for feare durst not proceede against him vvhereby hee was discharged of his accusations after the like manner did they compasse the Senate house called for Caesar and willed the Senate to let him out at such time as he was to answere sundrie accusations laid against him But what waies and meanes are now left vnto vs whereby we may overcome these difficulties and dangere CAP. 6. The severall waies and meanes to overcome all difficulties and daungers which arise in this action of reformation made by profitable lawes and the discipline thereof EPI First we are to remove all occasions which may move the people or beholders to pittie or favour offendours For when Manlius Capitolinus was sometimes accused as a mover of sedition in Rome his case was no sooner pleaded but the sight of the Capitoll troubled his accusers and the Iudges also when as pointing with his hand he shewed the place vnto the Gods and weeping tenderly laide before them the remembrance of the hazarde of his life in fighting for the common liberty and safetie of Rome and in defending the Capitoll it selfe and repulsing the Gaules in such sort as the Iudges moved with pittie knew not what to doe and therefore put over the hearing of his cause vnto another day because the place of his so notable good service was ever still before their eies wherfore wisely Camillus finding the cause of delay of Iustice did make the place of Iudgement to be removed without the Citie into a place called the wood Petelian from whence they coulde not see the Capitoll where his accusers gave apparant evidence against him and the Iudges considering all his wicked practises conceived a iust cause to punish him as he had deserved so as they gave sentence of death against him Further no orator or pleader of causes is to be suffered to speake in the behalfe of offendors either to move the Iudges to compassion or to winne the offendors favour in the eie of the beholders The mischiefe which ariseth hereby did sometimes appeare when as Caesar was suffered to speake in the behalfe of Lentulus and Cothegus companions of Catiline in his conspiracie by whose eloquence the offendors had then beene delivered or at the least not committed to the handes of the officers to be put to death if the gravitie and authority of Cato and vehemency of Catulus had not disswaded the contrary Lastly the more often princes shal acquaint their subiectes with the discipline of the lawe the more great obedience shall the subiects yeelde as well vnto lawes as magistrates and the lesse difficultie and danger shall princes finde therin For the right discipline of lawes doeth admonishe men of their dutie and doeth cause them to leade their lives agreeable to lawe and from time to time doth suppresse the malice of the offendors For proofe whereof the Romaines so long as they vsed the iust and exact discipline of laws they punished the offendors without feare danger sedition or mutiny yea farther when as they condemned Camillus vniustly there was found no friend no souldier the number whereof were many and great that durst make any resistance in his behalfe for when as hee called vnto him his friendes and souldiers which had served vnder him in the warres or that had taken charge with him which were manie in number he earnestly besought them that they would not suffer him thus vilely to be condemned through false and vniust accusations laide against him and to bee so scorned and defamed by his enemies his friends having laide their heads togither and consulted therevpon made him answere how that for his iudgement they could not remedy it but if he were condemned they would al ioine togither with a very good will for the payment of his fine But not long after Cum toto decennio nullum Romae statuebatur exemplum paenae delinquentium then could not the Senate examine Cesar with their safetie neither yet coulde the Iudges condemne Claudius without peril Sol Therefore in such common-weales where the manners of the people are altogether corrupted for not applying in good time the discipline of lawes it behoveth the Iudges and such as shall revive the force of auncient lawes by the exact discipline thereof strongly to be garded according to the example of Cicero being accompanied with a strong garde of Iustie men when as Consull he was to convict and execute Lentulus and Cethegus for their conspiracies with Catiline But Caesar vnadvisedly refusing a garde in such cases for the safetie of his person did eftsones with the losse of his life approve his follie for Brutus and others finding him asked in the Senate without any strength or garde did easilie execute their malice vpon him Ep. In like maner governours in cases of great extremities for the avoiding of daungers and difficulties may proceede against offendors without observing the vsuall ceremonies of lawe After this maner did Cicero proceede against Lentulus and Cethegus when as vpon proofe onely in open Senate without any lawful inditement or condemnation he commanded their delivery into the handes of the officers to be put to death for so much may be gathered out of Caesar his Oration who at that instant