relations but especially of such and such lately dead whom he had seen in Paradise and then fall to singing again But when he was perfectly come to himself and had left singing then would he sadly and with much confidence maintain That he had been not upon his bed as they that were present would make him believe but in heaven with his Heavenly Father having been carried thither by Angels and placed in a most pleasant green where he had enjoyed excessive happinesse and had seen things that he could not expresse c. The same Boy when he foresaw his fit coming upon him he would say that now the Angels were ready to carry him away There were divers relations made of him at that time but that which I have here I have it from Joh. Coboldus a Doctor of Physick of the same Town Divers Epistles of whom both of his judgement and of the particulars in point of relation are to be seen in a book intituled Historia admiranda prodigiosa Apolloniae Schrierae c. containing several relations concerning certain persons maids especially in several ages and places but of late years in Germany chiefly which after diligent observation made by learned Divines and Physicians and long custody in the hands or by the appointment of Magistrates have been known approved to live divers years without either eating or drinking set out by one Paul Lentulus a Doctor of Physick printed Bernae Helvetiorū an dō 1604. Thuanus also in his History hath most of them with some notable particulars not found in this Collection not to mention Physicians as Sennertus Quereetanus and others who write of the same But to return to the Boy That learned Doctor his opinion there is that they were symptomata morbi melancholici occasioned by the Epilepsie For that it is natural to those that have been epileptical to fall into melancholy besides his own experience he proves out of Hippocrates But because this Boy besides his visions was also reported and believed commonly to prophesie many things the Doctor doth acknowledge himself posed in that and professeth to doubt that besides Nature there might be some operation of the Devil concurring Wherein neverthelesse he seemeth afterwards to have altered his opinion and to adscribe all partly to Nature Ecstasies and Visions and partly Prophesies to Art and Imposture not only because the Boy had alwaies been an arrant Rogue for his age and very subtle and cunning but also because when he was removed to another house and more carefully watched his prophesies did vanish yea and his ecstasies too after a while as he seemeth to intimate In the same book there is another relation of an ecstaticall Maid in Friburg in Misnia for there is another Friburg in Helvetia and a third too elsewhere with the judgement of Paulus Eberus a Lutheran Divine a man of great fame in those dayes It doth not appear that this maid had any discoverable epilepsie at all but began at the very first with ecstasies and visions After her fits she was ful of religious discourse most in the nature of Sermons and godly Exhortations so that she was generally apprehended to be inspired and her speeches were published in print under the name of divine Prophesies and Warnings Paulus Eberus was much against it and though he durst not against the publick voice affirm that there was nothing of Gods spirit in all that she said yet in effect he doth plainly enough declare his judgement to be that the maid did laborare epilepsia c. that her ecstasies were epileptical fits but of a more gentle and remiss kind of Epilepsie then is ordinary and as for her godly speeches that they were the effects of a godly education frequent hearing of the Word intent and assiduous meditation and the like which it seems upon diligent enquirie he had found to be her case This happened in the year of the Lord 1560. Before I proceed further I will here insert somewhat that happened among us here very lately In September last on the fifteenth day there was a Court kept at a place called Bosam not above one mile or two from Chichester in Sussex where a worthy Gentleman and my very good friend is Steward to the right Honourable to whom I wish all increase of Honour that his noble and vertuous mind whereof my self have had some experience doth deserve GEORGE BERKLEY I happened to be there and saw there before I went away and spake with him one John Carpenter of the same parish and tything where I now dwell and write between a Yeoman and a Labourer I observed no alteration at all in the man having had in the Sommer moneths often occasion to speak with him about some commodities which he sold and I wanted for winter provision The very next day in the morning a daughter of his was at my door though not to speak with me but with some others in the house I happened to open her the door and observing by her eyes and speech that she was troubled I inquired and understood by her that she was sent to procure some body to go to the Minister of the Parish her father she said not being sick bodily but talking very strangely of strange things that he had seen so that they could not tell what to make of it After that the maid had done her errand was gone although I have been very carefull ever since I came hither not to meddle with any businesses of the Parish but especially not with any thing that belongeth to a spiritual charge wherein I know how much it concerned my peace and quietnesse not to intermeddle yet partly charity because the Minister lived in another Parish at some distance partly curiosity led me towards the house When I was come near before I would go further I sent one of purpose to know who were there and whether my coming would be well taken Whereupon some coming out to me and desiring me I went with them and found the man in a low room walking I observed nothing not even then either in his eyes or voice or motion either so quick or so loud that seemed extraordinary Assoon as I was come in after some expressions of his good acceptation of my presence he began a relation of visions and raptures to this effect That in the night God had taken him under the arm wherein he was very punctual in all the particulars and first had lift him to heaven where he had seen the joys of Paradise the glory of God c. then carried him to hell where he had seen such and such things He was very plentifull of discourse to that purpose but my mind was so intent upon the general that I did not much heed particulars neither indeed did I then think that I should ever have this occasion to remember any thing that he had said And it is observable that even the night before by his relation to his wife and
