care and watchfull prouidence ouer his Church the vse whereof is extended generally to the Church of God in all ages but more specially it concerned the state and condition of the Iewes then beeing in captiuitie wherein to their comfort three things specially are declared and foretold 1. The diuerse changes and accidents calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of God vnder the kingdomes of the Chaldeans Persians and Grecians First vnder Alexander the great then vnder his successors which diuided his Empire among them 2. The comming of the Messiah is pointed out the time when and ende wherefore he should come 3. with such innouations as should followe as the ceasing of the ceremonies and the abdication of the Iewes Iun. And all to this ende that the people of God might be prepared not to expect any terrene happinesse in this life but with patience to waite the time of the restoring of all things in the resurrection of the iust which is touched cap. 12. The parts of the booke are these It is partly historicall partly propheticall 1. The historicall part is either concerning certaine kings or Daniel and his godly companions and these things are handled ioyntly together The Kings whose historie is set downe were Nebuchadnezzar in the 4. first chap. Balthazar in the 5. Darius in the 6. The historie of Daniel is continued in all these chapters onely the third excepted and of his godly companions in the 1. and 3. Polan And in this first part 3. speciall vertues of Daniel are described 1. His sobrietie and abstinence cap. 1. 2. His wisedome and diuine vnderstanding in the opening and reuealing of dreames and hid mysteries c. 2. c. 4. c. 5. And 3. his pietie toward God c. 6. So he is commended propter sobrietatem sapientiam pietatem for his sobrietie prudencie pietie Hugo Car. in proleg in Daniel And by these diuine testimonies God gaue witnesse vnto Daniel that the mysticall prophesies following might be receiued with greater authoritie 2. In the second part the propheticall predictions either concerne the enemies of Gods Church as of the iudgements of God vpon Nebuchadnezzar c. 4. and Balthazar c. 5. or they belong vnto the Church either shewing their afflictions and calamities c. 10. 11. or their deliuerance begunne in this life by the redemption purchased by the Messiah c. 9. and perfected and consummate in the next in the resurrection c. 12. Polan Pereriâ—s another way deuideth this booke into three parts 1. It consisteth either of bare visions and prophesies as cap. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 2. Or of prophesies and visions mixed with histories as c. 2. 4. 5. 3. Or of histories alone as c. 3. and 6. 2. The diuers language and readings observed in this Booke The originall text in this booke is partly written in the Hebrewe language partly in the Chalde from the beginning of the 1. Chap. to the 4. ver of the second and the fiue last chapters are all written in the Hebrewe tongue And from the 4. v. of the second chap. to the ende of the 7. chap. the historie is penned in the Chalde dialect Polan The reasons whereof are yeelded to be these 1. For the credit of this historie the Lord bringeth forth forreine nations annalesque eorum testes and their Chronicles as witnesses least any should doubt of the truth thereof Iun. 2. An other reason is because God would haue some part of this historie come to the knoweledge of the heathen as it was requisite that the Chaldes should knowe the sinnes and impieties of that nation and the iudgements which should befall them ad testandam omnibus Dei veritatem c. to testifie vnto all the truth of God therefore in generall the alteration of the terrene states and kingdomes and the power of Christs kingdome are shadowed forth c. 1. and c. 7. and published in the Chalde language that the Gentiles might take knowledge thereof but the particular histories of the comming of the Messiah of his office kingdome and of the calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of God are set forth in the Hebrewe tongue in the fiue last chapters as most specially concerning them Iun. in cap. 7. 3. A third reason is that the historie of Daniels acts set forth in the 6. first chapters beeing expressed in the Chalde speach might giue testimonie vnto Daniel that the Iewes might receiue him for a Prophet of God qui erat admirabilis etiam profanis gentibus c. who was admired euen of the profane nations Caluin Proleg in Daniel 4. Vnto these may be added that for better credit of the historie it pleased God that the historie of such things as were said and done in Chaldes should be written in the same language wherein they were first spoken like as in Ezra the epistles and rescripts of the kings are deliuered in the Chalde speach as taken out of their publike acts and records Iun. in proleg Beside the originall text thus consisting partly of the Hebrewe partly of the Chalde tongue there was the translation of the Septuagint and three other Greeke translations beside of Aquila Symmachus Theodotion But Hierome sheweth that the translation of the Septuagint whatsoeuer was the cause thereof whether they did not expresse the Chalde phrase or some one ignorant of the Chalde tongue did set it forth vnder their name multum discordat à veritate doth dissent much from the truth recto iudicio repudiatus est c. and therefore was vpon a right iudgement reiected of the Church And therefore in the stead thereof the translation of Theodotion was receiued of the Church as the same Hierome sheweth which notwithstanding is in many places erroneous as shall appeare in the differences of the reading throughout The latine translation also faileth in many points as afterward shall be shewed though Pintus giue it this commendation that it is nitore veritatis grauitate authoritate omnibus alijs illustrior praestantior in the euidence of truth grauitie authoritie more famous and excellent then any other c. but the contrary shall afterwards be prooued in the generall controuersies following that the vulgar Latine is in many places corrupt and erroneus And herein they attribute more perfection to Hieromes translation then he himselfe would haue acknowledged thus modestly confessing qui mihi videbar sciolus inter Hebraeos caepi rursus discipulus esse Chaldaicus I that seemed to know somewhat among the Hebrewes began againe to be a scholler in the Chalde in proleg 3. The questions and doubts discussed Quest. 