mightily inveyed against that maner of proceeding saying it was not lawfull neither that the custome of Rome did beare it to put men of such nobility to death without lawful inditement or condemnation but in cases of extremity This severe course and maner of proceeding in cases of extremity may not be deemed any part of tyranny if either we wil give credite vnto the opinion of Caesar or vnto the fact of Cicero and the Senate or followe the custome of Rome or deeme Cato to be milde and iust who then being in the Senate did vehemently perswade the same and whose heart was so farre from crueltie as beholding the dead bodies slaine in the campe of his enimies in the last skirmishe betwixt Pompey and Caesar he covered his face and went away weeping Sol I call to remembraunce one Sir R. Binghame provinciall governour of Salamina in my time a most valiant and honourable Knight and withall a most wise and grave governour being given to vnderstand of a generall rebellion with an intention not onely to overthrowe the state and governement but also to make deliverance of principall rebels of the sect and nation of the Burkes then in prison and safegard did forthwith deliver those traitors and rebels to be put to death without lawfull inditement or condemnation For seeing himselfe fallen into these extremities that either he must spare the lives of open and manifest rebels to the damage of the common-weale or execute them without lawfull inditement and other ceremonies like a wise governour two mischiefes offering themselves at once made choice of the least not beeing as then to learne that which Caesar sometimes taught Merellus The times of warre and lawe are two thinges so as in this action and in all other partes of his
decline SOL But what may be the times ordained by a secret foreknowledge in the brest of the highest of the declination of common-weales Epi The same onely is known to the highest and to vs left vncertaine Sol But what doth hee not manifest every where by his ordinary power and governement of this inferiour worlde of that whereof we may in no sort be ignorant Epi By his ordinary governement you meane naught els but his power wherby he giveth to all things their first being progression continuance perfection and declination Sol Thus you make the perfection of all thinges to be the ende of his continuance and the beginning of his declination and to be the last shewe of his being and the first of his declining Epi I will shewe you the trueth even from the mouth of that Prophet Daniell a mighty king shall stande vp saieth he that shall rule with great dominion and doe according to his pleasure and when hee shall stande vppe his kingdome shall be broken and shall be devided towardes the foure windes of the heavens and not to his posterity nor according to his dominion which he ruled for his kingdome shal be pluckt vppe by the rootes and the same given vnto others Sol By this example you seeme to inferre that kingdomes and principalities being at the highest doe then decline and fall for so did this mighty king Alexander whome the Prophet Daniell nowe intendeth sometimes rule great dominions but even then saieth the Prophet did he perish even when he commanded at his pleasure and lastly even when this king saith the Prophet did stand vppe and was at the highest even then did he fall with a disease which followed his drunkennes and superfluitie or otherwise by the poison which was given by Cassander even then was his kingdome broken saith the Prophet and pluckt vppe by the rootes even then was the time wherein it was devided amongest straungers namely his twelve chiefe princes and not given vnto his posterity then it was wherein his posterity did murther and destroy one the other even these were the times wherein his kingdome soone after vvas devided tovvardes the foure windes of the heavens for Seleucus had Siria Antigonus Asia Minor Cassander the kingdome of Macedonia and Ptolomaeus Aegypt Ep You well vnderstande as well the matter as my meaning and to the same purpose saieth the Prophet Daniell there shall arise a king so mighty that he shall doe what him list he shall exalte and magnifie himselfe against all that is God but vvhen his glorie shall be every vvhere encreased then the king of the South shall pushe at him and the king of the North shall come against him and like a whirlewinde with chariots and horsemen and vvith manie shippes shall enter his pleasant countrie and have power over all the treasures of golde and silver and over all the princes things of Aegypt and none shall bee founde that may withstande him he shall plant the tabernacles of his pallace betweene the seas and the glorious and holy mountaine but even then is the time saieth the Prophet that he shall come to his ende and none shall helpe him Sol These vvere the Romanes vvhich sometimes raigned vpon earth like Gods but even then eftsoones they perished as men For when Augustus had overcome the Parthians and recovered that which Antonius lost vvhen they were found to raigne quietly from sea to sea and in Iudaea then came they to their ende and none was founde that could helpe