smell whether it were copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any foode but cowes milke onely which was very sowre filthy There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so foule and muddy by reason of their horses that it was not meete to be drunk And but for certaine bisket which was by the goodnes of God remaining vnto vs we had vndoubtedly perished Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized and of certaine men which seemed to be lepers Chap. 14. VPon the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certain Saracen vnto whome as hee talked with vs we expounded the Christian faith Who hearing of Gods benefits exhibited vnto mankind by the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ and the resurrectiou of the dead the iudgement to come that in baptisme was a washing away of sinnes sayd that hee would be baptized But when we prepared our selues to the baptizing of him he suddenly mounted on horsebacke saying thae he would goe home and consult with his wife what were best to be done And on the morrow after he told vs that he durst in no case receiue baptisme because then he should drinke no more Cosmos For the Christians of that place affirme that no true Christians ought to drinke thereof and that without the said liquor he could not liue in that desertâ— From which opinion I could not for my life remoue him Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty vnto your highnes that they are much estranged from the Christian faith by reason of that opinion which hath bin broached confirmed among them by the Russians of whom there is a great multitude in that place The same day Scacatay the captaine aforesayd gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach and two other to guide vs vnto the next lodging which was distant from that place fiue dayes iourney for oxen to trauell They gaue vnto vs also a goate for victuals and a great many bladders of cowes milke but a little Cosmos because it is of so great estimation among them And so taking our iourney directly toward the North me thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates The seruants which conducted vs begau to play the bold theeues with vs seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues At length hauing lost much by their the euery harme taught vs wisdome And then we came vnto the extremity of that prouince which is fortified with a ditch from one sea vnto another without the bounds wherof their lodging was situate Into the which so sooue as we had entred al the inhabitants there seemed vnto vs to be infected with leprosie for certain base fellowes were placed there to receiue tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt pits aforesaid From that place they told vs that we must trauel fifteâ—n daies iourney before we shuld find any other people With them wee dranke Cosmos and gaue vnto them a basket full of fruites and of bisket And they gaue vnto vs eight oxen and one goate to sustaine vs in so great a iourney and I knowe not how many bladders of milke And so changing our oxen we tooke our iourney which we finished in tenne dayes arriuing at another lodging neither found we any water all that way but onely in certaine ditches made in the valleys except two small riuers And from the time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid prouince of Gasaria we trauailed directly Eastward hauing a Sea on the South side of vs and a waste desert on the North which desert in some places reacheth twenty dayes iourney in breadth and there is neither tree mountaine nor stone therein And it is most excellent pasture Here the Comanians which were called Capthac were wont to feede their cattell Howbeit by the Dutch men they are called Valani and the prouince it selfe Valania But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from the riuer of Tanais to the lake of Meotis and so along as farre as Danubius the countrey of Alania And the same land continueth in length from Danubius vnto Tanais which diuideth Asia from Europe for the space of two moneths iourney albeit a man should ride poste as fast as the Tartars vse to ride and it was all ouer inhabited by the Comanians called Capthac yea and beyond Tanais as farre as the riuer of Edil or Volga the space betweene the two which riuers is a great and long iourney to bee trauailed in ten dayes To the North of the same prouince lieth Russia which is full of wood in all places and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria euen to the riuer of Tanais and it hath bene wasted all ouer by the Tartars and as yet is daily wasted by them Of our afflictions which we sustained and of the Comanians maner of buriall Chap. 15. THey preferre the Saracens before the Russians because they are Christians and when they are able to giue them no more golde nor siluer they driue them and their children like flockes of sheepe into the wildernes constraining them to keepe their cattell there Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of Ierusalem haue of late wholly conquered and subdued And in very deede they might easily winne Russia if they would put to their helping hand For if the Tartars should but once know that the great Priest that is to say the Pope did cause the ensigne of the crosse to bee displaied against them they would flee all into their desert and solitarie places We therefore went on towards the East seeing nothing but heauen and earth and sometimes the sea on our right hand called the Sea of Tanais and the sepulchres of the Comanians which appeared vnto vs two leagues off in which places they were wont to burie their kinred altogether So long as we were trauelling through the desert it went reasonably well with vs. For I cannot sufficiently expresse in words the irkesome and tedious troubles which I susteined when I came at any of their places of abode For our guide would haue vs goe in vnto euery Captaine with a present and our expenses would not extend so farre For we were euery day eight persons of vs spending our waifaring prouision for the Tartars seruants would all of them eate of our victuals We our selues were fiue in number and the seruants our guides were three two to driue our carts and one to conduct vs vnto Sartach The flesh which they gaue vs was not sufficient for vs neither could we finde any thing to be bought for our money And as we sate vnder our carts in the coole shadowe by reason of the extreame and vehement heate which was there at that time they did so importunately and shameleâ—ly intrude themselues into our companie that they would euen tread vpon vs to see whatsoeuer things we had Hauing list at any time
or fountaines the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake becommeth hard salte like vnto ice And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera There come by sea also many ships for salt which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia we found the Tartars Amongst whome being entered me thought I was come into a new world Whose liâ—e and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can Of the Tartars and of their houses Chap. 2. THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne And euery of their captaines according to the great or or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his pastures and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer Spring and autumne For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water because then they vse snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth in like sorte of wickers meeting aboue into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney which they couer with white felte and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte The sayd felte on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines trees birds and beastes thereupon The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes I found it to be 20 feete ouer and when the house was vpon the carte it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least I told 22. oxen in one teame drawing an house vpon a cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte and eleuen more before them the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship And a fellow stood in the doore of the house vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen Moreouer they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers and make a doore in the fore side thereof And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe treasure Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts which are drawen with camels to y e end they may wade through riuers Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts When they take down their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South next of all they place the carts laden with their chests here there within half a stones cast of y e house insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts as it were between two wals The matrons make for theÌ„selues most beautiful carts which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you had my skill bin ought in that art One rich Moal or Taâ—tar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes When they take their houses from off the cartes the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once for their countries are very plaine and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen one behind another And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen and al the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slowe pace as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke Of their beds and of their drinking pots Chap. 3. HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes and turning the doores Southward they place the bed of the master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwaies on the East side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards but the mens place is vpon y e West side namely at the right hand of their master Men when they enter into the house wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image like a puppet made of felte which they call the masters brother and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse which they call her brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole houâ—e The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete on the right haâ—d the skinâ—e of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another image with a cowes vdder for the women that milke the kine For it is the duety of their women to milke kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another image with the vdder of a mare for the men which milke mares And when they come together to drinke and make merie they sprinckle parte
woman be not beaten with the whip once a weeke she will not be good and therefore they looke for it orderly the women say that if their husbands did not beate them they should not loue them They vse to marry there very yong their sonnes at 16. and 18. yeeres olde and the daughters at 12. or 13. yeeres or yonger they vse to keepe their wiues very closely I meane those that be of any reputation so that a man shall not see one of them but at a chance when she goeth to church at Christmas or at Easter or els going to visite some of her friends The most part of the women vse to ride a sleide in saddles with styrrops as men do and some of them on sleds which in summer is not commendable The husband is bound to finde the wife colours to paint her withall for they vse ordinarily to paynt themselues it is such a common practise among them that it is counted for no shame they grease their faces with such colours that a man may discerne them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoote off I cannot so well liken them as to a millers wife for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a bagge of meale but their eye browes they colour as blacke as ieat The best propertie that the women haue is that they can sowe well and imbroder with silke and golde excellently Of their buriall VVHen any man or woman dieth they stretch him out and put a new paire of shooes on his feete because he hath a great iourney to goe then doe they winde him in a sheet as we doe but they forget not to put a testimonie in his right hand which the priest giueth him to testifie vnto S. Nicholas that he died a Christian man or woman And they put the coarse alwayes in a coffin of wood although the partie be very poore and when they goe towards the Church the friends and kinsemen of the partie departed carrie in their hands small waxe candles and they weepe and howle and make much lamentation They that be hanged or beheaded or such like haue no testimonie with them how they are receiued into heauen it is a wonder without their pasport There are a great number of poore people among them which die daily for lacke of sustenance which is a pitifull case to beholde for there hath beene buried in a small time within these two yeeres aboue 80. persons young and old which haue died onely for lacke of sustenance for if they had had straw and water enough they would make shift to liue for a great many are forced in the winter to drie straw and stampe it and to make bread thereof or at the least they eate it in stead of bread In the summer they make good shift with grasse herbes and rootes barks of trees are good meat with them at all times There is no people in the world as I suppose that liue so miserably as do the pouerty in those parts and the most part of them that haue sufficient for themselues and also to relieue others that need are so vnmerciful that they care not how many they see die of famine or hunger in the streets It is a countrey full of diseases diuers and euill and the best remedie is for anie of them as they holde opinion to goe often vnto the hote houses as in a maner euery man hath one of his owne which hee heateth commonly twise euery weeke and all the housholde sweate and wash themselues therein The names of certaine sortes of drinkes vsed in Russia aud commonly drunke in the Emperours Court. THe first and principall meade is made of the iuice or liecour taken from a berrie called in Russia Malieno which is of a marueilous sweete taste and of a carmosant colour which berry I haue seene in Paris The second meade is called Visnoua because it is made of a berry so called and is like a black gooseberrie but it is like in colour and taste to the red wine of France The third meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina short of a small berry much like to the small rezin and groweth in great plentie in Russia The fourth meade is called Chereunikyna which is made of the wilde blacke cherry The fift meade is made of hony and water with other mixtures There is also a delicate drinke drawn from the root of the birch tree called in the Russe tongue Berozeuites which drinke the noble men and others vse in Aprill May and Iune which are the three moneths of the spring time for after those moneths the sapp of the tree dryeth and then they cannot haue it The voyage of Master Anthony Ienkinson made from the citie of Mosco in Russia to the citie of Boghar in Bactria in the yeere 1558 written by himselfe to the Merchants of London of the Moscouie companie THe 23. day of April in the yeere 1558. hauing obtained the Emperor of Russia his letters directed vnto sundry kings and princes by whose dominions I should passe I departed from Mosco by water hauing with mee two of your seruants namely Richard Iohnson Robert Iohnson and a Tartar Tolmach with diuers parcels of wares as by the inuentory appeareth and the 28. day we came to a town called Collom distant from the Mosco 20. leagues passing one league beyond the saide Collom we came vnto a riuer called Occa into the which the riuer Mosco falleth and looseth his name and passing downe the said riuer Occa 8. leagues we came vnto a castle called Terreuettisko which we left vpon our right hand and proceeding forward the second day of May we came vnto another castle called Peroslaue distant 8. leagues leauing it also on our right hand The third day we came vnto the place where olde Rezan was situate beeing now most of it ruined and ouergrowen and distant from the said Peroslaue 6. leagues the 4. day we passed by a castle called Terrecouia from Rezan 12. leagues the 6. day we came to another castle called Cassim vnder the gouernment of a Tartar prince named Vtzar Zegoline sometime Emperour of the worthy citie of Cazan and now subiect vnto the Emperour of Russia But leauing Cassim on our left hand the 8. day we came vnto a faire town called Morom from Cassim 20. leagues where we took the sonne and found the latitude 56. degrees and proceeding forward the 11. day we came vnto another faire town castle called Nyse Nouogrod situated at the falling of the foresaid riuer Occa into the worthie riuer of Volga distant from the saide Moron 25. leagues in the latitude of 56. degrees 18. minutes Frō Rezan to this Nyse Nouogrod on both sides the said riuer of Occa is raised the greatest store of ware and hony in all the land of Russia We carried at the foresaid Nyse Nouogrod vntil the 19. day for the comming of a captain which was sent by the
father Midas was aduertised by the Oracle that the said gulfe should not be shut vp before things most precious were cast into it Anchurus deeming nothing to be more inualuable then life plunged himselfe aliue downe headlong into that bottomeles hole and that with so great vehemencie of mind that neither by his fathers request nor by the allurements and teares of his most amiable wife he suffered himselfe to be drawne backe from this his enterprise Sperthius also and Bulis two Lacedemonians were not much inferiour to the former who to turne away the reuenge of Xerxes that most puissant King of the Persians entended against the Lacedemonians for killing the ambassadors of his father Darius hyed them vnto the sayd king and that he might auenge the ambassadours death vpon them not vpon their countrey with bardy and constant mindes presented themselues before him The very same thing most gracious prince which moued them and many others being enflamed with the loue of their countrey to refuse for the benefite thereof no danger no trouble no nor death it selfe the same thing I say hath also enforced me not indeed to vndergoe voluntarie death or freely to offer my selfe vnto the slaughter but yet to assay that which I am able for the good of my countrey namely that I may gather together and refute the errors and vaine reports of writers concerning the same and so take vpon me a thing very dangerous and perhaps subiect to the sinister iudgement of many In this purpose the example of Cneius Pompeius hath likewise confirmed me who being chosen procurator for corne among the Romanes and in an extreme scarcetie and dearth of the citie hauing taken vp some store of graine in Sicilia Sardinia and Africa is reported to haue had greater regard of his countrey then of himselfe For when he made haste towards Rome and a mighty and dangerous tempest arising he perceiued the Pilots to tremble and to be vnwilling to commit themselues to the rigor of the stormie sea himselfe first going on boord and commanding the anchors to be weighed brake foorth into these words That we should sayle necessitie vrgeth but that we should liue it vrgeth not In which words he seemeth wisely to inferre that greater care is to be had of our countrey lying in danger then of our owne priuate safetie This man doe I thus imitate If small with great as equals may agree And Flie with Elephant compared bee Namely that gathering together and laying vp in store those things which might be applied to succour the fame and credite of our nation hauing now this long time bene oppressed with strangers through the enuie of certeine malicious persons I boldly aduenture to present these fewe meditations of mine vnto the viewe of the world and so boysing vp sailes to commit my selfe vnto a troublesome sea and to breake foorth into the like speeches with him That I should write necessitie vrgeth but that my writings in all places should satisfie euery delicate taste or escape all peeuishnes of carpers it vrgeth not I doubt not but many will allow this my enterprise the successe perhaps all men will not approue Neuertheles I thought that there was greater regard to be had of my countrey susteining so many mens mocks and reproches then of mine owne praise or dispraise redounding perhaps vnto me vpon this occasion For what cause should moue me to shunne the enuie and hate of some men being ioyned with an indeuour to benefite and gratifie my countrey But if I shall seeme somewhat too bold in censuring the errors of writers or too seuere in reprehending the slanders of some men yet I hope all they will iudge indifferently of me who shall seriously consider how intolerable the errors of writers are concerning our nation how many also and how grieuous be the reproches of some against vs wherewith they haue sundry wayes prouoked our nation and as yet will not cease to prouoke They ought also to haue me excused in regard of that in-bred affection rooted in the hearts of all men towards their natiue soile and to pardon my iust griefe for these iniuries offered vnto my countrey And I in very deed so much as lay in me haue in all places moderated my selfe and haue bene desirous to abstaine from reproches but if any man thinke we should haue vsed more temperance in our stile I trust the former reason will content him Sithens therefore I am to vndergoe the same hazard which I see is commonly incident to all men that publish any writings I must now haue especiall regarde of this one thing namely of seeking out some patron and Mecoenas for this my briefe commentary vnder whose name and protection it may more safely passe through the hands of all men But for this purpose I could not finde out nor wish for any man more fit then your royal Maiestie most gratious prince For vnto him who hath receiued vnder his power tuition our liues and goods vnto him I say doe we make humble sute that he would haue respect also vnto the credit of our nation so iniuriously disgraced Yea verily most gracious King we are constreined to craue your Maiesties mercifull aide not only in this matter but in many other things also which are wanting in our countrey or which otherwise belong to the publique commoditie and welfare thereof which not by me but by the letters supplicatory of the chiefe men of our nation are at this time declared or will shortly be declared For we doubt not but that your sacred Maiestie after the example of your Christian predecessors will vouchsafe vnto our countrey also amongst other Islands of your Maiesties dominion your kingly care and protection For as the necessitie of fleeing for redresse vnto your sacred Maiestie is ours so the glory of relieuing regarding and protecting vs shal wholy redound vnto your sacred Maiestie as also there is layd vp for you in respect of your fostering and preseruing of Gods church vpon the extreme northerly parts almost of the whole earth and in the vttermost bounds of your Maiesties dominion which by the singular goodnes of God enioyeth at this present tranquillitie and quiet safetie a reward and crowne of immortall life in the heauens But considering these things are not proper to this place I wil leaue them and returne to my purpose which I haue in hand most humbly beseeching your S.M. that you would of your clemencie vouchsafe to become a fauourer and patron vnto these my labours and studies for the behalfe of my countrey It now remaineth most gracious and mercifull souereigne for vs to make our humble prayers vnto almighty God that king of kings and disposer of all humans affaires that it would please him of his infinite goodnes to aduance your Maiestie yearely growing vp in wisedome experience and all other heroicall vertues to the highest pitch of souereigntie and being aduanced continually to blesse you with most prosperous successe in
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
vnderstood the Tartars sayd that they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa And immediately demanding gifts at our hands they obtained them Then receiuing the same horses from which they dismounted together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto Corrensa But they riding a swift pace sent a messenger before vnto the sayd duke Corrensa to signifie the message which we had deliuered vnto them This duke is gouernour of all them which lie in guard against the natioÌ„s of the West least some enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon them And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him How they were receiued at the court of Corrensa Chap. 21. BEing come therefore vnto his court hee caused our tent to bee placed farre from him and sent his agents to demaund of vs with what we would incline vnto him that is to say what giftes we would offer in doing our obeisance vnto him Unto whome wee answered that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at all because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to come at them for we passed through most dangerous places Notwithstanding to our abilitie we will honour him with some part of those things which haue bene by the goodnes of God the fauour of the Pope bestowed vpoÌ„ vs for our sustenance Hauing receiued our gifts they conducted vs vnto the Orda or tent of the duke we were instructed to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the tente and in any case to beware lest wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore And that after we were entred wee should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles the same wordes which wee had before sayde kneeling vpon our knees Then presented wee the letters of our lord the Pope but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them neither was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy This Bathy is the mightieâ—â— prince among them except the Emperour they are bound to obey him before all other princes We began our iourney towards his court the first tuesday in Lent and riding as fast as our horses could trot for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a day we posted from morning till night yea very often in the night season also and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday All this iourney we went through the land of Comania which is al plaine ground and hath foure mighty riuers running through it The first is called Neper on the side whereof towards Russia duke Corrensa Montij marched vp and downe which Montij on tâ—e other side vpon the plaines is greater then he The second is called Don vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in mariage the sister of Baty his name is Tirbon The third is called Volga which is an exceeding great riuer vpon the bankes whereof duke Bathy marcheth The fourth is called Iaec vpon which two Millenaries doe march on each side of the riuer one All these in the winter time descend down to the sea in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to the mountains The sea last named is the Great sea out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth which runneth by Constantinople These riuers do abound with plenty of fiâ—hes but especially Volga they exonerate theÌ„selues into the Grecian sea which is called Mare maior Ouer Neper we went many daies vpon the ice Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places that for many daies together For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea But before we came vnto Bathy two of our Tartars rode afore to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa How we were receiued at the court of the great prince Bathy Chap. 22. MOreouer when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles And when we should be conducted vnto his court it was tolde vs that we must passe between two fires But we would by no means be induced thereunto Howbeit they said vnto vs you may passe through without al danger for we would haue you to doe it for none other cause but only that if you intend any mischiefe against our lord or bring any poyson with you fire may take away all euill Unto whom we answered that to the end we might cleare ourselues from all suspition of any such matter we were contented to passe through When therefore we were come vnto the Orda being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance Wee gaue the same answere which we did at the court of Corrensa The gifts being giuen and receiued the causes of our iourney also being heard they brought vs into the tabernacle of the prince first bowing our selues at the doore being admonished as before not to tread vpon the threshold And being entred we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees deliuered him our letters and requested him to haue interpreters to translate them Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto vs and we together with them diligently translated our sayd letters into the Russian Tartarian and Saracen languages This interpretation was presented vnto Bathy which he read attentiuely noted At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne lodging howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs except it were once a litle Millet in a dich the first night of our comming This Bathy caries himselfe very stately magnificently hauing porters and all officers after the maner of the Emperour and sittes in a lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues The rest namely as well his brethren and sonnes as other great personages sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench and others sit downe vpon the ground behinde him but the men on the right hand and the women on the left He hath very faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also which were once the kings of Hungaria Neither dare any man come into his tent besides them of his owne family vnles he be called be he neuer so mighty and great except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure Wee also for the same cause sate on the left hand for so doe all ambassadors in going but in returning from the Emperour we were alwaies placed on the right hand In the middest stands his table neare vnto the doore of the tent vpon the which there is drinke filled in golden and siluer vessels
