hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants with three shippes into your dominions there to exercise traffique and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh with Herrings and other commodities to a great value and also the said mariners men and seruants of the foresayd shippes being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd did at your commandement as they say arrest and for along season also deâ—eiâ—ed vnder that arrest the foresaid ships with all the men and goods that were in them namely vntill such time as the men and mariners aforesaide beeing driuen perforce and constrained thereunto should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling vpon a certain day appointed vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie as touching the said persons and those ships of theirs which dealing the parties themselues take very grieuously yea and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason equitie iustice and lawe that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons or in their goods as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime nor haue had any society with the saide offenders we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice you would of your loue and friendship command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited And know you this for a certaintie that if the foresaide malefactors who as it is reported slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure that the ships aforesaide or any other ships of our kingdome which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice should without speciall licence depart out of our saide kingdome vnto forreine dominions Nowe what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April Another Letter of Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostroâ—um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfleâ—te Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus continentem Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent Thesaurarius vester bona mercimonia praedictorum Thomae Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè in ipsorum Thomae Simonis damnum non modicum depauperationem manifestam Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae Simonis vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum Iâ—a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae vt suprà The same in English TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous King of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England Lorde of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue Wee receiued the complaint of our welâ—elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne the contents whereof are that whereas of late the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past without any iust or reasonable occasion caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon to the value of fortie pound which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne to be arrested and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe wee doe right earnestly request you that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon or of their Atturneyes you woulde of your loue and friendship vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid Our request is that you would by the bearer of these presents returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe at this our instant motion Giuen as aboue A third letter of King Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae partium vicinarum quos Balliuus Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt stricto carceri manciparunt quorum multi vt iam intelleximus propter alimentorum subtractionem duritiam ac asperitatem carceris perierunt vt ipsorum bonorum
suorum deliberationem praecipere curaretis vestrae serenitati Regiae nostras nuper transmisimus literas speciales Sed vos retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribus sicut prius nobis perâ— literas vestras quas audiuimus intelleximus diligenter inter caetera rescripsistis quod quidam mercatores de regno vestro de iniurijs violentijs arrestationibus quibus in regno nostro his diebus sunt vt asserunt contra iustitiam aggrauati multipliciter conqueruntur adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis quod quidam iniquitatis silij in villa Lennae ad piscandum vt dicebant halecia venientes quendam militem Balhuum vestrum in Vikia vnà cum decem alijs subditis vestris in vestris regni vestri negorijs existentibus crudeliter occiderunt Super quibus mens nostra grauatur quà m plurimum turbatur praesertim quum nunquam nostrae fuerit voluntatis quod iniuriae violentiae seu arrestationes aliquae mercatoribus vel alijs de regno vestro per aliquos de regno potestate nostris fierent indebitè vel iniustè nec adhuc intelligere possumus quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem vel aliquos de subditis nostris huc vsque aliter factum fuerit Scientes pro certo quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodi grauamina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse nos sufficientes emendas satisfactiones debitas super illis celerÃsque iustitiae complementum fieri faciemus Et insuper sâ—malefactores praedicti qui praefatum militem alios secum existentes vt praemiâ—titur occiâ—erunt de regno seu potestate nostra sint vel infrà idem regnum vel potestatem poterunt inueniri de ipsis iudicium iustitiam fieri praecâ—piemus secundùm Leges consuetudines regni nostri Et quia inter nos vos nostrósque vestros subditos hinc inde foueri desideramus mutuam concordiam amorem ita quod mercatores nostri vestri mercandisas suas in nostris vestris regnis dominijs liberè absque impedimento valeant exercere prout temporibus progenitorum nostrorum fieri consueuit ex dictarum literarum vestrarum seâ—ie collegimus euidenter vos promptos esse similiter paratos ad omnia singula quae pro vobis vestris subditis super discordijs contentionibus aut grauaminibus inter nostros vestros subditos qualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis iustitiae fuerint aeqâ—animiter facienda Nos consimilia pro nobis nostris quantum ad nos ad ipsos attinet illius amore qui pacis author fore dinoscitur pro quiete commodo populi vtriusque regnorum nostrorum quatenus ius ratio dictitauerint promittimus nos facturos Vestram amicitiam requirentes obnixius roganâ—â—s quatenus mercatores nostros praedictos qui adhuc superstites relinquuntur quos etiam tempore quo dicta felonia committi dicebatur interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis iubere velitis nostri contemplatione zelóque iustitiae ab huiusmodi custodia liberari bona ab ipsis capta eis prout iustum fuerit restitui faciendo Et vt deliberatio mercatorum nostrorum praedictorum bonorum suorum eò facilius concedatur place at vobis cum diligentia debira ponderare quod Galfridus Drewe quidam alij mercatores nostri de Lenne quibusdam mercatoribus de regno vestro occasione eiusdem grauaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris ad sectam Tideman ni Lippe infrà regnum noâ—trum vt dicebatur illati centum libras sterlingorum perâ—oluerunt sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter Ingelramum Lende de Thorenden quosdam alios mercatores vestros ex parte vna praefatum Galfridum quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex altera confecto vidimus contineri Si qui verò de subditis vestris de aliquibus subditis nostris de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curia nostra deponere voluerint prosequi cum effectu ipsorum subditorum vestrorum petitiones admitti eis super querelis huiusmodi plenam celerem iustitiaÌ„ fieri faciemus Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exinde reputare debebunt meritò se contentos Et interim de excessibus grauaminibus subditis vestris infrà regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatis inquiti faciemus cum diligentia veritatem Vestrae igitur voluntatis beneplacitum in premissis nobis rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis The same in English TO the mightie Prince king Haquinus by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England lord of Ireland Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue We sent of late vnto your royall maiestie our special letters for the behalfe of our late marchants of Lenne and of the coast adioyning whome your baily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately apprehended committing them to close prison many of whome as we vnderstand are for want of due nourishment and by reason of the extremitie loathsomnesse of the prison quite perished that you would cause them and their goods to bee released Howbeit you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before in your letters which we haue diligently heard and throughly vnderstood haue amongst other matters returned this answere vnto vs that certaine marchants of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of iniuries violences and arrests whereby they haue lately as themselues auouch contrary to iustice bene aggrieued and oppressed in our dominions adding moreouer in your sayde letters that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of the towne of Lenne comming as they saide to fish for herrings cruelly murthered a certaine Knight who was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia together with ten others of your subiects being imployed about the affaires of your kingdome In consideration whereof our minde is exceedingly and aboue measure grieued and troubled especially sithence it was neuer any part of our intent that any iniuries violences or arrests should vniustly be inflicted vpon any marchants or any others of your realme by any of our kingdomes neither can we as yet haue any intelligence that any such hard measure hath bene offered vnto any of your marchants by any one or moe of our subiects giuing you for a certaintie to vnderstand that if vpon lawfull inquisition we shal be aduertised of any such grieuances which haue bene offered vnto your subiects within our realme we will cause speedie iustice to be administred and sufficient recompence and due satisfaction to be made in regarde thereof And moreouer if the saide malefactors which as it is aforesaid slewe the forenamed Knight and others of his companie either be appertaining vnto our kingdome and dominion or may at any time be found within our saide kingdome or
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâ—damages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌ„cel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
Lord Jesu saith Blessed motte they bee That maken peace that is tranquillitee For peace makers as Matthew writeth aright Should be called the sonnes of God almight God giue vs grace the weyes for to keepe Of his precepts and slugly not to sleepe In shame of sinne that our verry foo Might be to vs conuers and turned so For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose Plaine inough without any glose When mens weyes please vnto our Lord It shall conuert and bring to accord Mans enemies vnto peace verray In vnitie to liue to Goddis pay With vnitie peace rest and charitie Hee that was here cladde in humonitie That came from heauen and styed vp with our nature Or hee ascended he yaue to vs cure And left with vs peace ageyne striffe and debate Moâ—e giue vs peace so well irradicate Here in this world that after all this selfe Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste Ierusalem which of peace is the sight With his brightnes of eternall light There glorified in rest with his tuition The Deitie to see with full fruâ—â—ion Bee second person in diuinenesse is Who vs assume and bring vs to the blis Amen Here endeth the true processe of the Libel of English policie exhorting all England to keepe the sea enuiron shewing what profit and saluation with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England GOe furth Libelle and meekely shew thy face Appearing euer with humble countenance And pray my Lords to take in grace In opposaile and cherishing the aduance To hardines if that not variance Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons if ought faile in substance Remit to hâ—m that yafe thee this science That seth it is soth in verray fayth That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford Hath thee ouerseene and verely he saith That thou art true and thus hee doeth record Next the Gospel God wotte it was his worde When hee thee redde all ouer in a night Goe forth trew booke and Christ defend thy right Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris A large Charter granted by K. Edward the 4. in the second yere of his reigne to the marchants of England resident especially in the Netherland for their chusing of a master and gouernor among themselues which gouernement was first appointed vnto one William Obray with expresse mention what authoritie he should haue EDward by the grace of God king of France of England lord of Ireland to al those which shal see or heare these letters sendeth greeting good wil. Know ye that whereas we haue vnderstood as well by the report of our louing and faithfull Counsellors as by the common complaint and report of all men that many vexations griefs debates discords annoyes dissentions damages haue heretofore bene done moued committedâ—â—nd happened and do daily fal out and happen among the common marchants mariners our subiects of our realmes of France England our lordships of Ireland and Wales of other our dominions seigneuries and territories because that good discretion and authority hath not bin obserued among our saide subiects which abide frequent conuerse remain inhabit passe aswel by sea as by land into y e parts of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and diuers other countreis seigneuries belonging aswell to the high and mighty prince our most deere and louing cousin y e Duke of Burgoine of Brabant carle of Flanders c. as being in the obedience dominion of other lords which are in friendship alliance good wil with vs and that it is to be doubted that through the saide inconuenience and occasion many discommodities may ensue fal out in time to come which God forbid vnles we should prouide conuenient remedie in this behalfe for our subiects aforesaid wherefore we desiring most effectually and heartily to auoide the mischiefe of the saide inconueniences to prouide conuenient remedy for the same to the end that the said common marchants and mariners and others our subiects of our said realms dominions which at this present hereafter shal haunt and frequent y e said countreis may be iustly lawfully ruled gouerned and intreated by right equity in the countreis aforesaid and that equity reason iustice may be ministred vnto them and euery of them according as the cases shal require we being wel assured and hauing ful confidence in the discretion faithfulnes wisdome experience good diligence of our most deare welbeloued subiect Will. Obray our seruant in regard of the good faithfull and acceptable seruices which he hath done vs in our realm among our subiects in times past hoping that he wil do also hereafter we haue made ordained constituted committed and established and by the tenour of these presents of our special grace ful power authority royall we ordaine appoint commit and establish during our pleasure to be gouernor iudge warden of iustice and the appurtenances appendances therof which we haue or may haue ouer our said common subiects the marchants trauailing hereafter as wel by sea as by land and abiding in the said countries of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and other countreis beyond the sea as is aforesaide together with the wages rights profits and emoluments heretofore accustomed as the said Will. Obray at other times hath had and receiued of our said subiects when he had vsed and exercised the said office of gouernor also with other such rights and profits as hereafter shal more plainly be declared And furthermore for our parts we haue giuen him and by these presents do giue him as much as in vs lieth during our pleasure ful power authority and special commandement to gouerne rule and cause to be gouerned and ruled with good iustice by himselfe or by his sufficient lieuetenants or deputies all aâ—d euery our foresaid subiects the common marchants mariners comming remaining frequenting passing repairing from henceforth into the said countreis of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and other countreyes beyond the sea as it is said and to keep and cause to be kept to exercise and maintein for vs and in our place the said office of gouernour and to doe all such things which a faithfull gouernour ought to do and to take knowledge and administration of the causes of the said common marchants and mariners our subiects and of euery of them and of their causes and quarels moued or hereafter to be moued in the countreis aforesaid or within the limits borders therof and to doe them full speedy iustice And to reforme cause reformation gouerne appease and pacifie all contentions discords questions or debates between those our said subiects moued or to moued and to right redresse repaire restore and amend all transgressions domages enterprises outrages violences and iniuries committed or to be coÌ„mitted and like wise to require to aske demand and receiue restitutions reparations
restaurations and amends of our said subiects the common marchants mariners or of their factors in the couÌ„treis aforesaid And that whensoeuer and as often as it shal please the said gouernor or his deputies they may in some conueuient and honest place within the said countreis make or cause to be made somon and hold in our name iurisdictions courts and assemblies and in our said name take administration and knowledge of causes as it is aforesaide and to hold and keepe pleas for and in our behalfe and to make agreements mediatours and vmpires to iudge to make decrees and to minister iustice to ordaine appoint censure and constraine our saide subiects to sweare and take all kind of oathes which order of iustice and custome râ—quire and affoorde and to enioy our authoritie and to vse execute and accomplish by way of equitie and iustice and to doe or cause to be done all execution and exercise of law and iustice and to ordain appoint establish sire sergeants or vnder to doe the executions arrests of our said court by the commandement of the said gouernour or of his deputies or at the request of the partie or otherwise according as the case shall require by their aduise and to discharge and displace the said sergeants as shall seeme good vnto him as often and whensoeuer as it shall please him and change them and appoint and set others in their roomes and to require returne and answere of the court whensoeuer need shal be of all causes quarels and businesses in regard of the said office belonging vnto vs and to our said subiects the common marchants and mariners at all times and as often as the case shall permit and require and generally and specially to doe as much for vs and in our stead in the cases before mentioned and which hereafter shal be declared as we could doe or cause to be done could say or require if we were there present in our owne person Moreouer wee will and by the tenour of these presents wee giue and graunt vnto the saide gouernour and to our saide subiects the common marchants and mariners that as oft and whensoeuer it please them they may meet and assemble in some honest and conuenient place and by the consent of the saide gouernour to choose and appoynt among them at their pleasure freely and without danger certaine sufficient and fit persons to the number of twelue or vnder which we wil haue to be named Iusticers vnto the which Iusticers so elected by the saide gouernour and our saide subiects as it is said and to euerie of them we giue and graunt especiall power and authoritie to sitte and assist in court with the said gouernour or his lieutenants for their aide and assistance and to heare the griefs complaints and demands of our said subiects their suites pleas and the state of their causes and quarels whatsoeuer moued or to be moued vnto the ende of their cause and at the request of the saide gouernour his lieutenants or any of them to say propound and plainely to expresse and declare their opinions according to right and conscience vpon the causes brought before them and by the parties vttered and declared and well lawfully and faithfully to counsell and aduise the saide gouernour or his lieutenants to order and censure iudge and determine and ende the same iustly and equally according as the case shall permit and require And furthermore we wil that all iust and reasonable statutes lawes ordinances decrees and constitutions made and established or to be made and established in the countreys aforesaide by the consent of the said gouernour and of the saie Iusticers shal be corrected amended and made as they shall see to bee expedient in this behalfe for the better gouernment of the estate of the common marchants and mariners our saide subiects and shal be held as ratified firme acceptable and approued and from henceforth we accept admit allow and approue them for ratified and confirmed there to be firmely and inuiolably obserued kept and obeyed And also of our farther fauour and grace wee will and we grant that by the consent of our said gouernour our said subiects the common marchants and mariners may make and set downe in the said countreis by their common consent as often as they shall thinke good for their better gouernment and estate such iust and reasonable lawes statutes ordinances decrees constitutions and customes as they shal thinke expedient in this behalfe which we coÌ„mand to be kept as ratified confirmed allowed approued auailable and established Prouided alwaies that they do not nor seeke any thing preiudicial to this present power and authoritie giuen and graunted by vs to the saide gouernour in any poynt or article heerein comprised by any meanes or way whatsoeuer in which case if they shoulde doe anything or ought should happen we wil that it shal take no place force vigour strength nor vertue neither that it shal be of any effect but it shal be abolished disanulled and vtterly frustrate and as abolished disanulled and vtterly frustrated from this time forward wee holde and take it and will hereafter hold and take the same And so to doe and put in execution in our name we haue and doe giue full and absolute power speciall authority to our said seruant William Obray to his said lieutenants And likewise to the end that y e course of marchandise may be kept in good estate and that by order of iustice a firme and constant rule may be set downe among those our said subiects and marchants we haue ordained and do ordaine haue consented doe consent and by these presents haue giuen do giueful power especiall authority to our said seruant Will. Obray gouernour aforesaid that at al time and times when he shal think good he may ordaine elect chuse and appoint in the countreis aforesaid such ministers officers and seruitours as hereafter shal be named and such others as he shal think necessary and to discharge them and to change them set others in their roomes at his good will and pleasure vnto such a number as he shall thinke good and reasonable for the time being to be employed as namely correctors or brokers as many as he shal thinke good to make and to witnes the bargaines which are made or to be made betweene our said subiects and others with whom they shal haue to do or to deale in the foresaid countreis and also as many alnagers to alner and measure al kinds of marchandises which they shal buy or sel by the yard and also as many weighers to weigh the marchandise which shal be sold or bought by weight and also so many folders to fold their clothes and so many packers to pack their packs and to make their fardels maunds and baskets and other things needefull for the defence preseruation of their marchandize Al which ministers officers and seruitors so chosen elected charged admitted and established
dominion we will command iustice and iudgement to be executed vpon them according to the lawes and customes of our realme And forasmuch as our desire is that mutuall concord and amitie should be mainteined and cherished between your and our subiects on both parts so that our and your marchants may in both our Realmes and dominions freely and without impediment exercise their traffique as in the times of our progenitors it hath bene accustomed Whereas also we euidently gathered out of the contents of your letter that you are in like sort readie and willing to put all things in practise which are by you and your subiects for the taking away of discords contentions and molestations howsoeuer occasioned and sprung vp betweene your and our subiects louingly to be performed we also doe promise for ourselues and our subiects so much as in vs and them lieth for his sake who is knowen to be the author of peace and for the benefite tranquilitie of both our Realmes as iustice and reason shall moue vs to doe the like Desiring and earnestly requesting at your hands that of your loue and friendship hauing regard of vs and consideration of iustice you would commaund that our foresaide marchants who as yet remaine aliue and who also at the time of the saide felonie committed were shut vp in close prison be deliuered out of the saide thraldome causing their goods which haue bene taken from them to bee according vnto iustice restored to them again And that the deliuerie of our foresaide marchants and goods may be the more easily yeelded vnto may it please you with diligent obseruation to consider that Gefferey Drew and certaine other of our marchants of Lenne vpon occasion of the greiuances offered vnto your marchants within our Realme as the report goeth at the suite of Tidman Lippe paide vnto the same your marchants an hundreth pound sterling euen as in a certain Indenture made betweene Ingelram Lende of Thorenden and some other of your marchants on the one part and betweene the foresaide Geffrey and certaine of our marchants on the other part wee sawe conteined Moreouer if any of your subiects be minded to exhibite and effectually to prosecute their complaints in our Court concerning any of our subiects or of any iniury done vnto them we will cause the petitions of those your subiects to be admitted and also full and speedie iustice to be administred vpon any such like complaints of theirs Insomuch that those your subiects shal thinke themselues right well and sufficiently contented therewithall And in the meane space we will cause diligent inquisition of the trueth to be made of all excesses and grieuances howsoeuer offered vnto your subiects within our dominions May it please you therfore by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe in the premisses Giuen at Westminster the third day of April De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio Anno 13. Edwardi secundi REx collectoribus custumae lanarum pellium lanutarum in portu London salutem Cùm nos vicesimo die Maij anno regni nostri sexto attendentes damna grauamina quae mercatoribus de regno nostro diuersimoâ—è euenerunt ex eo quod mercatores tam indigenae quam alienigenae lanas pelles lanutas infrà regnum potestatem nostram ementes se cum eisdem lanis pellibus ad vendendum eas ad diuersa loca infrà terras Brabantiae Flandriae de Artoys eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint volentes etiam huiusmodi damnis grauaminibus quatenus bono modo possemus prouidere de consilio nostro ordinauerimus quod mercatores indigenae alienigenae lanas pelles huiusmodi infrà regnum potestatem praedictam ementes ad terras praedictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes lanas illas pelles ad certam stapulam infrà aliquam earundem terrarum per Maiorem Communitatem eorundem mercatoâ—um de regno nostro ordinandam assignari ac prout quando expedire viderint muâ—andum non ad alia loca in terris illis ducant seu duci faciant vllo modo inter caetera concesterimus mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis haeredibus nostris quòd ipsi Maior consilium dictorum mercatorum qui pro tempore fuerint quibuscunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis qui contra dictam ordinationem venerint modo rationabili conuicti â—uerint certas pecuniae summas pro delictis illis imponant quod illae huiusmodi summae de bonis mercimonijs mercatorum sic delinquentium vbicunque ea infrà regnum potestatem predictam inueniri contigerit per ministros nostros ad opus nostrum leuentur prout in Charta nostra inde confecta plenius continetur quam quidem Chartam per singulos comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus publicari firmiter inhiberi ne qui mercatores indigene seu alienigenae contra tenorem Charte predicte sub poenis contentis in eadem venerint vllo modo Ac postmodum dato nobis intelligi quod quà mplures mercatores tam indigenae quà m alienigenae lanas pelles lanutas infrà regnum potestatem praedictas ementes se cum eisdem lanis pellibus ad vendendum eas ad alia loca in dictis terris quà m ad Stapulam iuxta concessionem nostram predictam per Maiorem coÌ„munitatem dictorum mercatorum de regno nostro in aliqua terrarum illarum ordinatam assignatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum contra Chartam ordinationis publicationis inhibitionis praedictarum assignauerimus quosdam fideles nostros in diuersis partibus regni ad inquirendum de lanis pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi quà m ad Stapulam illam ductis ita quod emendae inde ad nos pertinentes ad opus nostrum leuentur etiam intellexerimus quod quasi omnes mercatores tam indigenae quà m alienigenae huiusmodi mercimonia in dicto regno nostro exercentes sunt culpabiles de praemissis quod plures inde indictati ac alij timentes inde indictari lanas suas ac pelles lanutas sub nominibus aliorum non culpabilium faciunt aduocari extra regnum nostrum transmitti quibusdam alienigenis sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum forsitan non reâ—ersuris vt sic forisfacturas praedictas effugiant nos de emenda ad nos sic pertinente illudant quae si permitterentur sic transire â—n nostri damnum non modicum redundarent Nos volentes huiusmodi fraudibus obuiare nostris damnis quatenus bono modo poterimus praecauere vobis praecipimus firmiter iniungentes quod à singulis mercatoribus lanas seu pelles lanutas per portum praedictum ad partes exâ—eras ducere volentibus corporale sacramentum ad sancta Dei Euangelia