use to be carried and so made a great prey of the peoples credulity But granting that such a man hath been whether Poet or Theologue it will concern me that it may be known that I am not the first or onely that have so judged of him Let the Reader therefore if he please read in the note somewhat that may satisfie him that it is not so I content my self with the judgement of one but if the Reader can weigh that one with good judgement he may think perchance the judgment of that one as considerable as the authoritie of many others ¶ Of detestable Sects and Heresies upon this very ground of Divine Inspiration by which Christianity hath been divided defamed impaired and stopt in his course Ecclesiastical Histories are full they especially that have written of Heresies as Epiphanius Augustine and the like will afford examples of all kind But that which is much to be wondered at and lamented is that some men otherwise of great worth and ability through mere ignorance of natural causes have been seduced by supposed raptures and Enthusiasms and made shipwrack of the true faith which before they professed I dare say and I hope it will not seem strange to them that shall well ponder what we have to say of natural raptures and visions where also Tertullian shall be mentioned again that Tertullian had never been an Heretick had he been a better Naturalist and yet Tertullian such a man for life and learning otherwise as can hardly be paralleld by any one of those times in whom the Church had as great losse and lamented it as much see but Vincentius Lyrinensis of him as almost it ever had in any one man I never affected to be the Author of Paradoxes and strange Tenents this age I know gives liberty enough and encouragement to any that is so minded when nothing almost is accounted true but what is new and in opposition to antiquity However as I do not affect Paradoxes so would I not be afraid to say somewhat if upon probable grounds that perchance hath not yet been said or thought upon especially when more Academico that is by way of proposal unto further consideration not of peremptory affirmation or determination What progresse Mahometisme hath made in the world cannot be unknown to any that know any thing of the world beyond the very place of their own birth and abode Certain enough it is that the best and greatest part of the world America being laid aside is now possessed by it What the first occasion and beginning of it was is not so certainly known perchance We are commonly told that Mahomet did assume to himself divine authority by feigned Enthusiasmes by false we are sure enough as to Divine Authority but whether feigned I make some question and whether himself and those about him that helped to promote his phrensies were not at first really beguiled themselves before they began to seduce others It shall be mentioned again when we speak of raptures and extasies from natural causes and bring examples which will be in the Chapter of Contemplative or Philosophical Enthusiasmes So much here in general that the Reader may the better understand my aim which is the first thing in every work to be considered of and so may the better know what to expect if he shall think it worth his pains to read unto the end untill which done it is but reason that I should desire him to suspend his judgement It may be thought a curious argument which I cannot deny and might well deserve greater abilities Yet I my self thought it not so curious as profitable which made me to adventure upon it And that our proceedings may be the more clear and methodical I shall begin with the consideration of the word it self and in the multiplicity of different uses and acceptions as in most others pitch upon one that may fit our purpose and may be a good help also to keep us within our bounds in case the affinity of the matter or ambiguity of the word and title should tempt us to digresse or lead us out unawares Enthusiasme In Greek from whence we have the English 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that which is replenished with wind and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with wisdome so saith Plutarch must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the subject where it is import a full participation and communion of Divine power We must not expect from Philosophers that they should be very exact Grammarians for it will not hold in all words that are of that forme as for example 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it implies an effect of the thunder indeed but not a participation at least not active but passive of the power in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is a mere relation but in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I confesse and many others it doth imply both participation and plenitude But besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not so properly answer to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather But this is not a thing long to be stood upon It will be more to our purpose to take notice of Plato's distinction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Enthusiasme for in Plato's language they are all one and he hath a long dispute about it to prove that it must be so by the same Plutarch mentioned in the same place It is in Plato's Dialogue which is called Phadrus where he doth constitute four species of Enthusiasms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as himself doth afterwards in the same Dialogue briefly rehearse them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plato's words are so obscure that it would take us much time to make him intelligible which I doubt to most that will read this will neither be pleasing nor profitable If any studious of Plato shall desire private satisfaction I shall hope that it may be given to their own good liking I shall therefore spare that labour and content my self with Plutarchs division which although he mention Plato yet I am sure is not the same neither for the number nor definition of particulars I will therefore take it as from Plutarch rather then from Plato whom he quotes According to Plutarch then there be five kinds of Enthusiasms Divinatory Bacchical or Corybantical Poetical under which he comprehends Musical also Martial and Eroticall or amatorie All these besides that kinde of Enthusiasme which proceeds from distemper of body which both by Plato and Plutarch is particularly mentioned and excluded Plutarch gives us no other definition of Enthusiasme in general but this That it is a participation of an extrinsecal and divine power which is very light and superficial He saith all those kinds have one common name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which whether so generally true except I my self mistake him which I think I do