of his subiects Of his age and demeanour and of his seale Chap. 28. THis Emperour when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres He was of a meane stature very wise and politike and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour A rare thing it was for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly as those Christians report which abode continually with him Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians neere vnto his great Tent where the Clearkes like vnto other Christians and according to the custome of the Graecians doe sing publiquely and openly and ring belles at certaine houres bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars or of other people in presence And yet none of their Dukes doe the like It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger though he be neuer so great but heareth and answeareth by a speaker And when any of his subiects howe great soeuer they bee are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him or in hearing his answeare they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour The sayde Emperour hath in his affaires both publike and priuate an Agent and Secretary of estate with Scribes and all other Officials except aduocates For without the noyse of pleading or sentence giuing all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto thē But be it known vnto al men that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres the saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect together with al his princes erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God the Romane empire and against al Christian kingdomes and nations of the West vnlesse peraduenture which God forbid they will condescend vnto those things which he hath inoined vnto our lord the Pope to all potentates and people of the Christiās namely that they wil become obedient vnto him For except Christendom there is no land vnder heauē which they stand in feare of and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father namely Occoday was poisoned to death which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre But their intent and purpose is as I haue aboue said to subdue the whole world vnto themselues as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner The power of God Emperour of all men Also vpon his seale there is this posie ingrauen God in heauen and Cuyne Can vpon earth the power of God the seale of the Emperour of all men Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour Chap. 29. IN the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne we were summoned before him And Chingay his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names and the names of them that sent vs with the name of the Duke of Solangi of others cried out with a loude voice rehearsing the said names before the Emperour and the assembly of his Dukes Which beeing done ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues and could not find any about vs we entred in at the doore vpon the East side because no man dare presume to enter at the West doore but the Emperour onely In like maner euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies This therefore was the first time when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence after he was created Emperour Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him but very fewe were admitted into his tent And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours that they seemed to be infinite namely in Samites robes of purple and of Baldakin cloth silke girdles wrought with golde and costly skinnes with other gifts also Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie or small tent which was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head presented vnto him being set full of precious stones And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins They had saddles also vpon their backs with certaine other instruments within the which were places for men to sitte vpon Also they brought many horses mules vnto him furnished w t trappers and caparisons some being made of leather◠and some of iron And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpō him or no But wee were not of abilitie so to doe hauing in a maner spent all our prouision There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents more then 500. carts which were all ful siluer and of gold and silke garments And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him Of the place where the Emperor and his mother tooke their leaues one of another and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia Chap. 30. DEparting thence we came vnto another place where a wonderfull braue tent all of red purple giuen by the Kythayans was pitched Wee were admitted into that also and alwaies when we entred there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke sodden flesh when we would to eate There was also a loftie stage built of boords where the Emperours throne was placed being very curiously wrought out of iuorie wherein also there was golde and precious stones and as we remember there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it And it was round vpon the top There were benches placed about the saide throne whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles but none sate aloft on the right hande and the Dukes sate vpon benches below the said throne being in the midst Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither The three tents whereof we spake before were very large but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother for she went into one part of the land and the Emperour into another to execute iustice For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour which had poysoned his father
of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head afterward vpon other images in order then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South and bowing his knee at euery time and this is done for the honour of the fire Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East for the honour of the ayre and then to the West for the honour of the water lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke before he tasteth thereof hee powreth his part vpon the ground If he drinketh sitting on horse backe hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh After the seruaunt aforesaide hath â—o discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world hee returneth into the house and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes and two basons to carrie drinke vnto their master and his wife sitting together vpon a bed And if he hath more wiues then one she with whome hee slept the night before sitteth by his side the daye following and all his other wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke and there is the court holden for that day the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes Of their drinkes and how they prouoke one another to drinking Chap. 4. IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise of Mill and of honie being well and high coloured like wine Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries In summer time they care not for any drinke but Cosmos And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle And when they make any great solemne feast they all of them clap their hands daunce to the noyse of musique the men before their master and the women before their mistresse And when the master hath drunke then cries out his seruant as before and the minstrell stayeth his musique Then drinke they all around both men and women and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly Also when they will prouoke any man they pul him by the eares to the drinke and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing one of the company takes a full cuppe and two other stand one on his right hand and another on his left and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him still sâ—nging and dauncing before him and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe they leape suddenly backe returning againe as they did before and so hauing deluded him thrâ—câ— or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie and hath gotten a good appetite then they giue him the cuppe singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete vntill he hath done drinking Of their foode and victuals Chap. 5. COncerning their foode and victuals be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do without al difference or exception eat all their dead carrions And amongst so many droues it cannot be but some cattell must needes die Howbeit in summer so long as their Cosmos that is their mares milke lasteth they care not for any foode And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye they drie the flesh thereof for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind it is presently dried without salt and also without stenche or corruption They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs which they eate being new made the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals pantofles They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water other sauce they haue none and then with the point of a knife or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose such as wee vse to take roâ—ted peares or apples out of wine withal they reach vnto eueryone of the company a morsell or twaine according to the multitude of guestes The master of the house before the rams flesh be distributed first of all himselfe taketh thereof what he pleaseth Also if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part the receiuer therof must eat it alone and must not impart ought therof vnto any other Not being able to eate it vp all he caries it with him or deliuers it vnto his boy if he be present to keepe it if not he puts it vp into his Saptargat that is to say his foure square buget which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision and wherein they lay vp their bones when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly that they may â—urnish them afterward to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought How they make their drinke called Cosmos Chap. 6. THeir drinke called Cosmos which is mares milke is prepared after this maner They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares which they mean to milke Then come the dains to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked And if any of them be too vnruly then one takes her fole puts it vnder her letting it suck a while and presently carying it away againe there comes another man to milke the said mare And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together being as sweet as cowes milke while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head which is hollow within and so soone as they beat vpon it it begins to boile like newe wine to be sower and sharp of taste and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof Then taste they thereof and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes when it is drunk After a man hath taken a draught therof it leaueth behind it a
taste like the taste of almon milke and goeth downe very pleasantly intoxicating weake braines also it causeth vrine to be auoided in great measure Likewise Caracosmos that is to say black Cosmos for great lords to drink they make on this maner First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white wine and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue being like vnto whay or white must The said lees or dregs being very white are giuen to seruants aâ—d will cause them to sleepe exceedingly That which is thinne and cleare their masters drinke â— and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome liquor Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies iourney of his abiding place euery one of which serueth him dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk and so all of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares besides white milke which other of his subiects bring For euen as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and carie it vnto the courts of their lords euen so doe they their mares milke euery third day Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction they put it into rams skinnes which they reserue for the same purpose Neither doe they salte their butter and yet by reason of the long seething it putrifieth not and they keepe it in store for winter The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be then they boile it and in boiling it is turned all into curdes which curds they drie in the sun making them as hard as the drosse of iron and this kind of food also they store vp in sachels against winter In the winter season when milke faileth them they put the foresaid curds which they cal Gry-vt into a bladder and powring hot water thereinto they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said water which is thereby made exceedingly sowre and that they drinke in stead of milke They are very scrupulous and take diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe Of the beastes which they eat of their garments and of their maner of hunting Chap. 7. GReat lords haue cottages or granges towards the South from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale against winter The poorer sort prouide themselues of such necessaries for y e exchange of rams of other beasts skins The Tartars slaues fil their bellies with thick water are therewithall contented They wil neither eaâ—e mise with long tailes nor any kinde of mise with short tailes They haue also certaine litle beasts called by theÌ„ Sogur which lie in a caue twenty or thirty of them together al the whole winter â—â—eeping there for the space of sixe moneths and these they take in great abundance There are also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats on the outside of their tailes grow blacke white haires They haue many other small beasts good to eat which they know and discerne right well I saw no Decre there but a fewe hares but a great nuÌ„ber of Roes I saw wild asses in great abundance which be like vnto Mules Also I saw another kind of beast called Artak hauing in al resemblance the body of a ram crooked hornes which are of such bignes that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand of these hornes they make great drinking cups They haue Falcons Girfalcons other haukes in great plenty all which they cary vpon their right hands they put alwaies about their Falcons necks a string of leather which hangeth down to y e midst of their gorges by the which string wheÌ„ they cast them off the fist at their game with their left hand they bow downe the heads breasts of the sayd haukes least they should be tossed vp downe beaten with the wind or least they should soare too high Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals by hunting hauking Concerning their garments and attire be it knowen vnto your Maiestie that out of Cataya other regions of the East out of Persia also and other countries of the South there are brought vnto them stuffes of silke cloth of gold cotton cloth which they weare in time of summer But out of Russia Moxel Bulgaria the greater Pascatâ—r that is Hungaria the greater and out of Kersis all which are Northerne regions full of woods also out of many other countries of the North which are subiect vnto them the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sortes which I neuer saw in our countries where withal they are clad in winter And alwaies against winter they make themselues two gownes one with the fur inward to their skin another with the furre outward to defend them from wind snow which for the most part are made of woolues skins or Fox skins or els of Papions And wheÌ„ they sit within the house they haue a finer gowne to weare The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins When they goe to hunt for wild beasts there meets a great company of them together inuironing the place round about where they are sure to find some game by litle litle they approch on al sides til they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst as it were into a circle then they discharge their arrowes at them Also they make theÌ„selues breeches of skins The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke shag which is exceeding soft light warme The poorer sort do line their clothes with cottoÌ„ cloth which is made of the finest wooll they can pick out of the courser part of the said wool they make felt to couer their houses and their chests and for their bedding also Of the same wool being mixed with one third part of horse haire they make all their cordage They make also of the said felt couerings for their stooles and caps to defende their heads from the weather for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wooll And thus much concerning the attyre of the men Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting their haire and of the attire of their women Chap. 8. THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads and from the two formost corners they shaue as it were two seames downe to their temples they shaue also their temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of the necke likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe to their foreheads vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes vpon the two hindermost corners of of their heads they haue two lockes also
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
Duâ—furth Master of the Considentia 10 Roger Wilson Masters mates 11 Iohn Buckland Masters mates 12 Richard Ingram Masters mates Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missiuarum quas illustrissimus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex misit ad Principes Septentrionalem ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes iuxta mare glaciale nec non Indiam Orientalem Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo vltimo EDuardus sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex c. Omnibus Regibus principibus ac dominis cunctis Iudicibus terrae Ducibus eius quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea cunctis in locis quae sunt sub vniuerso coelo Pax tranquillitas honor vobis terris regionibus vestris quae imperio vestro subiacent cuique vestrum quemadmodum conuenit ei Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alijâ— viuentibus cor desiderium tale vt appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire amare vicissim amari beneficijs afficere mutua accipere beneficia studeat ideò cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere consetuare conuenit in illis autem maximè qui hoc desiderio adducti à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt eò ardentius in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt Insuper etiam ad hoc nos patrum maiorumque nostrorum exempla inuitant qui semper humanissimè susceperunt benignissimè tractauerunt illos qui tum à locis propinquis tâ—â—â—â—à remotis cosamicè adibant eorum se protectioni commendantes Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet qui per vniuersum orbem discurrunt mare circumlustrantes aridam vt res bonas vtiles que Dei beneficio in regione eorum inueniuntur ad remotissimas regiones regna adferant atque inde vicissim referant quòd suae regioni vtile ibi repeterint vt populi ad quos eunt non destituantur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abundant Nam Deus coeli terrae humano generi maximè consulens noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inueniâ—entur quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret gens ab alia gente commodum aliquod expectaret ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes singulique omnibus benefacere quaererent Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt vt inter nostros illos populos viam mercibus inferendis efferendis aperirent nosque rogauerunt vt id illis concederemus Qui petitioni illorum annuentes concessimus viro honorabili forti Hugoni Wilibâ—o alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis charis vt pro sua voluntate in regiones eis priùs incognitas eant quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent Atque ita illis nobis commodum inde accedat sitque amicitia perpetua foedus indissolubile inter illos nos dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus quibus superabundant in regnis suis nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res quibus destituuntur Rogamus itaque vos Reges Principes omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra vt viris istis nostris transitum permittatis per regiones vestras Non enâ—m tangent quicquam â—x rebus vestris inuitis vobis Cogitate quòd homines ipsi sunt Et si qua re caruerint oramus pro vestra beneficentia eam vos illis tribuatis accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis Ita vos gerite erga cos quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos subditi nostri nos gereremus erga seruos vestros si quando transierint per regiones nostras Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo terra mari continentur perque vitam nostram tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint Atque à nobis subditis nostris ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur vt rependamus vobis benignitatem quam nostris exhibueritis Postquam vos Reges Principes c. rogauimus vt humanitate beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos nostros nobis charos oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum vt vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur pacem quae nullam habeat finem Scriptum Londini quae ciuitas est primaria regni nostri Anno 5515. à creato mundo mense Iiar 14. die mensis anno septimo regni nostri The copie of the letters missiue which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings Princes and other Potentates inhabiting the Northeast partes of the worlde toward the mighty Empire of Cathay at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and Richard Chancelor with their company attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553. and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigneâ— EDward the sixt by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland c. To all Kings Princes Rulers Iudges and Gouernours of the earth and all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same in all places vnder the vniuersall heauen peaceâ— tranquillitie and honour be vnto you and your lands and regions which are vnder your dominions and to euery of you as is conuenient Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde aboue all other liuing creatures such an heart and desire that euery man desireth to ioine friendship with other to loue and be loued also to giue and receiue mutuall benefites it is therefore the duety of all men according to their power to maintaine and increase this desire in euery man with well deseruing to all men and especially to shew this good affection to such as being moued with this desire come vnto them from farre countreis For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for this intent so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire hath bene ardent in them Furthermore also the examples of our fathers and predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto forasmuch as they haue euer gently and louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them aswell from Countries neare hand as farre remote commending themselues to their protection And if it be right and equity to shew such humanitie toward all men doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants who wandering about the world search both the land and the sea to carry
in this wise First and foremost there goe certaine young men with ware tapers burning and one carying a great lanterne then follow certaine banners then the crosse then the images of our Lady of S. Nicholas and of other Saints which images men carie vpon their shoulders after the images follow certaine priests to the number of 100 or more after them the Metropolitane who is led betweene two priests and after the Metropolitan came the Emperour with his crowne vpon his head and after his maiestie all his noble men orderly Thus they followed the procession vnto the water when they came vnto the hole that was made the priests set theÌ„selues in order round about it And at one side of the same poole there was a scaffold of boords made vpon which stood a faire chaire in which the Metropolitan was set but the Emperours maiestie stood vpon the ice After this the priests began to sing to blesse and to sense and did their seruice and so by that time that they had done the water was holy which being sanctified the Metropolitane tooke a litle thereof in his hands and cast it on the Emperour likewise vpon certaine of the Dukes then they returned againe to the church with the priests that sate about the water but that preasse that there was about the water when the Emperor was gone was woÌ„derful to behold for there came aboue 5000 pots to be filled of that water for that Moscouite which hath no part of that water thinks himselfe vnhappy And very many went naked into the water both men and women and children after the prease was a litle gone the Emperours Iâ—nnets and horses were brought to drinke of the same water and likewise many other men brought their horses thither to drinke and by that means they make their horses as holy as themselues All these ceremonies being ended we went to the Emperour to dinner where we were serued in vessels of siluer and in all other points as we had bene beforetime The Russes begin their Lent alwaies 8 weekes before Easter the first weeke they eate egs milke cheese butter and make great cheare with pancakes and such other things one friend visiting another from the samâ— Sunday vntil our Shrofesunday there are but few Russes sober but they are drunke day by day and it is accompted for no reproch or shame among them The next weeke being our firâ—t weeke or Lent or our clensing weeke beginning our Shrofesunday they make and keepe a great fast It is reported and the people do verily beleeue that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any maner of thing for the space of seuen dayes and they say that there are many religious men which doe the like The Emperors Maiestie eateth but one morsel of bread and drinketh but one draught of drinke once in the day during that weeke and all men thaâ— are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time so that the streetes are almost void of company sauing a few poore folkes which wander to and fro The other sixe weekes they keepe as we do ours but not one of them will eate either butter cheese egs or milke On Palme sunday they haue a very solemne procession in this maner following First they haue a tree of a good bignesse which is made fast vpon two sleds as though it were growing there and it is hanged with apples raisins figs and dates and with many other fruits abundantly In the midst of y e same tree stand 5 boyes in white vestures which sing in the tree before the procession after this there followed certaine yong men with waxe tapers in their hands burning a great lanterne that al the light should not go out after them followed two with long banners sixe with round plates set vpon long staues the plates were of copper very ful of holes and thin then followed 6 carying painted images vpon their shoulders after the images followed certaine priests to the number of 100 or more with goodly vestures wherof 10 or 12 are of white damaske set and imbrodered round about with faire and orient pearles as great as pease and among them certaine Saphires and other stones After them followed the one halfe of the Emperours noble men then commeth the Emperors maiestie and the Metropolitane after this maner First there is a horse couered with white linnen cloth down to y e ground his eares being made long with the same cloth like to an asses eares Upon this horse the Metropolitane sitteth sidelong like a woman in his lappe lieth a faire booke with a crucifix of Goldsmiths worke vpon the couer which he holdeth fast with his left hand and in his right hand he hath a crosse of gold with which crosse he ceaseth not to blesse the people as he rideth There are to the number of 30 men which spread abroad their garments before the horse and as soone as the horse is past ouer any of them they take them vp againe and run before and spred them againe so that the horse doth alway go on some of them They which spred the garments are all priests sonnes and for their labours the Emperour giueth vnto them new garments One of the Emperors noble men leadeth the horse by the head but the Emperour himselfe going on foote leadeth the horse by the ende of the reine of his bridle with one of his hands and in the other of his hands he had a branch of a Palme tree after this followed the rest of the Emperours Noble men and Gentlemen with a great number of other people In this order they went from one church to another within the castle about the distance of two flights shot and so returned againe to the Emperours Church where they made an end of their seruice Which being done the Emperours maiestie and certaine of his noble men went to the Metropolitane his house to dinner where of delicate fishes and good drinks there was no lacke The rest of this weeke vntill Easter day they kept very solemnely continuing in their houses for the most part and vpon Munday or Thursday the Emperour doth alwayes vse to receiue the Sacrament and so doe most of his nobles Upon good Friday they continue all the day in contemplation and prayers and they vse euery yere on good Friday to let loose a prisoner in the stead of Barrabas The night following they go to the Church where they sleepe vntill the next morning at Easter they haue the resurrection after euery of the Lents they eat flesh the next weeke following Friday Saturday and all They haue an order at Easter which they alwaies obserue and that is this euery yere against Easter to die or colour red with Brazell a great number of egs of which euery man and woman giueth one vnto the priest of their Parish vpon Easter day in the morning And moreouer the common people vse to carie in their hands one