1. Of the author of this propheticall booke of Daniel 1. Wicked Porphirie in the 12. booke of those which he wrote against the Christians contendeth that this prophesie was not written by Daniel but by some that liued in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes or after when all these things here prophesied of were fulfilled but his cauillous obiections were long since refuted by Apollinaris
least we should be discouraged altogether it is added but the wise shall vnderstand 4. Places of doctrine 1. The doctrine of Gods prouidence notably is set forth in this booke that he then most of all taketh care for his Church when he seemeth most to neglect it that nothing falleth out by chance but that the confusion and alteration of states and kingdomes are by the prouidence and disposing of God for a sparrow cannot fall vpon the ground without Gods will much more is the fall and ruine of kingdomes disposed of by the Lord Caluin 2. In this booke many profitable doctrines are laid forth as of the Trinitie c. 7. of the redemption and remission of sinnes by Christ c. 10. of the resurrection chap. 12. Pere 3. In this booke is set forth the continuance and perpetuitie of Christs kingdome when all terrene and earthly dominions shall cease regna mundi caduca esse ostendit he sheweth that the kingdomes of the world are vaine and the kingdome of Christ onely shall continue as the stone which was cutte without hands broke the image in pieces as the Prophet saith the increase of his kingdome c. shall haue no ende Bullinger 5. Places of controuersie 1. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not the best 1. Pintus in his Prooeme vpon Daniel saith that the vulgar Latine translation is omnibus alijs illustrior prestantior is a more excellent and worthy translation then any other and so he preferreth it before the originall Hebrew and Chalde text therefore that the blind presumption and boldnesse of these Romanists may herein appeare it shall not be amisse to note some speciall places wherein the Latin translation hath greatly erred 1. c. 6. v. 15. The Latine translator readeth Viri intelligentes regem dixerunt c. the men vnderstanding the king said c. whereas in the originall the word is hargishu they came together A. I. 2. c. 7. v. 18. The Saints shall take the kingdome L. where it is truely translated thus they shall take the kingdome of the Saints A. P. I. 3. c. 8. 2. I was by the gate of Vlai L. but in the originall I was by the riuer Vlay A. P. I. V. the word is vbal a riuer 4. c. 8. v. 9. and against strength L. against or toward the pleasant or delectable land V. A. P. I. G. hatzebi beautie or delight it selfe 5. c. 8. v. 13. and he said to him L. he said to me A. P. V. I. c. the word is eelai to me 6. c. 11. 6. to make friendship L. to make an equall peace A. P. I. V. mesharim rectitudines equalitie rightnes 7. C. 11. v. 8. he shall carrie captiue their gods and their grauen images L. their gods and their Princes A. P. V. G. I. nesichehem their princes nesich a prince 8. C. 11. v. 22. the armes of the fighter shall be subdued L. the armes of the ouerflowing shall be ouerthrowne A. P. V. I. shataph to ouerflow 9. C. 11. 45. he shall plant the tabernacle of Apadno L. the tabernacle of his pallace A. P. V. I. G. 10. C. 12. 2. some to shame vt videant semper that they may alwaies see L. some to shame and perpetuall contempt A. P. V. G. I. the word is diron contempt By these few places giuen in instance a coniecture may be made of the rest of the translation that beeing so erroneous it can not be compared for grauitie or authoritie to the originall The other places of moment wherein this translation often slippeth shall be noted in the diuers readings vpon euery Chapter 2. Controv. The historie of Susanna the Song of the three children and of Bell and the Dragon are no parts of Daniel nor of the Canonicall Scripture The Romanists would thus perswade that these histories which are annexed to Daniel and make in the vulgar Latine translation the 13. and 14. chap. to be Canonicall 1. Because the Councell of Trent hath so defined them to be held for Canonicall Scripture 2. They are vsed and recited in the Romane leiturgie and Masse as Canonicall Scripture 3. They are cited and alleadged by diuers of the Fathers 4. Diuerse of the Fathers of the Greeke Church as Origen Athanasius Chrysostome Cyril doe hold these parcells to be Canonicall Thus Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei c. 9. Pintus in prooem Perer. lib. 16. in Daniel in praefat Contra. 