that he could to make somewhat of it that might sound of natural reason was at last by the many inextricable difficulties that he met with driven to this to make a God or a Daemon of it For he doth plainly deny that there is any such thing in the natural constitution of man as Memory but that it is resident in an extrinsecal intelligentia and that what we call Memory is nothing but a natural power of the intellectus to reflect upon that intelligentia and to dispose it self for the influence of it Scaliger having spoken of this Philosopher and his opinion with great respect as though he intended to maintain it against all gainsayers is content at the last for Aristotles sake to bring many arguments against it which was no very hard thing to do But as for those difficulties and perplexities by himself acknowledged that drove that optimum virum as he calls him into this opinion I do not find that he takes away any or so much as goes about it I shall insist but upon one thing more which is of another nature indeed because the cause of it is not hidden but known unto all men but yet such a thing in my judgement as deserveth no lesse admiration and hath as much affinity in its effects with Enthusiastick Divination as any thing that bath been spoken of There was a time it is well known when none of those things that we call letters which children are taught when first sent to school were known or heard of It is so yet I believe in some parts of the world but in all parts time was when no such thing was known If no letters then no reading no writing This might very well be when men in other things were wise and rational enough and perchance had some inventions of good use which we have not But I would have any man to consider with himself if at such a time some two or three that had been acquainted with the use of reading and writing had appeared and made publick shew yet concealing purposely the mystery of it to beget admiration of their Art by communicating with one another at a great distance as now is ordinary by the mediation of written papers which should contain particulars of the present condition of each place what is done what hath happened c. who can think otherwise but that either the men would have been judged more then men that could see and know at such a distance or at least the papers that brought intelligence unto them to be some kind of Angel or Devils But we need not go by conjectures for it is cetain enough by the experience we have had of it in these later times that it would have been so witnesse diveâ—â— that have written of the Indies and of America who also relate what use the Spaniards made of it to beget to themselves for this very thing an opinion of divine and supernatural abilities You may read of it if you please and be not better furnisht in Herm. Hugo De prima scribendi origine printed at Antwerp 1617. in his Preface And if any man think that I make too great a wonder of it as I know there be many never born to be Philosophers who can hardly be brought to admire any thing that is known and ordinary I could appeal to many both ancient and late men of great reputation and learning that have been of the same judgement who have given it place and some preeminence among the greatest miracles in the world You may find many of them quoted by the said Author For my part I professe to admire nothing more I should not think it so much to see a dead body made to walk by some Necromancer for a time as I do to hear a man that hath been dead some hundred or thousand of years perchance to speak to me so audibly and plainly by this Art Neither do I think it a greater wonder that some men have spoken without a tongue whereof I reade a very late example in Nicol. Tulpius his Observ Medicae lib. 1. c. 41. Mutus loquens then that men should be able so familiarly and readily to communicate with one another at a distance by the onely help of their hands We may give men the praise to have been the instruments and secondary cause as some we know are commonly named to have invented some letters and some others but he is much to blame in my judgement that looks upon any other then God himself as the author of so great and so inestimable a benefit Were we to treat of the causes of Divination in general and of the several opinions about it we should think it necessary to begin with a consideration of that which is commonly called among Philosophers Intellectus agens what it is according to Aristotle what according to Averroes and other Arabs whether a particular existence in every man or whether universal in all men whether part of the soul of man or whether extrinsecal and adventitious whether eternal à priore posteriore or whether à posteriore only or not so much as à posteriore and the like From the nature of which intellectus agens most Arabs and many Jews fetch Divination yea and some Christians too not of them only who had the bare name as Pomponatius and the like but some also that seem to adscribe very much to the Scriptures as Bodinus particularly whose opinion of an extrinsecal intellectus agens in every man seems not much repugnant to Aboali's in point of memory before spoken of He is copious enough upon that argument if any desire to know his opinion There is no question but if these opinions were true or fit for our consideration in this place we might conclude rightly enough that enthusiastick Divination is no supernatural thing but natural unto man as he is a man endowed with such and such properties For as in case of the pestilence incidental unto men we do not say that it is supernatural but natural unto man to be infected though the immediate cause sometimes at least be not in man but from such and such a constitution of the skies and such a temper of the aire to which such a constitution and such a temper at some times is natural or doth happen by course of nature So though this intellectus agens as many teach be a thing extrinsecal yet as according to their opinion it is natural unto all men that are right men to have such a one so both it and the effects of it Divination among the rest may be thought natural unto men But for my part as I do not embrace the opinion my self so do I think the disquisition too abstruse for ordinary men and perchance more abstruse then profitable for any Aristotles opinion is that which I shall chiefly pitch upon and if he do not help us I see but little hopes from any other Aristotle then in his Problems