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro and to the countrey of Dwina and to our great citie of Moscouia and to all the cities in our dominions and thorow our countrey to Boghar to Persia Casbin and Charday and to all other countreys 1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia for our sister Elizabeths sake Queene of England haue giuen and granted to the English merchants the Gouernours Consuls Assistants felloship sir Wil. Garrard Knight Rowland Haiward Alderman Ioh. Thamworth Esquire Iohn Riuers Alderman Henry Beecher Alderman Consuls Sir Wil. Chester Knight Edward Iackman Alderman Lionel Ducket Alderman Edward Gilbert Laurence Huse Francis Walsingham Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles Nicholas Wheeler Thomas Banister Iohn Harrison Francis Burnham Anthony Gamage Iohn Somers Richard Wilkinson Ioh. Sparke Richard Barne Robert Woolman Thomas Browne Thomas Smith Thomas Allen Thomas More William Bully Richard Yong Thomas Atkinson Assistants Iohn Mersh Esquire Geofrey Ducket Francis Robinson Matthew Field all the rest of their company and fellowship and to their successours and deputies to come with ships and other vessels into our Countrey at Colmogorod Dwina and to all the North parts now being ours or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession by sea riuer or land euen to our great Citie of Mosco in all the townes of our Countrey to Cazan and Astracan to Nouogorod the great to Plesko Leifland Vriagorod to Narue and all other townes of Leifland 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday and other Countreyes And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale without custome of all people and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande or any other Countrey from Boghar Persia Casbin or from any other place those their wares that come by the way of Narue or any other part into our Dominion to bring the same wares into our treasure and our Treasurers to view the same wares and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shal be needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need our Chancellour to redeliuer y e same And after the view of our Chancellours to barter it freely to whom they will not selling any of their wares needful for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse not being brought to Mosco to declare tell our Chancellour of the same wares And to giue a note thereof by name and how much they leaue there not brought to Mosco and then if we neede not the said wares the English Marchants their seruants Factors to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure thâ—re to barter and sell the same But those wares that shal be needfull for our Treasurie they shall not hide from vs in any case And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture with the said Marchants or their Factors they to take our aduentures with them and to sell to barter for such wares as shal be meete for our Treasurie and to returne it into our Treasurie And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning that their ships may be prouided thereafter that by taking in of our wares they leaue not their owne behind them And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia. Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods nor barter nor sell it in any wise likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occupy for them 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan and other places of our Dominions thâ—n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan and our authorised people quietly to let them passe not taking any toll or custome of their wares nor once to make search thereof And when we shal send no aduenture with them yet to suffer them freely to passe not viewing their wares nor taking any kinde of custome And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco they to sel the ware to our people either strangers as they may best vtter it keeping within their house arshines measures and waights vnder seales 4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free and without standing renâ— as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants sir Wil. Garrard and the Company maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men and none other Russes besides the aforesayde And the said housekeepers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants neither to buy nor sel any wares for them but that the said marchants themselues or their factors shall buy sell and barter their owne wares And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes nor to buy any wares for them neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne 5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod Dwyna Vologda Yeraslaue Castran Nouogorod the lower Casan Astracan Nouogrod the great Vopsko the Narue Vriagorod or at any other townes they to sel their wares there at their pleasure And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia no officer or other to take any custome neither in any place to stay them in any wise neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer 6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe but to giue ready money for the said wares otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse then to shew themselues vnto our Chancellours whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco they not to shew the â—ame wares to any our officersâ— nor pay no custome nor toll in any place 7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions we to command the said goods to be enquired and
see all the solemnitie The Emperor comming out of his Pallace there went before him the Metropolitan Archbishops Bishops and chiefest Monkes and Clergie men with very rich Copes and Priestes garments vpon them carying pictures of our Ladie c. with the Emperours Angell banners censers and many other such ceremonious things singing all the way The Emperour with his nobilitie in order entred the Church named Blaueshina or Blessednes where prayers and seruice were vsed according to the maner of their Church that doâ—e they went thence to the Church called Michael the Archangell and there also vsed the like prayers and seruice and from thence to our Lady Church Prechista being their Cathedrall Church In the middest thereof was a chaire of maiestie placed wherein his Auncestors vsed to sit at such extraordinarie times his robes were then changed and most rich and vnualuable garments put on him being placed in this Princely seate his nobility standing round about him in their degres his imperiall Crowne was set vpon his head by the Metropolitane his Scepter globe in his right hand his sword of Iustice in his left of great riches his 6. Crownes also by which he holdeth his kingdomes were set before him and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand then the Metropolitan read openly a booke of a small volume with exhortations to the Emperour to minister true Iustice to inioy with tranquilitie the Crowne of his auncestors which God had giuen him and vsed these words following Through the will of the almighty without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in the Trinitie one onely God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and working he both liueth and giueth life to man that our only God which enspireth euery one of vs his only children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs to raigne of our selues to the good profit of the land to the subduing of the people together with the enemies the maintenance of vertue And so the Metropolitaâ— blessed and layd his crosse vpon him After this he was taken out of his chaire of Maiestie hauing vpon him an vpper robe adorned with precious stones of all sorts orient pearles of great quantitie but alwayes augmented in riches it was in waight two hundred pounds the traine and parts thereof borne vp by 6. Dukes his chiefe imperiall Crowne vpon his head very precious his staffe imperiall in his right hand of an vnicornes horne of three foot and a halfe in length beset with rich stones bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperour in An. 1581. and cost him 7000. Markes sterling This Iewel M. Horsey kept sometimes before the Emperor had it His scepter globe was caried before him by the prince Boris Pheodorowich his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearles was caried before him by a Duke his 6. Crownes also were caried by Demetrius Iuanowich Godonoua the Emperors vncle Mekita Romanowich the Emperors vncle Stephan Vasiliwich Gregory Vasiliwich Iuan Vasiliwich brothers of the blood royal Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Church doore and the people cried God saue our Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of al Russia His horse was there ready most richly adorned with a couering of imbrodered pearle and precious stones saddle and all furniture agreeable to it reported to be worth 300000 markes sterling There was a bridge made of 150. fadome in length three maner of waies three foote aboue ground and two fadome broad for him to goe from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of the people which were in number infinite and some at that time pressed to death with the throng As the Emperour returned out of the Churches they were spred vnder foot with cloth of gold the porches of the Churches with red velvet the bridges with scarlet and stammell cloth from one church to another and as soone as the Emperor was passed by the cloth of gold veluet and scarlet was cut and taken of those that could come by it euery man desirous to haue a piece to reserue it for a monument siluer and gold coyne then mynted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantitie The lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously and richly attired with his garments decked with great orient pearle beset with al sorts of precious stones In like rich maner were appareled all the family of the Godonouaes in their degrees with the rest of the princes and nobilitie whereof one named Knez Iuan Michalowich Glynsky whose robe horse and furniture was in register found worth one hundred thousand markes sterling being of great antiquitie The Empresse being in her pallace was placed in her chaire of Maiesty also before a great open window most precious and rich were her robes and shining to behold with rich stones and orient pearle beset her crowne was placed vpon her head accompanied with her Princesses and Ladies of estate then cried out the people God preserue our noble Empresse Irenia After all this the Emperour came into the Parliament house which was richly decked there he was placed in his royall seat adorned as before his 6. crownes were set before him vpon a table the basin and ewer royall of gold held by his knight of gard with his men standing two on each side in white apparell of cloth of siluer called Kindâ—y with scepters and battle axes of gold in their hands the Princes and nobilitie were all placed according to their degrees all in their rich roabs The Emperour after a short oration permitted euery man in order to kisse his hande which being done he remoued to a princely seate prepared for him at the table where he was serued by his nobles in very princely order The three out roomes being very great and large were beset with plate of golde and siluer round from the ground vp to the vaâ—ts oâ—e vpon the other among which plate were many barrels of siluer and golde this solemnitie and triumph lasted a whole weeke wherein many royall pastimes were shewed and vsed after which the chiefest men of the nobilitie were elected to their places of office dignitie as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chiefe Counseller to the Emperor Master of the horse had the charge of his person Liuetenant of the Empire and Warlike engins Gouernor or Liuetenant of the Empire of Cazan and Astracan and others to this dignitie were by Parliament and gift of the Emperor giuen him many reuenues and rich lands as there was giuen him and his for euer to inherite a prouince called Vaga of 300. English miles in length and 250. in bredth with many townes and great villages populous and wealthy his yeerely reuenue out of that
bought or solde When their fishing is done their manner is to drawe their carbasses or boates on shore and there to leaue them with the keele turned vpwardes till the next spring tide Their trauaile to and fro is vpon sleddes drawen by the Olen Deere which they vse to turne a grasing all the Sommer time in an Island called Kildyn of a verie good soyle compared with other partes of that Countrey and towards the Winter time when the snowe beginneth to fall they fetch them home againe for the vse of their sledde The description of the regions people and riuers lying North and East from Moscouia as the way from Moscouia to the riuer Petzora and the Prouince Iugaria or Iuhra and from thence to the riuer Obi. Likewise the description of other countreys and regions euen vnto the Empire of the great Can of Cathay taken out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein THE dominion of the Prince of Moscouia reacheth farre toward the East and North vnto the places which we will now describe As concerning which thing I translated a book y t was presented vnto me in the Moscouites tongue and haue here made a briefe rehearsall of the same I will first therefore describe the iourney from Moscouia to Petzora and so to Iugaria and Obi. From Moscouia to the citie of Vologda are numbred fiue hundred versts one verst conteyning almost the space of an Italian myle From Vologda to Vstiug toward the right hand descending with the course of the riuer of Vologda and Suchana with whom it ioyneth are counted fiue hundred verstes where within two versts of the towne called Strelze and hard by the citie of Vstiug Suchana ioyneth vnto Iug which runneth from the South from whose mouth vnto the springs of the same are numbred fiue hundred versts But Suchana and Iug after they ioyne together lose their first names and make but one riuer named Dwina by the which the passage to the citie of Colmogro conteineth fiue hundred versts from whence in the space of sixe dayes iourney Dwina entreth into the North Ocean at sixe mouthes And the greatest part of this iourney consisteth by Nauigation For by lande from Vologda vnto Colmogro passing ouer the riuer Vuaga are a thousand verstes Not farre from Colmogro the riuer Pienega running from the East on the right hand for the space of seuen hundred versts falleth into Dwina From Dwina by the riuer Pienega by the space of two hundred versts they come to a place called Nicholai from whence within halfe a verst ships haue passage into the riuer Kuluio which hath his originall from a lake of the same name towarde the North from whose springs is eight daies viage to the mouth of the same where it entreth into the Ocean Sayling by the coasts of the right hand of the sea they passe by the regions of Stanuwische Calunczscho and Apnu And sayling about the promontorie or cape of Chorogoski Nosz Stanuwische Camenekh and Tolstickh they come at length into the riuer Mezen and from thence in the space of sixe dayes to a village of the same name standing in the mouth of the riuer Pieza by the which againe ascending toward the left hand sommer East they come to the riuer Piescoia from whence sayling for the space of fiue versts they come into two lakes in the which are seene two wayes whereof one on the right side goeth to the riuer Rubicho by the which they passe to the riuer Czircho Other by an other and shorter way bring their ships from the lake directly into Czircho from whence except they be hindered by tempest they come in the space of three weekes to the riuer and mouth of Czilma flowing into the great riuer Petzora which in that place is two versts in breadth Sayling from thence they come in the space of sixe dayes to the Towne and castle of Pustosero neare vnto the which Petzora entreth into the North Ocean at sixe mouthes The inhabitants of this place are men of simple wit they receiued the faith of Christ and were baptised in the yeare M.D.xviii From the mouth of Czilma vnto the mouth of the riuer Vssa going by Petzora is one moneths viage Vssa hath his springs in the mountaine Poyas Semnoi being on the left hand toward the sommer East and springeth out of a great stone of the same mountaine called Camen Bolschoi From the springs of Vssa to the mouthes of the same are numbered more then a thousand versts Furthermore Petzora runneth from this south winter part from whence ascending from the mouthes of Vssa vnto the mouthes of the riuer Stzuchogora is three weekes viage They that described this vyage sayd that they rested betweene the mouthes of the riuers of Stzuchogora and Potzscheriema and left their victuals there which they brought with them from Russia Beyond the riuers of Petzora and Stzuchogora toward the mountaine Camenipoias and the sea with the Ilands thereabout and the Castle of Pustosero are diuers and innumerable nations which by one common name are called Samoged that is such as eate themselues They haue great increase of foules birdes and diuers kindes of beastes as Sables Marternes Beuers Otters Herntelines Squirrels and in the Ocean the beast called a Mors Also Uesse white Beares Wolues Hares Equiwoduani great Whales and a fish called Semsâ— with diuers other The people of these nations come not to Moscouia For they are wilde and flee the company and society of other men From the mouthes of Stzuchogora sayling vp the riuer vnto Poiassa Artawische Cameni and Poiassa the greater is three weekes vyage Furthermore the ascending to the mount Camen is three dayes iourney from the which descending they come to the riuer Artawischa and from thence to the riuer Sibut from whence they passe to the Castle of Lepin and from Lepin to the riuer Sossa The people that inhabite the region by this riuer are called Vuogolici Leauing Sossa on the right hande they come to the great riuer Obi that springeth out of the lake Kitaisko the which with all the haste they could make they could scarcely passe ouer in one day the riuer being of such breadth that it reacheth fourescore versts The people also that dwell about the riuer are called Vuogolici and Vgritzschi From the Castle of Obea ascending by the riuer of Oby vnto the riuer Irtische into the which Sossa entereth is three moneths iourney In these places are two Castles named Ierom and Tumen kept by certaine Lords called Knesi Iuhorski being tributaries to the great Duke of Moscouia as they say Here are diuers kinds of beasts and furres From the mouth of the riuer Irtische to the Castle of Grustina is two moneths iourney from whence to the lake Kitai by the riuer Oby which I said to
Iesus Christ the second person of the Godhead is the sonne of God the Father Iohn 1.18 c. onely begotten Iohn 1.29 Heb. 1.2 equal to his Father 1. Chro. 17.13 Ioh. 1. 1. true God Iohn 1.2 c. foreappointed before the creation of all things 1. Pet. 1.20 Reuel 13.8 c. and presently after mans fall promised to be the Messias Gene. 3.15 c. published eftsoones vnto the holy Patriarches as vnto Abraham Gen. 12. 3. c. vnto Isaac Gen 26.4 vnto Iacob Gene. 28.14 and confirmed by promises Gen. 49.9 Esa. 11.1,10 prefigured by y e sacrifices of Moses Leu. 1.2 c. and by other types as namely by the offering of Isaac Gen. 22. by the lifting vp of the brasen serpent Num. 21. by Ionas Ionas 2. c. proclaimed by the testimony of the Prophets Esa. 7.14 and at length in the fulnesse of time truely exhibited true man Iohn 1.14 c. Gal. 4. that he died for our sinnes and was raised againe for our iustification Rom. 4.25 c. Ascending into heauen Acts 1.9 c. and making intercession for vs at the right hand of his Father without ceasing 1. Iohn 2.1 c. by his holy Spirit which is the thirde person of the Godhead coequall and consubstantial to the Father and the Sonne Acts. 5. 4. gathering the Church to himselfe by the Word and Sacraments Matth. 16.18 Rom. 10.14 c. and sanctifying it to eternal life Acts. 9.31 c. And that one day at the end of the world he will come from heauen Acts. 1.11 to iudge the quicke and the dead 1. Thessal 4.15 that he will render vnto the wicked according to their workeâ— and that he wil iudge them to eternal paines Matth. 13.42 25.4 but that he wil reward them with eternal life who beleeue in his Name Matth. 25.34 This Iesus Christ I say wee acknowledge to be our redeemer Matth. 1.21 our head 1. Corinth 12.27 and our Lord Ephe. 4.5 And that wee in our holy baptisme do giue and haue giuen our names vnto him Acts. 2.38 and that we are engraffed into him by baptisme 1. Corin. 12.13 And this we do plainely ingenuously freely and willingly confesse and witnesse And as for all others who inuent any other name in heauen giuen vnto men by which they may be saued we doe earnestly detest curse and condemne them Acts. 4.12 We holde his most holy Word to be the onely rule of our saluation And that alone all mans deuises being cast away and contemned we propound vnto our selues as an infallible rule and leuel of our faith Galat. 1.8 Esai 29.13 Ezech. 20. which we conteine vnder the name of the olde and newe Testament Hebr. 8. deliuered by the Prophets and Apostles Ephe. 2.20 by the singular and infinite goodnesse of God preserued euer vnto this day and to be preserued hereafter alwayes in the Church Matth. 28. last verse Psal. 71.18.1 Cor. 11.26 Therefore we render thankes vnto our most gratious and Almighty God from our soule and from our whole heart because that euen vnto vs being separated an huge distance from the rest of the body of his Church and inhabiting the farthest parts of the world hee would that this light graunted for the reuelation of the Gentiles and prepared before the face of all people and in olde time fauourably shewed to holy Simeon for in Christ are all the treasures of wisedome hidden which now doeth enlighten and cherish with the sauing beames thereof our whole nation that hee would I say this light should come vnto vs. This in briefe running ouer the very summe is our faith and our Religion which by the direction of the holy Spirit and of his Ministers in the vineyard of Christ we haue drawen and that out of the fountaines of Israel In the yeere of our Lord 1070. saw the Islanders conuerted vnto Christ c. IT is doubtful vnto vs whether in these words Kranzius would haue said that y e Islanders were first conuerted vnto Christ in the yeere of our Lord 1070 or whether he doth not deny that they were indeed before conuerted but saith that it was knowne first vnto Adalbert that yeere But whethersoeuer of these he affirmeth notwithstanding the yerely records and most auncient Chronicles of our nation testifying the contrary do make his credite to be suspected in this place vnto which records and Chronicles whether you had rather giue assent concerning our owne proper and domestical affaires done within the bounds of our Island or to Krantzius or any other being ignorant in the story of our countrey I appeale friendly reader vnto your owne discretion For my part I am enforced by many reasons to agree rather vnto our owne writers For our countreymen affirme those things onely that be knowen and in a maner domesticall he writeth matters forreine and vnknowen they haue compiled their histories without the diffaming disgracing or reprehending of any other nations onely that they might assigne vnto their owne acts and exploits the true time or age thereof he hath intermedled in his historie certaine things contrary to the trueth and that to the vpbraiding of our nation being most vnknowen vnto him as it shall immediatly appeare they describe the names yeres order succession of all the Bishops of Island he mentioneth onely one that farre otherwise then the trueth Furthermore that I may make good the credite of our Countreymen I wil impart with strangers a fewe things which I found in our most ancient records of the conuersion of Island vnto Christ and of the succession of Bishops in our Churches Which although they be of litle moment and not altogether worthy to be written yet must they of necessitie bee set downe for the defence of the trueth of our affaires against Krantzius and others Thus therefore standeth the certeintie thereof In the yeere of Christ 874. Island being indeed discouered before that time as is aboue mentioned was then first of all inhabited by certaine Noruagians Their chiefetaine was one Ingulphus from whose name the East cape of Island is called Ingulffs hoffdi These planters are reckoned vp by name in our recordes more then to the number of 400. together with those of their blood and kinred and great families besides neither onely is their number described but it is also plainely set downe what coasts what shores and what in-land places eche of them did occupie and inhabite and what names the first inhabitants did giue vnto Streights bayes harboroughs necklands creekes capes rockes cragges mountaines hilles valleys homockes springs floods riuers And to be short what names they gaue vnto their graunges or houses whereof many at this day are reteined and vsed Therefore the Norwayes with their company peopled all the habitable parts of Island now occupied by them for the space of 60. yeeres or thereabout but they remayned Ethnickes almost a 100. yeres except a very few which were baptised in Norwaie But scarce a 100. yeres from
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
