thousand commissaries by their enquiries know how to dispatch in a yeare Therefore the Prince which contemneth words spoken without due deliberation and such other things as are not of importance and which forbiddeth that no man shall report unto him such matters shall in such things doe that which is most covenable and agreeable unto his gravitie and majestie and in so doing he shall shew himselfe more magnanimous and in heart more generous neither fearing distrusting or doubting any thing Such an one was that great Augustus Caesar for one day as one pleaded a criminall cause before him against Aemilius Aelianus the accuser amongst other crimes maintained that Aelianus accustomed to speake Sueton. in Aug. cap. 5. evill of Augustus and to detract and slander his Majestie Augustus then making a countenance to be angry returned towards the accuser saying Is it true that thou saiest that Aelianus hath spoken evill of me I would well thou couldest prove it for I would then cause him to know that I have a tongue as well as hee and would say as much and more evill of him than hee hath done of me This poore accuser seeing Augustus make no more account of it was much ashamed and wished after that he Capitolinus in Marco had never advaunced such an accusation Such was also the Emperour Antonius Pius with whom the murmurations which Marmosets blew in his eares could not take place and he made no account of them As one day Lucilla the mother of Marcus Antonius the Philosopher which Pius had adopted for his sonne being in a chappell upon her knees before the image of Apollo Valerius Omulus who was a Marmoset addressing his speech to the Emperour Pius Behold sayth he Lucilla makes her prayers to Apollo that thou might quickly finish thy dayes that her sonne might raigne But the Emperour Pius reprooved him for such talke and told him that Lucilla and Marcus Antonius his sonne were too good to think such a thought So generally we read That all good emperours such as the abovesaid and Traian Adrian Nerva Alexander Severus and others like have not onely hated and detested but also chased and banished farre from the court reporters and relators of false tales But as I before said It becomes not a Prince to make account but rather to contemne A word spoken in hast ought not to be regarded Froiss lib. 4. cap. 6. words not spoken by good deliberation And to that purpose will I rehearse a Iudgement which was given and recorded in full counsell of king Charles the sixt whereat were his Vncle the Duke of Burgoigne the Conestable the Mareschals of France and many other great Lords of the Kings privie Counsell Master Peter de Courtnay an English Knight being one day at the Court of the King of France offered a chalenge unto a French knight called Guy de la Tremouille by deeds of armes to trie who was the stronger knight and best in armes la Tremouille had no desire to refuse him so that by the consent of the King and of his Vncle the Duke of Burgoigne and in their presence and before many other great Lords they ranne a launce one against the other and no more for the King would not suffer them to go any further the English knight was evill content thereat but yet without making other countenance desired leaue of the King to returne into England which the King graunted and gave him for his conduction and guide for his assurance unto Calais the Lord de Clary a french gentleman one renowmed and of great valour As they went by the way the english gentleman desired to go by Lucen to salute the Countesse of S. Paul the King of Englands sister who dwelt there who gently receiued them and made them good cheere talking and speaking of newes as the custome is This English told the Countesse that hee could not find in France a knight with whom to do deeds of armes and that he would never haue thought but to have found in the Court great store covertly taxing thereby the french Nobilitie Clary his conductor marked well his words but he spake not one word whilest he came to Calais being there Clary angerly said vnto Courtnay Messira de Courtnay I have acquited my selfe of the charge which the King my Lord gave mee for your conduction to this towne now that I haue no more charge of you I thinke good to remember you of certaine words you delivered at Lucen to Madame the Countesse of S. Paul where you said you could not find in France a knight with whom to do deeds of armes thereby taxing the noble knighthood of France therefore to maintaine with you the contrary I offer my selfe to do deeds of armes with you in what maner you will choose prouided that you can obtaine of the governour of this towne for the king your master a permission place to do them The said permission and place was granted and they so fought that Clary wounded M. Courtenay in divers places This came to the King and his Vncles notice Clary was sent for who for his defence said that that which he had done was to maintain the honor of France and alledged many faire reasons whereby it seemed that not onely he ought not to have been blamed for that he did in that