them Epi The same Prophet saieth the king of the South shall be angry with the king of the North and shall set forth a great multitude and fight with the king of the North and the multitude shal be given into his handes then the multitude shal be prowde and their hartes shal be lifted vppe for he shal cast downe thousandes but he shall not still prevaile for the king of the North shall come and cast vppe a mount and take the strong Citie and the armes of the South shall not resist neither shall there be anie strength to withstand but he shall come and doe with him what he list and none shall stande against him Sol The Prophet intendeth Philopater which sometimes governed great dominions yet coulde he not withstand the power of Antiochus Phillip king of Macedonie which thē came against him neither shal the Aegyptians be able to resist Stopus Antiochus captaine for this is the the time wherein none shall bee founde that may withstande them Epi And in the same place it is saide that when the king of the North shall take the stronge citie yea even when the armes of the king of the South shall not resist him yea then when there may not be founde any strength to withstande him even then when he hath planted himselfe in the pleasant lande even then saith the Prophet shall a Prince be founde which shall cause his shame to light vppon him beside that hee shall cause his owne shame to turne vppon himselfe by retiring towardes the fortes of his owne lande but he shall be overthrowne and fall and be no more founde Sol Thus did Antiochus sometime fall whom the Prophet heere intendeth when as Attilius and Lucius Scipio did put him to flight so as for feare of the Romanes hee was forced to flie to his holdes and fortes and after robbing the temple of Iupiter Dodonaeus was slaine by the people of the country so as we may inferre by these examples nothing els but that common-weales doe participate with the qualitie and nature of all other creatures in that first they haue their being their progression their continuance their perfection and lastly their declination so as from their being they receive progression from progression they receiue continuance from contitinuance a perfection from their perfection a declination for his perfection is naught els but his ripenesse which is gathered by continuance by whose poyse and weight eftsoones it falleth to the ground and declineth Epi You well vnderstande the matter Sol Then let vs make our progression vnto the partes and members of every declination CAP. 3. All declinations are in number two the one ad sanitatem the other ad interitum EPI All declinations are after two sortes the one ad sanitatem the other ad interitum both which declinations did sometimes appeare in the common-wealth of Rome the one whē as the Senate and people by cōtending for honours gave occasions of most happy lawes and more happy restitution of the declined state of that polliticke body But after declining by peace rest and security vnto a corruption of manners they never could give an ende vnto their contentions then raised for profitte and gaine so as the same may be said to be a final declination not ad sanitatem but ad interitum CAP. 4. The severall occasions and causes of all declinations and first of occasions malitiously suggested SOL There remaineth nowe that we doe proceede vnto
followe you Pisistratus Sir I goe before as the best guide and not the best man and beholde Solon in the most solitary place of the garden Solon Thrise welcome my deare and familiar friende Epimenides beholde this solitarie and pleasaunt place as also the times hath even newly conspired with my thoughtes and desires to impose a great and weighty labour vpon you Ep No labour may bee thought ever so greate as shall exceede the greatnesse of my goodwill I beare vnto Solon But what may the same be Tel it vnto me Solon As you have of late most friendly lent vnto mee your faithfull councell and best advise for the reformation of the Citie of Athens greatly to the advancement of that estate in like manner now I am earnestlie to entreate your most friendly advise for the better reformation of Salamina Ep This labour and travell I must confesse is due vnto Solon if there wanted not wisedome which shoulde give strength for the performaunce thereof but I have chosen at this time for our olde familiarity and friendshippe to give you iust cause rather to reprehende my skill then to accuse any parte of that office and duety which in the highest manner belongeth vnto Solon so as when the faulte appeareth you shall acknowledge the same to bee imposed by yourselfe and not received by mee without your commandement Solon Then friendly Epimenides before we enter into this large discourse for the reformation of Salamina I will declare vnto you a dreame which this last night amazed my thoughtes Ep I pray thee tell it vnto me Solon This night I seemed to beholde faire Diana with a beautiful Dove glistering like golde placed vpon her shoulder slyding and wavering every where in such sorte as it seemed to me to be in great ieopardy of falling but forthwith mooved with compassion I stretched foorth