within Liberties as without the Lands of the Church onely excepted upon reasonable payment by the King for the same and to provide sufficient Carriage by Land or Water to the City of London And in regard that they had notice that the said William Atkin might well bear and afford the same beyond his necessary Occasions and did sell divers quantities of Malt in the Markets The said William Reedhead and Nicholas at the time of the pretended Trespass did to the use of the King as aforesaid take the said forty quarters of Malt charged the said William Atkin on the Kings behalf by vertue of the Kings said Letters Patents that he should carry the same to London and deliver it to Robert Barbet who should pay him as well for the said forty quarters of Malt as for the carriage thereof which Robert Barbet was assigned by the Kings Letters Patents to receive it for the use of the King and transport it to Harfleet and to make full payment for the said Victualling of the Town aforesaid and that the said William Atkin did carry the said Malt to the said Robert and received of him full payment for twenty quarters of the said Malt and the carriage thereof and that the said Robert Barbet assigned the said William Atkin within six moneths after to be paid for the said other twenty quarters at London which forty quarters of Malt so taken as aforesaid for the Kings use came to his use at Harfleet aforesaid unde non intendunt quod Cur. hic in loquela predicta ad prosecutionem predicti Will. ulterius versus eos procedere velit ipso Domino Rege inconsulâ—o petunt auxilum de ipso Rege quod eis per Cur Concessum est Wherefore they hope that the Court will no farther proceed in that Action until the Kings pleasure shall be known and do pray the Aid of the King therein which by the Court was granted unto them Et super hoc dies dat est partibus predictis coram Domino Rege in statu quo usque xv scil Michaelis ubicunque c. Et dictum est prefato Willielmo quod interim sequatur penes Dominum Regem de licentia habend ad procedend ulterius in loquela predicta si c. Et dies dat ut supra usque Oct. Hillarii inde per seperales dies Terminos usque Octab. scil Michaelis Whereupon Day was given unto the parties aforesaid in the state or manner as now it is until fifteen days after Michaelmas And the said William Atkin was commanded that in the mean time he should petition the King for leave or licence to proceed if he would in the Action At which day time was further given to the parties aforesaid in manner as aforesaid until eight days after St Hillary and the said Wil. Atkin was commanded that he should petition the King if he would for leave as aforesaid At which day and time day was given to the parties in manner as aforesaid until Easter Term then next following and the said William Atkin commanded if he would to petition the King as aforesaid At which time further day was given to the parties aforesaid until Trinity Term next following and the said William Atkin commanded to petition the King as aforesaid At which time further day was given to the parties aforesaid until eight days after Michaelmas and the said William Atkin was commanded to petition the King as aforesaid And no further Proceedings were had thereupon as appeareth by the Roll where otherwise it would have been entred Neither could our less contentious turbulent Fore-fathers probably be willing to give lodging or entertainment to any such vain and unwarrantable conceits as do now too frequently attempt an invasion upon the Lex Regia of their Soveraign or necessary and legal Rules or Methods of Government or the very Attendance upon the Person of the King and his many times indispensable Affairs in order to the good and safety of his People or that upon Licence demanded to prosecute any Action at Law against any of his Servants it should be any such delay of Justice as to furnish out their supposed matters of Grievance or Complaint that a little time or respite should be given to any of the Kings Servants either to give satisfaction or answer the Action When Bracton in the Reign of our King Henry the Third declared it to be no new or evil Law or Custom of the Kingdom that in the Kings Commissions to the Justices Itinerant or Assizes there was an Exception of Causes wherein qui profecti sunt in servitio nostro those which were gone or sent in the Kings service were concerned or that such a reasonable part of time or respite given should nurse up or encourage any disccontent when the Judges in an Action depending in the Court of Common-Pleas against one that was none of the Kings servants or employed by him were in the Cases of an Essoyn de male lecti of sickness to cause a View to be had of the sick Person and if really sick to assign him a reasonable time to arise and appear before them or if he had been viewed and had malum transiens an intermitting Disease or if a Languor or Languishing were testified and such an Essoin were cast before the Justices Itinerant in their Circuits where they had no power to receive any such Essoin mittere possint ad ipsum ut faciat Attornatum they might send to him which could not be done suddenly to make an Attorney to answer for him Or that our Kings should be able to Protect and Priviledge such of the Clergy as in former times were as Clerks or Officers in Chancery employed in his Service as to send notwithstanding the then great power of the Bishops their Diocesans his Writs De non Residentia of dispensing with their Non-residence upon their Benefices and command them as hath been before remembred not to be sequestred for their Absence whilest they were employed in their Service or if sequestred to unsequester them or if Fined by any Ecclesiastical or Church Censures that such Fines should not belevied which was in those times not believed either by the Layety or the Clergy themselves to be illegal And in the later of the said Writs that such a sequestration was in juris Coronae