case but that rather he merited to bee allowed and praised The matter was handled in the kings Counsell by judgement and decree Clary was condemned to prison for a certaine time and in the meane while his goods were seized into the kings hand and little there wanted he was not banished France but a certaine time after the king pardoned him at the intercession of the Duke of Bourbon and of the said Countesse of S. Paule And at his deliverance was made knowne unto him the morive of the kings Counsell which was this That the kings Counsell thought him worthy that punishment because a light and rash speech delivered in familiar talke he would revenge as a serious and weightie matter If this decree were well observed as it merited to be we should not see so many quarrels murders and suits for our words rashly and undiscreetly spoken And it should be a thing much better becomming Christians not so easily to feele words preferred and spoken upon suddaine motion than in so scrupulously seâ—king points of honour to enter into contentions and quarrels whereby we make demonstration that we are nothing lesse than that we would appeare to be For we would that by our quarrels and going to law upon an overthwart and rash speech men should account us of great heart that we have our honor in singular commendation and estimation and in the meane while we discover our selves in effect to be of a pusillanime base and feeble heart that wee cannot despise and contemne a word of no account pronounced in hast Was that great Emperour Augustus Caesar and many other ignorant what were the points of honour yet
the honour of his nation vengeances and enmities are perpetuall and irreconcilable and indeed there is nothing wherein they take greater delectation pleasure and contentment than to execute a vengeance insomuch as whensoever they can have their enemie at their pleasure to be revenged upon him they murder him after some strange barbarous fashion and in murdering him they put him in remembrance of the offence done unto them with many reprochfull words and injuries to torment the soule and the body together and sometimes wash their hands and their mouthes with his blood and force him with hope of his life to give himselfe to the divell and so they seeke in slaying the bodie to damne the soule if they could God by his grace keepe all countries but especially England which alreadie is so spotted with other vices and with the doctrine that Machiavell teacheth and which they of his nation practise that they be not soiled and infected with that immortall and irreconcilable vengeance For how should it be possible that any man should be without infinit quarels and continual and ordinarie batteries and murders yea with parents and friends and with al other persons with whom he hath any frequentation if offences may never be blotted out but by vengeance Every one may well know by experience that they which are amongst themselves great friends and familiars yet commit offences one to another and sometimes have great stirres despights and contentions amongst them But must men as soone as they receive any offence at the hand of a parent friend or of any other forget and blot out all amitie Christian and brotherly charitie towards his neighbour and to pardon no faults but seeke the ruin of him that offendeth us Surely this is not onely farre from all Christian pietie but also from all humanitie and common sence yea brute beasts which have no reason are not so unreasonable Irreconcilable vengeance contrary to natural right for a dog which we have offended will be appeased with a piece of bread yea will fawne upon him which beat him and as much will an horse do and an oxe which hath ben pricked and beaten when hey is given them and as for such as say that vengeance is lawfull by right of nature are greatly deceived as the beasts named before doe shew True it is that nature teacheth man and all living creatures to put backe violence with violence when a man is upon the act and instant it selfe when as violence is inferred but it teacheth not that after the act of violence outrage is committed a man ought to seeke vengeance to put backe that violence outrage for this is not to repell and repulse injurie which already being received cannot be repulsed but rather to inferre a new injurie violence withall that naturall right To repulse violence with violence it must be understood with reason equal moderation that is to say That such right hath place when by no other mean in any other sort we can shun the violence which is offered unto us And indeed the brute beasts themselves shew us we must so use it for you shall not see a wolfe nor a swine seeke to put backe the violence offered him whilest they have place enough to flie and that they be not brought to a strait and therfore it is a beastly ignorance to colour that detestable vice of vengeance by the right of nature for it is cleane contrarie and especially to the irreconcilable vengeance whereof Machiavell speaketh which he saith cannot be defaced nor forgotten by new pleasures But I