commandement to handle discusse and finally to determine the foresaid busines and with letters of credence vnto the right reuerend lord and master generall aforesayd Which ambassadours together with Iohn Beuis of London their informer and the letters aforesaid and their ambassage the said right reuerend lord and Master generall at his castle of Marienburgh the 28. of Iuly in the yeare aforesaid reuerently and honourably receiued and enterteined and in his minde esteemed them worthy to treate and decide the causes aforesayd and so vnto the sayd ambassadouurs he ioyned in commission on his behalfe three of his owne counsellers namely the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Seiffridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary and commander in Elburg Wolricus Hachenberger treasurer being all of the order aforesaid Which ambassadors so entreating about the premisses and sundry conferences and consultations hauing passed between them friendly and with one consent concluded an agreement and concord in manner following That is to say First that all arrestments reprisals and impignorations of whatsoeuer goods and marchandises in England and Prussia made before the date of these presents are from henceforth quiet free and released without all fraud and dissimulation insomuch that the damages charges and expenses occasioned on both parts by reason of the foresayd goods arrested are in no case hereafter to be required or chalenged by any man but the demaunds of any man whatsoeuer propounded in this regard are and ought to be altogether frustrate and voide and all actions which may or shall be commenced by occasion of the sayd goods arrested are to be extinct and of none effect Moreouer it is secondly concluded and agreed that all and singuler Prussians pretending themselues to be iniuried by the English at the Porte of Swen or elsewhere howsoeuer and whensoeuer before the date of these presents hauing receiued the letters of the foresaide right reuerende lord and Master generall and of the cities of their abode are to repayre towards England vnto the sayd hon embassadours who are to assist them and to propound and exhibite their complaintes vnto the forenamed lord and king The most gracious prince is bounde to doe his indeuor that the parties damnified may haue restitution of their goods made vnto them or at least complete iustice and iudgement without delay Also in like maner all English men affirming themselues to haue bene endamaged by Prussians wheresoeuer howsoeuer and whensoeuer are to haue recourse vnto the often forenamed right reuerend lorde the Master generall with the letters of their king and of the cities of their aboad propounding their complaints and causes vnto him Who likewise is bound to doe his indeuour that the sayd losses and damages may be restored or at the least that speedie iudgement may be without all delayes executed This caueat being premised in each clause that it may and shall be freely granted and permitted vnto euery man that will ciuilly make his suite and complaint to doe it either by himselfe or by his procurator or procurators Also thirdly it is agreed that whosoeuer of Prussia is determined criminally to propound his criminal complaints in England namely that his brother or kinseman hath beene slaine wounded or maimed by English men the same partie is to repayre vnto the citie of London in England and vnto the sayd ambassadors bringing with him the letters of the sayd right reuerend lord the master generall and of the cities of their abode which ambassadors are to haue free and full authority according to the complaints of the men of Prussia and the answers of the English men to make and ordaine a friendly reconciliation or honest recompence betweene such parties which reconciliation the sayd parties reconciled are bound vndoubtedly without delay to obserue But if there be any English man found who shall rashly contradict or contâ—mne the composition of the foresayd ambassadors then the sayd ambassadours are to bring the forenamed Prussian plaintifes before the presence of the kings Maiestie and also to make supplication on the behalfe of such plaintifes that complete iustice and iudgment may without delayes bee administred according as those suites are commenced Moreouer whatsoeuer English man against whom anie one of Prussia would enter his action shall absent himselfe at the terme the sayd ambassadours are to summon and ascite the foresayd English man to appeare at the terme next insuing that the plaintifes of Prussia may in no wise seeme to depart or to returne home without iudgâ—ment or the assistance of lawe Nowe if the sayd English man being summoned shall be found stubborne or disobedient the forenamed ambassadours are to make their appeale and supplication in manner aforesayd And in like sorte in all respects shall the English plaintifes be dealt withall in Prussia namely in the citie of Daâ—tzik where the deputies of the sayd citie and of the citie of Elburg shal take vnto themselues two other head boroughs one of Dantzik and the other of Elburg which foure commissioners are to haue in al respects the very like authority of deciding discussing and determining all criminall complaints propounded criminally by English men against any Prussian or Prussians by friendly reconciliation or honest recompense if it be possible But if it cannot friendly be determined or if anie Prussian shall not yeeld obedience vnto any such order or composition but shal be found to contradict and to contemne the same from thenceforth the said foure deputies and headboroughs are to make their appeale and supplication vnto the Master generall of the land aforesayd that vnto the sayd English plaintifes speedy iudgement and complete iustice may be administred But if it shall so fall out that any of the principall offenders shall decease or already are deceased in either of the sayd countries that then it shall bee free and lawfull for the plaintife to prosecute his right against the goods or heires of the party deceased Also for the executing of the premisses the termes vnder written are appointed namely the first from the Sunday whereupon Quasi modo geniti is to be sung next ensuing vntill the seuenth day following The second vpon the feast oâ— the holy Trinitie next to come and for seuen dayes following The third vpon the eight day after Saint Iohn Baptist next to come for seuen daies following The fourth last and peremptory terme shall be vpon the feast of S. Michael next to come and vpon seuen dayes next following And from thenceforth all causes which concerne death or the mayming of a member with all actions proceeding from them are to remaine altogether voide and extinct And if peraduenture any one of the foresayd ambassadours shall in the meane season dye then the other two shall haue authoritie to chuse a third vnto them And if after the date of these presents any cause great or small doth arise or spring foorth it must bee decided in England and in Prussia as it hath
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
by the saide gouernour as is saide may take their wages for their paines attendances vpon the said marchants according to the custome of the said countreis and as they haue bene accustomed to take of the said marchants before these presents by vs giuen and graunted And hereupon we haue giuen and doe giue expresse charge and commandement by vs and in our names to all our said subiects common marchants and mariners and to euery of them which shall frequent come remaine passe repaire or inhabite within the countreis aforesaid that they shall not make contract or bargaine sell or buy nor shall not cause any contract or bargaâ—ne to be made nor in the said countreis sell or buy any maner of wares goods or marchandises secretely nor openly by way of fraude barat or deceite whatsoeuer with any person or persons of what estate countrey or condition soeuer they be without he hath some of the said brokers at the bargain making to present report and to testifie the said contracts or bargains before the said gouernor or others if need require and strife or contention should grow therof betweene them nor to packe or cause to be packed any goods or marchandises belonging vnto them in packs bales or fardels coffers chests maunds dryfats or rowles without hauing some deputy present thereat nor to take or cause to be taken or set on worke in the said countreis any other brokers alnagers weighers folders or packers then the aforesaid so chosen admitted established and ordained by the saide gouernor hereto authorized in our name as it is said vnder paine of falling into and incurring of our displeasure and of forfeiture and confiscation of all such goods wares and marchandises which shal be found to haue passed by other hands or order then that or those which are before mentioned the fourth part of which forfeitures and confiscations shall be imployed to the repairing and maintenance of two chappels founded to the honour of Saint Thomas of Canterburie by our saide subiects in the townes of Bruges in Flanders and of Middleborough in Zeland the other fourth part to vs our vse the third fourth part to our said cousin of Burgundie or the natural Lord of the countrey wherein the saide goâ—ds shall be found and the fourth fourth part to him or them which shall discouer detect or finde out the saide fraude And also that none of our said subiects shall vnlade or cause to be vnladen vnder any colour nor otherwise nor vnpacke in the countreis abouesaide no kind of wares goods nor marchandises whatsoeuer which they shall bring or cause to bee brought into the couutreyes aforesaide comming out of our countrâ—yes dominions or obeysance without first and beforehand they make the gouernour or his deputies acquainted with their arriuall and craue leaue and deliuer shewe and declare their cockets that it may duely appeare that the saide goods and marchandises haue truly and lawfully payde vnto vs our rights and customes and not to vnpacke them but in the presence of the saide gouernour his lieuetenants or deputies vpon paine of forfaiture and confiscation of the saide goods in maner and forme before declared in the foresaide article And if it bee found by the visitation of the saide gouernor his lieuetenants or deputies that any goods wares or marchandises whatsoeuer be arriued and discharged in the countreis aforesaid belonging to our saide subiectes not lawfully customed and acquited towarde vs of our right and custome for which they cannot nor are not able to make any due proofe of our letters of coquet as is metioned or if they finde any other fraud we will we ordaine and we grant that the sayd gouernour his lieutenants or deputies may seaze vpon the sayd goods on our behalfe and may confiscate and forfeit the same distributing the same into foure parts in maner aforesayd And also wee will that euery one of the sayd packes fardels baskets maunds cofers tunnes bales roules and other furnitures and geare wherein the sayd marchandises shal be packed to be sent out of the said countreis shall not be laden vpon ships carts nor horses to come into our dominion without being first sealed with a seale ordayned by vs and giuen by the sayd gouernour vpon paine to be forfayted applyed and confiscated to vs and into our hand if they be found vnsigned and not sealed with the seale And for euery piece of marchandise which shall be sealed with the sayd seale they shall pay to the sayd sealer two pence of grosse money of Flanders which shall goe to the profite of the sayd gouernour And forasmuch as according to right and conscience we ought not to vse the labour trauels nor seruice of any man without waging paying and fully contenting him according to reason and equity especially when we doe appoint any person or persons to doe or cause to be done so great trauels labours busines and executions as these which are contayned in this present charter aswell for the benefit and profit of vs and our selues as for the holesome perfect good gouernment of our sayd subiects we by the good aduise and deliberation of the sayd lords of our priuie counsell haue granted and giuen and as before doe grant and giue of our sayd grace to the sayd William Obray our sayd seruant and gouernour abouenamed during our pleasure for part of his wages and fee of the sayd office one pennie of our money of England of the value of a liuer of grosse money of Flanders vpon al and singuler the goods wares and marchandises of our sayd subiects frequenting the sayd countreis to be leuyed gathered receiued and payed vnto the sayd William Obray or to his deputies vpon the sayd wares and marchandises belonging vnto our sayd said subiects buying and selling or which they shall cause to sell buy put away trucke or exchange in the countreys abouesaid aswell of the goods and marchandises which they shall bring or cause to be brought into the sayd countries as of all other goods which they shall lade and carie or cause to bee caried and conueyed out of those countreis into our dominion or elsewhere into any other part whatsoeuer And to cause the same to be gathered receiued leauied and payed we haue giuen and by these presents doe giue full power and speciall authoritie vnto the sayd William Obray and to his lieutenants and deputies aforesayd to leauy gather and cause to bee leauied and receiued the sayd money in forme and maner aboue mentioned to his profite and vse during our pleasure and to enioy and vse the same as his proper goods without any contradiction constraining and arresting if neede bee as well on land as on the water our said subiects their sayd goods and euery of them by way of law and iustice and to cause them to yeelde and pay the sayd money vpon the said goods and marchandises as is aforesayd For such is our pleasure and so will we haue it done without contradiction
and as wee haue at your request bene at great charges in sending these men so we pray you let vs haue lawful fauour in like courtesie to further all our causes And if any of our Mariners or passengers in any respect of displeasure against their company or in hope of preserment of mariage or otherwise would procure to tary and dwell there and leaue his charge and office that then you will bee a means to the Iustice that such fugitiues should bee sent abord the ship as prisoners for as you know without our men wee cannot bring home our ship Wee haue giuen order to our factours to vse your counsell and helpe in their affaires and to gratifie you for the same as to your courtesie and faithfull friendship shall appertaine to your good liking and in the meane time for a token of our good willes towards you we haue sent you a field-bed of walnut tree with the canopy valens curtaines and gilt knops And if there be any commoditie else that may pleasure you or your friends wee haue giuen order that they shall haue the refusing of it before any other giuing for it as it is worth And thus to conclude promising to performe all the foresaide things on our parts in euery condition we commit you to God whoeuer preserue you with all his blessings Your louing friends Christopher Hodsdon Anthonie Garrard Thomas Bramlie Iohn Bird. William Elkin Certaine notes of the voyage to Brasill with the Minion of London aforesaid in the yere 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of the said ship THe thirde day of Nouember in the yeere abouesaid we departed in the Minioâ— of London from Harwich from which time no great thing worth the knowledge or regard of others happened vntil the 22. of December the next moneth which day for our owne learning vse wee obserued the setting of the Sunne which was Westsouthwest we then being vnder the line Equinoctiall where we found the aire very temperate and the winde for the most part Southeast and East southeast The same day we also obserued the rising of the moone being one day after the full which rose at East northeast The first land that wee fell with vpon the coast of Brasill was the yland of S. Sebastian where we arriued the 14. day of Ianuary in the yeere 1581. The 16. day Thomas Babington and others in our pinnesse went a shoare to Guaybea where they met with Iohn Whithall his father and mother in lawe who hauing receiued letters from thence to be deliuered at Santos came abord and then we weyed and set saile and the 28. day wee arriued at the yland of Santa Catelina neere the entrance of Santos Our course from S. Sebastian was Southwest and by West and betwixt the Southwest and by West and West southwest This yland of Santa Catelina seemeth at the first to be a part of the yland of Girybia Wee ankâ—red at nine fathome blacke osâ—e ground Upon the yland there grow many Palmito-trees but no fresh water is there to be found The third day of February we arriued before the towne of Santos and were there well receiued and intertained of the Captaine the kings officers and all the people The fourth day we tooke into our ship a beâ—fe aliue which serued for the victualling of the ship and the refreshing of our men and to make vs the merrier at Shrouetide The eight day we deliuered to M. Iohn Whithall a bedstead with the appurtenances which were sent to him from our marchants of London The 18. day the captaine of Santos came abord our ship by whom we had knowledge of foure great French ships of warre that had bene at the riuer of Ienero which there tooke three Canoas but were driuen from thence by their castles sorts and were looked for here at Santos Whereupon the Captaine requested vs to lend them some armour and artillery and we lent them twentie caliuers and two barrels of powder The 19. day our skiffe which we had sent to Alcatrarzas and had bene away sixe dayes came againe and brought good store of great and good fish and tolde vs that there was good store of fish to be taken there by the hooke and as much wood as we would haue of the Palmito-tree The 20. day at night Nicholas Gale one of our company fell ouer our shippes side and was drowned in the port of Santos before the towne where our ship rode at anker The 22. day two of the Canoas which the Frenchmen tooke in the riuer of Ienero returned to Santos and reported that the foure French ships were past to the southwards as they thought for the Straights of Magellan and so into the South sea The 23. day the aforesaide Nicholas Gale who fell ouerbord two dayes before was found againe and taken vp three miles from our ship and our company went to his buriall in the Church at Santos This day the Captaine and Iustices of Santos wished vs to tary in their road till the last of April for they had sent a barke of Santos to Baya at the kings charges to know whether we should haue trade or no and this barke could not returne before that time About this time there arriued at Feâ—nambuck a shippe from Portugall which brought newes that the Islands Indies and Portugall it selfe was molested and troubled by the Spaniâ—rds and that the Portugales had both English and Frenchmen to Lisbone to defend them against Spaine The 25. day wee sent two of our men namely Thomas Michael and Simon Thorne to Baya in a barke that went thither from Santos The two and twentie day of Aprill our Master and Thomas Babington hauing some talke and conference with the Padres of Santos they our men being ready to go to the Riuer of Ienero tolde them that they were sorry for our banishment from the Church and that the Ministrador had written from Rio de Ienero that forasmuch as these twentie yeres or more the English nation had denied the Church of Rome and her proceedings therefore the Ministrador commanded that none of vs should come to their Church the Padres willed vs herein to haue patience and to take it in good part and promised to stand our friends in their word and writing both to the Ministrador and to the bishop at Baya and further requested all our English company to haue no ill opinion of them The 28. of April we laded sugars into our ship The 21. of May we tooke in fresh victuals from Santos The 10. day of Iune wee gratified one Iosto Thorno dwelling in Santos with some of our English victuals and intertained him in good sort in our ship and this day wee were promised to haue a Pilot at Santos to cary vs to Baya The 11. day we went to fish to make prouision for our ship and men and from that time till the eighteenth day wee fet water and cut wâ—od for our fire and trimmed
with certeine agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage 178. 49 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen wherein he doth absolutely approue the foresaid conference holden at Hage 179. 50 A new concord betweene king Henry the fourth and Vlricus de Iungingen 180. 51 A Charter of king Henry the fourth graunted in the fifth yeere of his raigne vnto the English merchants resident in the parts of Prussia 185. 52 A note touching the mighty ships of king Henry the fift taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester 185. 53 A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the 6. for the trade to Norway Sweueland Denmarke and Finmarke 186. 54 Another branch of a Statute made in the 10. yeere of king Henry the sixt concerning the state of English merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke 186. 55 Libellus de politia conseruatiua Maris Or The pollicy of keeping the Sea 187. 56 A large Charter granted by king Edward the fourth in the second yere of his raigne to the English merchants residing in the Netherland 208. 57 A perswasion of Robert Thorne merchant of Bristol and dwelling long in Siuil in Spaine to king Henry the eight of noble memory to set out and further Discoueries toward the North. 212. 58 The discourse of the foresaid Robert Thorne written to Doctour Leigh the Kings Ambassadour in Spaine touching that matter 214. 59 A briefe treatise of the Emperour of Moscouia his genealogie 221. 60 The excellent orders and instructions of Sebastian Cabot giuen to sir Hugh Willoughby and his Fleete in their voyage intended for Cathay 226. 61 The names of the twelue Counsellers appointed in sir Hugh Willoughbies voyage 230. 62 The letters of king Edward the sixt written at that time to all the Kings Princes and other Potentates of the Northeast 230. 63 The names of the Ships Captains Mariners and other officers of that first worthy enterprise 232. 64 The othe ministred to the Captaine of the Fleete 233. 65 The othe ministred to the Masters of the ships 234. 66 A testimonie of Richard Eden concerning Clement Adams his discourse of Richard Chancellers voyage 242. 67 The letters of the Emperour of Russia sent to king Edward the sixt by Richard Chanceller 255. 68 The coynes waights and measures vsed in Russia 256. 69 The letters of King Philip and Queene Mary to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperor of Russia 258. 70 The Commission giuen to the merchants Agents resiant in Russia 259. 71 The othe ministred to the seruants of the Moscouie company 262. 72 The letter of George Killingworth the fiâ—st Agent in Russia written to the Company 263. 73 The first Priuileges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants 265. 74 The Charter of the merchants of the Moscouie company granted by Queene Mary 267. 75 Instructions giuen to the Pursers of the Moscouie voyage 273. 76 The strange discourse of Richard Iohnson concerning the Samoeds 283. 77 A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassadour froÌ„ the Emperour of Russia 285. 78 Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners of the ships of the Moscouie Company sayling towards the Bay of S. Nicolas Anno 1557. 295. 79 A letter of the Company of the Moscouie merchants vnto their Agents George Killingworth Richard Gray and Henry Lane in Russia 297. 80 A letter of M. Thomas Hawtree to the Moscouie Companies Agent M. Henry Lane at Colmogro 302. 81 A letter of M. Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie Company to M. Henâ—y Lane at Mosco 303. 82 A letter of Thomas Alcock to M. Richard Gray and Henry Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Poland 303. 83 A letter of M. Anthony Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghat to M. Henry Lane resident in Vologda 305. 84 A letter of the Moscouie Company to their Agents in Russia M. Henry Lane Christopher Hudson and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to S. Nicolas 305. 85 Another letter to the aforesaid parties 308. 86 The maner of Iustice by lotts in Russia written by M. Henry Lane 309. 87 The description of Russia with the customes and maners of the inhabitants 315. 88 Notes and obseruations gathered by Richard Iohnson of the seuerall wayes from Russia to Cathay ouer-land 335. 89 A letter of Sigismund king of Polonia 1559. vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 337. 90 The letters of the Queenes Maiestie written to the Emperour of Russia requesting licence and safe-conduct for Anthonie Ienkinson to passe through his dominions into Persia. 338. 91 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the great Sophie of Persia sent by M. Anth. Ienkinson 340. 92 Instructions giuen by the Gouernours and Assistants of the Moscouie Company vnto M. Anthonie Ienkinâ—on 341. 93 The priuileges giuen by Obdoloucan K. of Hircania to the Company of English merchants trading in Russia obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 352. 94 Certaine letters of Arthur Edwards written out of Russia Media and Persia to the Company of the Moscouie merchants in London 354,355,358,361 95 The distance of diuers places in Russia 363. 96 The way and distances from S. Nicolas in Russia to the Caspian sea 364. 97 An Acte for the corporation of merchants Aduenâ—urers for the discouering of newe tradesâ— made in the eighth yeere of the Queenes Maiestie 369. 98 The priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 373. 99 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. Richard Hakluyt concerning the first Ambassage from the Ruâ—sian Emperour to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth 374. 100 A letter of her Maiestie sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella Messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their master 375. 101 The Ambassage of M. Thomas Randolfe Esquier from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 376. 102 The priuileges graunted to the English merchants at M. Randolfe his sute 378. 103 A Commission granted by M. Randolfe for a discouery to the Northeast by sea 382. 104 Instructions giuen to the discouerers for that action 383. 105 Certaine letters in verse written out of Moscouia by M. George Turberuile Secretary to M. Randolfe touching the state of the Countrey and maners of the people 384. 106 Notes concerning the fourth English voyage into Persia. 392. 107 Obseruations of the Sophy of Persia and of the Religion of the Persians 397. 108 A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar 402. 109 The Ambassage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia Anno 1571. 402. 110 A briefe rehearsall of all the trauailes of M. Anthony Ienkinson 411. 111 A letter of Iames Alday to M. Michael Locke Agent in London for the Moscouie Company touching a trade to be established in Lappia 412. 112 A note of all the necessary instruments and appurtenances belonging to the killing of
created knight In y e yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland and without atchieuing ought turning his course towards the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas and was buried at Bergen In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexander king of Scots That which followeth was written in a new character or letter and of a diuers kinde from the former IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexander king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath and the next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians and the Scots in the which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians whereupon a certaine versifier writeth to this effect Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine against ill haps Yee Mannians arme your selues for feare of afterclaps In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of Russin which Dingawy Dowil held against him howbeit at the last the king tooke the castle In the yeere 1316. vpon the feast of Ascension Richard le Mandeuile and his brethren with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath demaunding to haue victuals and money ministred vnto them because they had bene spoyled by their enemies which made continuall warre vpon them But when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giue nothing they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands till they were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthsel in the fielde where Iohn Mandeuile remained and there hauing fought a battell the Irish ouercame the people of Man and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island lading their ships they returned home The mariage of the daughter of Harald slaine by VVilliam the Conquerour vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish historie written by Saxo Grammaticus An. D. 1067. HAraldo caefo filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum sorore migrarunt Quos Sweno paterni illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more accepit puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro qui ipse Iarislaus a suis est appellatus nuptum dedit Eidem postmodùm nostri temporis dux v◠sanguinis ita nominis haeres ex filia nepos obuenit Itaque hinc Britannicus indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit The same in English HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themselues immediatly into Denmarke Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly maner and bestowed the yong damosell in mariag◠vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by his subiects Iarislaus Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke at this present who succeeded his predecessour both in line al descent and in name also Wherefore the English blood on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyfull birth of our prince caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and so downe to Edward the first faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent out of the most ancient Records of England I Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the Realme which William the Conquerour caused to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne and to be called Domesday because as Matthew Parise saith it spared no man but iudged all men indifferently as the Lord in that great day wil do that Douer Sandwich and Rumney were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour discharged almost of all maner of impositions and burdens which other townes did beare in consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare Whereupon although I might ground reasonable coniecture that the immunitie of the hauen Townes which we nowe call by a certaine number the Cinque Ports might take their beginning from the same Edward yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest which is reported in our booke of Entries A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the Fiue Ports the same reaching no higher then to William the Conquerour I will leaue my coniecture and leane to his Chartre contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour the thankes of other mens benefits seeing those which were benefited were wisely contented as the case then stood to like better of his confirmation or second gift then of K. Edwards first graunt and endowment And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array I will first shewe which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports and what others be now reputed in the same number secondly what seruice they ought and did in times passed and lastly what priuiledges they haue therefore and by what persons they haue bene gouerned If I should iudge by the common and rude verse Douer Sandwicus Ry Rum Frigmare ventus I must say that Douer Sandwich Rie Rumney and Winchelsey for that is Frigmare ventus be the Fiue Ports Againe if I should be ruled by the Rolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament I must then adde to these Hastings and Hyde for they also haue their Barons as well as the other and so should I not onely not shew which were the first Fiue but also by addition of two others increase both the number and doubtfulnesse Leauing the verse therefore for ignorance of the authour and suspition of his authoritie and forsaking the Rolle as not assured of the antiquitie I will flee to Henry Bracton a man both ancient learned and credible which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde and wrote aboue three hundreth yeeres since learnedly of the lawes of this Realme He I say in the third booke of his worke and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire or Itinerent as we called them because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme for administration of iustice setteth forth a special fourme of writs to be directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings Hithe Rumney Douer and Sandwich commanding them that they should cause twentie foure of their Barons for so their Burgesses or townesmen and the citizens of London likewise were wont to be termed to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in