my right hande to better and reforme the place of her standing wherewith I might beholde Diana with a sharpe and sowre countenaunce to threaten the losse of my hand whereat being amazed I did awake out of my drousie sleepe Ep The people of Salamina is the threatening Diana hating all reformation the golden Dove is the pleasaunt countrie of Salamina the wavering of this Dove from place to place is the frailty and mutability wherevnto this countrie of Salamina hath ever beene subiect the compassion which you have taken of this golden Dove is the love you beare vnto Salamina the moving of your body and hande to succour this golden Dove is the ardent desire now newly kindled in you for the reformation thereof the losse of hande threatned by Diana is the difficulties and dangers which shall from time to time oppose themselves against you in this action of reformation Sol. Describe therefore vnto vs first what you intende by this word reformation and then the difficulties and daungers that followe the same and lastly the waies and meanes whereby we may readily eschewe those daungers and difficulties CAP. 1. OF THIS WORD REFORMATION AND A generall description thereof and howe the same is devided into two severall parts and members A REFORMATION of a declined common-weale is nothing els but an happy restitution vnto his first perfection this worde Reformation being thus described may in like sorte be devided into two parts and members the one may bee termed an absolute and a thorough reformation of the whole bodye of the common-weale namely of the ancient lawes customes governementes and manners of the people the other may be termed a reformation of particuler mischiefes and inconveniences onely which like vnto evill and superfluous humors dailie arise to the annoyance and disturbance of this politicke body For like as in our naturall bodies saith the Phisitian so in common weales there daily ariseth that Quod curatione indiget nisi tollatur inde morbos laethales parit This maner of reformation of particuler mischiefes and accidents consisteth of two partes and members the one by the profitable laws which are framed to meete with such mischiefs and inconveniences which doe or may arise to the annoyance of the common-weale such was the law called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which pacified the poorer sort of people called Hectemarij then in armes against the rich and better sorte of Athens the other is the true discipline and execution of lawes so made and established This manner of reformation of particuler mischiefes and inconveniences by good and profitable lawes was mightily endevoured by your selfe when as the Athenians made choice of you as their general reformer of their lawes and common-weale For you did not change the whole state thereof but altered onely that which you thought by reason you might perswade your Citizens vnto or els by force you ought to compell them to accept and framed your lawes to the subiect and matter and not the matter subiect vnto your lawes as sometimes Lycurgus did in his reformation of Sparta Sol You have saide the truth for if I should have attempted to turne vppe side downe the whole government to have changed the whole state thereof I might afterwardes never have beene able with that smal power and forces then granted vnto me to settle and establish the same againe Againe I did not thinke but that Athens then declined might well have beene restored by this kinde of reformation CAP. 2. What common-weale may be restored vnto his first perfection by applying thereunto this manner of reformation EPI No verily for Quae primis institutis omninò corrupta fuerit eanunquam in tales casus incidet propter quos novis legibus institui queat For this cause the first institution of Athens being meerly popular corrupt and vnperfit coulde never after by any lawes made for the reformation thereof be defended from the tyrannie of such as did aspire vnto the principalitie or from the ruine first conceived in the corrupt institution thereof For notwithstanding they established many lawes for the reformation of the insolencie of the noble men as also to restraine the libertie of the people non eam tamen conservare supra centessimum annum potuerunt But such common-weals as have their first institution and foundation good though not altogether perfit and complete at any time declining from the first state and perfection may by this manner of reformation made by profitable laws as occasion shal them require be not only restored to their first perfection but the happie estate thereof may thereby belong continued and augmented such was the common-wealth of Rome whose first institution and foundation was so wel laid by Romulus Numa as that after by new laws made for the reformation thereof as the necessity of that common weale did require the same was rendered long happy and prosperous in so much as it attained at the last an happy temper and forme of governement compounded of three sortes and kindes of gouernement namely the Monarchia Aristocratia and Democratia so that wee maie conclude that those common-weales