operate or deserve to be a Cause to Priviledge themselves their Estates or Maenial Servants from Arrest or disturbance and such a Priviledge in Parliament in the time of an Adjournment which hath sometimes continued for several Months should be allowed and thought reasonable when their business which was the cause of it was all that time in suspence or abayance and that the King who granted and allowed those Priviledges should not enjoy the like for his own Servants who are dayly busied in the Safety Honour and attendance of his Person and the great Affairs of the Kingdom and that such a Cause should produce that effect for them and their Servants and the King who desireth but the like effect or production from one and the same Cause should not enjoy it for his own Servants and that â—adem ratio should not in the Kings Case as well as in the Case of any of his Subjects produce and be a Cause of the like Law or Liberty who doth not claim the Hearing of those causes where the Plaintiffs are not his Servants as the King of France who by his Commissions of Commitimus Impowers a Court to hear and determine Causes and concernments of his Servants but only that they should ask leave before they proceed against them in any of his Courts of Justice which the Plaintiffs shall make choice of Shall the Generall or Commander of the Armies or Guards Forts or Garrisons of the King and the Admirall of a Navy or Ships have a power not to permit any of their Officers or Souldiers to be Arrested or Imprisoned without Licence first obtained and shall the Servants of the King in the attâ—ndance upon his Sacred Person in the Watch and Care of them and the Publick Welfare as well in the time of War and Peace which not seldome disapoints the horrid effects of a people-tormenting War not have a like Priviledge Are the superiour Courts of Justice not blamed when the Judges thereof by the Kings Authority can supersede Actions in Inferiour Courts many times but upon the pretence of Actions depending in their Superiour Courts as to reverse an Utlary or the like in eundo redeundo when it is not every day or all days or but some hours business or can the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas Priviledge the Serjeants at Law and forbid that they should be Sued in any other Court when they do plead at other Courts as well as in the Court of Common Pleas and are so numerous as if one by an Arrest or Impriment should not be able to move or plead his Clients business the Client having all the Writings in his own or his Attorneys custody may have and retain another Serjeant at Law who can as well understand his business to look unto it and not only protect them but the Clerks of the Serjeants at Law and in the Vacation and at their Chambers far distant from Westminster Hall when the business of the Law and Courts of Justice are laid to sleep and take their rest and that the Justices of that and other the Superiour Courts can by the Kings and not their own immediate Authority Priviledge Prothonotaries and all other Officers and Clerks of their several Courts and their Clerks when they have or may have other Clerks to do their business And the Warden of the Fleet Cryers and Tipstaves in times of Vacation and as there shall be occasion Unattach Goods and discharge Bonds and Sureties given for Appearance when there cannot be any just cause or necessity untill the Term ensuing for their attendance and Priviledges and keep from Arrest by the Inferiour Courts their Attorneys who are no Members of their Superiour Courts and even the Attorneys Clarks And not only allow that Priviledge to the immediate Officers of their Courts but extend it unto their Clarks that are subservient unto them and not deny it as hath been before remembred unto a Filacers horskeeper Their Writs of Priviledge in the Kings name declaring and publishing that such breaches of Priviledge are in nostri â—ontemptum curiae nostrae in Contempt of the King and his Court that such Priviledged person eundo redeundo in going and coming to his Courts oâ— Justice is and ought to be sub protectione nostra under the Kings protection tam ex Regia dignitate quam ex antiqua consuetudine as well in regard of his Dignity as by antient Custom is to be Ptiviledged Did Justice Vernon one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the time of Vacation when a man indebted having to an Action given special Bail before him at his Chamber in Serjeants-Inne in Chancery-lane and coming out of the Gate was Way-laid and Arrested by some Serjeants at Mace or Catchpoles of London and Arrested upon some other mans Action lay down made an Out-cry and refused to be their Prisoner of which the Judge being informed commanded the Catchpoles and Prisoner to be brought to his Chamber where they being something Surly and refusing to deliver him he threw of his Gown and taking one of them by the shoulder whereof I was an eye Witness did so shake him and threaten to commit him and his fellow Catchpoles as he enforced them to release the Prisoner and suffer him to escape And shall not the King who is the Constituent Principle and primum incipiens the only cause suppoâ—t and maintenance as well as giver of all Immunities Exemptions Franchises and Priviledges of the Kingdom Not be able to do as much as those unto whom he hath granted and permitted it and protect and Priviledge his Domestick Servants or men imployed by him but like an old Isaac over liberal to a Craving Jacob have nothing in reserve of Priviledges or Favors for his Servants who have attended our David when he was in all his Troubles and deserved better than many a participation of his Blessings or shall his Subjects like the Sullen and Selfish Nabal have so little regard of him or his Servants that do help to guard their flocks as to receive his Benefits and make notwithstanding their grumbling Ingratitude and refractory Humours the only Retorn or acknowledgment of them Hath he and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors as the Grecian Monarchs and Common-Wealths antiently used to do from whence the Romans after they had shut their Temple of Janus and made their Military Glories impart some of their Honour to the more Civil Imployments and gown also learned it taken such a care to protect Honour and Priviledge his Ministers of Justice and their subordinate Officers in the Courts thereof whilst they officiate in his Service therein Did the Wisdom of our King and Parliament in the 32d year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th think it no inconvenience but a benefit to the people that the greater and more necessary concerns should give may to the lesser when they Ordained which hath been ever since