quod adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum potestatem nostram vnde marinarijs fretum soluere tenebuntur soluent nobis haeredibus nostris nomine Custumae duos solidos vltra antiquas custumas debitas in denarijs solui consuetas nobis aut alias infra quadraginta dies postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina Item de quolibet sacco lanarum quem dicti mercatores aut alij nomine ipsorum ement è regno educeÌ„t aut emi educi facient soluent quadraginta denarios de incremeÌ„to vltra custumam antiquam dimidie marce quae prius fuerat persoluta Et pro lasta coriorum extra regnum potestatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quod ex antiqua custuma ante soluebatur Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud quod de antiqua custuma â—uerat prius datum Item duos â—olidos de quolâ—bet scarlato panno tincto in grano Item decem octo denarios de quolibet panno in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta Item duodecem denaâ—ios de quolibet panno alâ—o sine grano Item doudecem denarios de qualibet aeris quintalla Cumque de praefatis mercatoribus nonnulli eorum alias exercere soleant mercandisas vt de Auerio ponderis de alijs rebus subtilibus sicut de pannis Tarsensibus de setico cindallis de sera alijs diuersis mercibus de equis etiam alijs animalibus blado alijs rebus mercandisis multimodis que ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis heredibus nostris de qualiber libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum mercandisarum huiusmodi quocunque nomine censeantor â—â—es denarios de libra in introitu rerum mercandisarum ipsarum in regnum potestatem nostram praedictâ—m infra viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res mercandisae in regnum potestatem nostram adductae etiam ibidem exoneratae seu venditae fuerint Et similiter tres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarum cunque reâ—um mercandisarum huiusmodi emptarum in regno potestate nostris praedictis vltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas Et super valore estimatione rerum mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra argenti sicut praedicitur sunt soluendi credatur eis per literas quas de Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt Et si literas non habeant stetur in hac parte praedictorum mercatorum si presentes fuerint vel valetorum suorum in corundem mercantorum absentia iuramentis Liceat insuper socijs de societate predictorum mercatorum infra regnum potestatem nostram praedictas lanas vendere alijs suis socijs similiter emere ab ijsdem absque cusâ—uma soluenda Ita tamen quod dictae lane ad tales manus non deueniant quod de custuma nobis debita defraudemur Et praeterea est sciendum quod postquam supra dicti mercatores semel in vnoloco infra regnum potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam â—uperius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta suum habeant inâ—e warantum siue huiusmodimercandisae infra regâ—um potestarem nostram remaneant siue exterius deferantur exceptis vinis quae de regno potestate nostris praedictis sine voluntaâ—e licentia nostra sicut praedictuÌ„ est nullatenus educantur Volumus ac pro nobis ac haere dibus nostris concedimus quod nulla exactio prisa vel praestatio aut aliquod onus super personas mercatoruÌ„ predictorum mercandisas seu bona eorundem aliquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius concessam His testibus veracibus principalibus Roberto Contuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primate Waltero Couentriae Lichfildie episcopo Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense Humfredo de Bohum comite Herfordiense Essexie Constabulo magno Anglie Adomaro de Valentia Galfrido de Gaymal Hugone de Lespensor Waltero de Bello campo senescallo hospitij nostri Roberto de Burijs alijs Datum per manum nostraÌ„ apud Windesore primo die Februarij anno regni nostri xxxj The aforesaid generall Charter in English EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Uicounts gouernours officers and all bayliffes and his faithfull people sendeth greeting Wee haue speciall care for the good estate of all marchants of the kingdomes lands and countreis following to wit of Almaine France Spaine Portugal Nauarre Lombardie Florence Prouence Catalonia of our duchie of Aquitaine Tholosa Caturlune Flanders Brabant and of all other forreine countreis and places by what name soeuer they be called which come into our kingdome of Englandâ— and there remayne that the sayd marchants may liue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to our seruice and the seruice of our kingdome wee fauourably agreeing to their petitions for the fuller asring of their estate haue thought good to graunt to the sayd marchants for vs and our heires for euer these priuiledges vnder written ordaining in forme as followeth First that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may come into our kingdome of England and any where else into our dominion with their marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence and protection without paying wharfage pontage or pannage And that in Cities Boroughs and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion they may traffique onely by the great as well with the naturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion as with forreiners straungers or priuate persons Yet so that marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares and spices may be sold by the small as heretofore hath bin accustomed And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to be caried whither they will as well within our realme or dominion as out of the same sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies of our kingdome those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresayd realme and dominion or buy or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and dominion paying such customes as they ought to doe except onely wines which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd realme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence after they be once brought into our realme and dominion Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleásure lodge remaine with their goods in the cities boroughs and townes aforesaid with the good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings
Item that euery bargaine made by the said marchants with any maner of persons of what places soeuer they be for any kind of marchaÌ„dise whatsoeuer shal be firme stable so that none of both the marchants shall shrinke or giue backe from that bargaine after that the earnest penie be once giuen and taken betweene the principall bargayners And if peraduenture any strife arise about the same bargaine the triall and inquirie thereof shall be made according to the vses and customes of the fayres and townes where it chanced that the said bargaine was made and contracted Item we promise the aforesaid marchants granting for euer for vs and our heires that from hence foorth we will not in any wise make nor cause to be made any stay or arrest or any delay by reason of arrest of their wares marchandises or other goods by our selues or by any other or others for any neede or accident against the will of the sayd marchants without present payment of such a price as the marchants would haue sold those marchandises for to other men or without making of them other satisfaction so that they shall hold themselues well contented and that no price or valuation shal be set vpon their wares marchandises goods by vs or by any officer of ours Item we will that all bayliffes and officers of fayres cities boroughs and market townes shall doe speedie iustice from day to day without delay according to the lawe of Marchants to the aforesayd marchants when they shall complaine before them touching all and singuler causes which may be determined by the same law And if default be found in any of the bayliffes or officers aforesayd where by the sayd marchants or any of them haue sustained or do sustaine any damage through delay though the marchant recouer his losses against the partie principall yet the bayliffe or other officer shall be punished to vs ward according to the qualitie of the default And wee doe grant this punishment in fauour of the aforesayd marchants in regard of the hastening of their iustice Item that in al maner of pleas sauing in case where punishmeÌ„t of death is to be inflicted where a marchant is impleaded or sueth another of what condition soeuer hee bee which is sued whether stranger or home borne in fayres cities or boroughs where sufficient numbers of marchants of the foresayd countreis are and where the triall ought to bee made let the one halfe of the Iurie be of the sayd marchants and the other halfe of good and lawfull men of the place where the suite shall fall out to bee and if sufficient number of marchants of the sayd countries cannot bee found those which shall be found fit in that place shall be put vpon the iurie and the rest shall be chosen of good and fit men of the places where such suit shall chance to be Item we will we ordaine aud wee appoint that in euery market towne and fayre of our realme aforesayd and elsewhere within our dominion our weight shall bee set in some certiane place and that before the weighing the balance shall bee seene emptie in the presence of the buyer and of the seller and that the skales bee equall and that afterward the weigher weigh in the equall balance And when hee hath set the balances euen let him straitghway remooue his hands so that the balance way remayne euen And that throughout all our kingdome and dominion there be one weight and one measure and that they be marked with the marke of our standard And that euery man may haue a weight of one quarter of an hundred and vnder where the same hath not bin contrary to the liberty of the lord of the place and contrary to the libertie granted by vs and our predecessors or contrary to the custome of townes and fayres which hath hitherto beene obserued Item we will and we grant that some certaine faythfull and discreete man resident in London be appointed to doe Iustice to the aforesayd marchants before whome they may haue their sutes decided and may speedilie recouer their debts if the Shiriffes and Maior should not from day to day giue them speedy iustice And hereof let a Commission be made which we grant vnto the aforesaid marchants besides this present Charter to wit of such things as betweene marchant and marchant are to be decided according to the lawe of marchants Item we ordayne and appoynt and wee will that this ordinance and statute shall firmely bee obserued for euer for vs and our heires that the aforesayd marchants shal not loose the aforesayd liberties nor any of them for any libertie whatsoeuer which wee or our heires hereafter shall grant And for the obtayning of the aforesayd liberties and free customes and for remission of our arresting of their goods the aforesayd marchants all and euery of them for themselues and all other of their parties with one accorde and one consent haue granted vnto vs that of euery tunne of wine which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realme and dominion for which they shall bee bound to pay freight vnto the mariners besides the olde customes which are due and were woont to bee payd vnto vs they will pay vnto vs and to our heires in the name of a custome two shillings in money either out of hande or else within fortie dayes after the sayd wines shall bee brought on land out of the shippes Item for euery sacke of wooll which the sayd marchants or others in their name shall buy and carie out of the realme or cause to bee brought and caried out they will pay forty pence aboue the old custome of halfe a marke which was payed heretofore And for a last of hides to bee caryed out of our realme and dominion halfe a marke aboue that which heretofore was payed by the olde custome And like wise for three hundreth Felles with the wooll on them to bee transporâ—ed out of our realme and dominion fortie pence aboue that certaine rate which before was payed by the olde custome Also two shillings vpon euery scarlate and euery cloth died in graine Item eighteene pence for euery cloth wherein any kind of graine is mingled Item twelue pence vpon euery cloth dyed without graine Item twelue pence vpon euerie quintall of copper And whereas sundrie of the aforesayd marchants are woont to exercise other marchandises as of Huer de pois and other fine wares as sarâ—enets lawnes cindalles and silke and diuers other marchandises and to sell horses and other beastes corne and sundrie other things and marchandises which cannot easily bee reduced vnto a certaine custome the sayd marchants haue granted to giue vnto vs and to our heires of euery pound of siluer of the estemation and value of these kinde of goods and marchandises by what name soeuer they be called three pence in the pound in the bringing in of these goods into our realme and dominion aforesaid within twentie dayes after
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
whereupon very many commodities are knowen to haue proceeded haue by occasion of pirates rouing vp and downe the sea sometimes heretofore sustayned both the sayd marchants of our of your dominions do abstaine themselues froÌ„ their wonted mutual coÌ„uersation traffique as they haue likewise carefully abstained at sometimes heretofore and especially from that time wherein at the instant request of your messengers being of late before our presence the free accesse of our marchants vnto your territories and dominions of your marchants vnto our realmes hath bene forbidden Sithens therefore our most deare friend such iniuries if any as haue bene attempted against your subiects were neuer committed by our will and consent as we thinke that your selfe on the other side haue done the like sithens also so much as in vs lieth wee are ready to exhibit full iustice with fauour vnto any of your people being desirous to make complaint so that accordingly iustice may equally be done vnto our marchants by you your subiects which marchants haue in like sort bene iniuried wishing with all our heart that the ancient friendship loue which hath continued a long time between our realme and your territories and dominions may perseuere in time to come and that sweet and acceptable peace which is to be embraced of al Christians may according to the good pleasure of the author of peace be nourished mayntained we do most heartily require the sayd friendship exhorting you in the Lord that you would on your behalf consent ordain euen as if you shall so do we for our part wil consent likewise that from this present vntil the feast of Easter next insuing al molestatioÌ„s iniuries which may be offred ceasing on both parts our subiects by your territories dominions your subiects by our realms may peaceably securely trauel that according to their wonted maner they may friendly coÌ„uerse exercise mutual traffick together because we are determined to send vnto you your counsel in the mean time some of our ambassadors friendly to intreat about the foresaid preteÌ„ded iniuries so far forth as they shal coÌ„cerne our subiects At whose ariual we stand in good hope that by the due administration of iustice on both parts such order by Gods assistance shal be taken that mutual peace and tranquillity may be established between vs in times to come Also our desire is in particular that our marchants liege subiects may haue more free passage granted them vnto the parts of Sconia for the prouiding of herrings and of other fishes there that they may there remayne and from thence also may more securely returne vnto their owne home and we beseech you in consideration of our owne selues that you would haue our marchants and liege subiects especially recommended vnto you safely protecting them if need shall require vnder the shadow of your defence euen as you would haue vs to deale in the like case with your own subiects Moreouer whatsoeuer you shall thinke good to put in practise in this behalfe may it please you of your friendship by our faythfull subiect Iohn Browne the bearer herâ—of to giue vs to vnderstand In the sonne of the glorious virgine fare ye well with continuall prosperity and felicity according to your owne hearts desire Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the fift day of Iune and in the fift yere of our reigne Postscriptum RIght reuerend and our most deare friend albeit our welbeloued Arnold de Dassele the procurator of your foresaid messengers being desirous at this time to make his final returne vnto your parts by reason of the affayres for which he hath remained in our realme of England cannot as yet obtaine his wished expedition notwithstanding you of your sincere affection ought not to maruel or any whit to be grieued thereat because troubles of wars arising which in some sort concerned our selues and especially in regard of the continuall assaults of the French men Britons against vs and our kingdome for the offence of whom and our owne defence our liege subiects especially they of whom your subiects damnified haue made their complaints haue armed themselues to combate vpon the sea we could not grant vnto the foresayd Arnold such and so speedy an expedition as he earnestly desired to haue Unto the which Arnold your procurator we haue offered in as short time as may be to administer complete iustice with fauour to y e end that for this cause he might dispose himselfe to remaine in our realme of England yet notwithstanding wee would do the very same euen in the absence of the sayd procurator Giuen as aboue To the most renowmed prince and mighty Lord Henrie king of England c. our gracious Lord. OUr humble recommendations with our most instant and continuall prayers for you being graciously by your Maiestie taken in good part c. Most soueraigne king mighty prince gratious lord and vnto vs most vnfaynedly beloued we receiued of late your gracious letters by your Maiesties liege subiect Iohn Brown the contents whereof seemed to be these following first that of long time heretofore there haue bene between the marchants of your realm of our lands not only quiet peaceable accesse one vnto another but also mutual participation common traffique of their wares being right coÌ„modious auaileable for them both howbeit that now the foresaid profitable conuersation by reason of certain notorious robberies committed vpon the sea by pyrates against both parts the wonted accesse also of your subiects vnto our dominions were altogether forbidden Moreouer you call to remembrance the ancient amity friendship betweene both our lands with the inualuable commodity of sweet amiable peace which are by al faithful Christians to the vtmost of their endeuour to be imbraced Wherupon you of your exceeding clemency do offer your Maiesties ful consent that the foresaid prohibition being released vntil the feast of Easter next ensuing the said marchants of your dominions may in our territories and our marchants likewise may in your realms al molestations ceasing exercise their woonted traffique especially sithens in the mean season your royall wisdome hath determined to direct vnto vs your hono ambassadors in friendly sort to treat and parle with vs as touching the pretended iniuries so far forth as they may concerne your subiects Adding moreouer in particular that when your people shall repayre vnto the parts of Sconia to fish for herrings hauing consideration regard vnto your maiestie we would haue them especially recommended vnto our protection c. Most soueraigne lord king gracious prince wee doe with vnfained and hearty affection embrace the oracles of your maiesties most courteous acceptable offer wherein you haue vsed most diligent effectuall perswasions that coÌ„plement of iustice should be done vnto the parties iniuried that peace friendship should take place making no doubt of your own royall person nor of
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
not vnto vs but vnto our forenamed knight an answere in writing what your will and determination is Neither let it seeme strange vnto you that we haue not at this present sent our forenamed Iohn Kington clerke together with the sayd William for the cause of his abode with vs is that he may in the meane season employ his care and diligence about those matters which must be preparatiues for the finall conclusion of the foresayd busines Honorable sir and most deare friend we doe most heartily with increase of prosperity and ioy vnto your person Giuen in our palace of Westminster the 14. day of Feb. in the yeare of our Lord 1407. To the right noble and valiant knight Sir VVilliam Sturmy sent at this present by the most souereigne King of England c as his ambassadour vnto Dordract his most sincere friend HOnorable sir our most entier friend wee receiued the royall letters of the most mighty prince and lord our lord the king of England and France and lord of Ireland sent vnto vs vnder the date of the 14. day of February which we receiued at our castle of Marienburgh the 11. of April containing amongst other matters that his Maiesties purpose was once againe to sende one of his ambassadors namely your selfe our very sincere friend vnto Dordract giuing you in charge that you would make haste thither there slay vntill some of our subiects might at our commandemeÌ„t in conuenient time repaire vnto the same place there by Gods assistance to bring our matters vnto a happy conclusion And then he requested that wee should without delay write our determination vnto you as the conclusion of the said letter importeth Howbeit our most deare friend the treaties conferences about the redresse or reformation of vniust attempts committed by the subiects of our sayd lord the king our subiects one against another are both on our behalfe and on the behalfe of the common societie of the Hans marchants hitherto had made and continued common And so our commissioners vpon our full and absolute commandement shal for the managing of these and of other affaires of the foresaid societie many waies vrgent and difficult vpon the feast of our Lords Ascension next to come meet with the said societie at Lubec there to giue notice what they haue determined to conclude in this present busines in others for their owne behalfe For we wil giue our ambassadours which are there to appeare streightly in charge that according to the kings request aforesayde they doe without delay procure an answere to be written vnto your honour concerning the determination of the foresayd societie Giuen at the place and vpon the day aboue named in the yeare of our Lord 1407 Fr. Wernherus de Tettingen commander in Elbingâ— general vice-master and lieutenant in the roome of the Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Marie c. of late deceased The letters of Henry the 4. king of England c vnto Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 1408. wherein he doth ratifie and accept the last agreement made at Hage in Holland HEnry c. vnto the honourable and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare friend greeting and dayly increase of our accustomed amity and friendship We doe by these presents giue your houour to vnderstand that our faithfull welbeloued William Esturmy knight and Master Iohn Kington clerke our ambassadors and messengers sent of late on our behalfe vnto the presence of your predecessour for the redressing of certaine grieuances and damages being contrary to iustice offered against vs and our liege subiects by the people subiects of your predecessors against them also by our subiects as it is aforesayd in friendly maner to be procured of late returning out of the parts of Alemain made relation vnto vs and to our counsell that hauing conferred with your forenamed predecessour about the foresayd affayres the particulars following were at length concluded namely first of all that at a certaine day and place they should meete in Holland with his ambassadors and messengers to hold a friendly conference between them about the redressing and reformation of the grieuances and damages aforesayd and that they should by the equall waight of diligent examination ponder in the balance of iustice discusse define al singular the foresaid grieuances damages inflicted on both parts Howbeit at length after sundry prorogations then made continued on this behalfe our ambassadors messengers aforesaid vpon the 28. of August last past assembling themselues for our part at the towne of Hage in Holland the hon discreete personages Arnold Heket burgomaster of the towne of Dantzik Iohn Crolowe for the behalf of your subiects of Prussia and Tidman de Meule Iohn Epenscheid for the behalfe of Liuonia being assembled as messengers and commissioners about the redresse and reformation aforesayd did then and there demaund in certaine articles of our ambassadours and messengers abouenamed 25034. nobles half a noble for the grieuances damages offered as it was theÌ„â—aid to your subiects of Prussia and 24082. nobles 12 s.8.d in recompense of the damages offered vnto those your subiects of Liuonia And when the substance of those articles about the grieuances losses aforesayd was by the sayd ambassadours and messengers througâ—ly examined and discussed by their generall consent it was finally agreed that your subiects in consideration of all and singular the foresayd grieuances and damages offered vnto them by our people should within three yeares after the feast of Easter next ensuing at three equall payments receiue from vs namely they of Prussia 8957. nobles and they of Liuonia 22496. nobles sixe pence halfe peny farthing and no more so that we our selues thought good to condescend thereunto Howbeit forasmuch as certaine other articles of your subiects of Prussia and also certaine articles in the behalfe of our subiects containing grieuous complaints in them being propounded before the ambassadors messengers aforesaid for the attaining of reformation in regard of the damages grieuances offered on both parts could not as theÌ„ for the great obscurity of diuers of the sayd articles and also for want of sufficieÌ„t proofe at the last meeting appointed and held by the foresayd ambassadors at the towne of Hage in Holland sufficiently to be examined discussed and defined it was agreed vpon by the ambassadors and messengers of both partes that from the 15. day of October then last expired vnto the feast of Easter now next ensuing and from thenceforth within one whole yere immediatly following the plaintifes of both parts should throughly declare before our chancelour of England for the time being the foresayd obscurities coÌ„cerning the substance of their articles and that they should for the obtaining of execution and complement of iustice at our sayd chancelours hands peremptorily minister necessary
Dante 's vlterius concedentes huiusmodi gubernatoribus per praedictos Mercatores sic eligendis quantum in nobis est potestatem authoritatem speciales omnes singulos mercatores Anglicos ad partes praedictas de caetero venientes declinantes per se vel sufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi gubernandi ac eis eorum cuilibet in suis causis querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibus praedictis motis vel mouendis plenam celerem iusticiam faciendi quascunque quaestiones contentiones discordias debatas inter ipsos mercatores Anglicos partium praedictarum motas seu mouendas reformandi reformationemque petendi redigendi sedandi pacificandi quascunque transgressiones damna mesprisiones excessus vio lencias iniurias mercatoribus partium praedictarum per praedictos mercatores Anglicos factas seu faciendas redigendi reparandi restaurandi emendandi consimilesque restitutiones reparationes restaurationes emendationes de ipsis mercatoribus partium praedictarum seu deputatis suis requirendi petendi recipiendi Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum praedictorum statuta ordinationes consuetudines prout pro meliori gubernatione status eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac parte videbitur expedire faciendi stabiliendi omnes singulos mercatores Anglicos praefatis gubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui aut alicui statutorum ordinationum consuetudinum praedictarum contrarios rebelles vel inobedientes iuxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac parte rationabiliter puniendi Volentes insuper omnia iusta rationabilia statuta ordinationes consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendos in forma praedicta facienda stabilienda nec non omnes iustas rationabiles ordinationes per nuper gubernatores praedictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorum pro huiusmodi gubernatione sua in partibus praedictis iuxta priuilegia authoritates sibi per magistrum Pruciae seu alios dominos partium praedictarum concessa factas stabilitas seu per praedictos gubernatores nunc vt praemittitur eligendos iuxta priuilegia praedicta seu alia priuilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per praedictos magistrum dominos in posterum concedenda facienda stabilienda rata firma accepta haberi pro ratis firmis acceptis ibidem firmiter inuiolabiliter obseruari Damus autem vniuersis singulis mercatoribus Anglicis praedictis tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis quod eisdem gubernatoribus sic eligendis eorum loca tenentibus in praemissis omnibus singulis acâ—alijs gubernationem regimen in hac parte qualitercunque concernentibus intendentes sint consulentes obedientes auxiliantes prout decet Data in palatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigilli nostri testimonio sexto die Iunij Anno regni nostri quinto A Charter of King Henry the fourth graunted in the fift yeere of his reigne to the English Marchants resident in the partes of Prussia Denmarke Norway Sweden and Germanie for the chusing of Gouernours among themselues HEnry by the grace of God king of England and of France and Lord of Ireland to all to whom these present letters shall come sendeth greeting Know ye that whereas according as we are informed through want of good and discreete rule and gouernement sundry damages strifes oppressions and wrongs oftentimes heretofore haue bene moued and committed among the Marchants of our kingdome of England remaining in the parties of Prussia Denmarke Norway the Hans steeds and Sweden and greater hereafter which God forbid are feared to be like to fall out vnlesse we put to our helping hands for the procuring of better gouernement to be maintained among the said Marchants wee heartily desiring to preuent the perrils and dangers which are like to fall out in this case and that the sayde Marchants and others which shall trauaile out of our said Realme into the partes aforesaid may iustly and faithfully be ruled and intreated we will and graunt by the tenour of these presents to the said Marchants that they may freely and without danger assemble and meete together as often and whensoeuer they please in some conuenient and honest place where they shall thinke good and that they may choose among themselues certaine sufficient and fit persons for their gouernours in those parts at their good liking And furthermore we giue and graunt to the said Gouernours which are in such sort to be chosen by the aforesaid Marchants as much as in vs lieth speciall power and authoritie to rule and gouerne all and singular the English Marchants which hereafter shall come or repayre to the parts aforesaid by themselues or their sufficient Deputies and to minister vnto them and euery of them in their causes and quarels whatsoeuer which are sprung vp or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaid full and speedie iustice and to reforme all maner of questions contentâ—ous discords and debates moued or to be moued betweene the English Marchants remayning in those parts and to seeke reformation to redresse appease and compound the same And further to redresse restore repayre and satisfie all transgressions damages misprisions outrages violences and iniuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Marchants against the Marchants of those parts And to require demaund and receiue the like restitutions reparations satisfactions and amends of the Marchants of those parts or of their deputies And by the common consent of the aforesaid English Marchants to make and establish statutes ordinances and customes as shall seeme expedient in that behalfe for the better gouernement of the state of the said English Marchants and to punish with reason according to the quantitie of their fault in that behalfe all and singular the English Marchants which shall withstand resist or disobey the aforesaid gouernours so to be chosen or their deputiâ—s or any of them or any of the aforesaid statutes ordinances or customes Moreouer we doe ratifie confirme and approoue and as ratified confirmed and approoued wee command firmely and inuiolably there to be obserued all iust and reasonable statutes ordinances and customes which shal be made and established by the said gouernors so to be chosen in forme aforesaid and also all iust and reasonable ordinances made established by the late gouernours of the aforesaid English Marchants with the common consent of the sayd Marchants for this their gouernement in the parts aforesayd according to the priuileges and authorities now granted vnto them by the Master of Prussia or other Lords of the partes aforesayd or which shall be made and established by the aforesayd gouernours now as is mentioned to be chosen according to the aforesaid priuileges heretofore graunted or other priuileges hereafter to bee granted to the sayde English Marchants by the aforesayde Master and lords of the Countrey And furthermore