tollenda vitia quae regnant Now sith it is evident that a thorough reformation may not bee made without a mutation of auncient laws customes which are found evill in themselves or els by mutation and chaunge of times have now lost their first vigor and force it behoveth that we doe vnderstand what order and rule herein is to be observed for the more ready effecting thereof CAP. 3. Of the reformation of auncient lawes and customes and what things therein chiefly are to be considered EPI In all mutations made of auncient lawes and customes three matters especially fall into deliberation first the meanes secondly the forme and maner lastly the subiect and matter The meanes are in number five the first is authority the goodwill and consents of the people the seconde the thirde perswasions a sufficient power and force is the fourth the fifth and the last is a magistrate of rare and excellent vertues which may suppresse the envie and malice of such as shall oppose themselves against this intended reformation made by the mutation of auncient lawes and customes Sol But what authority is required for the better effecting of a reformation For this as the first matter you have well observed to be requisit herein Epi All authority herein graunted is after two sortes the one absolute the other limited by time and other circumstances This authoritie absolute was given sometime into your handes by the Athenians for after such time as they had well tasted of the lawe and ordinance called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they forthwith did choose you their generall reformer of the lawe and of the whole state of the common-weale without limiting this power then granted vnto you but referred all matters indifferentlye vnto your will as the offices of state common assemblies voices in election iudgments in iustice and the body of the Senate Finally they gave vnto you all power and authority to cease and taxe anie of them to appoint the number and what time the cease should continue and to keepe confirme and disanull at your pleasure anie of the auncient laws and customes then in being But this authority absolute without anie limitation of the power it selfe or of the time and continuance thereof hath sometimes turned to the great preiudice and danger of such as formerly have graunted the same for the Romaines after they had elected their Decemviri for the making of a thorough and absolute reformation of the common-weale of Rome they forthwith gave into their handes the sole and absolute power of Rome so as all other authorities and iurisdictions either of Consull Senate or Tribunes ceasing they wholy and only governed Rome without any provocation or appeale to bee made to any other Thus when no Magistrate remained which might observe the actions of such as were founde ambitious easily did Appius Claudius fall into the thoughtes of the principality of Rome he doeth strengthē himselfe with friendes clyēts and daily increaseth his wealth and nowe of a Citizen is become a fearefull enemy to the state of Rome in such sorte as they may neither endure his pride and insolencie neither may they safely suppresse the same without their common perill and daunger Therefore more wiselie did the Lacedemonians give great authority to their kinges and likewise did the Venetians to their Dukes but yet with certaine limits and bondes not lawfull for them to exceede and farther did appoint certaine watchmen as daily beholders and observers of all their actions and doings Sol But what limitation of time in granting this absolute authority may breede safety vnto him that giveth the same This is the seconde and last matter nowe remembred by you and worthie of consultation Epi The provinciall governement over the Gaules with an absolute power given into the handes of Caesar for the better reformation thereof was so long proroged and continued as at the last with the sword of the Romaines and the money of the Gaules he became terrible as well to the Gaules as to the Romaines returned not a Citizen now of Rome but as a fearefull enemie and conquerour as well of the Citie as of all the other territories and dominions thereof And was not also the provinciall governement of Spaine sometimes given into the handes of Pompey with an absolute authority for the reformation thereof so long proroged and continued as with one stampe of his foote he was able as himselfe reported to fill the Citie of Rome with weapons and armed men And did not Appius Claudius by proroging his authority but for one yeare become fearefull to the Citie of Rome And did not the Romaines by making a Dictator perpetuall loose the libertye of their Citie and doeth authority thus easily corrupt the maners of good subiectes and is the age also wherein we live free from such corruption Nay more then that is there not an enemie on foote that laboureth the corruption of the whole Then what authoritie here may be limited so straight as in this time may not be thought too large what time may be so shorte which may not be deemed too long Therefore let every good and faithfull councellour vnto the state with Cato resist here the proroging