non eas partes quae quasi sunt fenestrae animi quibus tamen sentire nihil que at mēs which is quite contrary to Philo's assertion nisi id agat adsit He seemeth to say that except the mind intend it though the organs themselves do their parts the sense is not accomplished It is not so ordinarily we know but whether by long use and custome some such thing in some senses may not be brought to passe I cannot tell For what shall we think of those Lacedemonian boys and girls a thing so generally attested by so many Christians as well as Heathens that would not onely play prattle and quarrel with one another in their play but also keep their countenances without any the least appearance of change whilst their backs were torn with unmercifull whips and scourges Which were used so long sometimes and so cruelly that some were known to die in the exercise for it was accounted no other very really before it could be discerned that they smarted Which made the Stoick Philosophers to maintain which also some of them confirmed by experience made upon their own bodies that pain was but opinion and Galen also to maintain against Aristotle I shall name my Author by and by that sensus non est mutatio quae fit in instrumento sed à mutationis cognitione provenire I am very well pleased with the occasion that offers it self that the Reader may the better be satisfied how necessary the knowledge of these things is not for the satisfaction of curiosity only but even for the maintenance of publick peace In the year of the Lord 1599. was brought to Paris in France a certain maid named Martha we had one before of that very name and not unlike profession out of Plutarch which was supposed to be possessed She did many things to make the world think so Strange gestures and convulsions or convulsive motions rather she had at command and sometimes she was heard to speak strange Languages but that was but sometimes and sparingly which gave occasion of suspicion that she was a counterfeit One thing she was very perfect at She would endure pins and needles to be thrust in at the fleshy parts of her neck or arms and never seem to feel it All the Physicians in Town that were accounted of any ability were imployed about it to find out the truth but being much divided in their judgements themselves how should others be certainly resolved The Monks and Friers were very zealous that she might be accounted possest as thinking thereby to get great honour to their Exorcisms and to give a great blow their own profession I have a good Author for it to the Hereticks who despised them by which Exorcisms though they could not having often tried dispossesse her yet because the supposed Devil shewed himself very impatient at the hearing of them they thought that conviction enough untill more could be done which certainly would have been the end if things had been carried with more moderation But the whole City being so divided about it that a dangerous uprore was daily expected and a worse consequent upon that feared so that the King and his Councel were glad to interpose with all their power and all little enough to prevent it the conclusion was that Martha was found to be a mere counterfeit Yet herein the Pope must have his due commendation For to Rome she was had by no mean persons that intended notable feats with her and perchance no lesse so much was feared at least and a lesse thing hath done it we know in some Kingdomes then the subversion of a whole Kingdome But the Popes impartiall carriage in the businesse brake the neck of the plot for which some of the chief contrivers though they escaped the justice of men yet soon incurred the just vengeance of God and through shame and vexation of spirit came to a speedy death But before things came to this light whilest the Physicians at Paris were divided about it into Parties one Morescot did set out a book about it by which he did endeavour to prove that she was a counterfeit among other things did very particularly insist upon that point of the Needles shewing that it was not without either president in History by the example of the Lacedemonian boys or without grounds of possibility in nature by unfolding the nature of sense with many curious observations upon it I never saw the book what I have of it I have it out of Thuanus that faithfull and noble Historian where also the whole story is more particularly to be found But for that particular of the Lacedemonians I have had occasion to treat of it and of divers other examples of the same kind in another place from which I think so much may very probably be inferred that where the will is obstinately bent to which kind of obstinacy besides the advantage of a natural temper in some long use is much available the sense if not altogether taken away yet is nothing near so great or so sharp as it is in others where no such preparation is made However in the order that I propose unto my self we are not yet come to that we shall have another place for it afterwards In the mean time I require no more here but that intent Contemplation may stop the influence and so hinder the operation of some one sense Who is it almost especially if naturally in prosecutions sad and serious that hath not made trial of it in himself As for the sense of Feeling Erasmus whose credit I believe will hold with most for a greater matter speaketh of himself Et ipse sum expertus in cruciatu dentium aut calculi multo leviorem reddi doloris sensum si possis animum in aliquam cogitationem alienam intendere Might we believe Epicurus of himself he tells us very strange things of his Patience shall I say or unsensiblenesse in greatest extremity of bodily pains He would make us believe that he was at the height of his Contemplation when his Disease was come to its height Were it another that had more credit with me then Epicurus I should believe that the intention of his Contemplation as in Erasmus his case might take off the edge of his pains But Cicero long ago hath well argued it with him or against him rather whether it were possible that a man of such principles could afford an example of such patience to whose judgement and determination in this particular though I make a great difference between patience as a vertue and such resolution and obstinacy which the most wicked yea most brutish are capable of I do adscribe much more then to Epicurus his testimony concerning himself This concerning a partial deprivation of sense through natural causes as subject to lesse difficulty may serve but a total commonly called Ecstasie or Trance as liable to more both opposition and difficulty so shall we more