1. The Tridentine Councell or Chapter rather was no true generall Councell but a partiall conuenticle of the Romanists wherein there were not so many Bishops congregate or assembled together as haue beene in many prouinciall Synods 2. And though it had beene a lawfull Synod yet it had no lawfull authoritie to make the canon of the Scripture which belongeth onely vnto God the Church onely is to declare not to constitute the sacred Canon 3. Neither can they produce any generall Councell wherein the Pontificiall canon of Scripture hath beene confirmed 2. Pererius himselfe giueth instance of many things which are rehearsed in the Popish Masse which are not canonicall as the legend of S. Catharine how her bodie was placed by the Angels in mount Sinai the Masse of the immaculate conception of the virgin Marie and somewhat is taken out of the 4. booke of Esdras all these he himselfe confesseth not to be of Canonicall authoritie though publikely recited and sung in their Masse the argument therefore followeth not 3. Neither is all taken to be Canonicall which is cited by the Fathers for they many times doe alleadge the testimonies of Poets and heathen writers and the later writers doe produce the authorities of the Elder fathers Iustine Tertullian Ireneus Cyprian Origen are their works therefore to be held canonicall 4. Though some of the Greeke Fathers therein following the Greeke translation which was of great authoritie doe make these histories Canonicall yet their testimonie is not sufficient to make that part of Scripture which is not And against their iudgement we may oppose the sentence of other Fathers as of Hierome who doubteth not to call the historicall narrations of Bel and the Dragon fables likewise he alleadgeth how Eusebius and Apollinarius would not answer Porphirie his cauillous exceptions against these supposed parcels of Daniel because they were not found in the originall neither were held to be of diuine authoritie Pererius here answereth Nobis cuae non sit quid isti senserint quidve scriptis prodiderint mihi pluris est divus Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostomus c. We neede not care what these thought or what they set forth in writing I make more account of holy Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostome c. In which indifferent answer he teacheth vs what to say If he care not what Eusebius Apollinarius Hierome thinke or write on this matter why should it mooue vs what Ignatius Athanasius with the rest testifie in this cause neither doe I see why the one should be more accounted
time then they came to their triumviri when three did beare the greatest sway as Augustus Antonie Lepidus and then the gouernement fell to dunmviri into the hands of two Augustus and Antonie and at the last one had the Soueraigntie and so it continued vnder one Emperour vntill Marcus Antonius Verus then there began to be associates and diuers Emperours at once Perer. 3. The feete partly of yron partly of clay signifie the diuision and dissention of the kingdome which is manifest in the Romane gouernment for there were foure notable diuisions among them first betweene the Senatours and ordinem Equestrem the gentrie of Rome concerning the authoritie and power in matters of iudgement there was also bellum sociale the sociall warre or of confederates whereof Drusus was the author and bellum seruile whereof Seriorius was the beginner then followed the most deadly ciuill warres betweene Sylla and Marius Caesar and Pompey betweene Octavius with Mar. Antonius and Brutus and Cassius and betweene Octavius and Antonie 4. Whereas the feete were partly of yron partly of clay which is expounded to signifie that the kingdome should be partly strong and partly broken this also is thus applyed to the Romane state because they were sometimes conquerers sometime they were conquered As the French brake in to the verie Capitall Pyrrhus king of Epyrus did afflict the Romanes with fierce warre and ouercame them at Trebia and Trasimenum Hannibal made a great slaughter of them at Cannas Crassus was ouercome of the Parthians and the Romane ensignes taken Bullinger Some vnderstand the yron and clay feete of the kingdomes which did spring out of the Romane Empire as of France Spaine Germanie the Turkes whereof some were more victiorious warlike and yron-like then others Melancthon Some apply it to the Emperours of Rome whereof some were valiant some cowardly and slouthfull Osian 5. Whereas the mingling and tempering of the yron and clay together is expounded of their mariages they shewe likewise how this was accomplished and fulfilled in the Romane Empire for Pompey tooke to wife Iulia daughter to Iulius Caesar and Antonie married Octauia Augustus Caesars sister whom he did afterward repudiate and married Cleopatra Queene of Egypt so that those coniunctions did not hold Bullinger Pere Pin. Contra. 1. True it is that the Romanes did subdue vnto their Empire all other nations of any fame or power but it is not so much to be considered how they were yron-like towards other nations but how they were affected towards the people of God toward the comming of the Messiah But vntill then the Iewes had not felt such hard seruice vnder the Romanes as they had vnder other cruell Lords for the innouations which were made in the Iewish state by Crassus and Pompey were done rather by the consent of the Iewes themselues and their kings striuing about the kingdome then by conquest and the interest that Antonie had there was by the right and title of the Ptolomies whose daughter and heyre Cleopatra he married But of all other the Syrian tyrannie vnder Antiochus was most cruell and yronlike towards the Iewes and therefore to that state this description rather agreeth as shall afterward be shewed 2. The diuision of the kingdome signified by the two legges cannot be vnderstood of the diuerse regiments and gouernements one succeeding another for it was still the same kingdome and beeing the same it cannot be said to be diuided into two diuerse parts as the legges are perpetually diuided and are not ioyned together againe 3. And for the same reason the diuision of the kingdome cannot be vnderstood of the Ciuill and domesticall dissentions for there was a reuniting of it againe after these sturres and tumults were appeased but these kingdomes here spoken of as two legges were diuided and kept a sunder still 4. The yron and clay signified that the kingdome should be partly strong and partly weake but this respect of their strength and weakenesse must not haue reference to other forren nations but to the people of God for whose comfort this propheticall vision was sent But toward the Iewes the Romane state was not