doe well know that some Machiavelist will replie upon this doctrine that Machiavell speaketh onely of princes and great lords unto whom he saith That new pleasures cannot extinguish old injuries and that hereunto accordeth that which Homer saith A mightie king that angry is against one lesse than he Hom. Iliad lib. 1. Can hide full deepe in spightfull heart that hard it is to see His fierce and angry wrathfull mood till he espies his time Revenge to take according to the greatnesse of the crime But let the case be so that the wrath and irritations of great princes and lords dwell longer in their hearts than in other persons of lesse qualitie as the meaning of Homer seemes to be hereof it followeth not that a prince is implacable and that he cannot be appeased by any pleasures or services It seemes that Homer noted no other thing in the particular natures of kings and great lords but that they knowe how for a time to dissemble despights and offences perpetrated against them and can attend opportunitie to revenge them a thing very true and that wee see often practised But it is farre from Homer to say that kings and princes cannot be appeased by pleasures and good services that may bee done unto them after the offence yea in humiliating and reconciling themselves to them Homer speakes here of cholericke kings which are not masters of themselves not being able to command their passions and affections which raigne in them and which doe darken their reason and judgement such as was king Agamemnon of whom he especially spoke in the place above alledged For many good and wise kings and princes are seene which Good princes encline to pardon can so well make their passions and affections obey reason that not onely their wise judgement never suffereth that a desire after perpetuall vengeance shall take root in their hearts but rather will not leave in their memorie the offences that are done them but will forget and pardon them of their owne motion before any pardon be demanded for their wisedome judgeth that those passions of vengeance besides that they doe but torment and make leane the heart of a prince are altogether contrarie to the principall vertue which ought to shine in a prince as clemencie gentlenesse and goodnesse a vertue making a princes estate pleasing and assured which ought principally to shine in privat offences as justice ought especially to shine in publicke offences as shall be spoken more at large in another place although even in publicke offences it is sometimes requisit for the publicke good and utilitie that the prince use clemencie and forgetfulnesse To this purpose is very regardable the opinion that in the Senat that great and Titus Livi. lib. 4. Dec. 3. wise person Quintus Fabius Maximus held When the Romanes begun to get up and reprosper after their ruine at Cannas many of their allies which had revolted to Anniball profered to come to them againe Amongst others there was one Classius Altinius Arpinus who came to Rome and made the Senat understand That he had meanes to bring the towne of Arpos where he inhabited into their hands The matter comming to deliberation in the Senate some argued That it was not good to trust in this Altinius nor in any other Arpinois seeing they had violated their faith by revolting unto Anniball and that it were
alwayes see that darkenesse vanisheth and disperseth away by the light the shaddow also flieth the Sunne and hideth it selfe alwayes behind some opposit Therefore have the auncient doctors of the Church said and held for a principle of Theologie That much better it were a scandale and offence should come than that Truth should be forsaken Which sentence even the Popes themselves have caused to be placed amongst their rules of Cannon right and would to God they had observed it But I see well it is to no purpose to alleadge reasons against this Atheist and his Reg. 1. de Reg. Iuris in VI. disciples which beleeve neither God nor Religion wherefore before I passe any further I must fight against their impietie and make it appeare to their eyes at the least if they have any not by assailing them with armes of the holy Scripture for they merit not to bee so assailed and I feare to pollute the holy Scriptures amongst people so prophane and defiled with impietie but by their proper armes and weapons whereby their ignorance and beastlinesse defendeth their renewed Atheisme They then tooke for a foundation humane reason and prophane and Paynim authors but in truth both the one and the other foundation are so much against them as even by them I will prove our Christian Religion For first if wee consider the least creature in the world and sound the causes of his essence and nature it will Every creature leadeth maÌ„ to God leade us by degrees to one God Take an ante or a flie and consider the causes which makes these little creatures moove you shall finde it is heat and moisture which are two qualities consisting in all living creatures nourishers of nature for assoone as heat moisture faile in any living thing it can no more live nor moove