Citie of London William Garret Alderman of our saide Citie Athonie Husie and Iohn Suthcot to be the first and present 4. Consuls of the said felowship and communalty by these presents to haue and enioy the said offices of Consuls to them the said George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Iohn Suthcot for terme of one whole yere next after y e date of these our letters patents And we doe likewise make ordeine and constitute Sir Iohn Gresham knight Sir Andrew Iudde knight Sir Thomas White knight Sir Iohn Yorke knight Thomas Offley the elder Thomas Lodge Henry Herdson Iohn Hopkins William Watson Will. Clifton Richard Pointer Richard Chamberlaine William Mallorie Thomas Pallie the elder William Allen Henry Becher Geffrey Walkenden Richard Fowles Rowland Heyward George Eaton Iohn Ellot Iohn Sparke Blase Sanders Miles Mording to be the first and present 24. Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls and to the said fellowship and communaltie by these presents to haue and enioy the said offices of assistants to them for terme of one whole yere next after the date of these our letters patents And further we for vs our heires and successors as much as in vs is wil graunt by these presents vnto the saide Gouernour Consuls assistans fellowship company of Marchants aduenturers aforesaid to their successors that the said gouernour or gouernours 4. Consuls 24. assistants that now by these patents are nominated and appointed or that hereafter by the saide fellowship communaltie of marchants aduenturers or the more part of them which shal be then present so from time to time to be chosen so that there be 15. at the least wholy agreed therof the said Gouernour or gouernors or one of them and 2. of the said Consuls shal be there and 12. of the residue of the said number of 15. shall be of the saide assistants and in the absence of such Gouernour that then 3. of the said Consuls and 12. of the saide assistants at the least for the time being shal may haue vse and exercise ful power and authority to rule and gouerne all and singuler the Marchants of the said fellowship and communaltie and to execute and doe full and speedie iustice to them and euery of them in all their causes differences variances controuersies quarrels and complaints within any our realmes dominions iurisdictions onely moued and to be moued touching their marchandise traffikes and occupiers aforesaid or the good order or rule of them or any of them Also wee for vs our heires and successours so much as in vs is doe likewise by these presents graunt that the said Gouernour Consuls assistants fellowship and communaltie and their successors shall and may haue perpetuall succession and a common Seale which shall perpetually serue for the affaires and businesse of the saide fellowship and communaltie And that they and their successours shall and may bee for euer able persons and capaâ— in the lawe for to purchase and possesse in fee and perpetuitie and for terme of life or liues or for terme of yeeres or otherwise lands tenements rents reuersions and other possessions and hereditaments whatsoeuer they bee by the name of the Gouernour Consuls assistants fellowship and communaltie of the Marchants aduenturers by Seas and Nauigations for the discouerie of landes territories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknoweâ— and before the saide last aduenture or enterprise by seas not frequented as before is specified and by the same names shall and may lawfully alien graunt let and set the same or any part thereof to any person or persons able in the lawe to take and receiue the same So that they doe not graunt nor alien the same or any part thereof into mortmaine without speciall licence of vs our heires or successours first had and obtained Also wee for vs our heires and successours haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt vnto the saide Gouernours Consuls assistants fellowship and communaltie of the saide Marchants and to their successours that they and their successours shall and may lawfully purchase vnto them and their successors for euer landes tenements and hereditaments whatsoeuer of the cleare yeerely value of threescore sixe â—ounds thirteene shillings foure pence of lawful money of England and not aboue as well of such lands tenements and hereditaments as bee holden or shall be holden of vs our heires or successours as of any other person or persons the statutes prouided against alienations into mortmaine or any of them or any article or clause in them or any of them contained or any other lawe custome statute or prouision to the contrary in any wise notwithanding And that they by the name of the Gouernour Consuls assistants fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen by the Seas and Nauigations and not before the said late aduenture or enterprise by seas frequented as aforesaid shall and may be able in the law to implead and be impleaded to answere and to be answered to defende and to be defended before whatsoeuer Iudge or Iustice temporall or spirituall or other persons whatsoeuer in whatsoeuer court or courts and in all actions personall reall and mixt and in euery of them and in all plaints of nouel disseison and also in all plaints suites quarels affaires businesses and demaunds whatsoeuer they bee touching and concerning the saide fellowship and communaltie and the affaires and businesse of the same onely in as ample manner and forme as any other corporation of this our Realme may doe Moreouer wee for vs our heires and successours haue giuen and graunted and by these presents doe giue and graunt vnto the said Gouernour Consuls assistants fellowshippe and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers aforesaide and to their successours that the saide Gouernour or Gouernours Consuls and assistants and their successors in maner forme and number afore rehearsed shall haue full power and authoritie from time to time hereafter to make ordein establish and erect all such statutes actes and ordinaunces for the gouernement good condition and laudable rule of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers aforesaid as to them shall bee thought good meete conueuient and necessarie and also to admit vnto the saide Corporation and fellowship to be free of the same such and as many persons as to them shal bee thought good meete conuenient and necessarie And that euery such person or persons as shall fortune heereafter to bee admitted into the saide fellowshippe communaltie and corporation shal from the time of his or their admittance be free of the same And also wee will and by these presents graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto the saide Gouernours Consuls assistants fellowship communaltie of Marchants aduenturers aforesaid and to their successours that the Gouernour or gouernors Consuls and assistants of the same in maner forme and number afore rehearsed and their successours for the time being shall and may
king of Boghar hath no great power or riches his reuenues are but small and he is most mainteined by the Citie for he taketh the tenth penie of all things that are there solde as well by the craftsmen as by the marchants to the great impouerishment of the people whom he keepeth in great subiection and when he lacketh money he sendeth his officers to the shoppes of the sayd Marchants to take their wares to pay his debts and will haue credite of force as the like he did to pay me certaine money that he owed me for 19 pieces of Kersey Their money is sâ—luer and copper for gold there is none currant they haue but one piece of siluer that is worth 12 pence English and the copper money are called Pooles and 120 of them goeth the value of the said 12. pence and is more common paiment then the siluer which the king causeth to rise and fall to his most aduantage euery other moneth and sometimes twise a moneth not caring to oppresse his people for that he loketh not to reigne about 2 or 3 yeres before he be either slaine or driuen away to the great destruction of the countrey and merchants The 26 day of the moneth I was commanded to come before the said king to whom I presented the Emperour of Russia his letters who interteined vs most gently and caused vs to eate in his presence and diuers times he sent for me and deuised with me familiarly in his secret chamber as well of the power of the Emperour and the great Turke as also of our countries lawes and religion and caused vs to shoote in handguns before him and did himselfe practise the vse thereof But after all this great intertainement before my departure he shewed himselfe a very Tartar for he went to the wars owing me money and saw me not payd before his departure And although indeede he gaue order for the same yet was I verie ill satisfied and forced to rebate part and to take wâ—â—â—s as payment for the rest contrary to my expectation but of a begger better paiment I could not haue and glad I was so to be paid and dispatched But yet I must needs praise commend this barbarous king who immediately after my arriuall at Boghar hauing vnderstoode our trouble with the theeues sent 100 men well armed and gaue them great charge not to returne before they had either slaine or taken the sayd theeues Who according to their coÌ„mission ranged the wildernes in such sort that they mâ—â— with the said company of theeues and slew part 〈◊〉 fledde and foure they tooke and brought vnto the king and two of them were sore wounded in our skirmish with our gunnes And after the king had sent for me to come to see them he caâ—sâ—â— them all 4 to be hanged at his palace gate because they were Gentlemen to the example of others And of such goods as were gotten againe I haâ— part restored me and this good iustice I found at his hands There is yerely great resort of Marchants to this Citie of Boghar which trauaile in great Carauans from the countries thereabout adioining as India Persia Balgh Russia with diuers others and in times past from Cathay when there was passage but these Marchants are so beggerly and poore and bring so little quantitie of wares lying two or 3 yeeres to sell the same that there is no hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the following The chiefe commodities that are brought thither out of these foresayd Countreys are these following The Indians doe bring fine whites which the Tartars do all roll about their heads al other kinds of whites which serue for ayparell made of coton wooll and crasko but golde siluer precious stones and spices they bring none I enquired and perceiued that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea and the vaines where all such things are gotten are in the subiection of the Portingals The Indians carie from Boghar againe wrought silkes red hides slaues and horses with such like but of Kerseis and other cloth they make little accompt I offered to barter with Marchants of those Countreis which came from the furthest parts of India euen from the countrey of Bengala the riuer Ganges to giue them Kersies for their commodities but they would not barter for such commoditie as cloth The Persians do bring thither Craska wollen cloth linnen cloth diuers kindes of wroughâ— pide silkes Argomacks with such like and doe carie from thence redde hides with other Russe wares and slaues which are of diuers countreies but cloth they will by none for that they bring thither themselues and is brought vnto them as I haue inquired from Aleppo in Syria and the parts of Turkie The Russes doe carie vnto Boghar redde hides sheepeskinnes wollen cloth of diuers sorts woodden vessels bridles saddles with such like and doe carie away from thence diuers kindes of wares made of cotton wooll diuers kinds of silkes Crasca with other things but there is but smal vtterance From the Countreis of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace and when the way is open musk rubarbe satten damaske with diuers other things At my being at Boghar there came Carauans out of all these foresaid Countries except from Cathay and the cause why there came none from thence was the great warres that had dured 3 yeres before my comming thither and yet dured betwixt 2 great Countries cities of Tartars that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay and certaine barbarous fielde people as well Gentiles a Mahomeâ—ists bordering to the said Cities The cities are called Taskent and Caskar and the people that warre against Taskent are called Cassaks of the law of Mahomet and they which warre with the sayd countrey of Caskar are called Kings Gentiles idolaters These 2 barbarous nations are of great force liuing in the fields without house or towne haue almost subdued the foresaid cities so stopped vp the way that it is impossible for any Carauan to passe vnspoiled so that 3 yeres before our being there no Carauan had gone or vsed trade betwixt the countries of Cathay and Boghar and when the way is clear it is 9 moneths iourney To speake of the said countrey of Cathay and of such newes as I haue heard thereof I haue thought it best to reserue it to our meeting I hauing made my solace at Boghar in the Winter time and hauing learned by much inquisition the trade thereof as also of all the other countries thereto adioyning and the time of the yeere being come for all Carauans to depart and also the king being gone to the warres and newes come that he was fled and I aduertised by the Metropolitan himselfe that I should depart because the towne was like to bee besieged I thought it good and meete to take my iourney some way and determined to haue gone from
eight of May folowing Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie to the said Staryts where I arriued the tenth of the same and the twelfth of the same I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary who at our meeting said vnto me these words Our Lord Emperor and great Duke hath not onely perused the Queene her highnes letters sent by you and thereby doeth perceiue her minde as well touching their princely affaires as also her earnest request in the merchants behalfe but also hath well pondered your words And therefore his Maiesties pleasure is that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue to moue in the merchants behalfe or otherwise for that to morrowe you shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes and shall haue full answere in all things with your dispatch away Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters I gaue him in writing certaine briefe articles of requests which I had drawen out ready as foloweth 1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is that it would please the Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure fallen vpon sir William Garrard his company who neuer deserued the same to their knowledge 2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and vntrue reports by such as seeke to sowe dissention and breake friendship betwixt the Queenes highnesse and his Maiestie 3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William Garrard with his company into his fauour againe and to restore them to their former priuiledges and liberties for free traffike in and through and out of al his Maiesties dominions in as ample maner as aforetime according to his princely letters of priuiledge and accustomed goodnes 4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt that the said company of merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects as well for money owing vnto them as other their griefes and iniuries throughout al his dominions suffred since the time of his displeasure during which time the merchants were forced by seuere iustice to answere to al mens demands but theirs could not be heard 5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand that much debts are owing to the said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie whereof part are in durance and some executed and the said merchants know not home to be paide and answered the same except his highnes pitie their case and commaund some order to be taken therein 6 Also it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing and due vnto them by his Maiestie for wares as well English as Shamaki taken into his highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places the long forbearing whereof hath bene and is great hinderance to the said company of merchants 7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand that at this present time there are in Persia of English merchants Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their company goods ready to come into his Maiesties countrey of Astracan and would haue come the last yeere but that the ship with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them were stayed at Astracan by his highnes Captaine there to the great hinderance of the said merchants Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct his princely letters vnto his Captaines and rulers both at Astracan and Cazan not onely to suffer our people as well merchants as marinâ—rs quietly anâ— freely to passe and repasse with their shippes barkes or other vessels downe the riuer Volga and ouer the Mare Caspium to fetch the sayd English merchants with their company and goods out of the sayd Persia into his Maiesties dominions but also that it would please his highnes streightly to command that when the sayd Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their charge shal arriue at the sayd Astracan his Maiesties Captaine there and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants as they may be safely conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes and other their enemies 8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand that lately our merchants comming from Shamaki haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers both at Astracan and Cazan at both which places they were forced to pay custome for their wares although they solde no part thereof but brought the same into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda and the sayd Customers did not only exact and take much more custome then was due by his Maiesties lawes but also for want of present money tooke wares much exceeding their exacted custome and doe keepe the same as a pawne It may therefore please his highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers to signifie vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English merchants as also to command them to send the said mâ—rchants their said goods so detained vp to the Mosco they paying such custome for the same as shall be by his Maiestie appointed 9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant that sir William Garrard with his companie may establish their trade for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina and that such wares as shal be brought out of our Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon and receiued by his officers there and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro by meanes whereof the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges in transporting their goods so farre and into so many places of his dominions may sell the same better cheape to the benefite of his Maiesties subiects 10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes that the whole trade likewise from Persia Boghar and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium might be established at Astracan the ancient Marte towne in times past which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty and subiects as I am well able to prooue if it will please his highnesse to appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein 11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie immediatly after the burning of the Mosco to command that the said English merchants should giue in a note into his Treasury for their losses sustained by the said fire which was done by William Rowly then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and his company and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said fire did amount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue It may please his highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the same and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his Maiestie towards their said losses 12 Also that it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most excellent Maiestie at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his Maiesties Ambassadour did not onely pardon
prouince is 35. thousand markes sterling being not the 5. part of his yerely reuenue Further he and his house be of such authoritie and power that in 40. dayes warning they are able to bring into the fielde 100. thousand Souldiers well furnished The conclusion of the Emperors Coronation was a peale of ordinance called a peale royall two miles without the citie being 170. great pieces of brasse of all sorts as faire as any can be made these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose 20. thousand hargubusers standing in 8. rankes two miles in length appareled all in veluet coloured silke stammels discharged their shot also twise ouer in good order and so the Emperor accompanied with all his princes and nobles at the least 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his pallace This royall coronation would aske much time and many leaues of paper to be described particularly as it was performed it shal suffice to vnderstand that the like magnificence was neuer seene in Russia The coronation and other triumphes ended al the nobilitie officers and merchants according to an accustomed order euery one in his place and degree brought rich presents vnto the Emperor wishing him long life and ioy in his kingdome The sametime also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid remayning as seruant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was called for to the Emperor as he sate in his imperiall seat and then also a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco who gaue him selfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect called Iohn de Wale was in like sort called for Some of the nobilitie would haue preferred this subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queene of England whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree saying he would haue his legges cut off by the knees before he would yeeld to such an indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiesty of England to bring the Emperor a present in course after the King of Spaines subiect or any other whatsoeuer The Emperor and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceiuing the controuersie sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Iuanowich Galauyn and Vasili Shalkan both of the Counsell to them who deliuered the Emperor backe Master Horseys speech whereupon he was first in order as good reason admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalfe of the English Merchants trading thither a present wishing him ioy and long to raigne intranquilitie and so kissed the Emperors hand he accepting the present with good liking and auouching that for his sisters sake Queene Elizabeth of England he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants in as ample maner as euer his father had ben and being dismissed he had the same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats with 3. carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully After him was the foresayd subiect of the Spanish king admitted with his present whom the Emperor willed to be no lesse faithfull and seruiceable vnto him then the Queene of Englands subiects were had bene and then the king of Spaines subiects should receiue fauour accordingly All these things thus in order performed praises were sung in all the churches The Emperor and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many principal Churches in the Citie and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke themselues to a progresse in order of procession to a famous monasterie called Sergius and the Trinitie 60. miles distant from the Citie of Mosco accompanied with a huge armie of Noblemen Gentlemen and others mounted vpon goodly horses with furniture accordingly The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foot all the way accompanied with her princesses and ladies no small number her guard and gunners were in number 20000. her chiefe counseller or attendant was a noble man of the blood Roial her vncle of great authoritie called Demetri Iuanowich Godonoua All this progresse ended both the Emperor and Empresse returned to Mosco shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince Boris Pheodorowich sent a power into the land of Siberia where all the rich Sables Furres are gotten This power conquered in one yeere and a halfe 1000. miles In the performance of this warre there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the countrey called Chare Sibersky and with him many other dukes and noble men which were brought to Mosko with a guard of souldiers and gunners who were receiued into the citie in very honorable maner and do there remaine to this day Hereupon the corrupt officers Iudges Iustices captains and lieutenants through the whole kingdom were remooued and more honest men substituted in their places with expresse commandement vnder seuere punishment to surcease their old bribing extortion which they had vsed in the old Emperors time and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons and to the end that this might be the better done their lands and yeerly stipends were augmented the great taskes customes and duties which were before layd vpon the people in the old Emperors time were now abated and â—ome wholy remitted and no punishments commanded to be vsed without sufficient and due proofe although the crime were capitall deseruing death many Dukes and noble men of great houses that were vnder displeasure and imprisoned 20. yeeres by the old Emperor were now set at libertie and restored to their lands all prisoners were set at libertie and their trespasses forgiuen In summe a great alteration vniuersally in the gouernment folowed and yet all was done quietly ciuilly peaceably without trouble to the Prince or offence to the Subiect and this bred great assurance and honour to the kingdom and all was accomplished by the wisedom especially of Irenia the Empresse These things being reported and caried to the eares of the kings and princes that were borderers vpon Russia they grew so fearefull and terrible to them that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crimme Tartar or great Can himselfe named Sopheâ— Keri Alli came out of his owne countrey to the Emperor of Russia accompanied with a great number of his nobilitie well horsed although to them that were Christians they seemed rude yet they were personable men and valiant their comming was gratefull to the Emperor and their entertainment was honourableâ— the Tartar prince hauing brought with him his wiues also receiued of the Russe Emperor entertainment and princely welcome according to their estates Not long after 1200. Polish gentlemen valiant Souldiors and proper men came to Mosko offring their seruice to the Emperor who were all entertained and in like sort many Chirkasses and people of other natioâ—s came and offred seruice And assoone as the report of this new created Emperor was spred ouer other kingdoms of Europe there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his kingdom thither came Ambassadors from the Turke from the Persian the Boghariaâ— the Crimme the Georgian and many other Tartar
heritage of great Nouogrod and Plesko and into all parts of our kingdom to buy and sell with their wares without custome Therefore we for our sisters sake Queene Elizabeth also because that they allege that they had great losse and hinderance by the venture of the sea and otherwise haue gratified the said English merchants sir Rowland Haiward and his societie freely to come into our kingdom of Moscouia and into al our dominions with al kind of commodities to trade traffique freely at their pleasure with all kind of their commodities also I haue commanded not to take any maner of custome for their goods nor other customs whatsoeuer That is to say neither for passing by any place by water nor for lanching neither for passing through any place by land neither for the vessels or boats nor for their heads nor for passing ouer bridges nor for ferying ouer at any place neither for acknowledgement at any place where they shall come nor any maner of custome or dutie by what name soeuer Only they shal not bring with them into our dominions neither recarie out of our dominions or father any other mens goods but their owne neither sell them nor barter them away for them Also our naturall people shall not buy and sell for them or from them neither shal they retaine or keepe any of our naturall subiects goods or pawnes by them to colour them Also they shall not send any of their Russe seruants about into any citie to ingrosse or buy vp commodities but into what citie they themselues shal come they shal buy and sel and shal sel their owne commodities and not ours And when they shal come into our inheritance of great Nouogrod and Plesko and through all our dominions with their commodities then our noblemen and captains and euery one of our officers shall suffer them to depart according to this our letter shall take no custom at all of them for any of their commodities neither for passing through or passing by nor for passage ouer any bridges nor shall take of them any other dutie whatsoeuer name they haue Also into what places of our dominion or when they shal happen to come and to proceed to buy or sell and wheresoeuer they shall passe through with goods not buying of any commodities neither will sell their owne then in those cities and townes they shall take no maner of custome or dutie of them accordingly as before And I haue gratified them and giuen them free leaue to traffique throughout all the dominions of our kingdom in all cities with their goods to buy and sell all maner of commodities without any dutie or custome whatsoeuer And the English merchants where they are desirous to buy or sell or barter their wares with our merchants whole wares for wares they shal sell their commodities whole and not by retaile That is to say neither by small weight nor by the yard to sell or barter in their owne houses and they shal sel and barter their wares wholy Cloth by the packe and by the whole Cloth and Damaske and veluet by the piece and not by the yard and al maner of commodities that are to be sold by weight not to sell by the small weighâ—s as by the pound and ounce but by whole sale also they shall sel wines by the pipe and by the gallon quart or sâ—oope they shal not sell. And they shall buy sell and exchange their owne commodities themselues and the Russe merchants shall not make sales or exchange for them or from them any of their commodities neither shal they themselues conuey or cary through any other mans goods at no place in stead of their owne and which of the English merchants will at any time sell his commodities at Colmogro or Vologda or Yeraslaue they may and of their commodities throughout all our cities and dominions our noblemen captains and euery of our officers shall take no maner of custome according as it is written in this our gracious letter and throughout all our dominions and cities they shal hire carriers and vessels with men to labour at their owne charge to transport their goods So likewise whensoeuer the English merchants are disposed to depart out of our kingdom into any other countrey or into their owne land if our pleasure be they shall take our goods with them from our Treasurie and shall sell them and exchange them for such commoditie as is commodious for our kingdom and shall deliuer it into our Treasurie and with those our commodities our Noblemen and captains and euery of our officers shall let them passe through all our cities also without custome according to these our letters Also whensoeuer the English merchants shall haue sold their own goods bought themselues commodities wil depart out of Mosco then they shal manifest themselues to our chiefe Secretarie Andrew Sholkaloue in the office where the Ambassadors are alwayes dispatched And if the English merchants comming haue had any mischance by the sea insomuch that the ship be broken or if that ship do come to any part of our countrey then we will cause the goods to be sought out in true Iustice and to be giuen to the English people which at that time shall bee here resident in our countrey and if so be that it so fall out that at that time there be no Englishmen within our realme then wil we cause these goods to be laid vp in a place together and when the people of England shall come into our realme then we will command all those goods to be deliuered to the sayd English people Also we haue gratified all the English merchants with the house of one Vrie here in the Mosco right ouer against S. Maximes church behind the market and they shal dwel in the same house according as before time and they shall keepe one alwayes in the house to keepe it either a Russe or one of their owne people Also the English merchants shal possesse their houses to wit at Yeraslaue Vologda Colmogro and the house at the hauen of the sea they shal dwel in those houses according as our goodnes hath bene to them heretofore and we haue commanded that there shall not be taken of them no yeerely rent nor no maner of custome taxe rent or any other dutie whatsoeuer for those houses neither shal they pay any dutie or taxe with any of the townsmen of those places in euery one of those houses to wit at Yeraslaue Vologda and Colmogro they shall haue men to keepe their houses two or three of their owne countrey people strangers or els Russes men of the meanest sort which shall be no merchants that they may lay their goods in those houses and they may sell the commodities out of those their houses to whom they please according to this our gracious letter and those that keepe their houses shall not sell or buy no part of their commoditie except they be there