partly strong partly weake vntill the comming of Christ that sometime the one had the better sometime the other But thus the case stood betweene them and the Seleucians in Syria and Ptolomies in Egypt that sometime they preuailed against the people of God sometime God gaue them victorie against their enemies as is euident in the storie of the Macchabees 5. The coniunctions in marriage must be of diuerse kings betweene themselues after the diuision of the kingdome not of the same kingdome within it selfe and therefore that interpretation of the mutuall mariages betweene Caesar and Pompey Octauian and Antonie can here haue no place for it is euident vers 44. that diuerse kings and at the same instant are vnderstood who ioyned in mariage Reasons shewing that the Romane Empire cannot be here vnderstood 1. In the ende of this fourth yronlike Monarchie the Messiah should come and his kingdome be set vp but Christ came not in the ende but in the beginning of the Romane Monarchie Polan 2. At the comming of the Messiah all these kingdomes must be dissolued and broken in peices vers 44. Now the Romane Empire ended not at Christs comming But it will be answered that Daniel speaketh of the second comming of Christ when all these kingdomes should be destroyed Contra. That cannot be for after the dissolution of these kingdomes that stone which dashed them in peices shall growe into a mountaine and fill all the earth ver 35. which cannot be otherwise vnderstood then of the propagation of Christs kingdome which must be before his second comming 3. This kingdome here spoken of was diuided into two signified by the two legges but the Romane Empire continued one vntill the time of Constantine after whom it was diuided among his three sonnes bot into two but three parts 4. They cannot shew in the Romane state such coniunction in mariage betweene diuerse kings and kingdomes but they of whom they giue instance for such matrimonill coniunctions were of one and the same kingdome 5. That fourth kingdome must continue vntill the comming of Christ but if they vnderstand this prophesie of Christs second comming the Romane Empire hath beene dissolued long since 6. These kingdomes were one to succeede another and to possesse the others dominions the Persian obtayned all that was vnder Babylon Alexander gained all which the Persian had but the Romanes had onely Syria and Egypt of the Babylonian Empire and onely Asia minor of the Persian Monarchie whereas there were vnder the Persians an 127 prouinces from India to Aethiopia Ester 1. therefore this last ktngdome cannot be the Romane state for it must make one bodie with the rest as in the image of a mans bodie is represented Polanus 7. In this vision the speciall intention of the Prophet is to describe such kingdomes as were aduersaries to the Iewes
Pere Iunius thinketh it is a phrase of speach signifying God to be the supreame God as before he called Nebuchadnezzar king of kings ver 37. but it signifieth more cogit in ordinem ipsum Belum totam illam faecem falsorum deorum he bringeth into order Bel himselfe and that filthie rabble of the false gods Polan 2. As by nature he confesseth the Lord to be the true God so for his power and authoritie he saith he is the Lord of kings whereby he subiecteth his kingdome and Dominions to the power of God 3. He saith he is the reuealer of secrets thereby acknowledging him to be the true God who onely hath the knowledge of things to come Quest. 67. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God 1. Bullinger thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar thus confessing was vera fide imbutus in Deum endued with a true faith toward God though afterward he set vp an idol for S. Peter after Christ had commended him for his confession of him yet deserued to be called Sathan for his carnall counsell giuen vnto Christ which yet proceeded from a good intention as might Nebuchadnezzars setting vp of an idol Contra. 1. It is not possible that any endued with a right and true faith should commit idolatrie which is indeede a deniall of the faith the Apostle saith Galath 4. 8. euen then when ye knewe not God yee did seruice vnto them which by nature are no gods while men then are idolaters they haue not the right knowledge of God 2. there is great difference betweene sinnes of infirmitie which euen the faithful are subiect vnto as Peter was and open apostasie and idolatrie 2. Wherefore I rather condescend to Caluins iudgement hoc fuit momentaneum c. that this was but a momentanie and sudden affection in Nebuchadnezzar as was that also in Pharaoh Exod. 9. 27. Geneuens for there is a twofold knowledge of God momentanea a knowledge for a moment such as profane men may haue which are striken with some sudden admiration as Nebuchadnezzar here and there is stabilis cognitio a stable and permanent knowledge such as is onely in the elect Polan And this is an euident argument that the king was not wholly conuerted to the knowledge and worship of the God of Israel alias non erexisset idolum for otherwise he would not haue set vp the golden idol Osiand Quest. 68. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him 1. Porphyrie also obiecteth this as a fault in Daniel because he receiued of the king these gifts and preferments But Daniel did accept them not of any ambitious and couetous minde sed in captiuorum consolationem but for the comfort of the captiues so Ioseph was honoured of Pharaoh and Mordecai of Assuerus gloss ordi 2. It must be considered that some men may lawfully accept of gifts and honours vsing them to the common good of Christs Church namely such as are thereunto called and some may commendably refuse them as Eliseus did Namaans gifts least he might haue beene thought to haue sold the gift of healing Polan 3. Further though it be not lawfull aliquid ex parte accipere pro spiritualibus to receiue any thing by way of compact or composition for spirituall things yet he which ministreth spirituall things may receiue temporall gifts by way of recompence as Daniel here doth of the king Lyran. 