straight is the body occupied with contrarie qualities coldnesse and drought the enemies of nature Mount and ascend vp higher and consider what is the cause that in the little bodie of an ante or flie there are found the two qualities of heate and moisture you shall find that it is because all living creatures are composed of the foure elements of fire of aire of water and of earth in which the said foure qualities of heat moisture colde and drinesse do consist and whilest heate and moisture raigne in the bodie it liveth but when colde and drought doe dominiere therein than dieth it Consider further what is the cause of the heate and the moisture and the other qualities which we see in the foure elements and in the bodies made of them you shall finde that the Sunne is cause of the heate and the Moone cause of the moisture as sence and experience shew it Let us yet passe further and seeke the cause wherefore the Sunne is hoate and the Moone moiste and from whence come unto them these qualities of heate and moisture wee must necessarilie now come to a first and sovereigne cause which is one God for the Sunne or Moone which are corporall and finite things as we see with our eyes cannot be God who is of infinite essence Behold then how the least creature of the world is sufficient to vanquish by naturall reason the opinion of the Atheists how much more if wee come to consider other creatures and especiallie the composition of mans body for there shall you contemplate without going any further so well ordered a rule that of necessitie must be concluded That there is a most ingenious and excellent workeman other than the Sunne and Moone which hath disposed that architecture and building for within mans bodie you shall see appeare an harmonie verie like a well governed common-wealth you see the minde and understanding of man which is as the king that is set in the highest place as in his throne and from thence commandeth all the parts you see also the heart the seat of amitie clemencie bountie kindnesse magnanimitie and other vertues all which obey the understanding as their king but the heart as the great master hath them all under his charge it hath also under his charge envie hatred vengeance ambition and other vices which lodge in the heart but they are holden mewed and bridled by the understanding after you have the liver which is the superintendent of victuals which it distributeth unto all the parts of the bodie by the meanes of his subalterne and inferiour officers as the bellie veines and other pores and passages of the bodie brieflie a man may see within man an admirable and well ordeined disposition of all the parts and it brings us necessarilie and whether we will or no to acknowledge that there must needs be a God a sovereigne architect who hath made this excellent building and by these considerations of naturall things whereof I do but lightlie touch the points the auncient philosophers as the Platonists the Aristotelians Stoickes and others have beene brought to the knowledge of a God and of his providence and of all the sects of philosophers there was never any which agreed not hereunto unlesse it were the sect of the Epicures which were gluttons drunkards whoremongers which constituted their sovereigne felicitie in carnall pleasures wherein they wallowed like brute beasts Out of this schoole Machiavell and the Machiavelists come which are well inough knowne to be all very Epicureans in their lives caring for nothing but their pleasures which also have no knowledge of good letters contenting them selves with the Maximes of that wicked Atheist Touching the doctrine of the Trinitie which we hold it must bee confessed that the philosophers understood nothing thereof and that by humane reason wee can not well be lead to the knowledge thereof but this knowledge is manifested unto us by the witnesses of God himselfe which are so cleare and evident in the holy scripture as nothing can be more but I have no purpose here to recite them yet will I say That the doctrine which I hold in this place is not repugnant nor contrary unto The dâ—ctâ—in of the Tâ—initie is not repugnant to human reason humane reason but consonant enough although the ancient philosophers have not penitrated so far For by their owne Maximes a very true thing it is That God who is an eternall and infinit spirit is not passible of any qualities or accidens so that that which is a qualitie in men as bountie love wisedome an essence in God This presupposed as a thing confessed of the philosophers themselves it followeth That that infinit admirable wisdome wherby God knoweth himselfe is an essence and not a qualitie in God yea it is one the same essence yet is it a distinct subsistence or hypostasis from him For the Wise and Wisedome cannot be without distinction This Wisdome then is the second person of the Trinitie which the scripture calleth the Word or the Sonne Neither also is it repugnant to humane reason to say That these two persons in one