tells us the care of the affairs of France which she did accept and commend her self unto God at the same time Pag. 101. She foretold somewhat of her death that it should not be a naturall death nor by ordinary means But it fell out otherwise though the Storie doth endeavour to make it good but in vain For she died of a generall Consumption of the body the most naturall death that could happen to such a life which ended in a continuall Fever with a kind of Lethargie or caros very violent at the last and so made an end of her It seems she did not think to die when she did as our Storie tells us p. 115.117 which I suppose would tell us no more of that then it must needs She had some strange sights before her death As for example that there is a plenitude of God in all things even to the least Ant. which is very philosophicall but not very easie to be understood by ordinary people and more apt to be mistaken to some hereticall sense as somewhat was by the Manicheans not much different These not to speak of her spirituall temptations which were frequent and terrible and some obscure intimations of Miracles for which we will rather commend the ingenuity of the Relator considering what is ordinarily done by others upon such occasions then find fault these I say be the chief particulars which her Storie doth afford which as I propose to the learned Readers consideration so shall I not submitting to better judgements stick in the mean time to declare mine own Truely I do not see any cause to believe that in any of these many Visions or Ecstasies there was any thing at all supernaturall either divine or diabolicall more then is in every common disease wherein we acknowledge as the hand of God alwayes so the ministrie of the Devil if not alwayes very often as was before declared I conceive them all both Visions and Ecstasies to have been the effect of pure melancholie very agreeable to what hath happened unto other melancholick persons in other places Whether I should blame the ignorance or the superstition of them that had to do with her or both I know not but I think they were to blame and that she had ill luck to fall into such hands They do well to make her amends what they can after her death but I think it had been more charitable to have used some means for the cure of her melancholy by which with Gods blessing upon the means alwayes to be presupposed she might have been preserved in life As for her expressions of Christs drawing her soul into his and the like so agreeable in effect to those of the Platonists and Arab Philosophers the tearms only Christ for God changed I have no suspicion for all that that she was acquainted with them nor with any secrets of that mysticall Theologie that came from them but that naturally according to the condition of her temper she fell into those phansies which some enthusiastick Philosophers before not by vertue of their Philosophy but through distemper of their enthusiastick brains had lighted upon I have expressed my self the more freely in this businesse not that I take any pleasure or have any ambition at all to oppose the judgement of others which if I were ambitious to do I could have found matter enough to busie my self long before this but because I judged it a matter of great consequence not only for the preservation of some lives but of Truth more precious then many lives which hath in all Ages suffered by nothing more then by pretended Enthusiasms and of publick Peace which hath often been disturbed by such whether artifices or mere mistakes But I have not yet done with my Theologia mystica which being so proper to my subject I must not passe it over superficially The Reader that is not learned will have patience if I desire to gratify them that are Hersentius his authorities for this kind of Divinitie so much magnified by him are all either Heathen Philosophers greatest opposers of Christianitie Plotinus Proclus Porphyrius Iamblichus or very late and inconsiderable writers Johannes Rusbrocius Henricus Harphius Ludovicus Blosius or rather Thalerus and one Woman Sancta Teresia not one word out of any ancient Father in that Chapter Greek or Latine not so much as out of S. Augustine or Gregory the Great or S. Bernard who otherwise of true Christian Raptures proceeding from intent love and admiration grounded not upon Ignorance and self-conceitednesse but sound Knowledge and Pietie might have afforded matter for a bigger volume then that whole Discourse with all that hath been written either by Dionysius so called or any other of that Sect comes too But I will deal very ingenuously with the Reader There was one Maximus in the dayes of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople of whom we are bound to speak with honour because he suffered for the true Faith Whether it were he whose Greek Scholias are extant upon this Dionysius is doubted by some but more probable that it is This Maximus besides other works of his some extant some not hath written a Mystagogia which I suppose to be altogether of the same argument as this Mystica Theologia of Dionysius It was published by David Hoeschelius a learned man to whom we ow many other good books but it hath not been my luck ever to see it But though not that yet I have seen and often read sometimes with admiration sometimes with indignation another work of his not much known I believe which he calleth his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 printed at Paris besides later editions very elegantly by Guiliel Morellius an Dom. 1560. fitted by remote allegoricall interpretations of Scripture for Christians but written by him in imitation of Porphyrius and other Heathens their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they call them from whom also he hath taken some things verbatim These indeed we shall find this mysticall Theologie in its height in divers places I can easily believe that so holy a man in his ordinary conversation and so profound a Philosopher as he shews himself by his writings might make good use of such meditations and elevations of thoughts and yet keep himself within sobrietie but that it is a dangerous book otherwise for ordinary capacities apt to turn all Religion and all Scripture in weaker brains into mere phansie and Teutonick Chimericall extravagancies I do upon grounds of reason as verily believe as I do the former charitably I know not whether it be for the better or for the worse but sure I am that his meaning is often mistaken by the Latine Interpreter whereof I shall give but one instance because of some further use that may be made of it Centur. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His meaning is according to the principles of this Divinitie by him more at large explained in some former Aphorisms that by this immediate intimate Union with God by