neighbours as they doe in time of yeere prouide all things necessary for housholde so especially those things which belong to fires and bathes notwithstanding there be certaine among them of the basest sort of people who because they want those things at home and are not able to prouide them from other places are constrained to vse straw for the dressing of their meat But when the sharpe rigor of snowy Winter commeth on these poore people be take them to their ore stalles there setting vp sheds doing their necessary businesse in the day time when they are not able to make fires they borrow heat from their oxen as it hath beene reported to mee by others And so they onely being verie fewe in number doe not willingly enioye but are constrayned to vse the same common house with their oxen But for their liuelihoode and state it is farre otherwise with them then with their oxen of which thing I haue entreated before This is the lot pouertie of certaine men in those pettie parishes the condition whereof is therefore made a common by-worde of the people amongst vs though somewhat iniuriously Where I would willingly demaund with what honestie men can impute that vnto the whole nation which is hard and skantly true of these fewe poore men I am wearie to stay any longer in this matter onely because I haue to doe with Diuines let that of Salomon suffice Prouerbs 17. verse 5. Hee that mocketh the poore reprocheth him that made him And in very deede becauseâ— this our nation is nowe and heretofore hath beene poore and needie and as it were a begger amongest many rich men it hath susteined so many taunts and scoffes of strangers But let them take heede whom they vpbraide Uerely if there were nothing else common vnto vs with them yet we both consist of the same elements and haue all one father and God The fourth section They leade their liues in holy simplicitie not seeking any more then nature doeth afforde A happie Nation whose pouertie no man doth enuie But the English and Danish merchants suffer not the nation to be at rest who frequenting that countrey to transport fishing haue conueighed thither our vices together with their manifolde wares For nowe they haue learned to brew their water with corne and beginne to despise and loath the drinking of faire water Now they couet golde and siluer like vnto our men SImplicitie c. I am exceedingly glad that the commendation of holy simplicitie is giuen vnto vs. But it grieueth vs that there is found so great a decay of iustice and good lawes and so great want of gouernement amongst vs which is the cause of many thousande haynous offences which all honest and godly men doe continually bewayle This inconuenience doth not happen through the negligence of the highest Magistrate that is of our most gracious King but rather by our owne fault who doe not present these thinges vnto his Maiestie which are disorderly committed without his knowledge and which are wanting in the inferiour Magistrate Merchants Moreouer Merchants not onely of England and Denmarke but especially of Germanie as at this time so heretofore frequenting our countrey not to transport fishing but fishes taught not Islanders the arte of brewing corne with water For y e Norvagians themselues the first to our knowledge that inhabited this Iland froÌ„ whom y â— Islanders are lineally descended brought with them out of Norway that arte as also golde and siluer coine so that in old time there was no lesse vse of siluer and golde with vs then there is at this day And it is certaine that before the often nauigations of Danes Germans and English men vnto vs our land was much more fertile then nowe it is feeling the inconueniences of the ages and decayed worlde both from heauen and earth and brought foorth in certaine choyse places corne in abundance The fift section The King of Denmarke and Norway sendeth euery yeere a Lieutenant into the Countrey IN the yeere of our Lord eight hundred fortie and sixe Harald Harfagre which is to say golden haires or faire clockes was borne Who afterward in the yeere eight hundred fiftie and eight being chosen king of Norway when he was growen to age and full strength chaunged the forme of the Noruagian gouernment For whereas before it was deuided into pettie Prouinces which they called Fylki and the pettie kings that gouerned them Fylkis konga he reduced it by force of armes vnto a Monarchie But when some inhabitants of the countrie being mightie and descended of good parentages could not well brooke this hard dealing they chose rather to be banished their countrey then not to shake off the yoke of tyranny Whereupon they in the yeere aboue named eight hundred seuentie and foure transported colonies into Isâ—and being before discouered by some men and found out but vnpeopled as yet And so being the first founders of our nation they called themselues Islanders which name their posteritie reâ—eineth vnto this day And therefore the Islanders liued a long time namely three hundred eightie and sixe yeeres more or lesse acknowledging no submission to any other Nation And although Haquinus that crowned King of Norway who reigned longest of any Noruagian king namely aboue sixtie sixe yeares did oftentimes attempt by Ambassadours to make the Islanders become tributaries vnto him notwithstanding at all times they constantly withstoode him till at length about the yeere of our Lord 1260â— they performed homage vnto him And afterward continued alwayes in their promised loyaltie being subiects to the king of Norway But now at this day since the Empire of the Noruagians was translated by Margaret Queene of Denmarke Suedeland and Norway vnto the Danes they doe honour as their soueraigne Lord and King the most gracious king of Denmarke The sixt section All things are common among them except their wiues HEre Krantzius in the first place beginneth with such agybe There be many notable things in their manners c. Moreouer your wit being too hastie in affirming things vnknowen doth here also deminish your credite The experience as well of all things as of persons and times proueth your ouer greedie desire of noueltie of fame and vaine-glorie and argueth your great negligence in maintaining the truth O worthy writers But whether the aforesayde things bee true or no wee call the lawes of our Countrey to witnesse which the Islanders from the beginning haue vsed all one with the Norwayes of the King and his subiects of the seate of iustice and of law-cases which come to be decided there of inheritances of adoptions marriages theft extortions lending bargaines and the rest all which to what purpose should they be enioyned vnto them with whom all things are common We call to witnesse so many broyles and contentions in our courts and places of iudgement in Island concerning goods mooueable and immooueable we call to witnesse our kings now of
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
Turks was by his pauillion in a place that he had caused to be made and saw all the businesse and â—ow his people were so sharpely put backe and the victory lost on his side was very sore displeased and halfe in despaire and he sent for Mustafa Basha with whom he was angry and â—hid him bitterly saying that he had caused him to come thither and had made him to beleeue that â—e should take the towne in fifteene dayes or a moneth at the furthest and he had beene there already three moneths with his army and yet they had done nothing And after these wordes he was purposed to put him to death in the campe â— but the other Bashas shewed him that he ought not to do iustice in the land of his enemice for it would coÌ„fort them and giue theâ— courage Wherby he did moderate his anger and left him for that time and thought to send him to Cairo least the people there would rebell by occasion of the captaine of Cairo which died a few dayes before Howbeit he departed not so suddenly and or he went he thought to assay if he might do some thing for to please the Turke aswell for his honour as for to saue his person and was maruellous diligent to make mines at the bulwarke of England for to ouerthrow it And by account were made 11 mines aswell to the sayd bulwarke as elswhere beside them spoken of before and that they had fired But the most part of the sayd mines came to no proofe though they put fire in them and many were met with countermines and broken by our men by the good diligence and sollicitude of sir Gabriel Du-chef steward of the housâ— of the lord great master which had the charge of the sayd countermines at the same bulwarke In the which businesse he behaued himselfe well and worthily and spared not his goods to cause the people to worke and trauell but spent thereof largely How the Turks were minded to haue gone their way and of the traitours within the towne and of many great assaults THe Turks seeing that by mining they were nothing furthered nor might not come to their intentions and hauing but small store of gunpowder were in deliberation and minde to haue raised the siege and gone their way And in deed some of them bare their cariages toward the shippes and also certaine number of people went out of the trenches with their standards straight to the ships And it was written vnto vs from the campe how the Ianissaries and other of the host would fight no more and that they were almost all of one opinion for to go away saue some of the captaines of the foresayd Mustafa Bassha or Acmek Bassha And in the meane season the false traitours that were in the towne wrote letters to the campe giuing them knowledge of all that was sayd and done among vs. And also an Albanese fled to the enemies campe and warned them not to go for the gunshot was nigh wasted and that the most part of the knights and people should be theirs shortly In like sort then wrote the abouesayd Chanceller Sir Andrew de Merall whose treason as then was not knowen but when it commeth to the effect of his treason I shall shew the knowledge that he gaue to the enemies at diuers times When the bashas and captaines of the hoste vndestood the sayd warnings they all purposed for to tary and caused those tidings of the towne to be knowen ouer all the army And beganne againe to shoot artillery faster then euer they did for new shot was come into the campe Then Mustafa Bassha being in despaire that he could do nothing by mines by gunshot nor by assaults he being-ready to depart for to goe into Surey by the great Turkes commandement before his departing hee thought once againe to assay his aduenture and made three assaults three dayes together The first was on a Saturday the fourth day of October an houre before night The other on Sunday in the morning And the third on Munday after dinner And the sayd three assaults were made to the bulwarke of England And it was assailed but with stones and bagges full of artificiall fire And at these three assaults many of our men were hurt with the sayd â—ire and with the slones that came as thicke as raine or haile But in the end the enemies got nothing but strokes and returned into their trenches euill contented and murmuring and sware by their Mahomet that Mustafa Bassha shoulde not make them to mount any more to the sayd bulwarke And that it was great folly for them to cause them to be slaine at the will and fantasie of one man These wordes sayd in Greeke by some of the enemies were heard of our men as they went downe from the bulwarke And because as it is sayd that the enemies at the assaults that were made came vp by the earth and stones that fell from the breaches some of our men aduised to clense the barbican and take the earth out of the ditch to the end that the enemies should not easily come vpon the wall And in effect weening that it were well and behoouefull to be done by great diligence night and day by mines they voided the barbican and the most part of the earth that lay in the ditch was brought into the towne she which was hurtfull afterward and was cause that the enemies got the foot of the wall Notwithstanding they had it but scarsely But this cleansing furthered the time and caused them to get it sooner then they should haue done if the earth had lien still but their finall intent was to raise the defence of the bulwarks and then passe at their pleasure and enter into the barbican as they haue done for the enemies seeing that the barbican was clensed thought to get into it by trenches and so they did howbeit they were certaine dayes letted by our handgun shot The enemies seeing that they might not come neere it couered their trenches with tables to saue themselues and then they made a mine whereby they might goe to the barbican So by these two meanes afterward they were repaired with earth and with a certaine wall that they made for to eschew the shot of the bulwarks of Auuergne and Spaine and in the mine they found but two gunners which they slew by force of men By this maner they being couered on all parts and without any danger passed thorow and lept into the barbican and got the foot of the wall which was the 17 day of October an vnhappy day for the poore towne and occasion of the ruine thereof and winning of the same At this point they slept not but lightly and with great delight they began to picke and hew the wall And weening to make remedy therefore and to finde meanes to driue them from the sayde barbican with engins of fire and barrels of gunpowder wee slew many of them but it auailed nothing for the
as slaues Anno 1585. MOlto magnifico Signor Not ha stato significato per diuerse lettere di quanto ha passato circa divnanaue nostra chiamata Iesus sopra il quale in agiuto di Ricciardo Skegs vno de gli nostri mercanti di essagia morto veniua vn certo Franceseper sopra cargo chiamato Romano Sonings il quale per non esser ben portato secondo che douena volendo importar seco vn altro Francese debitore a certi vostri sensa pagarcene per giusticia era appiccato col patron Inglese Andre Dier che come simplice credendo al detto Francese senza auedercene de la sua ria malitia non restornaua quando da vostra magnifica Signoria gli era mandato La morte del detto tristo Francese approaimo como cosa benfatta Ma al contrario doue let ha confiscato la detta naue e mercantia en essa fatto sciaui li marinari como cosa molto contraria a li priuilegij dal Gran Signor quattro anni passati concessi da noi confirmati di parte de la Serenissima Magesta d'Ingiltetra nostra patrona e molto contraria a la liga del detto Gran Signor il quale essendo dal sopra detto a pieno informato noi ha conceduto il suo regale mandamento di restitutione la qual mandiamo a vostra magnifica Signoria col presente portator Edoardo Barton nostro Secretario Mahumed Beg. droguemano di sua porta excelsa con altre lettere del excellentissimo Vizir inuictissimo capitan di mar chiedendo tanto di parte del Gran Signor quanto di sua Serenissima Magesta di V. S. M. che gli huomini oglij naue col fornimento danari tutti altri beni qualconque da lei per vestro ordine da gli nostri tolti siano resi à questo mio Secretario liberamente senza empacho alâ—uno como il Gran Signor da sua gratta noi ha conceduto specialmente per esser detti oglij comprati per ordine di sua Serenissima Magestà per prouisione della Corte sua Il qual non facendo protestiamo per questa nostra al incontra di esso tutti futuri danni che puono succedere per questa cagione como authore di quelli contrario à la Santa liga giurata de li dnoi Rei patroni nostri como per li priuilegij che lei mostrerà il nostro constra per obseruatione de gli quali noâ—stramo dâ— fermo en questa excelsa Porta Et cosi responderete nel altro mondo al solo Iddio quà al Gran Signor questo massimo peccato commesso da lei al incontra di tanti poueracchi che per quest a crudeltà sono in parte morti in parte retenuti da esso en duro cattiuerio Al contrario piacendo lei euitar questo incommodo restarcene en gratia del Signor Iddio li nostri patroni amicheuolmente como conuien à par vostro di mostrarsi prudente gouernatore fidel seruitor al patrono adimpirete questa nostra giustissima domanda per poter resultarui à grand honore commodo per la tratta di marchantia che faronno a laduenire li nostri in quella vostra prouincia Li quali generalmente tanto quelli como tutti altri che nelmar riscontrarete siano secondo che manda il Grand Signor de vostra Signoria magnifica amicheuolmente recolti receunti Et noâ— non mancharemo al debito di ottimo amico en qualconche occurrenza vostra piacendo lei amicitia nostra como desideramo Il Signor Iddio lei conceda adimpiendo questa nostra giusta rechiesta per caâ—ar noi dâ— piu futura fatica in questo negocio lei di disgratia ogni vera felicitá supremo honore Data in palazzonostro che fu da Rapamat appresso Pera di 15. di Genero 1585 Il Ambassiatore de la Majesta Serenissima d'Ingilterra amico de vostra Signoria magnifica piacendo lei The same in English RIght honourable Lord it hath bene signified vnto vs by diuers letters what hath fallen out concerning a certaine shippe of ours called the Iesus into which for the helpe of Richard Skegs one of our Marchants in the same nowe deceased there was admitted a certaine Frenchman called Romaine Sonnings which for his ill behauiour according to his deserts seeking to cary away with him another Frenchman which was indebted to certaine of your people without paying his creditours was hanged by sentence of iustice together with Andrew Dier the Master of the said ship who simply and without fraude giuing credite to the said Frenchman without any knowledge of his euil fact did not returne when hee was commaunded by your honourable Lordship The death of the said lewde Frenchman we approoue as a thing well done but contrarywise whereas your Lordship hath confiscated the said ship with the goods therein and hath made slaues of the Mariners as a thing altogether contrary to the priuileges of the Grand Signior granted foure yeeres since and confirmed by vs on the behalfe of the most excellent the Queenes Maiestie of England our Mystresse and altogether contrary to the league of the saide Grand Signior who being fully informed of the aforesaid cause hath granted vnto vs his royall commandement of restitution which we send vnto your honourable Lordship by the present bearer Edward Barron our Secretarie and Mahomet Beg one of the Iustices of his stately Court with other letters of the most excellent Admirall and most valiant Captaine of the Sea requiring your honourable Lordship as well on the behalfe of the Grand Signior as of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie my Mystresse that the men oyles shippe furniture money and all other goods whatsoâ—uer by your Lordship and your order taken from our men be restored vnto this my Secretary freely without delay as the Grand Signior of his goodnesse hath graunted vnto vs especially in regard that the same oyles were bought by the commaundement of our Queenes most excellent Maiestie for the prouision of her Court. Which if you performe not wee protest by these our leters against you that you are the cause of all the inconueniences which may ensue vpon this occasion as the authour thereof contrary to the holy league sworne by both our Princes as by the priuileges which this our seruant will shewe you may appeare For the seeing of which league performed wee remaine here as Ligier in this stately Court And by this meanes you shall answere in another world vnto God alone and in this world vnto the Grand Signior for this hainous sinne committed by you against so many poore soules which by this your cruelty are in part dead and in part detained by you in most miserable captiuitie Contrarywise if it shall please you to auoyd this mischiefe and to remaine in the fauour of
falchines of the king of Pegu which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings and with cleane clothes it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan and resting themselues there a night there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight and from wordes to blowes and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse the night following when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads Now there is a lawe in Pegu that whosoeuer killeth a man he shall buy the shed blood with his money according to the estate of the person that is slaine but these Falchines being the seruants of the king the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter without the consent of the king because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter When the king had knowledge thereof he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home and then he would duely minister iustice but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd For at that time the Citie was emptie of men by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king in the middest of this rumour wee came thither and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe who was in Malacca yet there were diuerse marchants there but their goods were of small importance all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there vnlesse I would vnlade first yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit The Rector with the customer sent for mee and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande and payed my custome as other men did To whom I answered that I was a marchant that was newly come thither and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare with the sweate of my face and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king that I should haue no losse and although there came harme to thē Portugales that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult my reason sounded well in the Retors eares and so presently he sent for the Bargits which are as Counsellers of the Citie and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme but that we should be safe and sure of which promise there were made publike notes And then I sent for my goods and had them on land and payde my custome which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house The Captaine of the Portugales and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre and before that they made any tumult in the citie the Retor sent and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie when they heard any rumour or noyse that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses as they tendered their owne health Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales and their houses of wood and strawe in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded and one of them slaine and others without making proofe of their manhoode which the day before did so bragge at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes that were at an anker in the harbour and some that were in their beds fled away naked and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues tooke a newe courage to themselues and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes which houses being made of boorde and strawe and the winde blowing fresh in small time were burnt and consumed with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt when the Portugales had done this they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats which if they had not set fire to the towne they might haue had againe withont any losse at all Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content knowing that they had made a great fault yet the next morning following the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes but all was in vaine for the shotte neuer hit the Citie but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it so that the citie had no harme When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie and sent them foure miles into the Countrey there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed that made the batterie who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor that no man should doe me iniurie nor harme me nor my goods in such wise that hee perfourmed all
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dreâ—ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuyâ—en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were seâ—â— for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the capâ—aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
with them but themselues True it is that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary their â—ouse furniture seruants and all other things in such perfection and plentie that they want nothing Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes throughout the whole Realme Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice and receiuing of rents bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the greater officers Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie ech one as it behoueth him Generally all these doe imprison malefactours cause them to be whipped and racked hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord a thing very vsuall there and accompted no shame These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City towne or village Upon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken and looke euen as they are taken so be they first whipped and afterward layde in prison where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold At that time when we were in prison there died of them aboue threescore and ten If happely any one hauing the meanes to get food do escape he is set with the condemned persons and prouided for as they be by the King in such wise as hereafter it shal be said Their whips be certaine pieces of canes cleft in the middle in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe He that is to be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes that the standers by tremble at their crueltie Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed and if they come to the number of one hundred then are they incurable The Louteas obserue moreouer this when any man is brought before them to be examined they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present be the offence neuer so great Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs For this cause amongst them can there be no false witnesse as dayly amongst vs it falleth out This good commeth thereof that many being alwayes about the Iudge to heare the euidence and beare witnesse the processe cannot be falsified as it happeneth sometimes with vs. The Moores Gentiles and Iewes haue all their sundry othes the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos the Brachmans by their Fili the rest likewise by the things they do worship The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen by the Moone by the Sunne and by all their Idoles in iudgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one by and by with the least euidence he is tormented so be the witnesses he bringeth if they tell not the trueth or do in any point disagree except they be men of worship and credit who are beleeued without any further matter the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips Besides this order obserued of them in examinations they do feare so much their King and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe that that they dare not once stirre Againe these Louteas as great as they be notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue not trusting any others do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise and that is being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write ne did we stand before them with the vsuall ceremonies of that Countrey yet did they beare with vs so patiently that they caused vs to wonder knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue but we in a heathen Countrey hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne wanting an interpreter ignorant of that Countrey language did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice yea not to escape death for as the rumour goeth they shal be beheaded Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey and first no theft or murther is at any time pardoned adulterers are put in prison and the fact once proued are condemned to die the womans husband must accuse them this order is kept with men women found in that fault but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said where they shortly die for hunger and cold If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate his processe goeth further and commeth to the Court where he is condemned to die Sentence being giuen the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot with a boord at his necke one handfull broad in length reaching downe to his knees cleft in two parts and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke the which they incloâ—e vp therein nailing the boord faâ—t together one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die is written in that part of the table that standeth before This ceremony ended he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned persons the which are found by the king as long as they do liue The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much keeping them both from rest eke letting them to eat coÌ„modiously their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord so that in fine there is no remedy but death In the chiefe Cities of euery shire as we haue erst said there be foure principall houses in ech of them a prison but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest and although in euery City there be many neuerthelesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die Their death is much prolonged for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere though many die for hunger and cold as we haue seene in this prison Execution is done in this maner The Chian to wit the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice at the yeres end goeth to the head City where he