4. Neither are the gifts so much here to be weighed as animus suscipienti◠the minde of the receiuer Pellican who intended herein not his owne priuate commoditie but the common good of his brethren Quest. 69. VVhether Daniel with a good conscience could be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon 1. In three things was Daniel rewarded of the king with gifts with ciuill authoritie beeing appointed chiefe gouernour ouer the prouince of Babel and with ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ouer the schooles of the wise men Iun. as it were their Superintendent Osiand 2. In this office of his superintendentship 1. such laudable sciences as might safely be learned he promoted and furthered 2. such corruption and superstitions as were practised among them he corrected and reformed 3. but such abuses as could not be taken away he for his owne part forbeared and kept himselfe free from Iun. 3. Caluin thinketh quod repudiauit hunc honorem he refused this honour in cap. 5. ver 10. but this would haue beene euill taken of the king it is more like that he vsed the place with such moderation as is before shewed Quest. 70. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate 1. Some giue this sense that Daniel sate in the gate vt ius diceret c. to giue iudgement because they vsed to that ende to sit in the gate Vatab. Pint. But the other three also were made gouernours ouer the Prouince of Babel to whose office it belonged to giue iudgement this then was rather some particular dignitie which Daniel had 2. Some expound it that he was à latere regis non recedens one that departed not from the king but was alwaies at hand gloss interlin and thus Daniel did least in his absence some might bring him out of the kings fauour Lyran. But yet this had beene no peculiar thing to Daniel for there were many beside which were neere the king 3. Some thinke that this is expressed to shew a difference between Daniels office and the other three that they were employed abroad in their places of gouernement and Daniel stayed still in the Court Bulling but this had beene no speciall prerogatiue more then other of the kings Court had 4. Some so take it that Daniel onely of these foure was aduanced to the office of gouernement and the other three were made ourseers of mens labours and taske ex Lyran. But this had beene no such place of authoritie for Daniel to make request for vnto the king 5. Caluin thinketh that Daniel had such an office in the Court that no man could enter into the kings palace sine eius permissu without his leaue but that was the porters office to keepe out strangers from entring into the kings Court or Palace 6. Therefore this rather is the meaning admissionis ius ad regem Danieli commissum that the power of admitting men vnto the kings presence was committed vnto Daniel for it was not for euerie one to come into the kings presence but for certaine of the chiefe nobles thereunto appointed of the king Iun. Polan Genevens Quest. 71. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court 1. It may appeare by the examples of Ioseph who liued in Pharaohs Court and of Mardocheus who was neere vnto king Assuerus and by Daniel here that it is not vnlawfull to beare office in forren Princes Courts but two things must aduisedly be considered and thought vpon 1. that they doe not propound vnto themselues such places of honour for their owne
the young Emperor season his first yeares with true religion and pietie As Ambrose ioyneth them both together Honorius iam pulsat adolescentiae fores prouectior aetate quam Iosias Honorius now standeth at the next doore to be a young man somewhat elder then Iosias S. Luke wrote his Gospel to noble Theophilus which name is interpreted one that loueth God whereupon Ambrose thus noteth si Deum diligis ad te scriptum est and if thou loue God it is written to thee Touching the obscuritie of this booke it is such as that it is tempered as well with varietie of historie to delight as with profunditie of mysteries to exercise the Reader as Augustine well saith of the Scripture in generall si nusquam aperta esset non te pasceret si nusquam occulta non te exerceret if it were no where plaine and open it would not feede thee if no where obscure it would not exercise thee This part of the Treatise I haue presumed to offer to your Highnes as the former part I was bold to present to his Maiestie This prophecie treateth chiefly of the alteration and chaunge of States and Kingdomes of the honour and prosperitie of good Kings and of the ruine and bad successe of hard and cruell Potentates here we haue the most cleare prophecie in the Old Testament of the Messiah the Prince of Princes These are subiects fit for Princes meditations and matter meete for noble spirits to be occupied in I haue omitted no meanes to my power to helpe to furnish this matter I haue therein abridged the best Commentaries and Writers both old and new as they are set downe in the margen and some of them which were decennali cur a elaborati with tenne yeares trauell set forth as Pererius confesseth in his Epistle Dedicatorie This labour I haue vndertaken not so much to redeeme the time which otherwise might be mispent for as Seneca saith maxima pars vitae elabitur male agentibus magna nihil agentibus tota aliud agentibus the greatest part of a mans life passeth away in doing euill a great part in doing of nothing and almost the whole in doing other things then we should neither herein doe I expect any terrene reward or recompence The heathen Orator could say Nullam mercedem virtus quam hanc laudis gloriaeque desiderat vertue desireth no other reward then praise and glorie not that vaine praise of men in this life which they