Caesar Bourgia and Agathocles And that Italie delights in nothing so much as novelties and the Italians surpasse other nations in force agilitie of bodie and spirit True it is saith he that vvhen it commeth to battailes they vvill never appeare but men must lay the fault thereof upon the cowardise and little heart of their captaines because they that have knowledge vvill not willingly obey and every man presumeth to know much He sheweth moreover That the magnificent Lawrence had good occasion to enterprise the taking of Italie to deliver it from the slavish servitude wherein it is and that enterprise should be founded upon good iustice because that vvarre cannot faile to be esteemed iust vvhich is necessarie and all armes are good and reasonable when men have no hope otherwhere but by them THis Maxime of Machiavell is a true meanes to sow both civile strange warres all over the world For if princes had this persuasion that it were lawfull for them to assaile any other prince under the pretext and shew that hee handled not well his subjects princes should never want occasions to warre one against another And therefore to say that the magnificent Laurence de Medicis had just occasion to get Italie to deliver it from the evill handling of the potentates thereof which there dominiered and ruled this in no sort could bee called a just cause of warr but it rather may be called an evill against an evill and tyrannie against tyrannie because they de Medicis cannot say that they have any right or title unto Italie But if wee consider what tyrannie is as the elders have spoken thereof we shall find that not onely men in old time called such princes tyrants which handled evill and rudely their subjects as Caligula Nero Commodus other like but also such as handled well and kindlie their subjects when without title they usurped domination upon them as Iulius Cesar Hieron of Siracuse the governours which the Lacedaemonians set over Athens and other like And therefore a prince which hath no title over a countrey cannot lawfully invade it to get dominion there but by tyrannie whatsoever good intent he surmise or have to use the inhabitants friendly when he hath conquered it yet he may well aide another prince having lawfull title to oppose against a tyrannie because that is a common dutie whereby all good princes are obliged to help all such as by title and legitimate cause doe oppose themselves to resist a tyrannie But if a prince goe about to usurpe another countrie after the counsell of Macbiavell without lawfull title under a vaile to deliver that countrey from tyrannie this cannot bee well and justlie done unles a man will say that one tyrant may justlie expulse an other tyrant The Romanes have many times by example shewed this to bee true and never Titus Liviuâ— lib. 7. Dec. 1 would they deale in warre against any man without just title The Samnites which were a mightie people made one warre against the Campani neighbours unto the Romanes which sent to Rome to demand succours They shewed that they were the None may move warre without just title and cause Romanes neighbours and that it well became the Romane generositie and vertue to succour their neighbours seeing also that by marriages there were infinit alliances betwixt the Romanes and the Campanians and the Romanes might alwaies draw great commodities and profits from Campania which was a fertill and plentifull countrie But they could never obtaine other thing at the Romane Senates hand for these allegations but that the Senate sent embassadours to the Samnites to pray them to cease making warre upon the Campanians the Romanes neighbours Then the Campanians deputies said Well my masters seeing you will not now defend us against an unjust tyrannous invasion yet at the least defend that which is your owne for wee yeeld and give our selves to you yea us and all that is ours Then the Senate taking title and foundation of this dedition enterprised the defence of the Campanians which otherwise without title they would never have enterprised And truely the saying of the emperour Martian is very memorable and deserveth good observation That a prince ought never to move warre whilest hee could Pomp. Laetus in Martian maintaine peace as if he would say That Armes ought not to bee employed by a prince but in the defence of his countrey and not to assaile another And indeed a man had need looke about him more than once before hee moove warre and well consider and examine if therein there bee just cause or no for warres are easie to commence as M. Comines sayth but very uneasie to appease and finish And upon this we reade That in the Senate of Rome there was once a very notable disputation betweene Cato one esteemed the wisest of Rome and Scipio Nasica who was reputed the best man of Rome The matter was this After the first Punicke warre the Romanes made peace with the Carthaginians by which peace was accorded That the Carthaginians might not rig any ship of warre nor moove warre against the Romanes or their allies It came to passe a certaine time after this peace that the Carthaginians gathered together many ships which being reported at