mind he could perfectly expresse by writing So he I believe this is he whom Ludovicus Vives in his book De Anima did intend where upon occasion of Aristotles noted axiome that they that want the sense of hearing are not capable of discipline he hath these words Quo magis miror fuisse mutum surdum natum qui literas didicerit Fides sit penes Rodolphum Agricolam qui id memoriae prodidit se illum vidisse affirmat though the expression qui literas didicerit be somewhat ambiguous and more likely to be construed of one that had attained to some learning as learning is taken commonly for University learning then of one that had learned to read and write only However it is unquestionable that he that had attained to that faculty of writing to understand and to be understood generally as Agricola describeth this man was very capable of further progresse and not incapable I think of any liberall Art or Science if further pains had been taken with him But this is another way by writing not by bare observation of the instruments of speech whether internal or external concerning which our observation began However this sheweth a possibility of the thing by natural means which granted any other cause no lesse natural and probable may the sooner be believed But there is yet another use to be made of this knowledge which to some persons and occasions may be very considerable It is not for the dumb this that I mean but for them that can speak yet would be glad sometimes perchance upon some speciall occasions to know how they might speak and be spoken unto at a convenient distance without a tongue or noise or almost sign discernable unto others But this perchance may be but my phansie and I shall not adventure many words upon it But certainly the consideration of speech in generall which I began with doth afford many both curious and usefull speculations and is a speculation which once so much pleased me that I had begun a Diatriba De ortu natura sermonis which also though not ended was once half written out for the presse but for want of an amanuensis it went not further and is not very likely now so long after ever to come to any thing Yet I have been the more willing to mention these particulars to excite some body else to undertake so plausible an argument which may to many be both pleasing in the speculation and profitable to many purposes I have done with my Prologue and shall now proceed to the main businesse There is not any thing more natural unto man as he is a man that is a rational creature then Reason Whatsoever may seem natural unto man besides in this life some one or two not very considerable things as laughing perchance or weeping excepted belongeth unto brutes as well as unto man and no part of man therefore as man properly Speech is the interpreter or minister of reason that is of rationall thoughts or thoughts ingendred in and by a rational soul Which according to their object may be distinguished into sensuall civile and intellectuall but alwayes rationall as they flow from a rationall cause or principle which is the soul Whence it is that brute beasts though some may be taught to utter many words and lines perchance yet cannot be said properly to speak because they understand not truly and really any thing that they say Though some may be brought to some kind of practical or experimental apprehension of what is spoken unto them as a Horse or a Dog may be ruled by some words which by common use of mans first institution shall be proper to the actions which they perform yet even then they understand not those words as words but sounds only From that subordination of speech unto reason it is that the Grecians comprehend both which neverthelesse doth cause ambiguity sometimes in one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If therefore Reason be so natural unto man and Speech unto Reason it is no wonder if as Reason is the inward principle by which the actions of men are guided so Speech be the most powerfull external instrument to the same end in reference to others Rhetorick or rhetorical speech is a speech dressed with certain devices and allurements proper to please and to perswade The use of such devices and allurements is sometimes good by the advantage of some sensual delight the more powerfull to inforce or to insinuate somewhat that of it self is true right or reasonable However it is a very disputable point whether bare speech if well handled be not sufficient nay most available to perswade in things of most weight For those actions are best grounded that are grounded upon judgement upon which bare Speech hath most direct influence as Rhetorick hath upon the Affections and the fruits of a convicted judgement by calm reason are likely to be more durable then those that are the effects of any passions or affections stirred up by rhetorical powers But it is an ample subject upon which Seneca is very copious and in my judgement hath done very well though judicious Aristotle in his Rhetoricks in two words hath comprehended all that needeth to be said in that argument But this yet before I leave it That the providence of God for the prevention of all doubts and scruples was great in that he would not lay the foundation of the Christian Faith as not in the force of armes so neither of eloquence and artificial speech which is often insisted upon by S. Paul as 1 Cor. Not with wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those men that were most admired for their eloquence whom we are to speak of were anciently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of words or speech ch 7.17 Not with excellency of speech or of wisdome ch 11.1 Not with enticing words of mans wisdome v. 4. Not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth v. 13. of the same chapter and elsewhere All which though most true as would easily be demonstrated if need were yet it cannot be denyed that S. Paul in some kind and upon some subjects is as eloquent as ever man was not inferior to Demosthenes whom I have some reason to believe that he had read very well or Aeschines or any other anciently most admired But this is by the way onely The chief things I propose to my self as was before intimated in this Chapter and which I conceive most pertinent to my undertaking are these First That divers ancient Orators did apprehend themselves and were so apprehended by divers others to be inspired or agitated by some higher power then bare nature could pretend unto Secondly That the power of Oratory hath been such in many Ancients as that it hath had enthusiastick operation upon others Thirdly Whence that apprehension of inspiration might probably proceed But fourthly and lastly What causes truly natural can be given of those wonderfull operations of Rhetorick which have