hunted for hauing no knowledge of God but the praise of God in the next world I chiefly then haue propounded to my selfe the profit of the Church of God for as euerie one that liueth in the commonwealth ought to seeke the good thereof so euery member of the Church should labour some way or other for the edifying of the whole If any mislike my diligence in writing as this age wanteth not carpers I much passe not for their vnfriendly censure so that I may doe good to others and here I may say againe with the Orator Malui multis post diebus sententiam meam laudari quam à multis hodie reprehendi I had rather that my endeauour many dayes hereafter should be commended then now of a fewe reprehended I haue heretofore exercised my penne in handling of controversies against the common aduersarie and as I was prouoked haue written also in mine owne defence both against forren enemies and some domesticall But now those occasions beeing if not altogether remooued yet somewhat intermitted I haue propounded vnto my selfe this course in the explaning of Scripture In which kind as heretofore I haue exhibited to your Highnesse a briefe and compendiarie Treatise vpon some part of Scripture so nowe I make amends with a larger Commentarie whereof your princely pietie vertue clemencie of the which of late I haue had particular experience doe promise and euen assure me of your gracious acceptance I then in signe of my dutie and thankfulnes together with these my labours do offer my selfe and my best seruice to your Highnesse whom I beseech God so to blesse and encrease with all spirituall and princely gifts that the age following may say of your Highnesse as Ambrose of Honorius after the decease of that good Emperor Theodosius Tantus Imperator recessit à nobis sed non totus excessit reliquit enim nobis liberos suos in quibus debemus eum agnoscere Your Highnes readie to be commanded in all dutie and seruice ANDREVV WILLET CHAP. VII 1. The Argument and Methode THis Chapter containeth 1. a vision of foure beasts rising out of the Sea 2. the interpretation thereof 1. In the vision 1. are set forth certaine circumstances of the time when the person to whome this vision was shewed and the manner how v. 1 2. 2. the matter of the vision which is 1. of the foure beasts of their flourishing and prosperous estate to v. 9. then of the iudgement of God against them v. 15. The beasts are described 1. in generall v. 3. by the efficient cause the winds blew by the number they are foure by the place they came out of the Sea by their qualitie they were one diuers from an other 2. In particular 1. the three beasts are briefly set forth v. 4 5 6. which are euery one expressed 1. by their similitude or resemblance by their parts and by their euents 2. the fourth beast is described in generall by the qualitie it was fearefull and strong the parts it had yron teeth and tenne hornes and by the effects it deuoured c. then the little horne is particularly set forth 1. by the qualitie of it and the place it was a little one and came vp among the other hornes 2. by the effects it pluckt away three other hornes 3. by the parts the eyes and mouth 2. The second part of the vision is of the iudgement 1. the manner and forme see the parts thereof quest 30. following 2. the effects which are two 1. in the destruction of the fourth beast v. 11. and of the other with it v. 12. 2. in setting vp the kingdome of Christ where 1. his person is described 1. by his name the Sonne of man 2. by the place in the cloudes 3. by his authoritie he approched to the Ancient of daies 2. his kingdome is described by the vniuersalitie of it all nations shall serue him and the eternitie it shall be for euer 2. The interpretation followeth 1. the manner first is shewed how he came by the interpretation of it v. 15 16. An Angel declared it 2. then the interpretation it selfe is set downe 1. of the beasts 2. of the iudgement The beasts are expounded in generall v. 17. then in particular the fourth beast where is first a repetition of the vision v. 19. to 23. then the declaration 1. of the fourth beast v. 23. 2. of the tenne hornes v. 24. 3. of the little home what it shall doe it shall
vnderstand it of the Pope who at the first gaue himselfe titles of humilitie as â—ervus servorum seruant of seruants 3. Calvin vnderstandeth it of Iulius Cesaer who refused to be called king but Tribune of the people 4. Some referre it to their Antichrist which shall come in the ende of the world qui ignobilis in obscuro loco nascitur who should be very base and borne in an obscure place Hugo But these seuerall opinions we before confuted qu. 26. qu. 27. 5. Therefore this is better vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes who is resembled to a little horne because he was younger brother to Seleucus Philopator and had no right to the kingdome but it should haue descended vnto Demetrius Seleucus sonne 2. This little horne came vp among the rest 1. Some vnderstand here that inter ipsos in terra eorum c. that this little horne or King shall come vp among the other kings and in their land Andreas ex Hugon But how can he come vp among the tenne kings seeing three are plucked vp before him to make a way for him 2. Some hold that these teâ—â—e kings shall come in the ende of the world and that this shall be the eleuenth whome they suppose to be Antichrist Hierom. Lyran. 3. But the meaning rather is that it shall come vp among them that is be one of the tenne Iun. and he shall come vp as of himselfe intruding and vsurping for Antiochus Epiphanes had no right to the kingdome beeing the yonger brother yet though he be one of the tenne he may be said to be the eleuenth as differing from all the rest see the like Apoc. 17. 