of Caesar his governement least too late with Pompey they acknowledge their errour it shall not suffice here to graunt but one yeare more vnto Appius Claudius neither is it sufficient that Caesar is holden in disgrace with the Citie of Rome neither may we here safely beleeve all which shall saie vnto Pompey Caesar is hated of the garrisons and souldiers for when Caesar commeth with his fortune he shall then force as well Pompey as the Citie of Rome to acknowledge their former follies and errours Sol. But nowe vnto what person may this authority be safely graunted is a matter herein not vnworthy of consultation Ep It is safely graunted vnto a man approved to be good and honest with this caution that he be not of such power and force as the state may stand in feare of his greatnes For the best sometimes have fallen by reason of honours and dignities into a generall corruption of manners and therefore we receive it as a proverbe honores mutant mores Sol. At no time then is it safely committed into the handes of personages of great might power and wealth Ep You have saide the trueth for what daunger did arise to the state of Athens by constituting Garralde Fitz Garralde attained Liuetenant of Salamina who having at once might power and soveraigne commaundement in his handes did eftsoones conspire and combine sundry treasons and rebellions Sol The recordes of Salamina doth witnes so much as you have saide for there it is alleadged that he did conspire with the French king and Emperour for the invading and possessing of Salamina he did also in proper person invade the Countie of Kylkennie there burning destroying murthering the kinges subiectes he did invade also with Oneyle and his forces O Coner and other of the
Princes which have not a collected power and force and such as doeth farre exceede the strength and power of the people are no farther to satisfie the souldiour then iustice his desertes and the lawes of the lande shall require Therefore Carolus passing manie countries where the forces of his souldiers were inferiour to the people did streightly commaunde that they shoulde abstaine from committing of vvronges and iniuries Sol This vvhich you have saide agreeth vvith reason but sometimes not vvith the necessity of times vvhich vvas never yet subiect to humane discretion Epi It must be confessed that the times of warres and peace are not all one but yet as vvell in the times of vvarres as also in times peaceable we ought to shew our selves studious in delivering the people from oppression For vvhat hope may we have of those cities vbi milites in cives graviùs quam in hostes grassantur CAP. 8. The readie waies and meanes to resist all occasions of declining which maie arise by the oppression of the Souldiers SOL Then we shall readily performe the same if we shall remove the occasions which are in number two namely the want of pay and want of other discipline for if the souldier vvere well paied and offending by martiall discipline well punished all disorders by these meanes would be easily reformed Epi You saie well payment ought first to be made and then discipline exercised for disciplinam inquit Cassiodorus servare non potest icinnu◠exercitus dum quod deest semper praesumat armatus Sol But ought this payment to be made at the charge of the Prince or of the subiects Epi At the common charge of the subiects because it is a common safegard 〈◊〉 benefite which equally redoundeth to all Sol You say well for garrisons are placed for naught else but to garde the good subiect from the sodain invasion or oppression of the enemy or rebell and if they ought to defray the charge that reape the benefite then every subiect shoulde make equall contribution herein Epi Wee doe agree herein that payment ought to be made at the common charge of the subiect but convenient it were that this charge were drawne to a contribution certaine for where the contributions are altogither vncertaine by the waie of cease or otherwise there the people are vsuallie oppressed and the Prince vvearied with complaints or the same reiecting the people take occasion thereby to mutinie and rebell Therefore wisely Henricus secundus rex Francorum nostra aetate tributum imperarat Anno. 1549. Quod vulgus talionum appellavit testatus seid militum stipendio daturum ne cum caeteris vectigalibus conturbaretur vt plebs abiniurijs ac direptionibus militum tuta esset At an other time payment was made by certaine citties for the maintenaunce of tenne legions vt ab incensionibus ac direptionibus militum tutae essent In like manner the counsel of Athens by receiving a composition certaine from the handes of the subiect in liew of cease and duties vncertaine have thereby mightily quieted and pacified the subiect augmented the publike treasury and advaunced and reformed that governement Epi Shew vs I pray you the order and manner of the compositition Sol The first composition taken for the west partes was framed after this maner as it may appeare by this president vvhich I doe here deliver vnto you By the Lorde President and Counsell of Mounster Whereas Iohn Mac Conoghor of Corbally in the County of Waterforde