Rome and the matter propounded in counsell in the Senate Cato and many others reasoned That warre should be made upon the Carthaginians because they had gone from the treatie of peace and that warre might justly be offered unto them as breakers of peace But Scipio Nasica was of a contrarie opinion That there was yet no sufficient cause to make warre for although the Carthaginians had gone against the peace and violated their faith and promise yet the Romanes received no offence or damage as yet and therefore he was of advice That the Carthaginians should bee summoned to lay downe their armes and untackle their ships and observe peace even in the articles which they had broken The pluralitie of voices were of Nasica his opinion and accordingly men were sent to Carthage to summon them to obtemperate and obey the treatie of peace and to repaire contraventions They would doe nothing therein but prepared themselves more to set upon Massinissa their allie and friend Then this comming to counsell in the Senate all agreed That then there was just cause to move warre against the Carthaginians seeing they had alreadie begun to practise the same against Massinissa their allie and friend but there also were diverse opinions whether they should altogether ruinate from the top to the bottome the towne of Carthage after they had taken it or to let it still remaine a towne Cato was of opinion totally to ruinate and destroy it because it could not be kept in any fidelitie but would breake her faith and promise at the first occasion that offered it selfe Nasica was of a contrarie advice saying It was good that Rome had alwayes an enemie upon whom to make warre that the Romane people might
thing deceived when thinking to leade a prince unto a soveraigntie of wickednesse hee furnisheth him with inconstancie and mutabilitie as the windes for as soone as the prince shall cloth himselfe with Protheus garments and that hee hath no hold nor certitude of his word nor in his actions men may well say that hee is abandoned of phisitions and his maladie is incurable and that in all vices hee hath taken the nature of the Camoelion At the hands of such a prince which is inconstant variable in his word mutable in actions and commands there is nothing to be hoped for but evill disorder and confusion How much more notable and worthie to bee engraved in princes hearts is that Titus Livius lib. 6. Dec. 3 sentence of Scipio the Affrican That they are vanquishers which being vanquished doe give place vnto Fortune But the better to understand this I will set downe the occasion of this notable speach After by an evill hap of warre Scipio his father and uncle were overthrowne with the most part of their armie in Spaine the day being come whereupon they elected their magistrates at Rome none durst hazard himselfe to demand the government of Spaine for evill luck which happened to the two brothers Scipioes Heereat the Romane people beeing very sad and sorrowfull cast their eies upon the great men of the citie to see if any of their hearts would arise to demand the government of Spaine and because none did it they esteemed the affaires of the common weale to bee in a deplored and desperate estate The above said yong lord Scipio who after was called the Affrican of the age onely of two and twentie yeeres arose and demanded of the Romane people the said government of Spaine shewing by a grave oration full of magnanimitie and assured constancie That his carriage should be good and that they needed not feare that in regard of his yong age there should bee found in him any temeritie for he would doe nothing but by good counsell And although the name of the Scipioes might seeme unluckie in regard that his father unckle had ben vanquished slaine in Spaine that notwithstanding hee doubted not but to turne the chance of Fortune Briefely by a great and favourable consent of all the people hee was chosen governour of Spaine and generall captaine of the Romane armie As soone as hee was in this estate well assured of his vertues hee began to speake to every one with such a majestie and constancie as all men became fully resolved that hee would well acquite himselfe of this charge to the honour and benefit of the common weale After being in Spaine hee convocated the old bands which remained after the defeating of his father and unckle and used unto them good words reasons giving them thanks for the fidelitie they had borne to his diseased father and unckle and that ioyfullie they had received him for their captaine generall although hee was yong of age for the good hope they had of him which was of the race of their dead captaines and that hee would so well performe his dutie that they should truely know that he was of the race of their dead captaines The publike Fortune said hee of the Romane common weale and your vertue must needes keepe us from all despaire of our affaires For this good luck hath ever beene fatally given us being vanquished in our great warres yet ever notwithstanding to remaine victors by resisting by constancie and vertue all