was first created but tempting him sought and procured his ruine and fall so againe finding at this flood none but a father and three sonnes liuing hee so caused one of them to transgresse and disobey his fathers commaundement that after him all his posteritie shoulde bee accursed The fact of disobedience was this When Noe at the commandement of God had made the Arke and entred therein and the floud-gates of heauen were opened so that the whole face of the earth euery tree and mountaine was couered with abundance of water hee straitely commaunded his sonnes and their wiues that they should with reuerence and feare beholde the iustice and mighty power of God and that during the time of the floud while they remained in the Arke they should vse continencie and abstaine from carnall copulation with their wiues and many other precepts hee gaue vnto them and admonitions touching the iustice of God in reuenging sinne and his mercie in deliuering them who nothing deserued it Which good instructions and exhortations notwithstanding his wicked sonne C ham disobeyed and being perswaded that the first childe borne after the flood by right and Lawe of nature should inherite and possesse all the dominions of the earth hee contrary to his fathers commandement while they were yet in the Arke vsed company with his wife and craftily went about thereby to dis-inherite the off-spring of his other two brethren for the which wicked and detestable fact as an example for contempt of Almightie God and disobedience of parents God would a sonne should bee borne whose name was Chus who not onely it selfe but all his posteritie after him should bee so blacke and lothsome that it might remaine a spectacle of disobedience to all the worlde And of this blacke and cursed Chus came all these blacke Moores which are in Africa for after the water was vanished from off the face of the earth and that the lande was dry Sem those that part of the land to inhabite in which nowe is called Asia and Iaphet had that which now is called Europa wherein wee dwell and Africa remained for Cham and his blacke sonne Chus and was called Chamesis after the fathers name being perhaps a cursed dry sandry and vnfruitfull ground fit for such a generation to inhabite in Thus you see that the cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse is the curse and naturall infection of blood and not the distemperature of the Climate Which also may bee prooued by this example that these blacke men are found in all parts of Africa as well without the Tropickes as within euen vnto Capo de buona Speranza Southward where by reason of the Sphere should be the same temperature that is in Sicilia Morea and Candie where al be of very good complexions Wherefore I conclude that the blacknesse proceedeth not of the hotenesse of the Clime but as I saide of the infection of blood and therefore this their argument gathered of the Africans blacknesse is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle Zone Wee may therefore very well bee assertained that vnder the Equinoctiall is the most pleasant and delectable place of the worlde to dwell in where although the Sunne for two houres in a yeere be direct ouer their heades and therefore the heate at that time somewhat of force yet because it commeth so seldome and continueth so small a time when it commeth it is not to bee wayed but rather the moderate heate of other times in all the yeere to be remembred And if the heate at any time should in the short day waxe somewhat vrgent the coldnesse of the long night there would easily refresh it according at Honterus sayeth speaking of the temperature vnder the Equinoctial Quódque die solis violento incanduit aestu Humida nox reficit paribusque refrigerat boris If the heate of the Sunne in the day time doe burne or parch any thing◠the moysture of the night doeth coole and refresh the same againe the Sunne being as long absent in the night as so was present in the day Also our Aucthour of the Sphere Iohannes de Sacro Bosco◠in the Chapter of the Zodiacke deriueth the Etymologie of Zodiacus of the Greeke word Zoe which in Latine signifieth Vita life for out of Aristotle hee alleadgeth that Secundum accessum recessum solis in Zodiaco fiunt generationes corruptiones in rebus inferioribus according to the Sunnes going to and fro in the Zodiake the inferiour bodies take their causes of generation and corruption Then it followeth that where there is most going too and fro there is most generation and corruption which must needes be betweene the two Tropickes for there the Sunne goeth too and fro most and no where else but there Therefore betweene the two Tropikes that is in the middle Zone is greatest increase multiplication generation and corruption of things which also wee finde by experience for there is Sommer twice in the yeere and twice Winter so that they haue two Haruests in the yeere and continuall Spring Seeing then the middle Zone falleth out so temperate it resteth to declare where the hottest part of the world should bee for we finde some places more hote then others To answere this doubt reason perswadeth the hotest place in the world to bee vnder and about the two Tropickes for there more then in any other place doe both the causes of heate concurre that is the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames at right angles and a greater continuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon the Pole there being eleuated three or foure and twentie degrees And as before I concluded that though the Sunne were perpendicular to them vnder the Equinoctiall yet because the same continued but a small time their dayes being short and their nights long and the speedie departure of the Sunne from their Zenith because of the suddeine crossing of the Zodiake with the Equinoctiall and that by such continuall course and recourse of hote and colde the temperature grew moderate and very well able to bee endured so nowe to them vnder the two Tropickes the Sunne hauing once by his proper motion declined twentie degrees from the Equinoctial beginneth to draw neere their Zenith which may bee as before about the eleuenth day of May and then beginneth to sende his beames almost at right Angles about which time the Sunne entreth into the first degree of Gemini and with this almost right Angle the Sunne beames will continue vntill it bee past Cancer that is the space of two moneths euery day at noone almost perpendicular ouer their heades being then the time of Solstitium Aestiuale which so long continuance of the Sunne about their Zenith may cause an extreeme heate if any be in the world but of necessitie farre more heate then can bee vnder the Equinoctiall where the Sunne hath no such long abode in the Zenith but passeth away there-hence very quickly Also vnder the Tropickes
and them for vs our heires and successours by that name doe incorporate and doe erect and create as one body corporate to haue continuance for euer Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his said associats and vnto their heires and their sayd assignes for euer by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage we haue giuen graunted and confirmed and doe by these presents giue grant and confirme full power and authoritie from time to time and at all times hereafter to make order decree and enact constitute and ordeine and appoynt all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and actes as the sayd new corporation or body politique Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage shall thinke meete necessary and conuenient so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme and of this our present graunt And we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of our authority of our grace especiall certaine knowledge and meere motion do establish confirme ratifie all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and acts to be in so full and great power and authority as we our heires or successours may or can in any such case graunt confirme or ratifie And further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this discouerie we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of authority for vs our heires and successours doe giue graunt establish confirme ordeine ratifie and allow by these presents to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his associates and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for euer and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects whatsoeuer that shall hereafter trauaile sayle discouer or make voyage as aforesayd to any the Iles Mainelands Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer by vertue of this our graunt to be discouered that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being borne within any of the Iles Mainelands and Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer before mentioned shall haue and inioy all the priuileges of free Denizens as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England or within our allegiance for euer in such like ample maner and forme as if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd Realme any law statute proclamation custome or vsage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding Moreouer for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof we giue and graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert his heires and assignes for euer free libertie licence and priuilege that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediatly ensuing the date hereof if shall not be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoeuer to visit haunt frequent trade or make voyage to any Iles Mainlands Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Ports Bayes and Hauens nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto not yet discouered by any of our subiects by vertue of this graunt to be traded vnto without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert his heires or assignes first had in writing And if any person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian his heires or assignes or any other person or persons whatsoeuer free of this discouery shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof during the space of the sayd fiue yeeres that then the partie and parties so offending they and their heires for euer shall loose ipso facto the benefite and priuilege of this our graunt and shall stand and remaine to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt And further by vertue hereof wee giue and graunt for vs our heires and successours at all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof libertie and licence and sull authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his heires and assignes that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships sayling on their sayd voyage to become mutinous sâ—diâ—ious disordered or any way virtuly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade intended to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending such punishment correction or execution as the cause shall be â—ound in iustice to require by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto as in such a case apperteineth That expresse mention of the certaintie of the premisses or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his associats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents or any other lawe act statute prouiso graunt or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue made these our Letters to bee made patenâ—s Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the sixt day of Februarie in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne The first voyage of M. Iohn Dauis vndertaken in Iune 1585. for the discouerie of the Northwest passage Written by M. Iohn Ianes Marchant sometimes seruant to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson CErtaine Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court Countrey with diuers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West Countrey mooued with desire to aduance Gods glory and to seeke the good of their natiue Countrey consulting together of the likelyhood of the Discouerie of the Northwest passage which heretofore had bene attempted but vnhappily giuen ouer by accidents vnlooked for which turned the enterprisers from their principall purpose resolued after good deliberation to put downe their aduentures to prouide for necessarie shipping and a fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise The setting forth of this Action was committed by the aduenturers especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Marchant of London who was so forward therein that besides his trauaile which was not small hee became the greatest aduenturer with his purse and commended vnto the rest of the companie one M. Iohn Dauis a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte of Nauigation for Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt Thus therefore all things being put in a readines wee departed from Dartmouth the seuenth of Iune towards the discouerie of the aforesayd Northwest passage with two Barkes the one being of 50. tunnes named the Sunneshine of London and the other being 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth In the Sunneshine we had 23. persons whose names are these following M. Iohn Dauis Captaine William Eston Master Richard Pope Masters mate Iohn Iane Marchant Henry Dauie gunner William Crosse boatswayne Iohn Bagge Walter Arthur Luke Adams Robert Coxworthie Iohn Ellis Iohn Kelley Edward Helman William Dicke Andrew Maddocke Thomas Hill Robert Wats Carpenter William Russell Chrstopher Gorney boy Iames Cole Francis Ridley Iohn Russell Robert Cornish Musicians The Mooneshine had 19. persons William Bruton Captaine Iohn Ellis
their enemies subdue them take possession of their Townes Cities or Uillages and in auoyding murtherous tyrannie to vse the Law of Armes as in like case among all Nations at this day is vsed and most especially to the ende they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession lest happily after the departure of the Christians such Sauages as haue bene conuerted should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked Rulers returne to their horrible idolatrie as did the children of Israel after the decease of Ioshua and continue their wicked custome of most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures And in so doing doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit at all transgresse the bonds of equitie or ciuilitie forasmuch as in former ages yea before the incarnation of Christ the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and Princes Gouernours of the children of Israel chiefly in respect to begin their planting for the establishment of Gods worde as also since the Natiuitie of Christ mightie and puissant Emperours and Kings haue performed the like I say to plant possesse and subdue For proofe whereof I will alledge you examples of both kindes Wee reade in the olde Testament how that after Noes flood was ceased restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him whose sâ—ede in processe of time was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth And forasmuch as all their posteritie being mightâ—ly encreased followed not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour God chose out of the multitude a peculiar people to himselfe to whom afterwardes being vnder the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay hee made a graunt to inherite the Land of Canaan called the Land of promise with all the other rich and fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto Neuerthelesse before they came to possession thereof hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous punishments and plagues for their sinnes they fell in despayre to enioy the same But being encouraged and comforted by their Rulers men of God they proceeded arming themselues with all patience to suffer whatsoeuer it should please God to send and at last attaining to the Land they were encountered with great numbers of strong people and mighty Kings Notwithstanding Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of God being assured of the iustnesse of his quarell gathered the chiefe strength of the children of Israel together to the number of 40000. with whom he safely passed huge riuer Iordan and hauing before sent priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico to vnderstand the certaintie of the Citizens estate he forthwith came thither and enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes In which respite perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or call for mercie he then commanded as God before had appointed that both the citie Ierico should be burned yea and all the inhabitants as well olde as young with all their cattell should be destroyed onely excepted Rahab her kindred and familie because shee before had hid secretly the messengers of Iosua that were sent thither as spies As for all their golde siluer precious stones or vessels of brasse they were reserued and consecrated to the Lords treasurie In like maner he burned the citie Hay slew the inhabitants thereof and hanged vp their King But for so much as the Gebionites fearing the like euent sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to intreate for grace sauour and peace hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued and that they should be admitted to the company of the children of Israel Yet vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a policie he vsed them as drudges to hewe wood and to carie water and other necessaries for his people Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest which he pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites Amorites Cananites Peresites Heuites and Iebusites with all their princes and Kings being thirtie and one in number diuers other strange nations besides whose lands dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people After that Iosua was deceased Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the armie who receiuing like charge from God pursued the proceedings of the holy captaine Iosua and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles Idolaters and aduersaries to the children of Israel with all such Rulers or Kings as withstoode him and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant whose thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off for so much as hee had done the like before vnto seuentie Kings whom being his prisoners he forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table In this God shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie We reade likewise that Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda that in short time he not only deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the fierce Madianites but also sâ—bdued them and their Tyrants whose landes he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture which aptly may be applyed hereunto were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to be briefe Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers all tending to the like argument And first to begin withall we doe trade That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion the Apostles being inspired with the holy Ghost and the knowledge of all strange languages did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the world to the preaching of the Gospel Yet not in so generall a maner but that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them among the which it is reported that India the great called the vttermost India as yet had receiued no light of the word But it came to passe that one Metrodorus a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age being desirous to search our vnknowen lanâ—s did first discouer the same finding it wonderfull populous and rich which vpon his returne being published and for certaine vnderstood there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus called Meropius being a Christian who did resolue himselfe following the example of Metrodorus to trauaile thither and in a short time assisted but with a fewe in a small Uessel arriued there hauing in his company two yong youths Edesius and Frumentius whom being his schollers he had throughly instructed both in liberall Sciences and christian Religion Now after that Meropius some while staying there had as hee thought sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whose estate He determined to depart and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour whom he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same But by misfortune he was preuented for being in the middest of his course
began to descry certaine sayles at sea whereof they aduertised mee with diligence whereupon I appointed to arme foorth a boate in good order to goe to discrie and know what they were I sent also to the Centinels which I caused to be kept on a little knappe to cause certaine men to climbe vp to the toppe of the highest trees the better to discouer them They descried the great boate of the shippes which as yet they could not perfectly discerne which as farre as they could iudge seemed to chase my boate which by this time was passed the barre of the riuer so that we could not possibly iudge whether they were enemies which would haue caried her away with them for it was too great a ken to iudge the trueth thereof Upon this doubt I put my men in order and in such array as though they had beene enemies and indeede I had great occasion to mistrust the same for my boate came vnto their ship about two of the clocke in the afternoone and sent me no nâ—wes all that day long to put me out of doubt who they should be The next day in the morning about eight or nine of the clocke I saw seuen boates among which mine owne was one full of souldiers enter into the riuer hauing euery man his harquebuze and morion on his head which marched all in battaile along the cliffes where my cenâ—inels were to whom they would make no kind of answere notwithstanding all the demandes that were made vnto them insomuch as one of my souldiers was constrained to bestowe a shot at them without doing hurt neuerthelesse to any of them by reason of the distance between him and the boates The report hereof being made vnto me I placed each of my men in his quarter with full deliberation to defend our selues if they had bâ—ne enemies as in tâ—ueth wee thought them to haue bene likewise I caused the two small field-pieces which I had left me to be trimmed in such sort as if in approching to the Fort they had not cryed that it was Captaine Ribault I had not failed to haue discharged the same vpon them Afterward I vnderstood that the cause why they entred in this maner proceeded of the false reports which had bene made vnto my Lord Admirall by those which were returned into France in the first shippes For they had put in his head that I played the Lord and the King and that I would hardly suffer that any other saue my selfe should enter in thither to gouerne there Thus we see how the good name of the most honest is oftentimes assayled by such as hauing no meanes to win themselues credit by vertuous and laudable endeuours thinke by debasing of other mens vertues to augment the feeble force of their fame courage which neuerthelesse is one of the most notable dangers which may happen in a commonwealth and chiefly among men of warre which are placed in gouernment For it is very hard yea vtterly vnpossible that in gouerning of a company of men gathered out of diuers places and sundry Nations and namely such as we know them to be in our warres it is I say vnpossible but there will be alwayes some of euill conditions and hard to be ruled which easily conceiue an hatred against him which by admonitions and light corrections endeuoureth to reduce them to the discipline of warre For they seeke nothing else but for a small occasion grounded vpon a light pretext to sound into the eares of great Lords that which mischieuously they haue contriued against those whose eâ—ecution of iustice is odious vnto them And albeit I will not place my selfe in the ranke of great and renowmed Captaines such as liued in times passed yet we may iudge by their examples how hurtfull backbiters haue beene vnto commonwealths I will onely take Alcibiades for witnesse in the commonwealth of the Athenians which by this meane was cast into banishment whereupon his citizens felt the smart of au infinite number of mischiefes insomuch as in the end they were constrained to call him home againe and acknowledge at length the fault they had committed in forgetting his good seruices and rather beleeuing a false report then hauing had regard vnto so many notable exploits which in former time hee had atchieued But that I loose not my selfe in digressing so faire in this my iuâ—tification I will returne againe to my first course Being therfore aduerâ—ised that it was Captaine Ribault I went foorth of the Fort to goe to meete him and to do him all the honour I could by any meanes I caused him to be welcommed with the artillery and a gentle volley of my shot whereunto he answered with his Afterward being come on shore and receiued honourably with ioy I brought him to my lodging reioycing not a little because that in this company I knew a good number of my friends which I intreated in the best sorte that I was able with such victuals as I could get in the countrey and that small store which I had left me with that which I had of the English General Hâ—wbeit I marueiled not a little when as all of them with one voice began to vtter vnto me these or the like speeches My Captaine we praise God that we haue found you aliue and chiefly because we know that the reports which haue bene made of you are false These speeches mooued me in such sort that I would needes out of hand know more mistrusting some euill Wherefore hauing accosted Captaine Iohn Ribault going both of vs aside together out of the Fort he signified vnto me the charge which he had praying mee not to returne into France but to stay with him my selfe and my company and assured me that he would make it well thought of at home Whereupon I replyed that out of this place I would do him all seruice that for the present I could not nor ought not accept this oâ—fer since he was come for no other intent then to occupie the place which I before possessed that I could haue no credite to be there commanded that my friends would neuer like of it and that he would hardly giue me that counsaile if in good earnest I should demand his aduise therin He made me answere that he would not command me that we should be companions that he would build another fortresse that he would leaue mine owne vnto me This notwithstanding I fully aduertised him that I could not receiue a greater comfort then the newes which he brought me to returne into France and farther that though I should stay there yet it must needes be that one of vs both was to command with title of the Kings Lieutenant that this could not well agree together that I had rather haue it cast in my teeth to be the poorest begger in the world then to be commanded in that place where I had endured so much to inhabite and plant there if it were
as good Iennets as any are in Spaine and better cheape then they bee in Spaine And with their mules they cary all their goods from place to place There is raine vsually in this Countrey from the moneth of May to the midst of October euery day which time they call their winter by reason of the said waters And if it were not for the waters which fall in these hot seasons their Maiz which is the greatest part of their sustenance would be destroyed This Maiz is the greatest maintenance which the Indian hath and also all the common people of the Spaniards And their horses and mules which labour cannot be without the same This graine is substantiall and increaseth much blood If the Miners should bee without it they coulde not labour their Mines for all their seruants eate none other bread but onely of this Maiz and it is made in cakes as they make oaten cakes in some places of England The Indians pay tribute being of the age of 20. yeeres 4. shillings of money and an hanege of Maiz which is worth 4. shillings more vnto the King euery yeere This is payd in all Noua Hispania of as many as be of the age of 20. yeeres sauing the Citie of Tlascalla which was made free because the citizens thereof were the occasion that Cortes tooke Mexico in so little a time And although at the first they were freed from paiment of tribute yet the Spaniards now begin to vsurpe vpon them and make them to till a great field of Maiz at their owne costes euery yeere for the King which is as beneficial vnto him and as great cost vnto them as though they paid their tribute as the others doe The ships which goe out of Spaine with goods for Peru goe to Nombre de dios and there discharge the said goods and from thence they be caried ouer the necke of a land vnto a port towne in the South sea called Panama which is 17. leagues distant from Nombre de dios And there they doe ship their goods againe and so from thence goe to Peru. They are in going thither three moneths and they come backe againe in 20. dayes They haue seldome foule weather and fewe ships are lost in the South sea Foure yeeres past to wit 1568. there was a ship made out of Peru to seek Salomons Islands and they came somewhat to the South of the Equinoctial found an Island with many blacke people in such number that the Spaniards durst not go on land among them And because they had bene long vpon the voyage their people were very weake and so went not on land to know what commoditie was vpon it And for want of victuals they arriued in Nona Hispania in a port called Puerto de Nauidad and thence returned backe againe vnto Peru whereas they were euil entreated because they had not knowen more of the same Island They haue in this port of Nauidad ordinarily their ships which goe to the Islands of China which are certaine Islands which they haue found within these 7. yeres They haue brought from thence gold and much Cinamom and dishes of earth and cups of the same so fine that euery man that may haue a piece of them will giue the weight of siluer for it There was a Mariner that brought a pearle as big as a doues egge from thence a stone for which the Uiceroy would haue giuen 3000. duckets Many things they bring from thence most excellent There are many of these ylands and the Spaniards haue not many of them as yet for the Portugals disturbe them much and combate with them euery day saying it is part of their conquest and to the maine land they cannot come at any hand There are goodly people in them and they are great Mariners richly apparelled in cloth of gold and siluer and silke of all sorts and goe apparelled after the maner of the Turkes This report make such as come from thence The men of the maine land haue certaine trafique with some of these ylanders and come thither in a kind of ships which they haue with one saile and bring of such marchandize as they haue need of And of these things there haue bene brought into New Spaine both cloth of gold and siluer and diuers maners of silks and works of gold and siluer maruellous to be seene So by their saying there is not such a countrey in the whole world The maine land is from the ylands 190. leagues and the ylands are not farre from the Malucos Northwards And the people of those ylands which the Spaniards haue say that if they would bring their wiues and children that then they should haue among them what they would haue So there goe women dayly and the king payeth all the charges of the maried men and their wiues that go to those ylands And there is no doubt but the trade will be marueilous rich in time to come It was my fortune to be in company with one Diego Gutieres who was the first Pilot that euer went to that Countrey of the Philippinas Hee maketh report of many strange things in that Countrey aswell riches as other and saith if there bee any Paradise vpon earth it is in that countrey and addeth that sitting vnder a tree you shall haue such sweet smels with such great content and pleasure that you shall remember nothing neither wife nor children nor haue any kinde of appetite to eate or drinke the odoriferous smels wil be so sweete This man hath good liuings in Noua Hispania notwithstanding hee will returne thither with his wife and children and as for treasure there is abundance as he maketh mention In this countrey of Noua Hispania there are many buckes and does but they haue not so long hornes as they haue here in England The Spaniards kill them with hand-guns and with grayhounds and the Indians kill them with their bowes and arrowes and with the skins they make chamoyce such as we in England make doublets and hose of as good as the skins that are dressed in Flanders likewise they make marueilous good Spanish leather of them There is a bird which is like vnto a Rauen but he hath some of his feathers white there is such abundance of them that they eate all the corrupt and dead flesh which is in the countrey Otherwise the abundance of carren is so much that it would make a marueilous corrupt aire in all the Countrey and be so noisome that no man could abide it Therefore it is commanded there shall none of them be killed These birds are alwayes about Cities and townes where there is much flesh killed The Indians are much fauoured by the Iustices of the Countrey and they call them their orphanes And if any Spaniard should happen to doe any of them harme or to wrong him in taking any thing from him as many times they doe or to strike any