here against we were be calmed The 22 we had sight of another small Iland called Catza which is desolate and on the left hand and on the right hand a very dangerous Iland called Pelagosa this is also desolate and lyeth in the midst of the sea betweene both the maines it is very dangerous and low land and it hath a long ledge of rockes lying out sixe miles in to the sea so that many ships by night are cast away vpon them There is betweene Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles and these two Ilands are distant from Venice 400 miles There is also about twelue miles eastward a great Iland called Augusta about 14 miles in length somewhat hillie but well inhabited and fruitfull of vines corne and other fruit this also we left on the left hand we haue hitherto kept our course from Rouignio East southeast This Iland is vnder the Signiorie or gouernement of Ragusa it is distant from Ragusa 50 miles and there is by that Iland a greater named Meleda which is also vnder the gouernement of Ragusa it is about 30 miles in length and inhabited and hath good portes it lyeth by East from Augusta and ouer against this Iland lyeth a hill called Monte S. Angelo vpon the coast of Puglia in Italy and we had sight of both landes at one time The 23 we sayled all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of Ragusa and towardes night we were within 7 or 8 miles of Ragusa that we might see the white walles but because it was night we cast about to the sea minding at the second watch to beare in againe to Ragusa for to know the newes of the Turkes armie but the winde blew so hard and contrary that we could not This citie of Ragusa paieth tribute to the Turke yerely fourteene thousand Sechinos and euery Sechino is of venetian money eight liuers and two soldes besides other presents which they giue to the Turkes Bassas when they come thither The Venetians haue a rocke or cragge within a mile of the said towne for the which the Raguseos would giue them much money but they doe keepe it more for the name sake then for profite This rocke lieth on the Southside of the towne and is called Il cromo there is nothing on it but onely a Monasterie called Sant Ieronimo The maine of the Turkes countrie is bordering on it within one mile for the which cause they are in great subiection This night wee were put backe by contrarie windes and ankered at Melleda The 24 being at an anker vnder Melleda we would haue gone on land but the winde came so faire that we presently set sayle and went our course and left on the right hand of vs the forenamed Iland and on the left hand betweene vs and the maine the Iland of Zupanna and within a mile of that vnder the maine by East another Iland called Isola de Mezo This Iland hath two Monasteries in it one called Santa Maria de Bizo and the other Sant Nicholo Also there is a third rocke with a Frierie called Sant Andrea these Ilands are from the maine but two miles and the channell betweene Melleda and Zupanna is but foure or fiue miles ouer by gesse but very deepe for we had at an anker fortie fathoms The two Ilands of Zupanna and Mezo are well inhabited and very faire buildings but nothing plentie saue wine onely This night toward sunne set it waxed calme and we sayled little or nothing The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles and there we mette with two Uenetian ships which came from Cyprus we thought they would haue spoken with vs for we were desirous to talke with them to knowe the newes of the Turkes armie and to haue sent some letters by them to Venice About noone we had scant sight of Castel nouo which Castell a fewe yeeres past the Turke tooke from the Emperour in which fight were slaine three hundred Spanish souldiers besides the rest which were taken prisoners and made gallie slaues This Castell is hard at the mouth of a channell called Boca de Cataro The Uenetians haue a hold within the channell called Cataro this channell goeth vp to Budoa and further vp into the countrey About sunneset we were ouer against the hilles of Antiueri in Sclauonia in the which hilles the Uenetians haue a towne called Antiueri and the Turkes haue another against it called Marcheuetti the which two townes continually skirmish together with much slaughter At the end of these hils endeth the Countrey of Sclauonia and Albania beginneth These hilles are thirtie miles distant from Ragusa The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia and left Albania on the left hand The 28. we had sight of both the maines but we were neerer the coast of Puglia for feare of Foystes It is betweene Cape Chimera in Albania and Cape otranto in Puglia 60 miles Puglia is a plaine low lande and Chimera in Albania is very high land so that it is seene the further Thus sayling our course along the coast of Puglia we saw diuerse white Towers which serue for sea-markes About three of the clocke in the after noone we had sight of a rocke called Il fano 48 miles from Corfu and by sunne set we discouered Corfu Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous winde and made our way after twelue mile euery houre Most part of this way we were accompanied with certaine fishes called in the Italian tongue Palomide it is a fish three quarters of a yard in length in colour eating and making like a Makarell somewhat bigge and thick in body and the tayle forked like a halfe moone for the which cause it is said that the Turke will not suffer them to be taken in all his dominions The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Iland which we left on our left hande called Cephalonia it is vnder the Uenetians and well inhabited with a faire towne strongly situated on a hill of the which hill the Iland beareth her name it hath also a very strong fortresse or Castle and plentie of corne and wine their language is Greeke it is distant from the maine of Morea thirtie miles it is in compasse 80 miles One houre within night we sayled by the towne standing on the South cape of Cephalonia whereby we might perceiue their lights There come oftentimes into the creekes and riuers the Turkes foystes and gallies where at their arriuall the Countrey people doe signifie vnto their neighbours by so many lights as there are foistes or gallies in the Iland and thus they doe from one to another the whole Iland ouer About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde scanted and wee minded to haue gone to Zante but we could not for that night This Iland of Zante is distant from Cephalonia
12 or 14 miles but the towne of Cephalonia from the towne of Zante is distant fortie miles This night we went but little forward The 30 day we remained still turning vp and downe because the winde was contrary and towards night the winde mended so that we entered the channell betweene Cephalonia Zante the which chanell is about eight or tenne miles ouer and these two beare East and by South and West and by North from the other The towne of Zante lieth within a point of the land where we came to an ankerâ— at nine of the clocke at night The 31 about sixe of the clocke in the morning I with fiue Hollanders went on land and hosted at the house of Pedro de Venetia After breakfast we went to see the towne and passing along we went into some of the Greeke churches wherein we sawe their Altares Images and other ornaments This done wee went to a Monasterie of Friers called Sancta Maria de la Croce these are westerne Christians for the Greekes haue nothing to doe with them nor they with the Greekes for they differ very much in religion There are but 2. Friers in this Friery In this Monasterie we saw the tombe that M. T. Cicero was buried in with Terentia Antonia his wife This tombe was founde about sixe yeeres since when the Monastery was built there was in time past a streete where the tombe stoode At the finding of the tombe there was also found a yard vnder ground a square stone some what longer then broad vpon which stone was found a writing of two seuerall handes writing the one as it seemed for himselfe and the other for his wife and vnder the same stone was found a glasse somewhat proportioned like an vrinall but that it was eight square and very thicke wherein were the ashes of the head and right arme of Mar. T. Cicero for as stories make mention he was beheaded as I remember at Capua for insurrection And his wife hauing got his head and right arme which was brought to Rome to the Emperour went from Rome and came to Zante and there buried his head and arme and wrote vpon his tombe this style M. T. Cicero Haue Then folfoweth in other letters Et tu Terentia Antonia which difference of letters declare that they were not written both at one time The tombe is long and narrowe and deepe walled on euery side like a graue in the botome whereof was found the sayd stone with the writing on it the said glasse of ashes and also another litle glasse of the same proportion wherein as they say are the teares of his friendes that in those dayes they did vse to gather and bury with them as they did vse in Italy and Spaine to teare their haire to bury with their friendes In the sayde tombe were a fewe bones After dinner we rested vntill it drew towards euening by reason of the heat And about foure of the clocke we walked to another Frierie a mile out of the towne called Sant Elia these are white Friers there were two but one is dead not sixe dayes since This Frierie hath a garden very pleasant and well furnished with Orenges Lemons pomegranates and diuers other good fruites The way to it is somewhat ragged vp hill and downe and very stonie and in winter very durtie It standeth very pleasantly in a clift betweene two hilles with a good prospect From thence we ascended the hill to the Castle which is situated on the very toppe of a hill This Castle is very strong in compasse a large mile and a halfe which being victualed as it is neuer vnfurnished and manned with men of trust it may defend it selfe against any Princes power This Castle taketh the iust compasse of the hill and no other hill neere it it is so steepe downe and so high and ragged that it will â—yre any man or euer he be halfe way vp Uery nature hath fortified the walles and hulwarkes It is by nature foure square and it commandeth the towne and porte The Uenetians haue alwayes their Podesta or Gouernour with his two Counsellours resident therein The towne is well inhabited hath great quantitie of housholders The Iland by report is threescore and tenne miles about it is able to make twentie thousand fighting men They say they haue alwayes fiue or sixe hundred horsemen readie at an houres warning They say the Turke hath assayed it with 100. Gallies but he could neuer bring his purpose to passe It is strange to mee how they should maintaine so many men in this Iland for their best sustenance â—â— wine and the rest but miserable The first of August we were warned aboord by the patron and towards euening we set sayle and had sight of a Castle called Torneste which is the Turkes and is ten miles from Zante it did belong to the Uenetians but they haue now lost it it standeth also on a hill on the sea side in Morea All that night we bare into the sea because we had newes at Zante of twelue of the Turkes gallies that came from Rhodes which were about Modon Coron and Candia for which cause we kept at the sea The second of August we had no sight of land but kept our course and about the third watch the winde scanted so that we bare with the shore and had sight of Modon and Coron The third we had sight of Cauo Mattapan and all that day by reason of contrary windes which blew somewhat hard we lay a hull vntill morning The fourth we were still vnder the sayd Cape and so continued that day and towardes night there grewe a contention in the ship amongst the Hollanders and it had like to haue bene a great inconuenience for we had all our weapons yea euen our kniues taken from vs that night The fift we sayled by the Bowline and out of the toppe we had sight of the Iland of Candia and towardes noone we might see it plaine and towards night the winde waxed calme The sixt toward the breake of day we saw two small Ilands called Gozi and towards noone we were betweene them the one of these Ilands is fifteene miles about and the other 10 miles In those Ilands are nourished store of cattell for butter and cheese There are to the number of fiftie or sixtie inhabitants which are Greeks and they liue chiefly on milke and cheese The Iland of Candia is 700 miles about it is in length from Cape Spada to Cape Salomon 300 miles it is as they say able to make one hundred thousand fighting men We sayled betweene the Gozi and Candia and they are distant from Candia 5 or 6 miles The Candiots are strong men and very good archers and shoot neere the marke This Ilande is from Zante 300 miles The seuenth we sayled all along the sayd Iland with little winde and vnstable and the eight day towards
beene spoken of had not Q. Curtius or some other like by his learned stile reuiued the remembrance of him and called backe againe his doings to his posteritie For the which cause we see commonly in all ages learned men to be much made of by noble personages as that rare paterne of learning Aristotle to haue bene greatly honoured of that former renowmed Monarch Alexander who affirmed openly that he was more bound to his Master Aristotle then to king Philip his father because the one had well framed his minde the other onely his body Many other like examples I could alledge at this present if I knew not vnto whom I now wrote or in what for your honour being skilfull in hiâ—tories and so familiarly acquainted with the matter it selfe that is in still entertaining learned men with all curtesie I should seeme to light a candle at noone tide to put you in remembrance of the one or to exhort you to doe the other dayly being accustomed to performe the same Crassus sayth in Tullies first booke De Oratore that a Lawyers house is the oracle of the whole citie But I can iustly witnesse that for these fiue yeeres last past since my returne from my trauell beyond the seas that your lodging in the Court where I through your vndeserued goodnesse to my great comfort do dayly frequent hath bene a continuall receptacle or harbour for all learned men comming from both the eyes of the realme Cambridge and Oxford of the which Vniuersity your lordship is Chanceller to their great satisfaction of minde and ready dispatch of their sutes Especially for Preachers and Ministers of true religion of the which you haue beene from time to time not onely a great fauourer but an earnest furtherer and protectour so that these two nurseries of learning in one of the which I haue before this spent part of my time that I may speake boldly what I thinke should wrong your honour greatly and much forget themselues if by all meanes possible they should not heerafter as at this present to their smal powers many well learned gentlemen of them do labour and trauell in shewing of themselues thankefull to reuerence and honour your lordship and honest their owne names whose studies certeinly would suddenly decay and fall flat if they were not held vp by such noble pâ—oppes and had not some sure ankerholds in their distresse to leane vnto How ready dayly your trauell is and hath long beene besides to benefit all other persons in whom any sparke of vertue or honesty remaineth I need not labour to expresse the world knowing already the same But whosoeuer they be that in all their life time haue an especiall care by all meanes to profit as many as they be able and hurt none do not onely a laudable act but leade a perfect and very godly life Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truely to be spoken of them Mortales tum demum Deum imitari cum benefici fuerint That is Mortall men then specially to follow the nature of God when they are beneficiall and bountifull to others Great commendation vndoubtedly it bringeth to any noble personage that as the Moone that light and brightnesse which she receiueth of the Sun is wont presently to spread abroad vpon the face of the earth to the refreshing and comforting of all inferiour and naturall things bearing life so for him to bestow all that fauour and credit which he hath gotten at the princes handes to the helpe and reliefe of the woorthy and needy Great is the force my right honourable lord of true vertue which causeth men as Tully writeth in his booke De Amicitia to be loued honored oft of those persons which neuer saw them Whereof I neuer had better proofe I take God mine one conscience to witnesse the which I declared also to certaine of my friends assoone as I returned then at my last being at Constantinople in the yere of our Lord 1564 whereas I oft resorting as occasion serued to the right honorable Christian ambassadors while I made my abode there namely vnto Monsieur Antonio Petrimol lieger there for the French king Sig. M. Victor Bragadino for the segniory of Venice Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano for the state of Scio or Chios and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti for the duke of Florence heard them often report and speake very honorably of your lordship partly for your other good inclinations of nature but especially for your liberality courteous intreating of diuers of their friends countrymen which vpon sundry occasions had bene here in this our realme So that to conclude all men iustly fauour your honourable dealings and deserts and I for my part haue reuerenced and honoured the same euermore both here at home and elswhere abroad wishing often to haue had some iust occasion to pay part of that in good will which my slender abilitie will neuer suffer me fully to discharge For vnto whom should I sooner present anything any way especially concerning matters done abroad then vnto your lordship by whom I was much cherished abroad in my trauell and mainteined since my returne here at home For the which cause I haue enterprised hoping greatly of your lordships fauour herein to clothe and set forth a few Italian newes in our English attire being first mooued thereunto by the right worshipfull M. D. Wilson Master of her Maieâ—ties Requeâ—ts your honouâ—s aâ—â—ured trusty friend a great painfull furtherer of learning whom I and many other for diuers respects ought to reuerence who remembring that I had bene at Cyprus was willing that my pen should trauell about the Christian and Turkish affaires which there lately haue happened perswading himselfe that somewhat thereby I might benefit this our natiue countrey Against whose reasonable motion I could not greatly wrestle hazzarding rather my slender skill in attempting and performing this his requested taske then he through my refusall should seeme to want any iot of my good will In offering vp the which newes although I shall present no new thing to your honour because you are so well acquainted with the Italian copy as I know yet I trust your lordship will not mislike that the same which is both pleasant to reade and so necessary to be knowen for diuers of our captaines and other our countreymen which are ignorant in the Italian tongue may thus now shew it selfe abroad couered vnder the wing of your lordships protection Certeinly it mooueth me much to remember the losse of those three notable Ilands to the great discomfort of all Chistendome to those hellish Turkes horseleeches of Christian blood namely Rhodes besieged on S. Iohn Baptists day and taken on Iohns day the Euangelist being the 27 of December 1522. Scio or Chios being lost since my being there taken of Piali Basha with 80 gallies the 17 of April 1566. And now last of all not only Famagusta the chiefe holde fortresse in Cyprus to haue bene
and durst doe nothing which was to our cost Being come within sight of Ierusalem the maner is to kneele downe and giue God thankes that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place where he himselfe had beene and there we leaue our horses and go on foote to the towne and being come to the gates there they tooke our names and our fathers names and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings The gouernor of the house met vs a mile out of the towne and very curteously bade vs all welcome and brought vs to the monasterie The gates of the citie are all couered with yron the entrance into the house of the Christians is a very low narrow doore barred or plated with yron and then come we into a very darke entry the place is a monastery there we lay dieted of free cost we fared reasonable well the bread and wine was excellent good the chambers cleane all the meat well serued in with cleane linnen We lay at the monasterie two dayes friday and saturday and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs in the way thither we saw many monuments as The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire and brought him to Daniel in the Lions denne The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ where is a fountaine of stone Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne which is now a chappell with two altars whereupon they say masse the place is built with gray marble and hath bene beautifull but now it is partly decayed Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod the sepulchres of Paul of Ierome and of Eusebius Also a litle from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground where the virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him We stayed at Bethlem that night and the next day we went from thence to the mountaines of Iudea which are about eight miles from Ierusalem where are the ruines of an olde monasterie In the mid way from the monasterie to Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne being now an olde monasterie and cattell kept in it Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctae crucis where the wood was found that made the crosse In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilat sate in iudgement when Christ was condemned the staires whereof are at Rome as they told vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed which is by the wals of Ierusalem But the poole is now dry The mount of Caluaria is a great church and within the doore therof which is litle and barred with yron and fiue great holes in it to looke in like the holes of tauerne doores in London they sit that are appointed to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone their legs a crosse like tailors hauing paid our money we are permitted to go into the church right against the church doore is the graue where Christ was buried with a great long stone of white marble ouer it and rayled about the outside of the sepulchre is very foule by meanes that euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it and is ill kept Within the sepulchre is a partition in the further part thereof is a place like an altar where they say masse and at the doore thereof is the stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie He is risen which stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble the place able to conteine but foure persons right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or lanterne for light and ouer that a great louer such as are in England in ancient houses There is also the chappell of the sepulchre and in the mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed with a great sort of Estridge egges hanging at it with tassels of silke and lampes Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians Upon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king of France and of his sonne and in the same place the tombe of Melchisedech There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen through which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified the stayres are fiftie steps high there are two altars in it before the high altar is the place where the crosse stood the hole whereof is trimmed about with siluer and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe the rent also of the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis wherein a man may put his arme Upon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne Where also is a chapell and the place paued with stones of diuers colours There is also the house of Annas the high Priest and the Oliue tree whereunto Christ was bound when he was whipt Also the house of Caiphas and by it the prison where Christ was kept which is but the roome of one man and hath no light but the opening of the doore Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground like to the shrouds in Pauls where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is the staires be very broad and vpon the staires going downe are two sepulchres vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat and vpon the right hand lieth Ioachim and Anna the father and mother of the virgin Mary Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet where Christ praied vnto his father before his death and there is to be seene as they tolde me the water blood that fell from the eyes of Christ. A litle higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles â—ept and watched not At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned Upon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer Ierusalem and where he ascended into heauen Now hauing seene all these monuments I with my company set from Ierusalem the 20 day of August and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis and in foure dayes we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land so that no ship can come further then Mecina so that night I came thither where I lay nine daies for passage and at last we imbarked our selues in a good ship of Venice called the new Naue Ragasona We entred the ship the second of September the
Constantinople there the Marchant and the Pilot landed At this bridge is an house of the great Turkes with a faire Garden belonging vnto it neere the which is a point called Ponta S. Stephano and there the shippe ankered that day The 26 day the ship came to â—â—e seuen Towers and the 27 we came neerer The 29 there came three gallies to bring vs vp further and when the shippe came against the great Turks palace we shot off all our ordinance to the number of foure and thirty pieces Then landed our Ambassadour and then we discharged foure and twenty pieces who was receiued with more then fifty or threescore men on horsebacke The ninth of April he presented the great Bassa with siâ—e clothes foure cannes of siluer double gilt and one piece of fine holland and to three other Bassas that is to say the second Bassa which is a gelded man and his name is Mahomet Bassa to the third who maried the great Turks sister and to the fourth whom they call Abraham Bassa to euery one of these he gaue foure clothes Now before the great Bassa and Abraham Bassa at their returne from the Court and as we thinke at other times but at that time for a certaine there came a man in maner of a foole who gaue a great shout three or foure times crying very hollowly the place rebounded with the sound and this man say they is a prophet of Mahomet his armes and legges naked on his feet he did weare woodden pattens of two sorts in his hand a flagge or streamer set on a short speare painted he carried a mat and bottels and other trumpery at his backe and sometimes vnder his arme on his head he had a cappe of white Camels haire flat like an helmet written about with letters and about his head a linnen rowle Other seruingmen there were with the sayd Bassas with red attire on their heads much like French hoods but the long flappe somewhat smaller towardes the end with scuffes or plates of mettall like vnto the chape of an ancient arming sword standing on their foreheads like other Ianisaries These Bassas entertained vs as followeth First they brought vs into a hall there to stand on one side and our Ambassadour and gentlemen on the other side who sate them downe on a bench couered with carpets the Ambassadour in the midst on his left hand sate our gentlemen and on his right hand the Turkes next to the doore where their master goeth in and out the common sort of Turkes stayed in the Court yard not suffered to come neere vs. When our Ambassadour had sitten halfe an houre the Bassas who sate by themselues in an inner small roome sent for him to whom the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went they all kissed his hand and presently returned the Ambassadour onely excepted who stayed there and a Turks chaus with him with the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went in also so many of our men as there were presents to cary in but these neither kissed his hand nor taried After this I went to visit the church of Santa Sophia which was the chiefe church when it was the Christians and now is the chiefe see and church of primacie of this Turke present before I entred I was willed to put off my shoes to the end I should not prophane their church I being a Christian. The pillers on both sides of the church are very costly and rich their Pulpets seemely and handsome two are common to preach in the third reserued onely for their Paschall The ground is couered with Mats and the walles hanged with Tapistry They haue also Lamps in their churches one in the middle of the church of exceeding greatnesse and another in another part of the church of cleane golde or double gilded full as bigge as a barrel Round about the church there is a gallery builded vpon rich and stately pillers That day I was in both the chappels in one of the which lieth the Turkes father and fiue of his sonnes in tombes right costly with their turbents very white and cleane shifted as they say euery Friday they be not on their heads but stand on mouldes made for that purpose At the endes ouer and about their tombes are belts like girdles beset with iewels In the other chappell are foure other of his sonnes and one daughter in like order In the first chappell is a thing foure foot high couered with greene beset with mother of pearle very richly This is a relique of Mahomet and standeth on the left side of the head of the great Turks tombe These chappels haue their floores couered and their walles hanged with Tapistrie of great price I could value the couering and hangings of one of the chappels at no lesse then fiue hundred poundes besides their lamps hanging richly gilded These chappels haue their roofes curiously wrought with rich stone and gilded And there lie the bookes of their Lawes for euery man to reade The 11 day of April the shippe came to the Key of the Custome house The 16 the Ambassadour and we his men went to the Captaine Bassa who is Admirall of the seas his name is Vchali he would not receiue vs into his house but into his gallie to deliuer our present which was as followeth Foure pieces of cloth and two siluer pots gilt grauen The poope or sterne of his gally was gilded both within and without and vnder his feet and where he sate was all couered with very rich Tapistry Our Ambassadour and his gentlemen kissed his hand and then the gentlemen were commanded out and our Ambassadour sate downe by him on his left hand and the chaus stood before him Our men might walke in the gally fore and after some of vs caried and some went out againe The gally had seuen pieces of brasse in her prowe small and great she had thirty bankes or oares on either side and at euery banke or oare seuen men to rowe The 18 day the shippe went from the Key And 21 the Admirall tooke his leaue of the great Turke being bound to the Sea with sixe and thirty gallies very fairely beautified with gilding and painting and beset with flags and streamers all the which gallies discharged their ordinance and we for his farewell gaue him one and twenty pieces Then he went to his house with his gallies and the 22 he went to the Sea and the Castle that standeth in the water gaue him foureteene or sixteene pieces and when he came against the Turks Seraglio he shot off all his caliuers and his great pieces and so hee went his way The 24 our Ambassadour went to the Court whose entertainement with the order thereof followeth When wee came first on â—and there was way made for vs by two or three Bassaes and diuers chauses on horsebacke with their men on foot to accompany our Ambassadour to the Court. Also they brought horses for him