malignitie of Fortune The same Scipio another time but long after speaking to Zeusis and Antipater Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 4. embassadors of the king Antiochus which demanded peace of him after he had beene vanquished used these words full of gravitie and wisedome The peace saith hee which you demand now that your are vanquished wee agree unto you with like conditions as you offered before our victory For in all fortune good or evill we have Constancie stirreth not for prosperitie or adversitie alwaies the same courages neither can prosperitie exalt us nor adversitie humble us too much And if you your selves were not good witnesses thereof I would aledge no other testimonie then that of Anniball who is in your army Therefore make knowne unto the king your master that wee accord unto him the same peace which wee offered him before our victorie Heere may you see how constant the Romanes were in vertue without any change either of prosperitie or adversitie Heere is no Machiavelizing wee must not goe to the schoole of Scipio nor of the ancient Romanes nor of any other valiant princes to learne Machiavells doctrine to have an unconstant and mutable courage to change and to turne as the winde This must bee learned in the schoole of a sort of Italian Machiavelists resembling harlots which love every man yet love no person and which with doubtfull and unstayed mindes runne heere and there like Tops Wee commonly say That the king is the lively law of his subjects and that the prince ought to serve for a rule to his people but is it not a ridiculous thing to say That the law ought to bee a thing unconstant and mutable with every winde Nay contrarie the law ought to bee firme constant permanent inviolable and inviolably observed else it is no law And therefore amongst all mortall men the prince is hee which ought to bee most constant and firme to shew that hee is the true and lively law of his people and subjects unto whom his carriage and actions ought to serve for a rule A prince then must bee of one word and to take heede that he bee Constancie of a princē wherein it ought to be employed not mutable nor double of his promises and that hee alwaies have a magnanimous and generous courage tending to vertue and the publike good of his kingdome principallity and that no trouble nor adversitie may abate that generositie and constancie of courage nor any prosperitie make him swell with pride whereby to draw him from vertue In a constant course hee must shew himselfe grave and clement these two should be in him with a temperature such gravitie is requisit for the majestie of his calling with such clemencie and affabilitie as his subjects desire in him In all his actions hee must alwaies shew himselfe to bee one man loving and amiably entertaining men of vertue and of service and alwaies as constantly rejecting vicious people flatterers lyers and other like from which hee can never draw out good services Finally hee ought to bee constant in retaining his good friends and servants and not to take a sinister opinion of them without great and apparent causes and in all things to governe himselfe constantly by good counsell and to bee master of himselfe that is to say of his affections and opinions for to direct them alwaies to good and sage counsell such as were those great Romane monarches Augustus Caesar Vespasian Traian Adrian
remaineth to shew That Liberalitie is profitable and necessarie for a prince when he applieth it to good uses When Alexander the Great departed from Macedonie to goe to the conquest Plutarch in Alexand. of Asia hee caused all the captaines of his armie to appeare before him At their comming he distributed unto them almost all the revenue of his kingdome insomuch as he left to himselfe almost nothing Amongst them one of the said captaines called Perdicas said unto him What then will you Sir keepe for your selfe Even Hope answered Alexander We then shall have our part thereof replied Perdicas since we goe with you Thus Perdicas and certaine other also refused the gifts which their king offered them and were as thankfull as if they had accepted them So that they accompanied him in his voyage of Asia full of good will to serve him as they did For he was so well served of these valiant Macedonians his subjects that with them he conquered almost al Asia so the Liberalitie of Alexander was very profitable unto him The ancient Romanes had this custome ordinarily to encrease the seignories and Titus Livius lib 7. Dec. 4. Plutarch in Caton dominations of the kings their allies as they did to Massinissa king of Numidia unto whom they gave a great part of the kingdome of Syphax his neighbor and some part of the countrey of the Carthaginians after they had vanquished Syphax and the Carthaginians as also they did to Eumenes king of Pergamus in Asia unto whom they gave all they conquered upon king Antiochus from beyond the mount Taurus which came to more than foure times so much as all Eumenes his kingdome They also practised great Liberalities towards Ptolomeus king of