11. The beast that was and is not is euen the eight and is one of the seauen 3. This little horne had the eyes of a man 1. They which applie it vnto Antichrist doe thereby insinuate that he shall not be a deuill as some thinke but a man though it be their opinion that he shall be possessed of the deuill who shall rule in him both in bodie and soule the spirit of Sathan shall not be hypostatically ioyned vnto him as the Godhead in Christ but Sathan shall dwell in him as in those that are possessed not tormenting him but in stirring of him vp and instructing him and teaching him many hid things thus Hierome Hugo addeth further that although Antichrist shall be conceiued of the seede of his parents yet the deuill shall enter into the wombe of his mother cuius virtute nascetur puer by whose power the childe shall be borne and so by these eyes they vnderstand the wonderfull knowledge and magicall science which shall be infused into him by Satan But all these are mens fansies concerning Antichrist in that he is said to haue the eyes of a man an humane not diabolicall science is insinuated 2. Pintus expoundeth the eyes of a man of carnall wisdome not spirituall 3. Vatablus referreth it to the policie of the Turks 4. Bullinger to the hypocrisie and subtiltie of the Pope 5. Oecolampadius to both 6. Calvin to the humanitie of the Emperours that madâ— themselues in outward shew as one of the Senators but tooke all authoritie from them 7. But it is a true description rather of Antiochus Epiphanes three properties are signified by these humane eyes first that he should make an outward shew of humanitie intending nothing els but deceit and crueltie then hereby his subtiltie and cunning is expressed and thirdly his couetousnes and ambitious greedie desire Iun. Polan 4. He hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things 1. that is Antichrist shall make himselfe God and shall faine himselfe to be the Messiah Hugo he shall speake great things promise more then he can performe Lyran. 2. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the blasphemie of the Turke against God and his Church so Melancth Oâ—iand 3. Bullinger of the blasphemies of the Pope 4. Oecolampadius comprehendeth the blasphemies of them both as the Turke denieth Christ to be the sonne of God and saith he was not crucified but an other for him he preferreth his law before either Moses or Christs So the Pope challengeth to be Christs Vicar in earth that he can not erre that he is the head and husband of the church that he hath power to dispose of the kingdomes of the earth and giue them to whome he will 5. Calvin vnderstandeth the terrible threatnings of the Emperours of Rome against their enemies who though they pretended humanitie which is signified by their eyes yet they were fierce and cruell 5. But it is better vnderstood of the blasphemie of Antiochus which he vttered against God and his people as is extant in the histories of him 〈◊〉 30. Quest. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement expressed v. 9. to v. 15. Here first is set forth the forme and manner of the iudgement it selfe v. 9. 10. then the execution v. 12. to v. 15. In the forme of iudgement foure things are described 1. he which sate vpon the throne 2. the throne it selfe 3. the assistants 4. the processe in iudgement 1. He which sate vpon the throne is described by three essentiall properties 1. his eternitie he is called the Auncient of daies which also sheweth his infinite wisdome which is found in the auncient 2. his authoritie his garments were white which Hugo applieth to Christs transfiguration in mount Tabor but the white garment was a signe of authoritie as Ioseph when he was aduanced by Pharaoh had a white garment put vpon him 3. by his haire which was as pure wooll is signified his innocencie and integritie in iudgement 2. First it is said that thrones were set in the plural which some read thrones were cast downe vnderstanding the thrones and kingdomes of the former beasts Iun. Polan Vatab. but it is better interpreted thrones were set vp as the 24. Elders had their seates about the throne Apoc. 4. 4. these thrones were set as inferiour seates for the Lords assistants the Angels which title of honour is vouchsafed vnto them in Scripture Calvin then the throne of God is set forth by three properties it is fierie which sheweth that all things are manifest vnto God it hath wheeles which signifieth the celeritie of Gods iudgements and a fierie streame issued forth which sheweth the power of Gods iudgements which none can resist no more then the course of a streame can be staied 3. The Angels as Gods assistants in this iudgement are described 1. by their number thousand thousands and ten thousand thousands a finite number beeing taken for an infinite 2. by their office they are saide to minister vnto God 3. by their alacritie and readines they stand before him as readie at his becke to execute his will 4. The processe is set forth the bookes were opened the bookes of euery mans acts as Princes in their iudgements haue bookes and euidence brought forth not that God needeth any information as terrene Iudges but to shew the equitie of his