eyes which otherwise if not so mightily overswayed and clouded by their eares would easily have discerned the truth of things and their own folly But if that were not worth a digression this now to be added may perchance that the Greek Scholiast upon that very place who by some learned men is thought very ancient hath a character of the Athenians which agrees verbatim with that of S. Luke's Acts 17. ver 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I will confine my self as near as I can to such examples and instances where nothing but bare language all other interests laid aside nay sometimes bare language against all other interests can be suspected to have been operative Neither shall I for the same reason insist upon some notable effects of some philosophical Discourses by which some extremely vicious in their lives were suddenly reclaimed and so much changed as that they became great examples of vertue to all after-ages We could produce the testimonies of ancient Fathers of the Church as well as of heathen Writers for it if need were But I should do true Philosophy much wrong to adscribe that unto Rhetorick which was her proper work though not without some Rhetorick perchance I shall rather say with Seneca Rapuit illos instigavitque rerum pulchritudo non verborum inanium sonitus that is Not the sound of vain or empty words but the excellency of the matter delivered by those words was it that wrought upon them so powerfully who neverthelesse shews very well afterwards the good use of skilfull composure as we shall in the progresse of this Discourse have occasion to shew more at large That we may keep our selves therefore within the bounds of Rhetorick and yet not such Rhetorick neither that should be verborum inanium sonitus but such wherein all artificiall ornaments of good language are most eminent we will pitch upon them especially whose very profession and proper character by which they were known from others whether Philosophers or Orators was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is ostentation and their end as themselves professed and work in reference to others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amazement And these were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sophists then called as by others commonly so by themselves who thought that title more honorable then that of either Orator or Philosopher and in very deed raised it to that height of estimation under some Emperours that even Princes and Noble-men were ambitious of it themselves and thought it no disparagement to their greatnesse to seek unto them that were such really for their friendship and to repair to their Schools and Oratories to be their Auditors But before I speak of them because my subject is Rhetorical Enthusiasme in general I must not do those famous and truly incomparable Orators for no Age we know of ever brought forth the like or will in haste probably Demosthenes and Cicero that wrong as to passe them in silence For Demosthenes I shall say no more of him neither need I am sure then this that Dionysius Habicarnasseus a man of great abilities himself in point of eloquence and of great judgement his chiefest praise and profession to judge of the abilities of others rather severe then favorable in most of his Censures doth very soberly deliver and protest of himself that when he did set himself to read any of Demosthenes his Orations he did plainly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is that he was really besides himself being filled with strange passions and amazement not able to keep one place nor knowing what he did or how to expresse himself Whereby saith he we may guesse how those of his time that heard him and were interested themselves in those businesses the subject of those Orations were affected when the bare reading hath such operation upon us so little concerned in them and so long after But may my Reader ask perchance Will the reading of Demosthenes work the like now upon every one that reads him in his own language or did then in those dayes when this Dionysius wrote as it did upon him No it did not I believe not even then nor will now certainly For I have been present at admirable ravishing musick as I have thought and most others that were there and yet have heard some then and there also present professe that they were not at all affected with it who neverthelesse did also professe to be much delighted with some other kind And he that should set a three-peny Bauble in comparison varnished with many curious colours set out with gold and silver and some old decayed piece of some ancient Carver Painter or Statuary of great fame and reputation both these before some Country-man or any other not skilfull it is a great chance if the Bauble be not preferred before the other though perchance by men of judgement deemed invaluable and de facto purchased at a great rate This may be one reason why all men are not equally affected with such incomparable pieces but we shall have more of that before we have done with this Chapter However though not all equally that heard him neither I believe yet certain it is by the testimony of all Histories that most that heard him when he lived after they had heard him a while would be so affected with it that they had not power of themselves but were carried by him whether he would and forced to do many things against their own judgements and resolutions as Aeschynes his great enemy and profest antagonist doth himself acknowledge who therefore doth plainly charge him of no lesse then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Sorcery or Enchantment but yet such Enchantment as he doth acknowledge merely to proceed from the excellency of his Language and artificial Composure As for Cicero of whom judicious Quintilian doth passe this judgement which was Pliny the later his judgement also and of all the learned Ancients that he may think well of his own proficiency who begins to relish Cicero above all other Authors yet for all that is very fearfull to equal him to Demosthenes of him besides what he writes of himself that not only the parties themselves accused by him when they should have spoken for themselves but even their Advocates though bold enough as approved and exercised Orators otherwise have been struck by his Oratory into such amazement that they could not speak one word in so much that some complained openly venenis ereptam sibi memoriam that they were really bewitched I shall content my self and my reader I hope with a relation that I find in Plutarch though not upon his own credit but upon common fame which is this In the Civil warres between Caesar and Pompeius among many others of the better sort that had followed Pompey one was Ligarius who not only had followed Pompey but stuck to his party after his death to the very last In so much that Caesar though as naturally very clement