gentleman complained vnto vs that he holding and occupying two plough landes in Corbally aforesaide the same being charged with cease and other impositions vncertaine he desired to yeeld a yearely rent out of the same to her Maiestie in respect of the saide cease and other 〈…〉 charges to the maintenance of the houshold of the Presidencie or otherwise that by occasion may be imposed vppon the saide County and therefore hath graunted and compounded for him and his heires to pay to her Maiesties vse yearelie out of the saide two plough landes the summe of fortie shillings sterling which being by vs on hir Maiesties part and behalfe accepted We will and require you and every of you from hence forth in no wise to charge and impose or suffer to be charged or imposed the saide landes or any part thereof with any her Maiesties cease of horsemen horse boyes kearne galloglasse biefe mutton porke corne subsidie or any other charge or provision whatsoever tending or belonging to her Maiesties service by waie of cease to be demaunded or challenged In witnesse whereof I the said Iohn have to this parte of the Indenture remaining with the saide Lorde President set to my hand and seale the xxvi of October 1577. Epi I finde sundry matters observed in the making of this composition worthy to be commended First for that the same was effected with the consentes of the subiectes and not forced and commaunded as sometimes the Israelites were by Samuel which in his oration vnto the people saide Regem habituri estis qui decimas fructuum vobis imperaturus est neither here are they pressed by the authority of any duke of Albane to render the tenth part of all things vendable Vnde porro Belgarum ab Hispanis rebellantium orta seditio Sol I hold reasonable tributes to be a matter of so great importaunce and necessity as Princes may lawfully commande and exact the same at the hands of the subiect and therefore saith one Quid enim restaret quo princeps imperium tueri possit sublatis portorijs ac tributis And therefore when Nero offered to acquite and deliver the subiect of all tributes and impositions wisely the Senate after thankes rendred vnto Nero disswaded the fact Ne Respub aere diruta momento collaberetur saying though many seditious persons desirous of innovatiō have promised the people immunitie of all tributes and impositions yet to graunt the same it were altogither vnlawefull and if it were lawful yet ought you not to do the same for the safety of the common-weale Cum eo veluti firmamento Resp nitatur Epi Be it so that they may commaunde a matter so necessary for the sustaining and vpholding of the common-weale yet for the avoiding of sedition and the discontentment of the people their consentes are required the time also is to bee regarded the nature of the common-weale is to be respected and lastly the imployment of those tributes ought to be vnto publike vses For Princes in the beginning of their governement are not to impose tributes fearing least the ten tribes for this cause shall rebell and that a new king be chosen in the place of Roboham But at such times they shal more wisely with the Frēch King being newly possessed of the Duchey of Milbaine acquite discharge the people of al tributes which did mightilie as then advance his conquest Againe the nature and condition of the common-wealth is a matter no lesse worthy of consideration then the time for if the
of the ancient Brittains lay open a gap vnto Caesar his invasion and did hee not by the aide of one faction of the Gaules subdue the rest and them also in the end Was not the Duke sometimes of Valentinois emboldened to invade the dominion of the Florentines with a weake and slender armie by the feare suspition and great disagreement that then possessed them for that he had in his army Vitellozze and the Vrsins and for that also Peter de Medicis was abiding at Loiana in the countrie of Bollognia at his direction for it is saide that hee did entertaine Peter de Medicis Vitellie and the Vrsins not vvith a minde or desire to advaunce them for nothing more then that could be farther from his thoughtes but to augment the mutinies and disagreementes of the Florentines by the vvhich he hoped to vrge them either to better conditions or be able to occupy some place of importance in their iurisdiction And did not the Megarians during the vproares raised by the severall factions then maintained by the issue of Cylon and the ofspring of Megacles take from vs the haven of Nysea and the I le of Salamina then vvee may rightly conclude that so long as vve have an enemy vvhich raiseth himselfe against vs so long we ought for the safetie of the whole strongly to suppresse all factions vvhatsoever for factions breede an vnsetled minde in the people and doth nourish this desire of chaunge and alteration the vvhich did livelie appeare in the people of Athens during the continuance of the severall factions then entertained betwixt the people of the valley sea-cost mountaine for not withstanding they al kept observed the laws made by you Solon for their reformatioÌ„ yet there was none founde but gaped for a change and desired to see