Cyprus towards Attalus another king of Pergamus towards Hiero king of Sicilie and many others And what profit got they by all this even this that in the end all the countries and kingdomes fell into the Romans hands either by succession and testamentarie ordinance of those kings or by the will of the people or otherwise And this reputation of Liberalitie which the Romans acquired was the cause that the kings and potentates of the world affected and so greatly desired their amitie and alliance Silla Marius his lieutenant making warre upon king Iugurtha persuaded Bocchus king of Salust de bello Mauritania to take part with the Romanes against Iugurtha because saith hee the Romanes are never wearie with vanquishing by beneficence but doe alwaies enrich their friends and allies The king Cotis of Thrace having promised the Romanes that he would proove their good and faithfull friend and to that effect having delivered them hostages notwithstanding they aided king Perseus of Macedonie against the Romanes when after by warre king Perseus was vanquished wherin Bitis the said king Cotis his sonne was taken prisoner this king would have ransomed his sonne and withall made certaine frivolous excuses The Senate made him this worthie answere That the Romanes knew very certainely that hee had preferred the good grace and favour of Perseus before their amitie but that therefore they would not cease to give him his sonne and his hostages because the benefits of the Romane people are free insomuch as they better love to leave the price and the recompence within the hearts of such as receive their said benefits than to be readie to receive prompt and quicke satisfaction Augustus Caesar seeing himselfe have many enemies which he had gotten by civile Dion in August warres he knew not whether he should put them all to death or what hee should doe For he on the one side considered that if he caused all to die then the world would thinke that either he was entring into the butcherie of a civile warre or els to usurpe a tyrannie and on the other side he feared that some mischeefe would happen unto him if he suffered them to live The abovesaid Livia his wife which was a good and sage ladie shewed him that he ought to gaine his enemies which he feared by liberalitie and beneficence Hee followed this counsell and begun with one Cornelius the nephew of Pompeius whom hee advaunced into the office of Consull and in like sort to others which he tooke to be his enemies he practised beneficence and bountifulnesse in such sort as he gained all their hearts But because the remonstrance which Livia made to Augustus is very memorable I will here summarily recite it I am very sorrowfull my most deare lord and spouse to see you thus greeved and tormented in your spirit so that your sleepe is taken from you I am not ignorant that you have great occasions because of many enemies which you will have still feeling in themselves the deaths of their friends and parents which you have caused to die during those civill wars withall that a prince cannot so well governe but there will be alwaies mailcontents and complainers There is this moreover that this change of estate which you have brought into the commonweale by reducing it into a monarchie makes that a man cannot well assure himselfe of such as they esteeme to be their friends yet I beseech you my good lord to excuse me if I a simple woman take that hardinesse to tel you my advice upon this matter which is that I thinke there is nothing impossible to represse by soft and gentle meanes for the natures of such as are enclined to do evill are sooner subdued and corrected by using clemencie and beneficence towards them than severitie For princes which are courteous and mercifull make themselves not onely agreeable and honourable to them upon whom they bestow mercie but also towards all others And by contrary such as are inexorable and will abate nothing of their rigour are hated and blamed not only of them towards whom he shewes himselfe such but of all others also See you not my good lord that either never or very selde physicians come to cut the sicke members of the bodie but onely seeke to heale them by soft and gentle mendicaments in like sort are maladies of the spirit to be healed And the gentle medicaments of the spirit may these well be called Affabilitie and Soft words of princes towards every one his Clemencie and placabilitie his Mercie and debonairetie not towards wicked and bad persons which make an occupation to do evill but towards such as have offended by youth imprudencie ignorance by chance by constraint or which have some just excuse It is also a very requisit thing in a prince not only to do no wrong to any person but also to be reputed such a man as will never do wrong to any man because that is the meane to have the amitie and benevolence of men which a prince can never obtaine unlesse he doe persuade them that he will do well to the good and that hee will doe wrong to none For feare may well bee acquired with force but amitie cannot bee obtained but by persuasion