the citie of abhominations the holy mountaine 6. Oecolampadius likewise here vnderstanding Antichrist taketh this holy mountaine for the Church of God which was prefigured by Iudea which was situate betweene the two Seas the dead Sea and the mediterrane sea But it is euident that the glorious mountaine is here taken for Iudea as it is called before the beautifull or glorious land v. 16. 41. 7. Iunius in his commentarie taketh Apadno for Mesopotamia for he saith that countrey was called Apadan as Theodotian retaineth the same word Apadon and there Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the Seas among the Chalde fennes and in the holy mountaine he interpreteth when they went against the holy mountaine that is Iudea which was an hilly countrey And this may seeme some probabilitie hereof because the word padan is taken for Mesopotamia in Scripture which commeth somewhat neere the word aphadno But the two seas cannot properly be said to be fennes And the verie description of the holy mountaine betweene the two Seas sheweth that Iudea is vnderstood by the right situation thereof 8. Some doe thinke that Antiochus himselfe returning out of Persia was entring into the borders and confines of Iudea when he was stricken of God and then he pitched his princely tents betweene the dead sea and the Mediterranean so Polanus out of Iosephus who thus writeth that Iudas Macchabeus eum in sines Iudaeae ingredientem vehementissima plaga percussum repressit c. did recoile him or driue him backe entring into the borders of Iudea beeing striken with a great plague c. lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. But this cannot stand with that report 1. Macchab. 9. 4. that Antiochus fell sicke in Babylon and their died he was dead then before he came neere Iudea and he could not spread his tents there after he was returned from Persia wherefore either Iosephus writeth here somewhat loosely and slenderly of this matter as he doth elsewhere or he speaketh of some other foyle that Iudas gaue vnto Antiochus and not at that time when he had beene in Persia. 9. Wherefore the meaning is this that not Antiochus should pitch his pauilion in his owne person but his viceroy Lysias with whom he had left his sonne Antiochus and halfe of his armie and made him gouernour in his absence of all his kingdome from Euphrates to the borders of Egypt then he pitched in Emmaus with the kings forces 1. Macchab. 3. v. 32. 40. H. Br. in Daniel which was since called Nicopolis which though it be said to be in the plaine yet there the hilly tract beginneth that extendeth to Ierusalem the mount Oliuet not beeing aboue a mile from Emmaus Lyran. Hugo the two Seas are the dead Sea and the Mediterranean Sea which are the limites of Iudea Iun. Quest. 51. Of the sudden and fearefull ende of Antiochus v. 45. He shall come to his ende and none shall helpe him 1. Hierome thus deliuereth the sense that Antichrist shall goe vp to the toppe of mount Oliuet for so he readeth veniet ad summitatem eius he shall come to the height thereof that is of mount Oliuet whereon he shall be confounded And this he would prooue by that place Isay 25. 7. I will destroy in this mountaine the couering that couereth all people c. But the meaning of this place is that Christ of whom the Prophet there speaketh who shall prepare a spirituall feast which is mentioned in the former verse by the preaching of the gospell shall remoue the couering of ignorance and darkenesse which had ouerspread the world And the Prophet there nameth not mount Oliuet but hath reference to that mount spoken of c. 24. 23. which was mount Sion a figure of the Church which should be illuminate with the knowledge of Christ. 2. and the text speaketh not of the ende of the mountaine but of Antiochus ende when his time was come which was limited of God 2. Some proceed yet further and shew the manner how Antichrist shall be ouerthrown that first he shall faine himselfe dead and rise againe the third day and then vpon mount Oliuet he shall make as though he would ascend into heauen and so shall be lifted vp into the aire by the helpe of the deuill and his Angels at which instant he shal be destroyed by Christ from heauen by the spirit of his mouth as the Apostle speaketh 2. Thess. 2. Percrius Some adde further the particular manner how Antichrist shall be destroyed as the author of the scholasticall historie saith ascendente per aera Antichristo audietur vox Christi de coelo missa morcre as Antichrist is ascending into the aire there shall come a voice from heauen die and presently he shall be smitten with lightening and perish so also Lyran. But Lactantius is yet more bold who thus describeth the destruction of Antichrist that he with an huge armie shall compasse about the Saints in a mountaine whether they fled then they shall call vpon God for his helpe And presently the heauens shall open and lightening shall breake forth and this shall be a signe of the Lords descending cadet repente gladius a sword shall suddenly fall from heauen and then Antichrist shall be ouercome by the Angels and all his power he onely shall escape sed quarto praelio debellatus c. but he in the fourth battell with all his host shall be subdued and then shall suffer worthie punishment for his wickednesse to this purpose Lactantius lib. 7. institution c. 17. 18. But 1. beside that these shewe great bouldnesse in thus expounding taking vpon them without warrant of Scripture to expresse the verie forme of words which shal then be vsed and the verie signes which shall be shewed 2. herein further they faile in confounding the two ouerthrowes of Antichrist which the Apostle doth separate for first he saith whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth that is by his word and the finall destruction followeth and abolish with the brightnesse of his comming 2. Thessal 2. 8. first Antichrists hypocrisie shall be discouered by the preaching of the Gospel which is alreadie fulfilled but the remainder of his kingdome shall be reserued for the iudgement of the great day 3. They which vnderstand this of the Turkish Monarchie as Melancthon or of the Antichrist of Rome as Bulling Osiand or of the Romane state as Calvin are confuted by this argument because here the destruction of one particular man is set forth as in the precedent part the prophesie runneth still vpon one principall agent in the warres before mentioned 4. Iunius in his annotations vnderstanding all this of Antiochus doth thus interpret these words he shall come to the ende that is of his kingdome namely to Persepolis in Elymais which was in the vtmost bounds of his dominion But in his commentarie he better expoundeth it of the ende of his life so also Polan H. Br. Porphyrius though an enemie to the Christian faith