thinges in another state either parties hoping their condition state of life would amend by chaunge and that every of them should be better then their adversaries There remaineth now that vve deduct colonies which is the last but not the least meanes to suppresse this distemperature vvhich of all others is the most beneficiall for the coÌ„taining of a nation conquered in their duty and obedience wherein foure matters are worthily considered first the necessitie of deducting colonies secondarily the benefite that redoundeth thereby vnto common-weales thirdly what order and manner in deducting colonies is to bee vsed and observed lastly the impedimentes which are vsuallie given vnto the deducting of colonies Sol Shew vs the necessitie of collonies Epi A nation conquered may not be contained in their obedience vvithout the strength of colonies or garrisons for may we be induced to beleeve that that people or nation who daily bewaileth accuseth his present state and condition may persist therein longer then they be pressed there vnto by necessitie and more then this in the act of Absentes the meere native borne people of Salamina are tearmed to be mortall and naturall enemies vnto their conquerour and all his dominions After this sort did the citizens of Cremona affect the Venetians and the Pisans the Florentines but now to suppresse this distemperature if wee shoulde give vnto them garrisones and Praesidia perpetua nihil isto intollerabilius est saith a learned writer quia tantum abest vt victi vincentium imperijs assuescere condiscant vt non prius a novandis rebus conquiescant quam aut praesidia interemerint aut arces ceperint aut finitimos principes ac populos ad bellum accerserint whereof we neede not search forraine examples when the daily calamities of Salamina doe witnesse the same which happened since the times wherein we gave vnto them praesidia perpetua for how many waies did this people incite the French King hovv oft have they provoked the Pope to invade this lande of Salamina Againe the Emperour and all other Princes and Potentates vvhat fortes and holdes have they not taken and how many of our garrisons have they most cruelly slaine and murdered the same in the several actes of Attainder of Shane Oneile Garralde Fitz Garralde Iames of Desmond and by severall other recordes may appeare at large Neither doth this forme of governement drawe with it a perpetuall discontentment onelie but also an infinite and continuall charge in maintaining these severall garrisons as well to the Prince as to the subiect for so in the act of subsidie and other recordes it may appeare Neither be these all the discommodities that perpetual garrisons drawe with them for these notwithstanding we have beene forced to send at sundry times armies roiall to suppresse disorders and rebellions as the same more at large may appeare in the act of restraining of tributes so as wee may conclude that where colonies are not strongly and faithfully deducted there the ende of the first warres is but a beginning of the second more daungerous then the first the vvhich maie appeare by the recordes of Salamina for no sooner were the people or sects called Omores Odempseis Oconores and others expelled by great forces and strengthes to our great charges out of the severall countries of Liece Slâ—wmarge Irry Glimnaliry and Offaile but eftsones for that we deducted not colonies they traiterouslie entered the said countries by force and long detained the same vntill they were with greater forces expelled all which more at large may appeare in the act made for the deviding of countries into shiere groundes so as we may conclude that it is not for wise Princes to persevere in that course of governement which doth nourish as it were a perpetuall interest in troubles charges and expenses for the which causes chiefely did the Venetians willingly abandon the governement of Bybienna and Pisa and wee of Athens Salamina the which did chiefely arise vnto vs for that in steede of planting of colonies we placed garrisons Now then if we be willing to cast of our former and manifolde troubles if we be desirous to dismisse our selves of these infinite and perpetuall charges and lastly if we indevour to be strong against the invaders and such as shall contend to occupie Salamina by force let vs loose no opportunity of deducting of colonies for they be deducted and maintained with small or no charges with no great offence but onely to such whose landes and houses they possesse the which remaine for the most part pacified in that they enioy their life which stoode in the handes of the Prince as vvell as their landes to dispose for their offences and if they should remaine discontented for that having respect to the whole kingdome they be but a handfull and also dispersed and poore they may never be able to hurt or disturbe the state all others which finde themselves free from their losses shall rest pacified partely fearing least they commit any thing rashly or foolishly and partly doubting least the like befalleth them as to those which remaine spoyled for their offences Againe being thus deducted with small