message further that vntill the party who had thus murdered the Generals messenger were deliuered into our hands to receiue condigne punishment there should no day passe wherein there should not two prisoners be hanged vntil they were all consumed which were in our hands Whereupon the day following hee that had bene Captaine of the kings Galley brought the offendor to the townes ende offring to deliuer him into our hands but it was thought to be a more honourable reuenge to make them there in our sight to performe the execution themselues which was done accordingly During our being in this towne as formerly also at S. Iago there had passed iustice vpon the life of one of our owne company for an odious matter so heere likewise was there an Irishman hanged for the murthering of his Corporall In this time also passed many treaties betweene their Commissioners and vs for ransome of their Citie but vpon disagreements we still spent the early mornings in fiering the outmost houses but they being built very magnificently of stone with high lofees gaue vs no small trauell to ruine them And albeit for diuers dayes together we ordeined ech morning by day breake vntil the heat began at nine of the clocke that two hundred Mariners did nought els but labour to fire and burne the said houses without our trenches whilst the souldiers in a like proportion stood forth for their guard yet did wee not or could not in this time consume so much as one third part of the towne which towne is plainely described and set forth in a certaine Map And so in the end what wearied with firing and what hastened by some other respects wee were contented to accept of fiue and twentie thousand Ducats of fiue shillings sixe pence the peece for the ransome of the rest of the towne Amongst other things which happened and were found at S. Domingo I may not omit to let the world know one very notable marke token of the vnsatiable ambition of the Spanish king and his nation which was found in the kings house wherein the chiefe gouernour of that Citie and Countrey is appoynted alwayes to lodge which was this In the comming to the Hall or other roomes of this house you must first ascend vp by a faire large paire of staires at the head of which staires is a handsome spacious place to walke in somewhat like vnto a gallery wherein vpon one of the wals right ouer against you as you enter the said place so as your eye cannot escape the sight of it there is described painted in a very large Scutchion the armes of the king of Spaine and in the lower part of the said Scutchion there is likewise described a Globe conteining in it the whole circuit of the sea and the earth whereupon is a horse standing on his hinder part within the globe and the other fore-part without the globe lifted vp as it were to leape with a scroll painted in his mouth wherein was written these words in Latin Non sufficit orbis which is as much to say as the world sufficeth not Whereof the meaning was required to be knowen of some of those of the better sort that came in commission to treate vpon the ransome of the towne who would shake their heads and turne aside their countenance in some-smyling sort without answering any thing as greatly ashamed thereof For by some of our company it was tolde them that if the Queene of England would resolutely prosecute the warres against the king of Spaine hee should be forced to lay aside that proude and vnreasonable reaching vaine of his for hee shoulâ— finde more then inough to doe to keepe that which hee had alreadie as by the present example of their lost towne they might for a beginning perceiue well inough Now to the satisfying of some men who maruell greatly that such a famous and goodly buiâ—â—ded Citie so well inhabited of gallant people very braue in their apparell whereof our souldiers found good store for their reliefe should afoord no greater riches then was found there herein it is to be vnderstood that the Indian people which were the naturals of this whole Island of Hispaniola the same being neere hand as great as England were many yeeres since cleane consumed by the tyrannie of the Spanyards which was y â— cause that for lacke of people to worke in the Mines the golde and siluer Mines of this Island are wholy giuen euer and thereby they are â—aine in this Island to use Copper money whereof was found very great quantitie The chiefe trade of this place consisteth of Sugar and Ginger which groweth in the Island and of Hides of oxen and â—iâ—e which in this waste countrey of the Island are bredde in infinite numbers the soyle being very fertile and the sayd beasts are fedde vp to a very large grouth and so killed for nothing so much as for their Hides aforesayd Wee found heere great store of strong wine sweete oyle vinegar oliues and other such like prouisions as excellent Wheate-meale packed vp in wine-pipes and other caske and other commodities likewise as Woollen and Linnen cloth and some Silkes all which prouisions are brought out of Spaine and serued vs for great reliefe There was but a little Plate or vesell of Siluer in comparison of the great pride in other things of this towne because in these hotte Countreys they vse much of those earthen dishes finely painted or varnished which they call Porcellana which is had out of the East India for their drinking they vse glasses altogether whereof they make excellent good and faire in the same place But yet some plate we found and many other good things as their houshold garniture very gallant and rich which had cost them deare although vnto vs they were of small importance From Saint Domingo we put ouer to the maine or firme land and going all alongst the coast we came at the last in sight of Cartagena standing vpoÌ„ the sea side so neâ—re as some of our backs in passing alongst approched within the reach of their Culuâ—rin shot which they had planted vpon certaine platformes The Harbour mouth lay some three miles toward the Westward of the towne whereinto wee entred about three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone without any resistance of ordinance or other impeachment planted vpon the same In the Euening wee put our selues on land towards the harbour mouth vnder the leading of Master Carliell our Lieutenantâ— Generall who after hee had digested vs to march forwarde about midnight as easily as foote might fall expresly commanded vs to keepe close by the sea-wash of the shore for our best surest way whereby we were like to goe through and not to misse any more of the way which once wee had lost within an houre after our first beginning to march through the slender knowledge of him that tooke vpon him to be our guide where by the night spent on which
of her for the sauing of them And so the General being fully aduertised of their great extremitie made saile directly backe againe to Cartagena with the whole Fleete where hauing staied eight or ten dayes more about the vnlading of this ship and the bestowing thereof and her men into other Ships we departed once againe to Sea directing our course towards the Cape S. Antony being the Westermost part of Cuba where wee arriued the seuen and twentieth of April But because fresh water could not presently be found we weyed anchor and departed thinking in few dayes to recouer the Matanças a place to the Eastward of Hauana After wee had sailed some fourteen dayes wee were brought to Cape S. Anthony againe through lacke of fauorable wind but then our scarcity was growen such as neede made vs looke a little better for water which we found in sufficient quantitie being indeede as I iudge none other then raine water newly fallen and gathered vp by making pits in a plot of marrish ground some three hundred pases from the sea side I doe wrong if I should forget the good example of the Generall at this place who to encourage others and to hasten the getting of fresh water aboord the ships tooke no lesse paine himselfe then the meanest as also at S. Domingo Cartagena and all other places hauing alwayes so vigilant a care and foresight in the good ordering of his Fleete accompanying them as it is sayde with such wonderfull trauell of body as doubtlesse had he bene the meanest person as hee was the chiefest he had yet deserued the first place of honour and no lesse happy doe we account him for being associated with Master Carliel his Lieutenant generall by whose experience prudent counsell and gallant performance he atchieued so many and happy enterprises of the warre by whom also he was very greatly assisted in setting downe the needfull orders lawes and course of iustice and the due administration of the same vpon all occasions After three dayes spent in watering our Ships wee departed now the second time from this Cape of S. Anthony the thirteenth of May and procceding about the Cape of Florida wee neuer touched any where but coasting alongst Florida and keeping the shore still in sight the 28. of May early in the Morning wee descried on the shore a place built like a Beacon which was in deede a scaffold vpon foure long mastes raised on ende for men to discouer to the seaward being in the latitude of thirtie degrees or very neere thereunto Our Pinnesses manned and comming to the shore wee marched vp alongst the riuer side to see what place the enemie held there for none amongst vs had any knowledge thereof at all Here the Generall â—ooke occasion to march with the companies himselfe in person the Lieutenant generall hauing the Uantguard and going a mile vp or somewhat more by the riuer side we might discerne on the other side of the riuer ouer against vs a Fort which newly had bene built by the Spaniards and some mile or thereabout aboue the Fort was a little Towne or Uillage without walles built of woodden houses as the Plot doeth plainely shew Wee forthwith prepared to haue ordinance for the batterie and one peece was a litle before the Euening planted and the first shot being made by the Lieutenant generall himselfe at their Ensigne strake through the Ensigne as wee afterwards vnderstood by a French man which came vnto vs from them One shot more was then made which strake the foote of the Fort wall which was all massine timber of great trees like Mastes The Lieutenant generall was determined to passe the riuer this night with 4. companies and there to lodge himselfe intrenched as neere the Fort as that he might play with his muskets and smallest shot vpon any that should appeare and so afterwards to bring and plant the batterie with him but the helpe of Mariners for that sudden to make trenches could not be had which was the cause that this determination was remitted vntill the next night In the night the Lieutenant generall tooke a little rowing Skiffe and halfe a dozen well armed as Captaine Morgan and Captaine Sampson with some others besides the rowers went to view what guard the enemie kept as also to take knowledge of the ground And albeit he went as couertly as might be yet the enemie taking y e Alarme grew feareful that the whole force was approching to the assault and therefore with all speede abandoned the place after the shooting of some of their peeces They thus gone and hee being returned vnto vs againe but nothing knowing of their flight from their Fort forthwith came a French man being a Phipher who had bene prisoner with them in a litle boate playing on his Phiph the tune of the Prince of Orenge his songâ— and being called vnto by the guard he tolde them before he put foote out of the boate what he was himselfe and how the Spaniards were gone from the Fort offering either to remaine in hands there or els to returne to the place with them that would goe Upon this intelligence the Generall the Lieutenant generall with somâ— of the Captaines in one Skiffe and the Uice-admirall with some others in his Skiffe and two or three Pinnesses furnished of souldiers with them put presently ouer towards the Fort giuing order for the rest of the Pinnesses to follow And in our approch some of the enemie bolder then the rest hauing stayed behinde their company shot off two peeces of ordinance at vs but on shore wee went and entred the place without finding any man there When the day appeared we found it built all of timber the walles being none other but whole Mastes or bodies of trees set vp right and close together in maner of a pale without any ditch as yet made but wholy intended with some more time for they had not as yet finished al their worke hauing begunne the same some three or foure moneths before so as to say the trueth they had no reason to keepe it being subiect both to fire and easie assault The plat forme whereon the ordinance lay was whole bodies of long pine trees whereof there is great plentie layd a crosse one on another and some litle earth amongst There were in it thirteene or fourteene great peeces of Brasse ordinance and a chest vnbroken vp hauing in it the value of some two thousand pounds sterling by estimation of the kings treasure to pay the souldiers of that place who were a hundred and fiftie men The Fort thus wanne which they called S. Iohns Fort and the day opened wee assayed to goe to the towne but could not by reason of some riuers and broken ground which was betweene the two places and therefore being enforced to imbarke againe into our Pinnesses wee wâ—nt thither vpon the great maine riuer which is called as also the Towne by the name of S. Augustin At our approching
haue it by and by whâ—reat the captaine being angry becâ—use they put to small trust in his word would not suffer his saylers to carrie it but said he would get Negros to serue his turne and so these wâ—re the Negros aforesaid whom he had brought to carry away the golde and siluer but by the way he met with the fiue Englishmen which fled from the pinnesse who told him of the Spaniards and then he made friends with all his men and got the Negros to take his part but hauing the ouerthrow and his best men being slaine and taken prisoners he thought to haue returned to his ship and so to haue gone for England The Spanish captaine hauing heard this discourse of the English prisoners buried the dead bodies embarking all things and with the Englishmen and their pinnesse returned backe vnto Panamá Thus was the Engliâ—hmens voyage ouerthrowen Now so soone as the the foure barkes and the pinnesse were arriued at Panamá the Gouernour of that place sent a messenger ouerland to Nombre de Dios to aduertise the townesmen where the Englishmens shiplay whereupon they of Nombre de Dios manned out foure ships and went into the bay of Dariene where the Englishmen had left their ship which they tooke away with them to Nombre de Dios with all her ordinance so that the poore Englishmen were left in the mountaines very naked and destitute of all comfort for the Spaniards had taken out of the foresaid house of boughes all their tooles other necessaries so that they could by no meanes haue any succour whereas oâ—herwise they might haue builded another pinnesse and prouided better for themselues to haue returned for their owne countrey These newes comming to the earâ—s of the Uâ—ceroy of Peru he thought it not conuenient to suffer those fiftie Englishmen which were yet aliue to continue in the mountaines among the said Negros Wherefore he sent a seruant of his called Diego de Frees with 150 shot to seeke them who at length found them making of Canoas to take some one small barke or other that sayled to and againe in the North sea whereby they might the better shift for themselues but before they had finished their pretended worke the Spanish souldiers set vpon them and tooke fifteene of them that were sicke but the rest fled whom the Spaniards pursued among the mountaines and in the end the Negros betraied them and they were all taken and carried to Panamá Where the Iustice asked the English captaine whither he had the Queenes license or the license of any other Prince or Lord And he answered that he had noâ—e but that he came of his owne proper motion Which being knowen to the Iusâ—ice the Captaine and his companie were condemned and were all put to death at Panamá sauing the Captaine himselfe the Master and the Pilot and fiue boyes which were caried to Lima where the Captaine and the two other men were executed but the boyes are yet liuing The king of Spaine hauing intelligence of these matters sent 300 men of warre against those Negros who had assisted the Englishmen which Negros before were slaues vnto the Spaniards and as is aforesaide fled from their masters into those mountaines and so ioyned themselues to the Englishmen thinking by that meanes to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie At the first comming of these three hundred souldiers they tooke many of the Negros and did great iustice on them according to the qualitie of their offences But after a season the Negros grew wise and wary and preuented the Spaniards so that none of them could be taken Whereof the king being aduertised by his Captaines as also how the countrey was full of mountaines and riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his souldiers died he wrote vnto his said Captaines to make an agreement with those Negros to the ende the countrey might be in quiet And so they came to agreement with the Captaines of the Negros and all was appeased Afterward the Negros inhabiting two places which the Spaniardes allotted vnto them the kings pardon was proclaimed vnto all those which before the day of the proclamation thereof had runne from their Masters vpon condition that from that day forward whatsoeuer other fugitiue Negros should resort vnto them they should returne them home either dead or aliue if not that they should pâ—y for them Upon these conditions and to make all quiet in the mountaines all things were concluded and agreed vpon So that now the Negros dwell in great townes where they haue Spaniardes for their teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they holde themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their rulers The Spaniards since they conquered those parts haue seene many Frenchmen on that coast but neuer any Englishmen in that place saue those two onely which I haue before mentioned And although the Frenchmen haue come strong yet durst they neuer put foot on shore as the English did But the king of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen beganne to haunt that coast caused two gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the coast The first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French ships So soone as this was knowen there vsed fewe English or Frenchmen of warre to come on the coast vntill this yeere 1586. when as the aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong fleete of about foure and twentie ships and did such harme as is well knowen vnto all Christendome But God sparing the king of Spaine life hee will sufficiently prouide to keepe his subiectes from the inuasions of other Nations Now to go forward with our begunne discourse the next towne vpon this coast beyond Nombre de Dios is Cartagena it standeth in a more healthfull place and is a greater towne then the other bordering vpon a better countrey which aboundeth with plentie of victuals and hauing a very good port for the harbour of ships and it is called Cartagena because it resembleth very much the citie of Cartagena in Spaine I containeth aboue foure hundred housholds It is very rich by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home into Spaine then they lie at Cartagena Also it is greatly enriched by the marchandize which is there discharged to be carryed to the new kingdome of Granada from which kingdome much golde is brought vnto Cartagena This new kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the land neither can they trauel from Cartagena to this kingdome by land because of the mountaines and standing waters which lie in the way so that they are faine to carry their goods vp a riuer called The great riuer of Magdalen They can goe with tâ—eir barkes but two hundred leagues vp this riuer for although it be large and very deepe yet there runneth so swift a current that the
of his subiects Of his age and demeanour and of his seale Chap. 28. THis Emperour when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres He was of a meane stature very wise and politike and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour A rare thing it was for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly as those Christians report which abode continually with him Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians neere vnto his great Tent where the Clearkes like vnto other Christians and according to the custome of the Graecians doe sing publiquely and openly and ring belles at certaine houres bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars or of other people in presence And yet none of their Dukes doe the like It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger though he be neuer so great but heareth and answeareth by a speaker And when any of his subiects howe great soeuer they bee are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him or in hearing his answeare they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour The sayde Emperour hath in his affaires both publike and priuate an Agent and Secretary of estate with Scribes and all other Officials except aduocates For without the noyse of pleading or sentence giuing all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto thē But be it known vnto al men that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres the saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect together with al his princes erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God the Romane empire and against al Christian kingdomes and nations of the West vnlesse peraduenture which God forbid they will condescend vnto those things which he hath inoined vnto our lord the Pope to all potentates and people of the Christiās namely that they wil become obedient vnto him For except Christendom there is no land vnder heauē which they stand in feare of and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father namely Occoday was poisoned to death which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre But their intent and purpose is as I haue aboue said to subdue the whole world vnto themselues as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner The power of God Emperour of all men Also vpon his seale there is this posie ingrauen God in heauen and Cuyne Can vpon earth the power of God the seale of the Emperour of all men Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour Chap. 29. IN the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne we were summoned before him And Chingay his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names and the names of them that sent vs with the name of the Duke of Solangi of others cried out with a loude voice rehearsing the said names before the Emperour and the assembly of his Dukes Which beeing done ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues and could not find any about vs we entred in at the doore vpon the East side because no man dare presume to enter at the West doore but the Emperour onely In like maner euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies This therefore was the first time when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence after he was created Emperour Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him but very fewe were admitted into his tent And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours that they seemed to be infinite namely in Samites robes of purple and of Baldakin cloth silke girdles wrought with golde and costly skinnes with other gifts also Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie or small tent which was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head presented vnto him being set full of precious stones And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins They had saddles also vpon their backs with certaine other instruments within the which were places for men to sitte vpon Also they brought many horses mules vnto him furnished w t trappers and caparisons some being made of leather◠and some of iron And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpō him or no But wee were not of abilitie so to doe hauing in a maner spent all our prouision There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents more then 500. carts which were all ful siluer and of gold and silke garments And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him Of the place where the Emperor and his mother tooke their leaues one of another and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia Chap. 30. DEparting thence we came vnto another place where a wonderfull braue tent all of red purple giuen by the Kythayans was pitched Wee were admitted into that also and alwaies when we entred there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke sodden flesh when we would to eate There was also a loftie stage built of boords where the Emperours throne was placed being very curiously wrought out of iuorie wherein also there was golde and precious stones and as we remember there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it And it was round vpon the top There were benches placed about the saide throne whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles but none sate aloft on the right hande and the Dukes sate vpon benches below the said throne being in the midst Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither The three tents whereof we spake before were very large but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother for she went into one part of the land and the Emperour into another to execute iustice For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour which had poysoned his father
to death at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie which for the same cause returned home Moreoouer vpon the foresaide Concubine and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced and they were put to death At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal which is a part of Russia deceased For being as it were for honours sake inuited to eate and drink with the Emperours mother and immediatly after the banquet returning vnto his lodging he fel sicke and within seuen dayes died And after his death his body was of a strange blew colour and it was commonly reported that the said Duke was poisoned to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome How the Friers comming at length vnto the Emperour gaue and receiued letters Chap. 31. TO be short the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor who when he had heard of them that we were come vnto him coÌ„manded that we should return vnto his mother For he was determined the next day as it is abouesaid to set vp a flag of defiaÌ„ce against al y â— countreis of the West which he would haue vs in no case to know Wherefore returning we staied some few dayes with his mother and so returned baâ—ke again vnto him With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst that we could scarce hold life and soule together For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes was scantly sufficient for one day Neither could we buy vs any sustenance because the market was too farre off Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith named Cosmas who being greatly in the Emperours fauour procured vs some sustenance This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour which hee had made before it was set in the proper place and his seale which he also had framed Afterward the Emperor sent for vs giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary that wee should write downe our messages affaires and should deliuer them vnto him Which thing we performed accordingly Aâ—ter many daies he called for vs againe demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope which vnderstood the Russian the Sarracen or the Tartarian language To whom we answered that we had none of those letters or languages Howbeit that there were certaine Saracens in the land but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope And wee saide that wee thought it most expedient that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language and had interpreted the meaning therof vnto vs we should diligently translate it into our own tongue and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope Then departed they from vs and went vnto the Emperour And after the day of S. Martine we were called for againe Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire and Chingay and Bala with diuers other Scribes came vnto vs and interpreted the letter word for word And hauing written it in Latine they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence to wit if we had erred in any word And when both letters were written they made vs to reade them ouer twise more least we should haue mistaken ought For they said vnto vs Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright it might breed some inconuenience They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them if need should require How they were licensed to depart Chap. 32. ANd as our Tartars told vs the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit he was desirous as we thought that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man exhorted vs to make the said petition we thought it not good for vs that the Emperor should send his ambassadours Wherfore we gaue him answere that it was not for vs to make any such petition but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them we would diligently by Gods assistance see them conducted in safetie Howbeit we thought it expedient for vs that they should not goe and that for diuers causes First because we feared least they seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly we feared that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions Thirdly we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way For our nations be arrogant and proud For when as those seruants which at the request of the Cardinall attended vpon vs namely the legates of Almaine returned vnto him in the Tartars attire they were almost stoned in the way by the Dutch and were compelled to put off those garments And it is the Tartars custome neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours till they haue reuenged themselues Fourthly least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force Fiftly because there could come no good by their ambassade for they were to haue none other commission or authoritie but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope and to the Princes of Christendome which very same letters wee our selues had and we knew right well that much harme might ensue thereoâ— Wherefore the third day after this namely vpon the feast of Saint Brice they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale sending vs vnto the Emperours mother who gaue vnto eche of vs â— gowne made of Foxe-skinnes with the furre on the outside and a piece of purple And our Tartars stole a yarde out of euery one of them And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant they stole the better halfe Which false dealing of theirs we knew well inough but would make no words thereof How they returned homewards Chap. 33. THen taking our iourney to returne we trauailed all Winter long lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon For there were no trees but the plaine champion field And oftentimes in the morning we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension we arriued at the court of Bathy Of whom when wee had enquired what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written And hauing receiued letters for our safe conduct the thirteenth day after Pentecost being Saterday wee were proceeded as farre as Montij with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained which were withheld from vs and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs.