or fourescore thousand men These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes and when the armies were ioyned the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres because the two traitourous captaines in the chiefest of the fight with their compaines turned their faces against their king and made such disorder in his army that as astonied they set themselues to flight Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants the which keeping the rightfull king in prison it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison which when he died left his sonne very yong and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio and sate in the royall throne and was called the king the second was called Temiragio and he tooke the gouernment on him the third was called Bengatre and he was captaine generall of the army These three brethren were in this battell in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead Onely Temiragio fled in the battel hauing lost one of his eyes when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell the wiues and children of these three tyrants with their lawfull king kept prisoner fâ—ed away spoiled as they were the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph there they remained sixe moneths searching vnder houses in all places for money other things that were hidden and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was so farre distant from their owne countrey When the kings were departed from Bezeneger this Temiragio returned to the city and then beganne for to repopulate it and sent word to Goa to the Merchants if they had any horses to bring them to him and he would pay well for them and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres although they were of his owne marke that he would giue as much for them as they would and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more Then he licenced the Merchants to depart without giuing them any thing for their horses which when the poore men saw they were desperate and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues which at that time ranged vp and downe And in the time I rested there I saw many strange and beastly dâ—eds done by the Gentiles First when there is any Noble man or woman dead they burne their bodies and if a married man die his wife must burne herselfe aliue for the loue of her husband and with the body of her husband so that when any man dieth his wife will take a moneths leaue two or three or as shee will to burne her selfe in and that day being come wherein shee ought to be burnt that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely either on horsebacke or on an eliphant or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage in one of these orders she goeth being apparelled like to a Bride carried round about the City with her haire downe about her shoulders garnished with iewels and flowers according to the estate of the party and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse and in her right hand an arrow and singeth thorow the City as she passeth and sayth that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone then they goe out of the City and going along the riuers side called Nigondin which runneth vnder the walles of the City vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women being widdowes there is prepared in this place a great square caue with a little pinnacle hard by it foure or fiue steppes vp the foresayd caue is full of dried wood The woman being come thither accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing then they make ready a great banquet and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse as though it were her wedding day and the feast being ended then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time according as she will After this the woman of her owne accord commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is and when it is kindled they come and certifie her thereof then presently she leaueth the feast and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth because she will not be seene of the people being naked she throweth herselfe into the riuer saying O wretches wash away your â—innes Comming out of the water she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made When she is on the pinnacle shee talketh and reasoneth with the people recommending vnto them her children and kindred Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire yet there are many that will haue them plucked away shewing therein an heart not fearefull and that they are not affrayd of that sight When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile and sprinckleth it ouer her head and with the same she anoynteth all her body and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire and presently the people that are
saue your goods from the Arabians which be alwayes there abou ts robbing and in the night when your boates be made fast it is necessarie that you keepe good watch For the Arabians that bee theeues will come swimming and steale your goods and flee away against which a gunne is very good for they doe feare it very much In the riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certaine places where you pay custome so many Medines for a some or Camels lading and certaine raysons and sope which is for the sonnes of Aborise which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert and hath some villages vpon the riuer Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra is a little village from whence you goe to Babylon in a day Babylon is a towne not very great but very populous and of great traffike of strangers for that it is the way to Persia Turkia and Arabia and from thence doe goe Carouans for these and other places Here are great store of victuals which come from Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris They are brought vpon raftes made of goates skinnes blowne full of winde and bordes layde vpon them and thereupon they lade their goods which are brought downe to Babylon which being discharged they open their skinnes and carry them backe by Camels to serue another time Babylon in times past did belong to the kingdome of Persia but nowe is subiect to the Turke Ouer against Babylon there is a very faire village from whence you passe to Babylon vpon a long bridge made of boats and tyed to a great chaine of yron which is made fast on either side of the riuer When any boates are to passe vp or downe the riuer they take away certaine of the boates vntill they be past The Tower of Babel is built on this side the riuer Tygris towardes Arabia from the towne about seuen or eight miles which tower is ruinated on all sides and with the fall therof hath made as it were a litle mountaine so that it hath no shape at all it was made of brickes dried in the sonne and certaine canes and leaues of the palme tree layed betwixt the brickes There is no entrance to be seene to goe into it It doth stand vpon a great plaine betwixt the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris By the riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babylon at a place called Ait in a fielde neere vnto it is a strange thing to see a mouth that doth continually throwe foorth against the ayre boyling pitch with a filthy smoke which pitch doth runne abroad into a great fielde which is alwayes full thereof The Moores say that it is the mouth of hell By reason of the great quantitie of it the men of that countrey doe pitch their boates two or three inches thicke on the out side so that no water doth enter into them Their boates be called Danec When there is great store of water in Tygris you may goe from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 dayes if there be small store it will cost you the more dayes Basora in times past was vnder the Arabians but now is subiect to the Turke But some of them the Turke cannot subdue for that they holde certaine Ilandes in the riuer Euphrates which the Turke cannot winne of them They be theeues all and haue no setled dwelling but remoue from place to place with their Camels goates and horses wiues and children and all They haue large blew gownes their wiues eares and noses are ringed very full of rings of copper and siluer and they weare rings of copper about their legs Basora standeth neere the gulfe of Persia and is a towne of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus Also there is great store of wheate â—yce and dates growing thereabout wherewith they serue Babylon and all the countrey Ormus and all the partes of India I went from Basora to Ormus downe the gulfe of Persia in a certaine shippe made of boordes and sowed together with cayro which is threede made of the huske of Cocoes and certaine canes or strawe leaues sowed vpon the seames of the bordes which is the cause that they leake very much And so hauing Persia alwayes on the left hande and the coast of Arabia on the right hande we passed many Ilandes and among others the famous Ilande Baharim from whence come the best pearles which be round and Orient Ormus is an Island in circuit about fiue and twentie or thirtie miles and is the driest Island in the world for there is nothing growing in it but onely salt for their water wood or victuals and all things necessary come out of Persia which is about twelue miles from thence All the Ilands thereabout be very fruitfull from whence all kinde of victuals are sent vnto Ormus The Portugales haue a castle here which standeth neere vnto the sea wherein there is a Captaine for the king of Portugale hauing vnder him a conuenient number of souldiers wherof some part remaine in the castle and some in the towne In this towne are marchants of all Nations and many Moores and Gentiles Here is very great trade of all sortes of spices drugs silke cloth of silke fine tapestrie of Persia great store of pearles which come from the Isle of Baharim and are the best pearles of all others and many horses of Persia which serue all India They haue a Moore to their king which is chosen and gouerned by the Portugales Their women are very strangely attyred wearing on their noses eares neckes armes and legges many rings set with iewels and lockes of siluer and golde in their eares and a long barre of golde vpon the side of their noses Their eares with the weight of their iewels be worne so wide that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them Here very shortly after our arriuall wee were put in prison and had part of our goods taken from vs by the Captaine of the castle whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque and from hence the eleuenth of October he shipped vs and sent vs for Goa vnto the Uiceroy which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas The shippe wherein we were imbarked for Goa belonged to the Captaine and carried one hundred twentie and foure horses in it All marchandise carried to Goa in a shippe wherein are horses pay no custome in Goa The horses pay custome the goods pay nothing but if you come in a ship which bringeth no horses you are then to pay eight in the hundred for your goods The first citie of India that we arriued at vpon the fift of Nouember after we had passed the coast of Zindi is called Diu which standeth in an Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia and is the strongest towne that the Portugales haue in those partes It is but litle but well stored with marchandise for here they lade many great shippes with diuerse commodities for
We found it here very hote The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala whether come many shippes out of India Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden with Pepper spices and other commodities The countrie is very good and fruitfull From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey and the king is called the king of Bread The houses here bee all thâ—tched and made of lome Here be many Moores and Gentiles but there is small religion among them From thence I went to Bellapore and so to Barrampore which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke to the value of twentie pence which is very good siluer It is marueilous great and a populous countrey In their winter which is in Iune Iuly and August there is no passing in the streetes but with horses the waters be so high The houses are made of lome and thatched Here is great store of cotton cloth made and painted clothes of cotton wooll here groweth great store of corne and Rice We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed of boyes of eight or ten yeeres and girles of fiue or six yeeres old They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old They say they marry their children so yoong because it is an order that when the man dieth the woman must be burned with him so that if the father die yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues nor their daughters without husbands From thence we went to Mandoway which is a very strong towne It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before hee could winne it It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of of their castles doe and was of a very great circuite From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe where wee ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men elephants and camels Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton and great store of drugs From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers which by reason of the raine were so swollen that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues Agra is a very great citie and populous built with stone hauing faire and large streetes with a faire riuer running by it which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch Here bee many Moores and Gentiles the king is called Zelabdim Echebar the people for the most part call him The great Mogor From thence wee went for Fatepore which is the place where the king kept his court The towne is greater then Agra but the houses and streetes be not so faire Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe crâ—dibly report 1000. elephants thirtie thousand horses 1400. tame Deere 800. concubines such store of Ounces Tigera Buffles Cocks Haukes that is very strange to see He keepeth a great court which they call Dericcan Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities either of them much greater then London and very populous Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles and all the way is a market of victuals other things as full as though a man were still in a towne and so many people as if a man were in a market They haue many fine cartes and many of them carued and gilded with gold with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England and they will runne with any horse and carie two or three men in one of these cartes they are couerâ—d with silke or very fine cloth and be vsed here as our Coches be in England Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India and very much marchandise of silke and cloth and of precious stones both Rubies Diamants and Pearles The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow None come into his house but his eunuches â—hich keepe his women Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople whether hee could get soonest passage vnto and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu and did promise me if it pleased God to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore who did entertaine him very well and gaue him an house and fiue slaues an horse and euery day sixe S. S. in money I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt Opium Hinge Lead Carpets and diuers other commodities downe the riuer Iemena The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies The Bramanes which are their priests come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies and lade vp water with both their hands and turne the string first with both their hands within and then one arme after the other out Though it be neuer so cold they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing They liue with rice butter milke and fruits They pray in the water naked and dresse their meat eate it naked and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne to kisse the earth with their armes and legs stretched along out and their right leg alwayes before the left Euery time they lie downe they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind euery morning they do it And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow pouder and marke men on their heads necks as they meet them And
Ambassadours men hauing the winde faire and came within two cables length of this his moskita where hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery they discharged first two volies of small shot and then all the great ordinance twise ouer there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship Which performed he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke to giue our men thankes with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would haue the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed The grand Signiors salutation thus ended the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer and where he landed the Present the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place a churlish and harsh natured man who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea nowe called the blacke Sea there imprisoned apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field for that hee was taken thereabouts and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them vpon the solliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa being nowe chiefe Vizir and our ambassador and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put by Whereupon after the arriuall of the Present he made an Arz that is a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him the maner in exhibiting where of is thus performed The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side whither with a Perma that is one of their vsuall whirries they approch within some two or three score yards where the plaintife standeth vp and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior for his church is open to the Sea side the rest sitting still in the boat who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them and to bring them to him A Dwarfe one of the Ambassadors fauorites so soone as he was discerned beckned him to the shore side tooke his Arz and with speed caried it to the grand Signior Now the effect of it was this that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was Whereupon he presently returned answere requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him and with kind entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation Whereupon our ambassador returning home tooke his horse accompanied with his meÌ„ and came to the Vizirs court where according to the grand Signiors command he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe Which done hee with his attendants returned home to the no small admiration of all Christians that heard of it especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted â—o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience and with so speedie redresse This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed The Ascension with her flags and streamers as aforesaid repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide from which place except you would go 4 or 5 miles about you cannot by land go to Constantinople whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin with 30 other of his men very well apparelled and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes at his house tooke boate at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance where likewise attended 2 Bassas with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany y e ambassador to the court also horses for the ambassador his gentlemen very richly furnished with Turkish seruants attendaÌ„t to take the horses wheÌ„ they should light The ambassador thus honorably accompanied the Chauses foremost next his men on foote all going by two and two himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter and 4 Ianissaries which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side where first hee passed a great gate into a large court much like the space before White hall gate where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses From hence they passed into an other stately court being about 6 store in bredth and some 10 score yards long with many trees in it where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer and borne vp with stone pillars much like the Roiall Exchange where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in coâ—tâ—â—aray with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters and the Chauses All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. as I might well gesse most of them apparelled in cloth of gold siluer veluet sattin and scarlet did together with bowing their bodies laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation entertain the Ambassador who likewise passing between them turning himself somtime to the right hand and sometime to the left answered them with the like As he thus passed along certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan which is the seat of Iustice where certaine
experience there was no good to be done that way which I thinke he first put in proofe to trie if by that terror he could get the vpper towne hauing no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily and which in my conscience had obtained the towne had not the defendants bene in as great perill of their liues by the displeasure of their king in giuing it vp as by the bullet or sword in defending the same For that day before the assault in the view of our army they burnt a cloister within the towne and many other houses adioyning to the castle to make it more defensible whereby it appeared how little opinion themselues had of holding it against vs had not God who would not haue vs suddenly made proud layed that misfortune vpon vs. Hereby it may appeare that the foure canons and other pieces of battery promised to the iourney and not performed might haue made her Maiesty mistresse of the Groine for though the mine were infortunate yet if the other breach had bene such as the earth would haue held our men thereon I doe not thinke but they had entred it thorowly at the first assault giuen which had bene more then I haue heard of in our age And being as it was is no more then the Prince of Parma hath in wiâ—ning of all his townes endured who neuer entred any place at the first assaultâ— nor aboue three by assault The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in that the Conde de Andrada had assembled an armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos sixe miles from thence in the way to Petance which was but the beginning of an armie in that there was a greater leauie readie to come thither vnder the Conde de Altemira either in purpose to relieue the Groine or to encampe themselues neere the place of our embarking there to hinder the same for to that purpose had the marquesse of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing as the Commissarie taken then confessed or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey for during this time there were manyâ— incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time who burnt spoyled and brought in victuals plentifully the Generall I say hearing of this armie had in purpose the next day following to visite them agaynst whom hee caried but nine Regiments in the vantgard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidney in the Battaile that of the Generall of Colonell Lane and Colonel Medkerk and in the Rereward Sir Henrie Norris Colonell Huntley and Colonell Brets Regiments leauing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake for the guard of the Cloister and Artillerie About ten of the clocke the next day being the sixt of May halfe a mile from the campe we discouering the enemy Sir Edward Norris who commanded the vantgard in chiefe appointed his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthonie Wingfield to command the shot of the same who diuided them into three troups the one he appointed to Captaine Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand another to Captaine Erington to take the way on the right hand and the body of them which were Musquetiers Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe keeping the direct way of the march But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield so as he giuing the first charge vpon the enemy was in the instant seconded by Captaine Wingfield who beat them from place to place they hauing very good places of defence and crosse walles which they might haue held long till they betooke them to their bridge which is ouer a creeke comming out of the Sea builded of stone vpon arches On the foot of the further side whereof lay the Campe of the enemy very strongly entrenched who with our shot beaten to the further end of the bridge Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the pikes without stay passed to the bridge accompanied with Colonell Sidney Captaine Hinder Captaine Fulford and diuers others who found the way cleare ouer the same but through an incredible volley of shot for that the shot of their army flanked vpon both sides of the bridge the further end whereof was barricaded with barrels but they who should haue guarded the same seeing the proud approch we made forsooke the defence of the barricade where Sir Edward entered and charging the first defendant with his pike with very earnestnesse in ouerthrusting fell and was grieuously hurt at the sword in the head but was most honourably rescued by the Generall his brother accompanied with Colonell Sidney and some other gentlemen Captaine Hinder also hauing his Caske shot off had fiue wounds in the head and face at the sword and Captaine Fulford was shot into the left arme at the same encounter yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall who thrust himselfe so neere to giue encouragement to the attempt which was of wooderfull difficulty as their brauest men that defended that place being ouerthrowen their whole army fell presently into rout of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry wayes which they betooke themselues vnto There was taken the Standerd with the Kings armes and borne before the Generall How many two thousand men for of so many consisted our vantgard might kill in pursuit of foure sundry parties so many you may imagine fell before vs that day And to make the number more great our men hauing giuen ouer the execution and returning to their standes found many hidden in the Uineyards and hedges which they dispatched Also Colonell Medkerk was sent with his regiment three miles further to a Cloister which he burnt and spoiled wherein he found two hundred more put them to the sword There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captaine Cooper and one priuate souldier Captaine Barton was also hurt vpon the bridge in the eye But had you seene the strong baricades they had made on either side of the bridge and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts you would haue thought it a rare resolution of ours to giue so braue a charge vpon an army so strongly lodged After the furie of the execution the Generall sent the vantgard one way and the battell another to burne and spoile so as you might haue seene the countrey more then three miles compasse on fire There was found very good store of munition and victuals in the Campe some plate and rich apparell which the better sort left behinde they were so hotly pursued Our sailers also landed in an Iland next adioyning to our ships where they burnt and spoiled all they found Thus we returned to the Groine bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same who shot many times at vs as we marched out but not once in our comming backe againe The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed for the