immediate divine suggestions But if according to his rule we shall adscribe all ungrounded and seemingly rash attempts and resolutions that produce unexpected successfull events to immediate inspiration though it may be plausible enough in the case of good men and good ends yet generally received and applyed it will prove such a stumbling-block that it is farre more likely to produce Atheisme then any true sense of Godlinesse Besides daily experience of such cunning foxes as Phormio is set out by the Comoedian who have nothing to trust to in all the world but their craftinesse and their wit and go further with that to bring their ambitious ends about and to get themselves credit and reputation in the world then many honester men with the advantage of a farre better Purse and greater relations can do what Age of the World what People or Nation that hath been made known unto the world by any Historie doth not afford store of examples of successfull Wickednesse not only to the amazement of weaker worldlings if I may so call them that have yet seen but little of the world or have not yet profited so much by what they have seen as they ought have done but even beyond the actors and adventurers their own expectation Which things though we acknowledge upon such and such grounds and foundations necessary to be laid by every man that undertakes that subject easily to be reconcileable with providence yet according to Plutarch's rule must of necessitie prove destructive unto it Aristotle in his Rhetoricks hath an observation that great men that have good luck amongst many bad have one good qualitie that they are commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They love God he saith after a sort and seem to be religious as supposing their good luck to be an effect of Providence and by consequent an argument of Gods love and favour towards them Whether it be so or no that such ordinarily love God and Religion after a sort I will not here argue but of many bad I should think it the very worst of their qualities if Aristotle meant it of such as became great by unlawfull means which I think he doth that they should love God and Religion upon such an account For so to be religious is to make God the author of Wickednesse that our selves may be thought good and whilst we affect to be religious after a sort to undermine to our power all true Religion a main fundamentall whereof is that God is not pleased with any Wickednesse neither doth suffer it at any time to prevail but as a means either of greater Judgement to them that are past Correction or of advantagious suffering to them to whom he intends greater Blessings We might be much larger upon this arguments but it shall suffice to say here that in such a case as either Cicero's or Plinie's who were men of singular naturall parts and through long experience much improved though they did very well to be thankfull and all men should though upon lesse occasions yet there is no need at all that we should go further then humane wit and wisdome for a reason of their wise successfull answers Surely Wisdome had not been so much commended unto us by all sorts of Authors nor so much paines taken by our Forefathers for attainment of it nor men that have been thought wise so much admired had it not been a thing of very good use in the world It is the priviledge of God that he can infatuate and confound the highest wisdome of man when he pleaseth but if God doth not interpose we need go no further then our first creation if strange things sometimes be brought to passe by the wisdome of man though much impaired we know by his Fall who was created after the Image of God And if wicked men bring strange things to passe too in that kind it may be a question whether a wicked man may be a wise man properly so called Aristotle saith no and there is good reason for it if it be well understood but that one that is wicked if wise should have good successe in point of humane reason and judgement in the world is neither to be doubted nor wondred at nay reasons are given by good Authors why unconscionable Craftinesse oftentimes in the prosecution of worldly businesses hath had great advantages above wisest Integrity It would trouble a man more to find a reason for those many Cures whereof so frequent mention is made in ancient Authors supposed to have happened by particular Revelations in Dreams of the night Their manner was they that wanted help and had any confidence in those things after some preparations to go to a Temple there some Rites and Ceremonies performed to lye and expect some Revelation Pellibus incubuit stratis somnosque petivit c. Virgil and they that have written upon him will inform them concerning many particulars that have not taken notice of it elsewhere Aristides the Orator relates strange things of himself which I neither know how to believe as whom I find every where so blindly superstitious nor how to disprove writing with so much confidence and appealing to the testimony of so many others as he doth Insomuch that grounding upon this pretended common Experience both of Medicine it self as an Art by others accounted of all others the most necessary and of them that professed it he speaketh in a place as of things in his judgement not very needfull in the world But a Greater man and a Wiser man and which is above all a farre better man then Aristides Antoninus the Roman Emperour so wise as not easie to be cheated by any others and so good I think I have said enough of him elsewhere to make good all I say here that I am perswaded he would as soon have parted with his Empire as to have been the author of any Cheat towards others he also in his divine Meditations mentioneth those Cures by Dreams and Revelations not only as approved unto himself by his own but unto others also by frequent experience It is not improbable that conceit might do much in this businesse of Cures It is granted by Physicians that bare Conceit sometimes as it may cause Diseases so reall Cures also But to adscribe all to Conceit that happened in that kind I cannot I will further grant as very probable that among some such reall Cures whether by Conceit or otherwise many more through juggling and devised impostures were talked of then were true and reall But then supposing withall that some happened very really of such as Antoninus I should make no great question but the same God who sent to Naaman the Syrian an Hebrew Maid to tell of the Prophet in Israel that would cure him might send them Dreams in their Houses not in their Temples that might help them As for others that received reall help in the Temples of Idols and with the solemnitie of such and such rites I am most