would withholde from him all other gold within the earth I sawe some of those people being very deformed creatures In Tangut I saw lusly tall men but browne and smart in colour The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish and Comanian languages Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards Also they haue iackets like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat and is so trimmed that it glittereth in the sunne beames like vnto a glasse or an helmet well burnished And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters which houer in the wind as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length and a handfull in breadth being very smoothe And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe or vnto any other great personage hee alwayes beheld that table as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand nor to the lefte nor vpon his face with whom he talked Yea going too and fro before his lord he looketh no where but only vpon his table Beyond theÌ„ as I vnderstand of a certainty there are other people called Muc hauing villages but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droâ—es of cattell in their countrey no man appointed to keepe them But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill and there maketh a shout and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse come flocking about him and suffer themselues to be handled and taken as if they were tame And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie they shut him vp into an house ministring there things necessary vnto him vntill his businesse he dispatched For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him and so would become wilde Beyond Muc is great Cathâ—ya the inhabitants whereof as I suppose were of olde time called Seres For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey I was crediblie informedâ— that in the said countrey there is one towne hauing walles of siluer and bulwarkes or towers of golde There be many prouinces in that land the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars And amongst * Somewhat is wanting Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror William Rufus Henry the second king Richard the first king Iohn and Henry the third continued vnto them EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Gascoigne to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Shirifs Prouosts Officers to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England truly to be continued in time to come we haue granted by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires to the same our Barons and to their heires all their liberties and freedomes So that they shall be free from all toll and from all custome that is to say from all lastage tollage passage cariage riuage asponsage and from all wrecke and from all their sale carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion with socke and souke toll and theme And that they shall haue Infangthefe and that they shall be wreckefree lastagefree and louecopfree And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds so that if any person will plead against them they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord king Henrie our great grandfather And that they shall haue their findeâ—â—es in the sea and in the land And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen And that they haue their honours in our court and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid except any of the same Barons doe implead any man or if any man be impleaded And that they shall not pleade in any other place except where they ought and where they were wont that is to say aâ— Shepeway And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England Edward William the first William the second Henrie the king our great grandfatherâ— and in the times of king Richard and king Iohn our grandfathers and lord king Henrie our father by their Charters as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue and which we haue seene doe reasonably testifie And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds So neuerthelesse that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice our Warden and the
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌ„pton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâ—fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâ—khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
Angliensibus nauibus eorum in nauibus existentibus mercibus rebus contra foedus priuilegium iniuria vis aut damnum non inferatur sed vt conuenit defendas vt naues mercatores homines nostri velut proprij subditi liberi ab omni vi iniuria permaneant negotijs suis incumbant Et quod illius loci Ianisseri illos impedirent significatum est vt illi illis nocumento sint nullo modo concedimus Iuxta tenorem mandati huius illos commonefacias vt nihil quicquam contra foedus faciant ita vt nunquam huiusmodi querela huc veniat quia quicquid acciderit a te expostulabimus Negligentiam postponito insigni Cesareo fidem adhibeto A commaundement for Egypt SCito quod orator Reginae Angliae in porta mea existens libellum supplicem ad portam nostram mittens significauit quod cum ex AEgypto Consul eorum abesset Consulillic Gallicus existens Vento nuncupatus quamuis ante haec tempora ne manus in Anglos mitteret mandatum nostrum fuerit datum Angli sub vexillo tutela nostra sunt inquiens mandatum Caesareum vili existimans non cessauit perturbare Anglos Quare scito quod Reginae Angliae priuilegium nostrum est datum Iuxta illud priuilegium Anglis nulla ratione Consul Gallicus Consulatum agat neue manus immittat mandatum nostrum postulauit eius legatus Quare mando vt contra priuilegium nostrum Consul Gallicus Anglis iniuriam non inferat neue Consulatum agat Iudici AEgypti literae nostrae sunt datae hanc ob causam mando tibi quoque vt iuxta illud mandatum nostrum contra priuilegium nostrum Anglis Gallum Consulatum agere nunquam patiare Sic scito insigni meo fidem adhibeto A commaundement of the Grand Signior to the Cadie or Iudge of Alexandria THe Embassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England certified vs howe that at the death of one of their marchants in Alexandria called Edward Chamberlaine the French Consul Vento sealing vp his fondego and chamber tooke vnder his seale al his goods and marchandise into his power and required our commandement that all the goods might be restored againe according to iustice vnto the Englishmen wherefore we commaund you that hauing receiued this our commandement you assemble those of the one part and of the other together and if it be not passed fiue yeeres if you haue not looked to it heretofore now carefully looke to it if it be according to their Arz or certificate presented vnto vs that the foresaid French Consull Vento hath wrongfuâ—ly token into his power the goods of the deceased English marchant vnder hâ—s seale that then you cause him to restore all the said goods and marchandise sealed by him and make good that which is thereof wanting vnto the English marchants doe in this matter according to iustice and credite this our seale A commandement to the Bassa of Alexandria THe Embassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiesty of England by supplication certified vs how that notwithstanding our priuilege granted them to make Consuls in al parts of our dominions to gouerne their nation according to their owne custome law to defend them against all wrongs and iniuries whatsoeuer yet that the French Consull affirming to thee that art Bassa that they were vnder his banner and that he should gouerne them and ouersee their businesse and hauing got a new priuilege mentioning therein the English men to be vnder his banner did by all meanes molest trouble them insomuch that their Consull oppressed with many iniuries fled away and that thou which art Beglerbie didst maintaine the French Consul herein whereupon the Embassadour required our commandement that they might haue iustice for these iniuries wherefore we command thee that hauing receiued this our commandement you examine diligently that his priuilege and send the copie thereof hither and if it be found that the French Consull Vento hath by subtiltie got the aforesaid priuilege written that you then see him punished and suffer not hereafter the French or Uenetian Consuls to intermeddle with their businesse Obey this our commaundement and giue credite to the seale A commaundement to the Byes and Cadies of Metelin and Rhodes and to all the Cadies and Byes in the way to Constantinople TO the Saniakbies of Rhodes and Metelin to the Saniacbies bordering on the sea-coast and to the Cadies in Rhodes and Metelin and to the Ermins in the other ports and coastes This commaundement comming to you know that the Embassadour of England required of vs our commaundement that their ships comming to Chio from thence to Constantinople no man should hurt them or offer any violence either in the way on the sea or on the land or in the portes I haue commaunded that their ships comming to any of the said places or ports with marchandise if they themselues will they may sell their commodities as much and as litle as they will and if it be in a place where custome was not woont to be taken hauing taken the custome due by the olde Canon you suffer them not to bee iniuried either in the way portes or other places but that they may come in quietnesse to Constantinople and certifie vs of those that be disobedient to our commaundement and giue credite to our seale And hauing read this our commandement giue it to them againe A commaundement for Aleppo WHen my letters shal come vnto you know that the Queene of England her Embassador by supplication certified how that before this time we had giuen our coÌ„mandement that the summe of 70 ducats other marchandize belonging to one William Barret in Aleppo now bead saying he was a Uenetian should be giuen to the Uenetians And if they did find that he was not a Uenetian my will was that they should send all his goods and marchandize to our port into my treasurie But because that man was an Englishman the Embassadour required that the sayde goods might not be diminished but that they might be restored to one of their Englishmen This businesse was signified vnto vs in the nine hundred ninety fourth yere of Mahomet and in the moneth of May the 10 day This businesse pertaineth to the Englishmen who haue in their handes our priuilege according to which priuilege being in their hands let this matter be done Against this priuilege do nothing aske nothing of them but restore to euery one his goods And I command that when my coÌ„mandement shall come vnto you you doe according to it And if it be according as the Ambassadour certified and that they haue the priuilege peruse the same looke that nothing be committed against it and our league and let none trouble them contrarie to it restore them their goods according to iustice and take heede diligently in this businesse if another strange marchant be dead and his goods and marchandize be taken if he
be neither Uenetian nor Englishman let not his goods perish among you Before this time one of our Chauses called Cerkes Mahomet chaus was sent with our commaundement to sende the money and marchandize of a dead marchant to our port and hitherto no letters or newes is come of this matter for which you shall be punished Wherefore beware and if he that is dead be neither Uenetian nor Englishman in veritie doe not loose the goods of the said dead marchant vnder the name of a Uenetian or Englishman doe not to the discommoditie of my treasurie for after it will be hard to recouer it The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbarie in the yeere 1583. with a ship called the Iesus wherein the aduentures and distresses of some Englishmen are trâ—ely reported and other necessary circumstances obserued Written by Thomas Sanders THis voyage was set foorth by the right worshipfull sir Edward Osborne knight chiefe merchant of all the Turkish company and one master Richard Staper the ship being of the burden of one hundred tunnes called the Iesus she was builded at Farmne a riuer by Portsmouth The owners were master Thomas Thomson Nicholas Carnaby and Iohn Gilman The master was one Aches Hellier of Black-wall and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that place their Pilot was one Anthonie Ierado a French man of the prouince of Marseils the purser was one William Thomson our owners sonne the merchants factors were Romane Sonnings a Frenchman and Richard Skegs seruant vnto the said master Staper The owners were bound vnto the merchants by charter partie thereupon in one thousand markes that the said ship by Gods permission should goe for Tripolis in Barbarie that is to say first from Portsmouth to Newhauen in Normandie from thence to S Lucar otherwise called Saint Lucas in Andeluzia and from thence to Tripolie which is in the East part of Africa and so to returne vnto London But here ought euery man to note and consider the workes of our God that many times what man doth determine God doth disappoint The said master hauing some occasion to goe to Farmne tooke with him the Pilot and the Purser and returning againe by meanes of a perrie of winde the boat wherein they were was drowned with the said master the purser and all the company onely the said Pilot by experience in swimming saued himselfe these were the beginnings of our sorrowes After which the said masters mate would not proceed in that voiage and the owner hearing of this misfortune and the vnwillingnesse of the masters mate did send downe one Richard Deimond and shipped him for master who did chuse for his Mate one Andrew Dier and so the said ship departed on her voiage accordingly that is to say about the 16 of October in An. 1583. she made saile from Portsmouth and the 18 day then next following she arriued at Newhauen where our saide last master Deimond by a surfeit died The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier being then masters mate to be their master for that voiage who did chuse to be his Mates the two quarter masters of the same ship to wit Peter Austine and Shillabey and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges Afterward about the 8 day of Nouember we made saile forthward and by force of weather we were driuen backe againe into Portesmouth where we renued our victuals and other necessaries and then the winde came faire About the 29 day then next following we departed thence and the first day of December by meanes of a contrarie winde wee were driuen to Plimmouth The 18 day then next following we made foorthward againe by force of weather we were driuen to Falmouth where we remained vntill the first day of Ianuary at which time the winde comming faire we departed thence and about the 20 day of the said moneth we arriued safely at S. Lucar And about the 9 day of March next following we made saile from thence and about the 18 day of the same moneth we came to Tripolis in Barbarie where we were verie well intertained by the king of that countrey and also of the commons The commodities of that place are sweete oiles the king there is a merchant and the rather willing to preferre himselfe before his commons requested our said factors to traffique with him and promised them that if they would take his oiles at his owne price they should pay no maner of custome and they tooke of him certaine tunnes of oile and afterwarde perceiuing that they might haue farre better cheape notwithstanding the custome free they desired the king to licence them to take the oiles at the pleasure of his commons for that his price did exceede theirs whereunto the king would not agree but was rather contented to abate hâ—s price insomuch that the factors bought all their oyles of the king custome free and so laded the same aboord In the meane time there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristow who togother with our said Factors tooke a house to themselues there Our French Factor Romane Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the markeâ— and wanting money desired the saide Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred Chikinoes vntill he came to his lodging which he did and afterward the same Sonnings mette with Miles Dickenson in the streete and deliuered him money bound vp in a napkin saying master Dickenson there is the money that I borowed of you and so thanked him for the same hee doubted nothing lesse then falshoode which is seldome knowne among marchants and specially being together in one house and is the more detestable betweene Christians they being in Turkie among the heathen The said Dickenson did not tell the money presently vntill he came to his lodging and then finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred which was about three pounds for that euery Chikino is woorth seuen shillings of English money he came to the sayde Romane Sonnings and deliuered him his handkerchiefe and asked him howe many Chikinoes hee had deliuered him Sonnings answered an hundred Dickenson said no and so they protested and swore on both parts But in the end the sayd Romane Sonnings did sweare deepely with detestable othes and curses and prayed God that hee might shewe his workes on him that other might take ensample thereby and that he might be hanged like a dogge and neuer come into England againe if he did not deliuer vnto the sayde Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes And here beholde a notable example of all blasphemers cursers and swearers how God rewarded him accordingly for many times it commeth to passe that God sheweth his miracles vpon such monstrous blasphemers to the ensample of others as nowe hereafter you shall heare what befell to this Romane Sonnings There was a man in the said towne a pledge whose name was Patrone Norado who the yere before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted vnto
heareth againe the causes of such as be condemned Many times he deliuereth some of them declaring y e boord to haue bene wronfully put about their necks the visitation ended he choseth out seuen or eight not many more or lesse of the greatest malefactors the which to feare and keepe in awe the people are brought into a great market place where all the great Louteas meete together and after many ceremonies and superstitions as the vse of the Countrey is are beheaded This is done once a yeere who so escapeth that day may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that yeere following and so remaineth at the kings charges in the greater prison In that prison where we lay were alwayes one hundred and mo of these condemned persons besides them that lay in other prisons These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do remaine are so strong that it hath not bene heard that any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison for in deed it is a thing impossible The prisons are thus builded First all the place is mightily walled about the walles be very strong and high the gate of no lesse force within it three other gates before you come where the prisoners do lye there many great lodgings are to be seene of the Louteas Notaries Parthions that is such as do there keepe watch and ward day and night the court large and paued on the one side whereof standeth a prison with two mighty gates wherein are kept such prisoners as haue committed enormious offences This prison is so great that in it are streetes and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some prisoners liue by that kinde of trade buying and selling and letting out beds to hire some are dayly sent to prison some dayly deliuered wherefore this place is neuer void of 7. or eight hundred men that go at libertie Into one other prison of condemned persons shall you go at three yron gates the court paued and vauted round about and open aboue as it were a cloister In this cloister be eight roomes with yron doores and in ech of them a large gallerie wherein euery night the prisoners do lie at length their feet in the stocks their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting so that they lye as it were in a cage sleepe if they can in the morning they are losed againe that they may go into the court Notwithstanding the strength of this prison it is kept with a garrison of men part whereof watch within the house part of them in the court some keepe about the prison with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another fiue times euery night and giuing warning so lowd that the Loutea resting in a chamber not neere thereunto may heare them In these prisons of condemned persons remaine some 15 other 20. yeres imprisoned not executed for the loue of their honorable friends that seeke to prolong their liues Many of these prisoners be shoomakers and haue from the king a certaine allowance of rise some of them worke for the keeper who suffreth them to go at libertie without fetters and boords the better to worke Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his checke roll with the keeper vieweth them they all weare their liueries that is boords at their necks yronned hand and foot When any of these prisoners dieth he is to be seene of the Loutea and Notaries brought out of a gate so narrow that there can but one be drawen out there at once The prisoner being brought forth one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him thrise on the head with an yron sledge that done he is deliuered vnto his friends if he haue any otherwise the king hireth men to cary him to his buriall in the fields Thus adulterers and theeues are vsed Such as be imprisoned for debt once knowen lie there vntil it be paied The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the vertue of his office who vnderstanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts appointeth them a certaine time to do it within the compasse whereof if they discharge not their debts being debters indeed then they be whipped and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment if the creditors be many and one is to be paied before another they do contrary to our maner pay him first of whom they last borrowed and so ordinarily the rest in such sort that the first lender be the last receiuer The same order is kept in paying legacies the last named receiueth his portion first They accompt it nothing to shew fauour to such a one as can do the like againe but to do good to them that haue litle or nothing that is worth thanks therefore pay they the last before the first for that their intent seemeth rather to be vertuous then gainefull When I said that such as be committed to prison for theft and murther were iudged by the Court I ment not them that were apprehended in the deed doing for they need no triall but are brought immediatly before the Tutan who out of hand giueth sentence Other not taken so openly which do need trial are the malefactors put to eâ—ecution once a yere in the chiefe cities to keepe in awe the people or condemned do remaine in prison looking for their day Theeues being taken are caried to prison from one place to another in a chest vpon mens shoulders hired therfore by the king the chest is 6. handfuls high the prisoner sitteth therein vpon a bench the couer of the chest is two boords amid them both a pillery-like hole for the prisoners necke there sitteth he with his head without the chest and the rest of his body within not able to mooue or tuâ—ne his head this way or that way nor to plucke it in the necessities of nature he voydeth at a hole in the bottome of the chest the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others There abideth â—â— day and night during his whole iourney if happily his porters stumble or the chest do iogge or be set downe carelesly it turneth to his great paines that sitteth therein al such motions being vnto him hanging as it were Thus were our companions caried froÌ„ Cinceo 7. â—aies iourney neuer taking any rest as afterward they told vs their greatest griefe was to stay by the way as soone as they came being taken out of the chests they were not able to stand on their feet and two of them died shortly after When we lay in prison at Fuquieo we came many times abroad were brought to the pallaces of noble men to be seene of them their wiues for that they had neuer seene any Portugale before Many things they asked vs of our Country and our fashions did write euery thing for they be curious in nouelties aboue measure The gentlemen shew great courtesie vnto strangers and so did we finde at their hands and because that many times we