attâ—mpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moâ—t vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes â—ndeuouring to bring those Norâ—herly regions also vnder the Spaâ—ish iurisdicâ—ion as if God had prescribed lâ—â—â—ts vnâ—o the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâ—d The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did â—ut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ— issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâ—eing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâ—prises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if â—uer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâ—cted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ— and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâ—us idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâ—ro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌ„mendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the â—eceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ— and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ— of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
foote and a halfe They said vnto me that he dwelt within the land in a very large place and inclosed exceeding high but I could not learne wherewith And as farre as I can iudge this place whereof they spake vnto me was a very farre citie For they said vnto me that within the inclosure there was great store of houses which were built very high wherein there was an infinite number of men like vnto themselues which made none account of gold of siluer nor of pearles seeing they had thereof in abundance I began then to shew theÌ„ al the parts of heaueÌ„ to the intent to learue in which quarter they dwelt And straightway one of them stretching out his hand shewed me y t they dwelt toward the North which makes me thinke that it was the riuer of Iordan And now I remember that in the raigne of the Emperour Charles the fift certaine Spaniards inhabitants of S. Domingo which made a voyage to get certaine slaues to work in their mines stole away by subtilty the inhabitants of this riuer to the number of 40 thinking to cary theÌ„ into their new Spaine But they lost their labour for in despite they died al for hunger sauing one that was brought to the Emperor which a litle while after he caused to be baptised and gaue him his own name called him Charles of Chiquola because he spake so much of this Lorde of Chiquola whose subiect hee was Also he reported continually that Chiquola made his a bode within a very great inclosed citie Besides this proof those which were left in the first voyage haue certified me that the Indians shewed theÌ„ by euident signes that farther within the land toward the North there was a great inclosure or city where Chiquola dwelt After they had staied a while in our ships they began to be sory and stil demanded of me wheÌ„ they should returne I made them vnderstand that the Captaines will was to send them home againe but that first he would bestow apparell of them which fewe dayes after was deliuered vnto them But seeing he would not giue them licence to depart they resolued with themselues to steale away by night and to get a litle boat which we had and by the help of the tyde to saile home toward their dwâ—llings and by this meanes to saue thâ—mselues Which thing thâ—y failed not to doe and put their enterprize in execution yet leauing behinde thâ—m the apparel which the Captaine had giuen them and carrying away nothing but that which was their owne shewing well hereby that they were not void of reason The Captaine cared not greatly for their dâ—parture considering they had not bene vsed otherwiâ—e then well and that therefore they woulde not estrange themselues from the Frenchmen Captaine Ribault therefore knowing the singular fairenes of this riuer desired by all meanes to encourage some of his men to dwell there well â—oreseeing that this thing might be of great importance for the Kings seruice and the releife of the Common wealth of France Therefore proceeding on with his intent he commanded the ankers to bee weighed and to set things in order to returne vnto the opening of the riuer to the ende that if the winde came faire he might passe out to accomplish the rest of his meaning When therefore we were come to the mouth of the riuer he made them cast anker whereupon we stayed without discouering any thing all the rest of the day The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come vp vpon the decke saying that he had somewhat to say vnto them They all came vp and immediatly the Captaine began to speake vnto them in this maner I thinke there is none of you that is ignorant of how great consequence this our enterprize is and also how acceptable it is vnto our yong King Therefore my friendes as one desiring your honour and benefite I would not faile to aduertise you all of the exceeding good happe which should fall to them which as men of valure and worthy courage would make tryall in this our first discouerie of the benefits and commodities of this new land which should be as I assure my selfe the greatest occasion that euer could happen vnto them to arise vnto the title and degree of honour And for this cause I was desirous to propose vnto you and set downe before your eyes the eternall memorie which of right they deserue which forgetting both their parents and their countrey haue had the courage to enterprize a thing of such importance which euen kings themselues vnderstanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnanimitie and increase of their maiesties doe not disdaine so wel to regard that afterwards imploying them in maters of weight of high enterprize they make their names immortall for euer Howbeit I would not haue you perswade your selues as many doe that you shall neuer haue such good fortune as not being knowen neither to the king not the Princes of the Realme and besides descending of so poore a sâ—ocke that few or none of your parents hauing euer made profession of armes haue bene knowen vnto the great estates For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my selfe haue applyed all my industry to follow them and haue hazarded my life in so many dangers for the seruice of my prince yet could I neuer attaine therunto not that I did not deserue this title and degree of gouernment as I haue seene it happen to many others onely because they descende of a noble race since more regard is had of their birth then of their vertue For wel I know that if vertue were regarded ther would more be found worthy to deserue the title by good right to be named noble and valiant I will therefore make sufficient answere to such propositions and such things as you may obiect against me laying before you the infinite examples which we haue of the Romans which concerning the point of honour were the first that triumphed ouer the world For how many finde we among them which for their so valiant enteprizes not for the greatnesse of their parentage haue obtained the honour to tryumph If we haue recourse vnto their ancesters wee shall finde that their parents were of so meane condition that by labouring with their hands they liued very basely As the father of AElius Pertâ—nax which was a poore artisan his Grandfather likewise was a bond man as the historiographers do witnes and neuerthelesse being moued with a valiant courage he was nothing dismayed for all this but rather desirous to aspire vnto high things he began with a braue stomacke to learne feates of armes and profited so wel therein that from step to step he became at length to be Emperour of the Romans For all this dignitie he despised not his parents but contrariwise in remembrance of them he caused his fathers shop to be couered with a fine wrought marble
content they should set vp crosses and declare the mystery of the same making shew that they were highly pleased therewith For proofe whereof they accompanied them on their voyage as their neighbours had done vntill they had brought them to a countrey inhabited by another nation which was distant from theirs some 12 leagues They vse bowes and arrowes and go naked The nation vnto which the sayd Tobosos conducted them is called Iumanos whom the Spanyards by another name call Patarabueyes their prouince is very great conteining many townes and great store of people their houses are flat-rooffed and built of lime and stone and the streets of their townes are placed in good order All the men and women haue their faces armes and legges raced and pounced they are a people of great stature and of better gouernment then the rest which they had seene in their former iourneyes and are well prouided of victuals and furnished with plenty of wilde beasts fowles and fishes by reason or mighty riuers which come from the North whereof one is as great as Guadalquiuir which falleth into the North sea or bay of Mexico Here are also many lakes of salt water which at a certeine time of the yere wareth hard and becommeth very good salt They are a warlike people and soone made shâ—w thereof for the first night that our people incamped there with their arrowes they slew fiue horses and wounded fiue other very sore nor would not haue left one of them aliue if they had not beene defended by our guard Hauing done this mischiefe they abandoned the towne and withdrew themselues to a mountaine which was hard by whither our captaine went beâ—imes in the morning taking with him fiue souldiers well armed and an interpreter called Peter an Indian of their owne nation and with good persuasions appeased them causing them to descend to their towne and houses and persuading them to giue aduice vnto their neighbours that they were men that would hurt no body neither came they thither to take away their goods which he obtained easily by his wisedome and by giuing vnto the Caçiques certeine bracelets of glasse beads with hats and other trifles which he caried with him for the same purpose so by this meanes and by the good interteinment which they gaue them many of them accompanied our Spanyards for certeine dayes alwayes trauelling along the banke of the great riuer abouesayd along the which there were many townes of the Indians of this nation which continued for the space of twelue dayes trauel all which time the Caçiques hauing receiued aduice from one to another came forth to interteine our people without their bowes and arrowes and brought them plenty of victuals with other presents and gifts especially hides and chamois-skins very well dressed so that those of Flanders do nothing exceed them These people are all clothed and seemed to haue some light of our holy faith for they made signes of God looking vp towards heauen and call him in their language Apalito and acknowledge him for their Lord from whose bountifull hand and mercy they confesse that they haue receiued their life and being and these worldly goods Many of them with their wiues and children came vnto the frier which the captaine and souldiers brought with them that hee might crosse and blesse them Who demanding of them from whom they had receiued that knowledge of God they answered from three Christians one Negro which passed that way and remained certaine dayes among them who by the signes which they made were Aluaro Nunnez Cabeça de Vaca and Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado and a Negro all which escaped of the company which Pamphilo de Naruaez landed in Florida who after they had bene many dayes captiues and slaues escaped and came to these townes by whom God shewed many miracles and healed onely by the touching of their hands many sicke persons by reason wherof they became very famous in all that countrey All this prouince remained in great peace and security in token whereof they accompanied and serued our men certaine dayes trauelling along by the great riuer aforesayd Within few dayes after they came vnto another great prouince of Indians from whence they came forth to receiue them vpon the newes which they had heard of their neighbors and brought them many very curious things made of feathers of diuers colours and many mantles of cotton straked with blew and white like those that are brought from China to barter trucke them for other things All of them both men women and children were clad in chamois skinnes very good and wel dressed Our people could neuer vnderstand what nation they were for lacke of an interpreter howbeit they dealt with them by signes and hauing shewed vnto them certaine stones of rich metall and inquired whether there were any such in their countrey they answered by the same signes that fiue dayes iourney Westward from thence there was great quantity therof and that they would conduct them thither and shew it vnto them as afterward they performed their promise bare them company 22 leagues which was all inhabited by people of the same nation Next vnto the foresayd prouince they came vnto another further vp the great riuer aforesayd being much more populous then the former of whom they were well receiued and welcomed with many presents especially of fish whereof they haue exceeding great store by reason of certaine great lakes not far from thence wherein they are bred in the foresayd plenty They stayed among these people three dayes all which time both day and night they made before them many dances according to their fashion with signification of speciall ioy They could not learne the name of this nation for want of an interpreter yet they vnderstood that it extended very farre and was very great Among these people they found an Indian of the foresayd nation of the Conchos who told them and shewed them by signes that fifteene dayes iourney from thence toward the West there was a very broad lake and nere vnto it very great townes and in them houses of three or foure stories high and that the people were well apparelled and the countrey full of victuals and prouision This Concho offered himselfe to conduct our men thither whereat our company reioyced but left off the enterprise onely to accomplish their intent for which they vndertooke the voyage which was to go Northward to giue ayd vnto the two friers aforesayd The chiefe and principall thing that they noted in this prouince was that it was of very good temperature and a very rich soile and had great store of wilde beasts and wilde-fowle and abundance of rich metals and other excellent things and very profitable From this prouince they folowed their iourney for the space of fifteene dayes without meeting any people all that while passing thorow great woods and groues of pine trees bearing such
behind vs vnsearched at the bottome of this great sea or gulfe All Friday and the night following we sayled with a scant winde and on Saturday at breake of day we were betweene two points of land which make a bay wherein we saw before and behinde foure or fiue great and small Islands The land was very mountainous part wherof was couered with grasse and part was voide Within the land appeared more mountaines and hils and in this place we were come neere vnto the hauen of Santa Cruz which is all firme land except it be diuided in the very nooke by some streite or great riuer which parteth it from the maine which because we had not throughly discouered all of vs that were imployed in this voyage were not a little grieued And this maine land stretcheth so farre in length that I cannot well expresse it for from the hauen of Acapulco which standeth in seuenteene degrees and twenty minutes of latitude wee had alwayes the coast of the firme laud on our right hand vntill we came to the great current of the white red sea and here as I haue said we knew not the secret of this current whether it were caused by a riuer or by a streit and so supposing that the coast which wee had on our right hand was closed vp without passage wee returned backe againe alwayes descending Southward by our degrees vntill wee returned vnto the sayd hauen of Santa Cruz finding still along the coast a goodly and pleasant countrey and still seeing fires made by the Indians and Canoas made of Canes We determined to take in fresh water at the hauen of Santa Cruz to runne along the outward Westerne coast and to see what it was if it pleased God Here we rested our selues and eat of the plummes and fruits called Pithaias and wee entred into the port of Santa Cruz on Sunday the 18 of October and stayed there eight daies to take in wood and water resting our selues all that while that our men might strengthen and refresh themselues Our captaine determined to diuide amongst vs certain garments of taffata with clokes and saies and a piece of taffata and likewise ordained that wee should goe on land to catch a couple of Indians that they might talke with our interpreter and that we might come to the knowledge of their language Whereupon thirteene of vs went out of our ship by night and lay in ambush in a place which is called The well of Grijalua where we stayed vntill noone betweene certaine secret wayes and could neuer see or descrie any one Indian wherefore wee returned to our ships with two massiue-dogs which we caried with vs to catch the Indians with more ease and in our returne we found two Indians hidden in certaine thickets which were come thither to spie what wee did but because wee and our dogs were weary and thought not on them these Indians issued out of the thickets and fled away and wee ranne after them and our dogges saw them not wherefore by reason of the thicknes of the wilde thistles and of the thornes and bryars and because we were weary we could neuer ouertake them they left behinde them certaine staues so finely wrought that they were very beautifull to behold considering how cunningly they were made with a handle and a corde to fling them The nine and twentieth of October being Wednesday we set sayle out of this hauen of Santa Cruz with little winde and in sayling downe the chanell our shippe called the Trinitie came on ground vpon certaine sholdes this was at noone at a low water and with all the remedy that we could vse wee could not draw her off whereupon wee were constrained to vnderprop her and to stay the next tide and when the tide began to increase wee vsed all diligence to draw her off and could not by any meanes whereat all the company and the Captaine were not a little grieued for wee thought wee should haue lost her there although wee ceased not with all our might to labour with both our boates and with our cable and capsten In the ende it pleased God about midnight at a full sea with the great force which wee vsed to recouer her that wee drew her off the sand for which we gaue God most hearty thankes and rode at anker all the rest of the night wayting for day-light for feare of falling into any further danger or mishap When day was come wee set forward with a fresh gale and proceeded on our voyage directing our prows to the maine sea to see whether it would please God to let vs discouer the secret of this point But whether it pleased not his great goodnesse or whether it were for our sinnes wee spent eight dayes from this port before we could double the poynt by reason of contrary winds and great raine and lightning and darkenesse euery night also the windes grew so raging and tempestuous that they made vs all to quake and to pray continually vnto God to ayde vs. And hereupon wee made our cables and ankers ready and the chiefe Pilot commanded vs with all speede to cast anker and in this sorte we passed our troubles and whereas wee rode in no securitie he caused vs foorthwith to weigh our ankers and to goe whither the wind should driue vs. And in this sorte wee spent those eight dayes turning backe by night the same way that wee had gone by day and sometimes making good in the night that which we had lost in the day not without great desire of all the company to haue a winde which might set vs forward on our voyage being afflicted with the miseries which wee indured by reason of the thunders lightnings and raine wherewith we were wet from toppe to toe by reason of the toyle which wee had in weighing and casting of our ankers as neede required And on one of these nights which was very darke and tempestuous with winde and raine because we thought we should haue perished being very neere the shore we prayed vnto God that he would vouchsafe to ayde and saue vs without calling our sinnes to remembrance And straightway wee saw vpon the shrowdes of the Trinity as it were a candle which of it selfe shined and gaue a light whereat all the company greatly reioyced in such sort that wee ceased not to giue thankes vnto God Whereupon we assured our selues that of his mercie hee would guide and saue vs and would not suffer vs to perish as indeede it fell out for the neâ—â— day wee had good weather and all the mariners sayd that it was the light of Saint Elmo which appeared on the shrowdes and they saluted it with their songs and prayers These stormes tooke vs betweene the Isles of Saint Iago and Saint Philip and the Isle called Isla de perlas lying ouer against the point of California supposed to be firme land Chap. 7. Sayling on their way they discouer a pleasant
out of the Indies in such great misery and infamy to the world should be prouided at Gods hand in one moment of more then in all my life before I could attaine vnto by my owne labour After we departed from Mexico our S. Benitoes were set vp in the high Church of the said Citie with our names written in the same according to their vse and custome which is and will be a momonent and a remembrance of vs as long as the Romish Church doth raigne in that country The same haue bene seene since by one Iohn Chilton and diuers others of our nation which were left in that countrey long since by Sir Iohn Hawkins And because it shal be knowen wherefore it was that I was so punished by the Clergies hande as before is mentioned I will in briefe words declare the same It is so that being in Mexico at the table among many principall people at dinner they began to inquire of me being an Englishman whether it were true that in England they had ouerthrowen all their Churches and houses of Religion and that all the images of the Saints of heauen that were in them were throwen downe broken and burned and in some places high wayes stoned with them and whether the English nation denied their obedience to the Pope of Rome as they had bene certified out of Spaine by their friends To whom I made answere that it was so that in deed they had in England put downe all the Religious houses of friers and monks that were in England and the images that were in their Churches and other places were taken away and vsed there no more for that as they say the making of them and putting of them where they were adored was cleane contrary to the expresse coÌ„mandement of Almighty God Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen image c. and that for that cause they thought it not lawfull that they should stand in the Church which is the house of adoration One that was at the declaring of these words who was my master Gonsalo Cereso answered and said if it were against the commandement of God to haue images in the Churches that then he had spent a great deale of money in vaine for that two yeres past he had made in the monastery of Santo Domingo in the said citie of Mexico an image of our Lady of pure siluer golde with pearles and precious stones which cost him 7000. and odde pesos and euery peso is 4. s. 8. d. of our money which indeed was true for that I haue seene it many times my selfe where it stands At the table was another gentleman who presuming to defend the cause more then any other that was there saide that they knew well ynough that they were made but of stockes and stones and that to them was no worship giuen but that there was a certaine veneration due vnto them after they were set vp in the Church and that they were set there to a good intent the one for that they were books for the simple people to make them vnderstand the glory of the saints that were in heauen a shape of them to put vs in remembrance to cal vpon them to be our intercessors vnto God for vs for that we are such miserable sinners that we are not worthy to appeare before God that vsing deuotion to saints in heauen they may obtaine at Gods hands the sooner the thing that we demand of him As for example said he imagin that a subiect hath offended his king vpon the earth in any kind of respect is it for the party to go boldly to the king in person to demand pardon for his offences No saith he the presumptioÌ„ were too great possibly he might be repulsed and haue a great rebuke for his labour Better it is for such a person to seek some priuate man neere the king in his Court and make him acquainted with his matter let him be a mediator to his Maiesty for him for the matter he hath to do with him and so might he the better come to his purpose and obteine the thing which he doeth demand euen so saith he it is with God and his saints in heauen for we are wretched sinners and not worthy to appeare nor present our selues before the Maiesty of God to demand of him the thing that we haue need of therefore thou hast need to be deuout and haue deuotion to the mother of God and the saints of heauen to be intercessors to God for thee and so mayest thou the better obtaine of God the thing that thou dost demand To this I answered said sir as touching the comparison you made of the intercessors to the king how necessary they were I would but aske you this question Set the case that this king you speak of if he be so merciful as when he knoweth that one or any of his subiects hath offended him he send for him to his owne towne or to his owne house or palace say vnto him come hither I know that thou hast offended many lawes if thou doest know thereof and doest repent thee of the same with ful intent to offend no more I will forgiue thy trespasse and remember it no more said I if this be done by the kings owne person what then hath this man need to go seeke friendship at any of the kings priuat seruants hands but go to the principal seeing that he is readier to forgiue thee then thou art to demand forgiuenes at his hands Euen so is it with our gracious God who calleth and crieth out vnto vs throughout all the world by the mouth of his Prophets Apostles and by his owne mouth saying Come vnto me al ye that labour and are ouer laden and I wil refresh you besides 1000. other offers and prosters which hee doth make vnto vs in his holy Scriptures What then haue we need of the saints helpâ— that are in heauen whereas the Lord himself doth so freely offer himselfe vnto vs At which sayings many of the hearers were astonied and said that by that reason I would giue to vnderstandâ— that the inuocation of Saints was to be disanulled and by the Lawes of God not commanded I answered that they were not my words but the words of God himselfe looke into the Scriptures your selfe and you shall so finde it The talke was perceiued to be preiudiciall to the Romiâ—h doctrine and therefore it was commanded to be no more entreated of and all remained vnthought vpon had it not bene for a villanous Portugal that was in the company who said â—asta les Ingles para saber todo esto ymas who the next day without impaâ—ting any thing to any body went to the Bishop of Mexico and his Prouisor and said that in a place where he had bene the day before was an Englishman who had said that there was no need of Saints in the Church nor of any inuocation of Saints vpon whose
denomination I was apprehended for the same words here rehearsed and none other thing and thereupon was vsed as before is written Now to speake somewhat of the description of the countrey you shall vnderstand that the port of S. Iohn de Vllua is a very little Island low by the waterside the broadest or longest part thereof not aboue a bowshoote ouer and standeth within two â—urlongs of the firme land In my time there was but one house and a little Chappel to say Masse in in all the Island the side to the land wards is made by mans handes with free-stone and grauel and is 4. fadome deepe downe right wherfore the great ships that come in there do ride so neere the shoare of the Island that you may come and goe aland vpon their beake noses They vse to put great chaines of yron in at their halsers and an ancker to the landward and all little ynough to more well their shippes for feare of the Northerly winds which come off the coast of Florida that sometimes haue caried ships houses and all away to the shoare The king was wont to haue 20. great mightie Negroes who did serue for nothing else but onely to repaire the said Island where the foule weather doeth hurt it The Countrey all thereabout is very plaine ground a mile from the sea side a great wildernes with great quantitie of red Deere in the same so that when the mariners of the ships are disposed they go vp into the wildernes and do kil of the same and bring them aboord to eate for their recreation From this port to the next towne which is called Vera Cruz are 5. leagues almost by the Sea side till you come within one league of the place and then you turne vp towards the land into a wood till you come to a litle riuer hard by the said townes side which sometimes of the yere is dry without water The towne of Vera Cruz in my time had not past 300. housholds and serued but for the folke of the ships to buy and bring their goods aland and deliuer it to their ownersâ— as also the owners and their factors to receiue their goods of the Masters of the ships This towne standeth also in a very plaine on the one side the riuer and the other side is enuironed with much sande blowâ—n from the sea side with the tempest of weather many times comming vpon that coast This towne also is subiect to great sicknes and in my time many of the Mariners officers of the ships did die with those diseases there accustomed especially those that were not vsed to the countrey nor knew the danger therof but would commonly go in the Sunne in the heat of the day did eat fruit â—f the countrey with much disorder and especially gaue themsâ—lues to womens company aâ— their first comming whereupon they were caâ—t into a burning ague of the which few escaped Halfe a dayes iourney from Vera Cruz towards Mexico is a lodging of fiue or sixe houses called the Rinconado which is a place where is a great pinacle made of lime and stone fast by a riuer side where the Indians were wont to doe their sacrifices vnto their gods and it is plaine and low ground betwixt that and Vera Cruz and also subiect to sicknes but afterward halfe a dayes iourney that you do begin to enter into the high land you shall find as faire good and sweet countrey as any in the world and the farther you go the goodlier and sweeter the countrey is till you come to Pueblo dâ— los Angeles which may be some 43 leagues from Vera Cruz which was in my time a towne of 600. housholds or thereabout standing in a goodly soile Betweene Vera Cruz and that you shall come through many townes of the Indians and villages and many goodly fieldes of medow grounds Râ—uers of fresh waters forrests and great woods very pleasant to behold From Pueblo de los â—ngeles to Mexico is 20. leagues of very faire way and countrey as before is declared Mexico was a Citie in my time of not aboue 1500. housholds of Spaniards inhabiting there but of Indian people in the suburbs of the said city dwelt aboue 300000. as it was thought and many more This City of Mexico is 65. leagues from the North sea and 75. leagues from the South sea so that it standeth in the midst of the maine land betwixt the one sea and the other It is situated in the middest of a lake of standing water and enuironed round about with the same sauing in many places going out of the Citie are many broad wayes through the said lâ—ke or water This lake and Citie is enuironed also with great mountaines round about which are in compasse aboue thirtie leagues and the saide Citie and lake of standing water doeth stand in a great plaine in the middest of it This lake of standing water doeth proceed from the shedding of the raine that falleth vpon the saide mountaines and so gather themselues together in this place All the whole proportion of this Citie doeth stand in a very plaine ground aud in the middest of the said Citie is a square place of a good bow shoote ouer from side to side and in the middest of the said place is the high Church very faire and well builded all through at that time not halfe finished and round about the said place are many faire houses built on the one side are the houses where Mutezuma the great king of Mexico that was dwelt and now there lye alwayes the viceroyes that the King of Spaine sendeth thither euery three yeeres And in my time there was for viceroy a gentleman of Castil called Don Luis de Velasco And on the other side of the saide place ouer against the same is the Bishops house very faire built and many other houses of goodly building And hard by the same are also other very faire houses built by the Marques de Valle otherwise called Hernando Cortes who was hee that first conquered the saide Citie and Countrey who after the said conquest which hee made with great labour and trauaile of his person and danger of his life and being growen great in the Countrey the King of Spaine sent for him saying that he had some particular matters to impart vnto him And when he came home he could not bee suffered to returâ—e backe againe as the King before had promised him With the which for sorrow that he tooke he died and this he had for the reward of his good seruice The said Citie of Mexico hath the streetes made very broad and right that a man being in the high place at the one ende of the street may see at the least a good mile forward and in all the one part of the streets of the North part of their Citie there runneth a pretie lake of very cleare water that euery man may put into his
with the Minion two bow-shoote from the Spanish fleete where we ankered all that night and the next morning wee weyed anker and recouered an Island a mile from the Spaniards where a storme tooke vs with a North winde in which we were greatly distressed hauing but two cables and two ankers left for in the conflict before we had left three cables and two ankers The morrow after the storme being ceased and the weather faire we weied and set sayle being many men in number and but small store of vicâ—uals to suffice vs for any long time by meanes whereof we were in despaire and feare that we should perish through famine so that some were in minde to yeelde themselues to the mercy of the Spaniards other some to the Sauages or Infidels and wandring thus certaine daies in these vnknowen seas hunger constrained vs to eate hides cats and dogs mice rats parrats and munkies to be short our hunger was so great that wee thought it sauourie and sweete whatsoeuer wee could get to eate And on the eight of October wee came to land againe in the bottome of the bay of Mexico where we hoped to haue found some inhabitants that wee might haue had some reliefe of victuals and a place where to repaire our ship which was so greatly bruised that we were scarse able with our weary armes to keepe foorth the water being thus oppressed with famine on the one side and danger of drowning on the other not knowing whereto find reliefe wee began to be in wonderfull despaire and we were of many mindes amongst whom there were a great many that did desire our Generall to set them on land making their choise rather to submit themsâ—lues to the mercie of the Sauages of Infidels then longer to hazard themselues at sea where they â—ery well sawe that if they should remaine together if they pâ—rished not by drowning yet hunger would inforce them in the ende to eate one another to which request our Generall did very willingly agree considering with himselfe that it was necessary for him to lessen his number both for the safetie of himselfe the rest and therupon being resolued to set halfe his people ashore that he had then left aliue it was a world to see how suddenly mens minds were altered for they which a little before desired to be set on land were now of another minde and requested rather to stay by meanes whereof our Generall was inforced for the more contentation of all mens minds and to take away all occasions of offence to take this order First he made choice of such persons of seruice and accounâ— as were needefull to stay and that being done of those which were willing to goe he appointed such as he thought might be best spared and presently appointed that by the boat they should bee set on shore our Generall promising vs that the next yeere he would either come himselfe or else send to fetch vs home Here againe it would haue caused any stony heart to haue relented to heare the pitifull mone that many did make and howe loth they were to depart the weather was then somewhat stormy and tempestuous and therefore we were to passe with great danger yet notwithstanding there was no remedy but we that were appointed to goe away must of necessitie doe so Howbeit those that went in the first boat were safely set on shore but of them which went in the second boate of which number I my selfe was one the seas wrought so high that we could not attaine to the shore and therefore we were constrained through the cruell dealing of Iohn Hampton captaine of the Minion and Iohn Sanders boat swaine of the Iesus and Thomas Pollard his mate to leape out of the boate into the maine sea hauing more then a mile to shore and so to shift for our selues and either to sinke or swimme And of those that so were as it were throwen out and compâ—lled to leape into the sea there were two drowned which were of captaine Blands men In the euening of the same day it being Munday the eight of October 1568 when we were all come to shore we found fresh water whereof some of our men drunke so muchâ— that they had almost cast themselues away for wee could scarse get life of them for the space of two or three houres after other some were so cruelly swollen what with the drinking in of the salt water and what with the eating of the fruit which wee fâ—und on land hauing a stone in it much like an almond which fruit is called Capule that they were all in very ill case so that we were in a maner all of vs both feeble faint and weake The next morning being Tewsday the ninth of October we thought it best to trauell along by the sea coast to seeke out some place of habitation whether they were Christians or Sauages we were indifferenâ— so that we might haue wherewithall to sustaine our hungry bodies and so departing from an hill where we had rested all night not hauing any drie threed about vs for those that were not wet being not throwen into the sea were thorowly wet with raine for all the night it rained cruelly As we went from the hil and were come into the plaine we were greatly troubled to passe for the grasse and weedes that grewe there higher then any man On the left hand we had the sea and vpon the right hand great woods so that of necessitie we must needs passe on our way Westward through those marshes and going thus suddenly we were assaulted by the Indians a warlike kind of people which are in a maner as Canibals although they doe not feede vpon mans flesh as Canibals doe These people are called Chichimici and they vse to weare their haire long euen down to their knees they doe also colour their faces greene yellow red and blew which maketh them to seeme very ougly and terrible to beholde These people doe keepe warres against the Spaniards of whom they haue bene oftentimes very cruelly handled for with the Spaniards there is no mercy They perceiuing vs at our first comming on land supposed vs to haue bene their enemies the bordering Spaniards and hauing by their forerunners descried what number we were and how feeble and weake without armour or weapon they suddenly according to their accustomed maner when they encounâ—er with auy people in warlike sorte raised a terrible and huge crie and so came running fiercely vpon vs shooting off their arrowes as thicke as haile vnto whose mercy we were constrained to yeeld not hauing amongst vs any kind of armour nor yet weapon sauing one caliuer and two old rustie swords whereby to make any râ—sistance or to saue our selues which when they perceiued that wee sought not any other then fauour and mercie at their handes and that we were not their enemies the Spaniards they had compassion on vs and came and caused vs all to sit
haue 200 stripes on horsebacke and after to be committed to the gallies for the space of 8 yeeres Then was called Iohn Keyes and was adiudged to haue 100 stripes on horsebacke and condemned to serue in the gallies for the space of 6 yeeres Then were seuerally called the number of 53 one after another and euery man had his seuerall iudgement some to haue 200 stripes on horsebacke and some 100 and condemned for slaues to the gallies some for 6 yeeres some for 8 and some for 10. And then was I Miles Philips called and was adiudged to serue in a monasterie for 5 yeeres without any stripes and to weare a fooles coat or S. Benito during all that time Then were called Iohn Storie Richard Williams Dauid Alexander Robert Cooke Paul Horsewell and Thomas Hull these sixe were condemned to serue in monasteries without stripes some for 3 yeeres and some for foure and to weare the S. Benito during all the said time Which being done and it now drawing toward night George Riuely Peter Momfrie and Cornelius the Iriâ—hman were called and had their iudgement to be burnt to ashes and so were presently sent away to the place of execution in the market place but a little from the scaffold where they were quickly burnt and consumed And as for vs that had receiued our iudgement being 68 in number we were caried backe that night to prison againe And the next day in the morning being good Friday the yeere of our Lord 1575 we were all brought into a court of the Inquisitors pallace where we found a horse in a readinesse for euery one of our men which were condemned to haue stripes and to be committed to the gallies which were in number 60 and so they being inforced to mount vpon horsebacke naked from the middle vpward were carried to be shewed as a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chiefe and principall streetes of the citie and had the number of stripes to euery one of them appointed most cruelly laid vpon their naked bodies with long whips by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof and before our men there went a couple of criers which cried as they went Behold these English dogs Lutherans enemies to God and all the way as they went there were some of the Inquisitors themselues and of the familiars of that rakehel order that cried to the executioners Strike lay on those English heretiks Lutherans Gods enemies and so this horrible spectacle being shewed round about the citie they returned to the Inquisitor a house with their backes all gore blood and swollen with great bumps and were then taken from their horses carried againe to prison where they remained vntill they were sent into Spaine to the gallies there to receiue the rest of their martirdome and I and the 6 other with me which had iudgement and were condemned amongst the rest to serue an apprentiship in the monastery were taken presently and sent to certaine religious houses appointed for the purpose Chap. 6. Wherein is shewed how we were vsed in the religious houses and that when the time was expired that we were adiudged to serue in them there came newes to Mexico of M. Francis Drakes being in the South Sea and what preparation was made to take him and how I seeking to escape was againe taken and put in prison at Vera Cruz and how againe I made mine escape from thence I Miles Philips and William Lowe were appointed to the blacke Friers where I was appointed to be an ouerseer of Indian workmen who wrought there in building of a new church amongst which Indians I learned their language or Mexican tongue very perfectly and had great familiaritie with many of them whom I found to be a courteous and louing kind of people ingenious and of great vnderstanding and they hate and abhorre the Spaniardes with all their hearts they haue vsed such horrible cruelties against them and doe still keepe them in such subiection and seruitude that they and the Negros also doe daily lie in waite to practise their deliuerance out of that thraldome and bondage that the Spaniardes doe keepe them in William Lowe he was appointed to serue the Cooke in the kitchin Richard Williams and Dauid Alexander were appointed to the gray Friers Iohn Story and Robert Cooke to the white Friers Paul Horsewel the Secretary tooke to be his seruant Thomas Hull was sent to a Monastery of priests where afterward he died Thus we serued out the yeeres that we were condemned for with the vse of our fooles coates and we must needs confesse that the Friers did vse vs very courteously for euery one of vs had his chamber with bedding diet and all things cleane and neat yea many of the Spaniards and Friers themselues do vtterly abhorre and mislike of that cruell Inquisition and would as they durst bewaile our miseries and comfort vs the best they could although they stood in such feare of that diuelish Inquisition that they durst not let the left hande know what the right doth Now after that the time was expired for which we were condemned to serue in those religious houses we were then brought againe before the chiefe Inquisitor and had all our fooles coates pulled off and hanged vp in the head church called Ecclesia Maior and euery mans name and iudgement written thereupon with this addition An heretike Lutheran reconciled And there are also all their coates hanged vp which were condemned to the gallies with their names and iudgements and vnderneath his coat Heretike Lutheran reconciled And also the coats and names of the three that were burned whereupon were written An obstinate heretike Lutheran burnt Then were we suffered to goe vp and downe the countrey and to place our selues as we could and yet not so free but that we very well knew that there was good espiall alwayes attending vs and all our actions so that we durst not once speake or looke awry Dauid Alexander Robert Cooke returned to serue the Inquisitor who shortly after maried them both to two of his Negro women Richard Williams maried a rich widow of Biskay with 4000 Pezos Paul Horsewell is maried to a Mestisa as they name those whose fathers were Spaniards and their mothers Indians and this woman which Paul Horsewell hath maried is sayd to be the daughter of one that came in with Hernando Cortes the Conquerour who had with her in marriage foure thousand Pezos and a faire house Iohn Storie is maried to a Negro women William Lowe had leaue and licence to goe into Spaine where he is now married for mine owne part I could neuer throughly settle my selfe to marry in that countrey although many faire offers were made vnto me of such as were of great abilitie and wealth but I could haue no liking to liue in that place where I must euery where see and know such horrible idolatrie committed and durst not once for my life speake against it and
others in that order All which came very well to passe for as it drew towards night when most of the Wagoners were gone to draw vp their wagons in this sort I being alone had quickly filed off my boltes and so espying my time in the darke of the euening before they returned downe the hill againe I conueyed my selfe into the woods there adioyning carrying my bolts and manacles with me a few biscuits and two smaâ—l cheeses And being come into the woods I threw my yrons into a thicke bush and then couered them with mosse and other things and then shifted for my selfe as I might all that night And thus by the good prouidence of Almightie God I was freed from mine yrons all sauing the collar that was about my necke and so got my libertie the second time Chap. 7. Wherein is shewed how I escaped to Guatimala vpon the South sea and from thence to the port of Cauallos where I got passage to goe into Spaine and of our arriuall at Hauana and our comming to Spaine where I was againe like to haue bene committed prisoner and how through â—he great mercy of God I escaped and came home in safetie into England in February 1582. THe next morning day light being come I perceiued by the Sunne rising what way to take to escape their hands for wâ—en I fledde I tooke the way into the woods vpon the left hand and hauing lâ—ft that wâ—y that went to Mexico vpon my right hand I thought to kâ—â—pe my course as the woods and mountaines lay sâ—ill direct South as neere as I could by meanes wher of I was sure to conuey my selfe farre ynouâ—h from that way that went to Mexico And as I was thus going in the woods I saw many great fires made to the North not past a league from the mouâ—taine where I was and trauailing thus in my bootes with mine yron coller abâ—ut my necke and my bread and cheese the very same forenoone I mette with a company of Indians which were hunting of Deere for their sustenance to whom I spake in the Mexican tongue and told them how that I had of a long time bin kept in prison by the cruel Spanyards and did desire them to helpe me fâ—â—e to off mine yron coller which they willingly â—id reioycing greatly with me that I was thus escaped out of the Spanyards hands Then I desired that I might haue one of them to guide mee out of those desert mountaines towardes the South which they also most willingly did and so they brought mee to an Indian towne 8. leagues distant from thence named Shalapa where I stayed three dayes for that I was somewhat sickely At which towne with the gold that I had quilted in my dublet I bought me an horse of one of the Indians which cost mee 6. pezos and so trauailing South within the space of 2. leagues I happened to ouertake a gray Frier one that I had bene familiar withall in Mexico whom then I knewe to be a zealous good man and one that did much lament the crueltie vsed against vs by the Inquisitors and truely hee vsed me very courteously and I hauing confidence in him did indeede tel him that I was minded to aduenture to see if I could get out of the sayd countrey if I could finde shipping and did therefore pray him of his ayde direction and aduise herein which he faithfully did not onely in directing me which was my safest way to trauaile but he also of himselfe kept me company for the space of three dayes and euer as we came to the Indians houses who vsed and intertained vs well hee gathered among them in money to the value of 20. pezos which at my departure from him hee freely gaue vnto mee So came I to the citie of Guatimala vpon the South sea which is distant from Mexico about 250. leagues where I stayed 6. dayes for that my horse was weake And from thence I trauailed still South and by East seuen dayes iourney passing by certaine Indian townes vntill I came to an Indian towne distant from Mexico direct South 309. leagues And here at this towne enquiring to go to the Port de Cauallos in the Northeast sea it was answered that in trauailing thither I should not come to any towne in 10. or 12. dayes iourney so heere I hired two Indians to be my guides and I bought hennes and bread to serue vs so long time and tooke with vs things to kindle fire euery night because of wilde beastes and to dress our meate and euery night when we rested my Indian guides would make two great fires betweene the which we placed our selues and my horse And in the night time we should heare the Lions roare with Tygres Dunces and other beastes and some of them we should see in the night which had eyes shining like fire And trauailing thus for the space of twelue dayes wee came at last to the port of Cauallos vpon the East sea distant from Guatimala South and by East two hundreth leagues and from Mexico 450. or thereabouts This is a good harborough for shippes and is without either castle or bulwarke I hauing dispatched away my guides went downe to the Hauâ—n where I saw certaine ships loden chiefly with Canary wines where I spake with one of the Masters who asked me what Countrey man I was and I told him that I was â—oâ—ne in Granadoâ— he said that then I was his countreyman I required him that I might passe home with him in his ship paying for my passage and he said yea so that I had a safe conduct or letter testâ—monial to shew that he might incurre â—o danger for said he it may be that you haue killed some man or he indebted and would therefore run away To that I answered that there was not any such cause Wel in the end we grew to a price that for 60. pezos he would cary me into Spaine a glad man was I at this good hap and I quickly solde my horse and made my prouision of hennes and bread to serue me in my passage And thus within 2. dayes after we set saile and neuer stayed vntill we came to Hauana which is distant from puerto de Cauallos by sea 500. leagues where we found the whole fleete of Spaine which was bound home from the Indies And heere I was hired for a souldier to serue in the Admiral ship of the same fleete wherein the General himself went There landed while I was here 4. ships out of Spaine being all full of souldiers and ordinance of which number there were 200. men landed here 4. great brasse pieces of ordinance although the castle were before sufficiently prouided 200. men more were sent to Campeche certaine ordinance 200. to Florida with ordinance and 100. lastly to S. Iohn de Vllua As for ordinance there they haue sufficient and of the very same which was ours which we had in the Iesus and those others which
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâ—wlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâ—ron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ— make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ— fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lâ—nd that had the â—ame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ— Anâ—onio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ— the câ—â—st lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâ—ing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâ—re on land in the same place that we first fell wâ—th in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâ—tes Wee came to an ankeâ— about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sâ—â—re and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of â—ucaâ—an and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ— go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâ—mâ—s and so thâ—u mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aâ—recise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ— ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâ—re to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâ—irre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
her selfe on her owne force and powerfulnesse The reasons that might bee inferred to prooue this neede no rationall discourse they are all intimated in the onely example of Spaine it selfe which without the Indies is but a purse without money or a painted sheath without a dagger In summe it seemeth vnto me that whereas the difficultie of performing this enterprise hath bene produced for a discouragement it were a dull conceite of strange weakenes in our selues to distrust our own power so much or at least our owne hearts and courages as valewing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent or yeelding that the poore Portugal hath that mastering spirit and conquering industrie aboue vs as to bee able to seate himselfe amongst the many mightie princes of the East Indies to frontire China to holde in subiection The Philippinas Zeilan Calecut Goa Ormus Mozambique and the rest the nauigation being so tedious and full of perill to suffer our selues to bee put backe for worthlesse cyphers out of place without account All which Regions being nowe also by the late conquest of Portugall entituled to the Spanish king to whom the Colonies of those parts doe yet generally refuse to sweare fraltie and allegiance and the care depending on him not onely in gouerning them in the East â—o farre off but also of ordering and strengthening of those disunited scattered ill guarded empires and prouinces in the West It might very well bee alleaged to the sayde Spanish king that it were more wisedome for him to assure and fortifie some part of those already gotten then to begin the conquest of Guiana so farre separate srom the rest of his Indies in which hee hath had so many misfortunes and against whom the naturall people are so impetuously bent and opposed were it not that it exceedeth all the rest in abundance of gold and other riches The case then so standing is it not meer â—wretchednesse in vs to spend our time breake our sleepe and waste our braines in contriuing a cauilling false title to defraude a neighbour of halfe an acre of lande whereas here whole shires of fruitfull rich grounds lying now waste for want of people do prostitute themselues vnto vs like a faire and beautifull woman in the pride and flâ—ure of desired yeeres If wee doe but consider howe vnhappily Berreo his affaires with his assistants haue of late yeeres in our owne knowledge succeeded who can say if the hand of the Almighty be not against them and that hee hath a worke in this place in stead of Papistrie to make the sincere light of his Gospell to shine on this people The effecting whereof shall bee a royall crowne of euerlasting remembrance to all other blessings that from the beginning the Lorde hath plentifully powred on our dread Soueraigne in an eminent and supreme degree of all perfection If the Castilians pretending a religions care of planting Christianitie in those partes haue in their doings preached nought els but auarice rapine blood death and destruction to those naked sheeplike creatures of God erecting statues and trophees of victorie vnto themselues in the slaughters of millions of innocents doeth not the crie of the poore succourlesse ascend vnto the heauens Hath God forgotten to bee gracious to the workemanship of his owne hands Or shall not his iudgements in a day of visitation by the ministerie of his chosen seruant come on these blood thirstie butchers like raine into a fleete of wooll Aliquando manifesta aliquando occulta semper iusta sunt Dei indicia To leaue this digression It is fit onely for a prince to begin and ende this worke the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth soueraigne power authoritie and commaundement The riuer of Raleana giueth open and free passage any prouision that the Spaniard can make to the contrary notwithstanding for once yeerely the landes neere the riuer be all drowned to conuey men horse munition and victuall for any power of men that shall be sent thither I doe speake it on my soules health as the best testimonie that I can in any cause yeelde to aâ—erre a trueth that hauing nowe the second time beene in this countrey and with the helpes of time and leisure well aduised my selfe vpon all circumstances to bee thought on I can discerne no suffcient impediment to the contrary but that with a competent number of men her Maiestie may to her and her successours enioy this rich and great empire and hauing once planted there may for euer by the fauour of God holde and keepe it Contra Iudaeos Gentes Subiects I doubt not may through her Maiesties gracious sufferance ioyning their strength together inuade spoyle and ouerrcome it returning with golde and great riches But what good of perpetuitie can followe thereof Or who can hope that they will take any other course then such as tendeth to a priuate and present benefite considering that an Empire once obtained is of congruitie howe and wheresoeuer the charge shall growe to bee annexed vnto the crowne The riches of this place are not fit for any priuate estate no question they will rather prooue sufficient to crosse and couteruaile the Spaniard his proceedings in all partes of Christendome where his money maketh way to his ambition If the necessitie of following this enterprise doth nothing vrge vs because in some cafe better a mischiefe then an inconuenience let the conueniencie thereof somewat mooue vs in respect both of so many Gentlemen souldiers and younger brothers who if for want of employment they doe not die like cloyed cattell in ranke easefulnesse are enforced for maintenance sake â—ometimes to take shamefull and vnlawfull courses and in respect of so many handycraftsmen hauing able bodies that doe liue in cleannesse of teeth and pouertie To sacrifice the children of Beliaâ— vnto the common weale is not to defile the lande with blood because the lowe of God doeth not prohibite it and the execution of iustice requireth it to bee so but yet if the waterboughes that sucke and feede on the iuice and nourishment that the fruitefull branches should liue by are to bee cut downe from the tree and not regarded luckie and prosperous bee that right hande that shall plant and possesse a soyle where â—hey may srucâ—ifie increase and growe to good thrise honourable and blessed bee the memorie of so charitable a deede from one generation to another To conclude your lordship hath payd for the discouerie and search both in your owne person and since by mee You haue framed it and moulded it readie for her Maiestie to set on her seale If either enuie or ignorance or other deuise frustrate the rest the good which shall growe to our enemies and the losse which will come to her Maiestie and this kingdome will after a fewe yeeres shewe it selfe Wee haue more people more shippes and better meanes and yet doe nothing The Spanish king hath had so sweete a taste of the riches thereof as notwithstanding that hee is lorde
going from Baatu to Mangu-Can and in returning likewise and the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria A man may trauel round about it in foure moneths And it is not true which Isidore reporteth namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe comming forth of the Ocean for it doeth in no part thereof ioyne with the Ocean but is inuironed on all sides with lande Of the court of Baatu and howe we were interteined by him Chap. 21. AL the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid sea where Alexanders Iron gate otherwise called the citie of Derbent is situate and from the mountaines of Alania all along by the fennes of Meoâ—is whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth and so forth to the North Ocean was wont to be called Albania Of which countrey Isidore reporteth that there be dogs of such an huge stature and so fierce that they are able in fight to match bulles and to master lions Which is true as I vnderstand by diuers who tolde me that there towardes the North Ocean they make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen by reason of their bignesse and strength Moreouer vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued there is a new cottage built wherein they haue placed Tartars and Russians both together to ferrie ouer and transport messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the foresaide place where we arriued but was euen then descending to the South From Ianuarie vntill August both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly regions and in August they begin to returne backe againe We passed downe the streame therefore in a barke from the foresaid cottage vnto his court From the same place vnto the villages of Bulgaria the greater standing toward the North it is fiue dayes iourney I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet thither For from Derbent which is vpon the extreame borders of Persia it is aboue 30. daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the desert and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia into the foresaid countrey of Bulgaria All which way there is no citie but onely certaine cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the sea Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens more earnestly professing the daÌ„nable religion of Mahomet then any other nation whatsoeuerâ— Moreouerâ— when I first beheld the court of Baatu I was astonied at the sight thereof for his houses or tents seemed as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie stretching out a great way in length the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or foure leagues And euen as the people of Israel knew euery man on which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent euen so euery one of them knoweth right well towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when he takes it from off the cart Wherupon the court is called in their language Horda which signifieth the midst because the gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest of his people except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe because towards that region the court gates are set open but vnto the right hand and the left hand they extend theÌ„selues as farre as they will according to the conueniencie of places so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the court At our arriual we were conducted vnto a Saracen who prouided not for vs any victuals at all The day following we were brought vnto the court and Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected because his house or ordinarie tent could not containe so many men and women as were assembled Our guide admonished vs not to speake till Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe and that then we should speake our mindes briefly Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no I answered that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken-Can and that you would not haue sent messengers vnto him or letters vnto Sartach had not your Highnes bene perswaded that they were become Christians because you sent not vnto them for any feare but onely for congratulation and curtesies sake in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie Then led he vs vnto his pauilion and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the tent which they account in stead of the threshold of the house There we stoode in our habite bare-footed and bare-headed and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini had byn there before my coÌ„ming howbeit because he was the Popes messenger he changed his habit that he might not be contemned Then we were brought into the very midst of the tent neither required they of vs to do any reuerence by bowing our knees as they vse to doe of other messengers Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme Miserere mei Deus and there was great silence kept of all men Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seate long and broad like vnto a bed guilt all ouer with three staires to ascend thereunto and one of his ladies sate beside him The men there assembled sate downe scattering some on the right hand of the saide Lady and some on the left Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp for there were only the wiues of Baatu were supplied by the men Also at the very entrance of the tent stoode a bench furnished with cosmos and with stately great cuppes of siluer and golde beeing richly set with precious stonesâ— Baatu beheld vs earnestly and we him and he seemed to me to resemble in personage Monsieur Iohn de beau mont whose soule resteth in peace And hee had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance At length he commanded vs to speake Then our guide gaue vs direction that wee should bow our knees speak Wherupon I bowed one knee as vnto a man then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees and I did so being loath to contend about such circumstaunces And again he commanded me to speak Then I thinking of praier vnto God because I kneeled on both my knees began to pray on this wise Sir we beseech the Lord from whom all good things doe proceed and who hath giuen you these earthly benefites that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heaueÌ„ly blessings because the former without these are but vain and improfitable And I added further Be it knowen vnto you of a certainty that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen vnles you become a Christian for God saith Whoseouer beleeueth is baptized shal be saued but he that
beleeueth not shal be condemned At this word he modestly smiled but the other Moals began to clap their hands and to deride vs. And my silly interpreter of whom especially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need was himself abashed vtterly daâ—â—t out of countenance Then after silence made I said vnto him I came vnto your sonne because we heard that he was become a Christian and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my souereigne Lord the king of France and your sonne sent me hither vnto you The cause of my comming therefore is best known vnto your selfe Then he caused me to rise vp And he enquired your maiesties name and my name and the name of mine associate and interpreter and caused them all to be put down in writing He demaunded likewise because he had bene informed that you were departed out of your owne countreys with an armie against whom you waged warre I answered against the Saracens who had defiled the house of God at Ierusalem He asked also whether your Highnes had euer before that time sent any messengers vnto him or no To you sir said I neuer Then caused he vs to sit downe and gaue vs of his milke to drinke which they account to be a great fauour especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground he commanded me to lift vp my countenance being destrous as yet to take more diligent view of vs or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious obseruation For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke or a prognostication of euill vnto them when any man sâ—ts in their presence holding downe his head as if he were sad especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne vpon his hand Then we departed forth and immediatly after came our guide vnto vs and conducting vs vnto our lodging saide vnto me Your master the King requesteth that you may remaine in this land which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can Wherefore you and your interpreter must of necessitie goe vuto Mangu-Can Howbeit your associate and the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach staying therefor you till you come backe Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament esteeming himselfe but a dead man Mine associate also protested that they should sooner chop off his head then withdrawe him out of my companie Moreouer I my selfe saide that without mine associate I coulde not goe and that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least to attend vpon vs because if one should chance to fall sicke we could not be without another Then returning vnto the court he told these sayings vnto Baatu And Baatu commanded saying let the two Priests and the interpreter goe together but let the clearke returne vnto Sartach And comming againe vnto vs hee tolde vs euen so And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him with vs he saide No more words for Baatu hath resolued that so it shall be and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any more Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money bestowed vpon him 26. Y perperas and no more 10. whereof he kept for himselfe and for the lad and 16. he gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares he returning vnto the court of Sartach and our selues remaining still in the same place Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22. VPon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of Sartach And on the morrow after the Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the saide Sartach Then wee ouâ— selues were conducted vnto another hoste who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome victualles and horses But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon him hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forwarde with Baatu descending along by the banke of Etilia for the space of fiue weekes together Sometimes mine associate was so extremelie hungrie that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at all times but it was so farre distant from vs that we could not haue recourse thereunto For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of horses At length certaine Hungarians who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men found vs out and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke and was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest and was sent for vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men There was another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer for hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs bringing vs Cosmos to drinke yea and sometimes flesh for to eate also who when they requested to haue some bookes of vs and I had not any giue them for indeede we had none but onely a Bible and a breuiarie it grieued mee exceedingly And I saide vnto them Bring mee some inke and paper and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here and they did so And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virginis and Officium defunctorum Moreouer vpon a certaine day there was a Comanian that accompanied vs saluting vs in Latine and saying Saluete Domini Wondering thereat and saluting him againe I demaunded of him who had taught him that kinde of salutation Hee saide that hee was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers and that of them hee learned it He saide moreouer that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs and that hee tolde him the estate of our order Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie and all his subiects that were housholders or masters of families riding with him and in mine estimation they were not fiue hundred persons in all At length about the ende of Holy roode there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs whose father was a Millenarie which is a great office among them saying I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can and wee haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell and there is such extreame colde in those parts that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regarde thereof Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues whether you be able to indure it or no. Unto whome I answered I hope by Gods helpe that we shal be able to brooke that which other men can indure Then he saide if you cannot indure it I wil forsake you by the way And I answered him it were not iust dealing for you so to doe for wee goe not thither vpon anie businesse of our owne but by reason that we are
and the city is very copious of victuals which comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes called Vtrij This riuer Tygris doeth wash the walles of the city These Raffes are bound fast together and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes and on the boards they lade the commodities and so come they to Babylon where they vnlade them and being vnladen they let out the winde out of the skinnes and lade them on cammels to make another voyage This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia but now gouerned by the Turks On the other side of the riuer towards Arabia ouer against the city there is a faire place or towne and in it a faire Bazarro for marchaÌ„ts with very many lodgings where the greatest part of the marchants strangers wich come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines prouided that when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth then they open the bridge in the middle where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of Babylon and the other to the brinks of this Borough on the other side of the riuer and as long as the bridge is open they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger because of the smalnesse of the boats and the ouerlading of them that with the fiercenesse of the streame they be ouerthrowen or els the streame doth cary them away so that by this meanes many people are lost and drowned this thing by proofe I haue many times seene Of the tower of Babylon THe Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia is and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles which tower is ruinated on euery side and with the falling of it there is made a great mountaine so that it hath no forme at all yet there is a great part of it standing which is compassed and almost couered with the aforesayd fallings this Tower was builded and made of foure square Brickes which Brickes were made of earth and dried in the Sunne in maner and forme following first they layed a lay of Brickes then a Mat made of Canes square as the Brickes and in stead of lime they daubed it with earth these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong that it is a thing wonderfull to beholde being of such great antiquity I haue gone round about it and haue not found any place where there hath bene any doore or entrance it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile and rather lesse then more This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar off for they seeme small the more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing and the nerer you come to it the lesser My iudgement reason of this is that because the Tower is set in a very great plaine and hath nothing more about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round about and for this respect descrying it a farre off that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming neere to it Babylon and Basora FRom Babylon I departed for Basora shipping my selfe in one of the barks that vse to go in the riuer Tâ—gris from Babylon to Basora and from Basora to Babylon which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with a Speron and a couered poope they haue no pumpe in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all which pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon Nere vnto the riuer Euphrates there is a city called Heit nere vnto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch very maruellous to beholde and a thing almost incredible that out of a hole in the earth which continually throweth out pitch into the aire with continuall smoake this pitch is throwen with such force that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the plaine in such abundance that the plaine is alwayes full of pitch the Mores and the Arabians of that place say that that hole is the mouth of hell and in trueth it is a thing very notable to be marked and by this pitch the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks which barks they call Daneck and Saffin When the riuer of Tygris is well replenished with water you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes and sometimes more and sometimes lesse we were halfe so much more which is 14 or 15 daies because the waters were low they may saile day night and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on â—aile if the waters be lowe it is 18 dayes iourney Basora BAsora is a city of the Arabians which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij but now it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great charges The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey and cannot be ouercome of the Turke because that the sea hath diuided their countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them neither by sea nor by land and another reason is the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong and warlike men A dayes iourney before you come to Basora you shall haue a little castle or fort which is set on that point of the land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet together and the castle is called Corna at this point the two riuers make a monstrous great riuer that runneth into the sea which is called the gulfe of Persia which is towards the South Basora is distant from the sea fifteene miles and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus Also there is great store of corne Rice and Dates which the countrey doth yeeld I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus and so we sailed thorow the Persian sea sir hundred miles which is the distance from Basora to Ormus and we sailed in small ships made of boards bound together with small cords or ropes and in stead of calking they lay betweene euery board certaine straw which they haue and so they sowe board and board together with the straw betweene wherethorow there commeth much water and they are very dangerous Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand along the gulfe vntil at length we arriued at an
Iland called Carichij fro wheÌ„ce we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left side and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands Ormus ORmus is an Iland in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all the world because that in it there is nothing to be had but salt water and wood all other things necessary for mans life are brought out of Persia twelue miles off and out of other Ilands neere thereunto adioyning in such abundance and quantity that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store there is standing neere vnto the waters side a very faire castell in the which the captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles and before this castell is a very faire prospect in the city dwell the maried men souldiers and marchants of euery nation amongst whom there are Moores and Gentiles In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices drugges silke cloth of silke brocardo and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia and amongst all other trades of merchandise the trade of Horses is very great there which they carry from thence into the Indies This Iland hath a Moore king of the race of the Persians who is created and made king by the Captaine of the castle in the name of the king of Portugall At the creation of this king I was there and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it which are as followeth The olde King being dead the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies and when hee is elected the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall as his Lord and Gouernour and then he giueth him the Scepter regall After this with great feasting pompe and with great company he is brought into the royall palace in the city This King keepeth a good traine and hath sufficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any because the Captaine of the castle doeth mainteine and defend his right and when that the Captaine and he ride together he is honoured as a king yet he cannot ride abroad with his traine without the consent of the Captaine first had it behooueth them to doe this and it is necessary because of the great trade that is in the city their proper language is the Persian tongue There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa a city in the Indies in a shippe that had fourescore horses in her This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses because euery shippe that carrieth twenty horses or vpwards is priuileged that all the marchandise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome whereas the shippes that carry no horses are bound to pay right per cento of all the goods they bring Goa Diu and Cambaia GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies where is resident the Uiceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies is called Diu and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia which is the greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies yet a small city but of great trade because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with marchandise and these shippes belong to the Moores and Christians but the Moores can not trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Uiceroy of the king of Portugall otherwise they are taken and made good prises The marchandise that they lade these ships withall commeth froÌ„ Cambaietta a port in the kingdome of Cambaia which they bring from thence in small barks because there can no great shippes come thither by reason of the sholdnâ—sse of the water thereabouts and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe which they call Macareo which is as much to say as a race of a tide because the waters there run out of that place without measure so that there is no place like to it vnlesse it be in the kingdome of Pegu where there is another Macareo where the waters run out with moreforce then these doe The principall city in Cambaia is called Amadauar it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta it is a very great city and very populous and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with faire houses and large streets with a faire place in it with many shippes and in shew like to Cairo but not so great also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side and is a very faire city The time that I was there the city was in great calamity scarsenesse so that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their children their sonnes and their daughters and haue desired the Portugals to buy them and I haue seene them solde for eight or ten larines a piece which may be of our money x.s. or xiii s. iiii d. For all this if I had not seene it I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is For in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone the small barks innumerable come in and out for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices with silke of China with Sandols with Elephants teeth Ueluets of Vercini great quantity of Pannina which commeth from Mecca Chickinos which be pieces of golde woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling with money and with diuers sorts of other marchandize Also these barks lade out as it were an infinite quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts as white stamped and painted with great quantity of Indico dried ginger conserued Myrabolans drie and condiâ—e Boraso in paste great store of sugar great quantity of Cotton abundance of Opium Assa Feâ—ida Puchio with many other sorts of drugges turbants made in Dui great stones like to Corneolaes Granats Agats Diaspry Calcidonij Hematists and some kinde of naturall Diamonds There is in the city of Cambaietta an order but no man is bound to keepe it but they that will but all the Portugall marchants keepe it the which is this There are in this city certaine Brokers which are Gentiles and of great authority and haue euery one of them fifteene or twenty seruants and the Marchants that vse that countrey haue their Brokers with which they be serued and they that haue not bene there are informed by their friends of the order and