might not value or receive them with due reverence She said he might safelier treat with the Prince of Orange in regard the like admonition formerly sent from Paul the fourth had struck him with a fear of loosing his Principality neverthelesse she would prepare him for the Legate But for his liberall offer of assistance from his Holinesse she acknowledged her obligations to the great Bishop and desired Pavesio to represent her for that favour kneeling at his feet and humbly kissing them though she had not power to admit of his promised supplies unlesse the King would please to give her leave But she assured his Holinesse that the Cause of Religion should be alwayes to her as it had ever been dearer then her life Lastly touching the nature and industry of the Low-countrey Bishops for Pavesio intreated her to instruct him in that particular she very graphically discoursed their lives and manners and gave him their severall characters telling which deserved Rebuke which Praise or Pitie The Legate finding all she said to be true and the Prince of Orange the easier to be wrought upon belike her Excellence had prepared him as she promised admiring her industrie and pietie professed that he would publish in the Court of Rome how Religion standing now in the Low-countreys on a dangerous precipice was supported onely by her Highnesses vigilance and prudence But the Factions and Tumults ceased not for all this The Covenanters being returned as I have told you into their respective Provinces and giving it out that they had the publick Faith of the Knights of the Golden Fleece for their indemnitie all those that had been banished for heresie came back from the adjacent Countreys and such as had lyen concealed at home appeared again magnifying the name of the Gheuses calling them the Assertours and Champions of their libertie and putting themselves under their protection Thus the number of the Covenanters was much increased especially in Antwerp even the Merchants themselves began to wear the Habit aud Cognizante of the Gheuses Nay there sprung up a new-brotherhood of the Common People wearing in their hats besides the wallet stampt in silver a wreathed pilgrims staff the ends bowing acrosse signifying as I suppose that they were to go a pilgrimage out of their Countrey and seek libertie in another Climate This conspiracie was spawned out of the other it being the off-spring as the Governesse wrote to his Majestie of that two years before raised by the Lords against Cardinall Granvel where they first wore hoods and then Darts But that which at the beginning was onely private difference at Court and the ambition of a few afterwards turned into the publick mutiny of the Provinces Great men it seems never can offend alone and vices whilst they passe from hand to hand are soyled with being touched and grow still fouler Neither did the Governesses letters to the Magistrates concerning the counterfeit Declaration in the Lords names do any good nor the Kings letter to the Governesse and the Provinces about that time received wherein his Majestie promised That having now secured himself from the Turks and Moors he would presently make a voyage into the Low-countreys and in person moderate the severitie if any such were of his fathers Edicts In the mean time he rested confident that the troubles would be quieted by the Lords endeavours whereupon formerly relying both his father the Emperour and he himself never feared what their enemies could do and now he doubted not but their old loyalty would easily compose a sedition raised by a few private men Onely the pardons which the Governesse in her letters to the King desired for certain persons were by his Majestie more resolutely then seasonably put off till another time In the interim the evil increasing and the opportunitie of applying a fit remedie being past his Majestie lost the Grace and favour he intended And truly mischiefs sprung not up severally or by intervals but compleated and in a knot breaking forth all at once For in the bordering Countreys the Master-hereticks watching how discord prospered in the Low-countreys that they might take occasion to vent their outlandish wares and sell them the new Gospel flocking in crouds the Calvinists out of France and the Lutherans and Anabaptists out of Germany invaded and as it were attached their nearest neighbour-towns First they held their Conventicles in the fields by night then successe smiling upon them fearing likewise that if differences chanced to be composed they should fail of dispatching what they came for they thought it best by way of prevention to shew themselves in the light and before the people that ran to meet them out of towns and villages boldly to preach against the Spanish tirannie against Religion corrupted by the Bishops and for the pure and sincere light of the Gospel Emulation made them more impudent lest the Calvinists that had indeed fewer great persons of their faction but more Proselytes and applause should be lesse powerfull then the Lutherans And the Anabaptists being farre more in number then the Lutherans scorned to be worsted by the Calvinists or that the Lutherans should have more great Protectours then both the other Sects Therefore they made haste in zeal of spirit to feiz upon Cities and Towns as if they were to make new plantations every one being for himself and all against One. Miserable and calamitous at that time was the condition of the Low-countreys many of the noblest Provinces being suddenly hurried into factions and running upon the rocks of errour Whilst impure men Apostates both from divine and humane faith whilst the scumme of their own nations the Refuse of Germany and France promised themselves a kind of sovereignty in the Low-countreys and ran up and down as if hell had been broke loose filling all places with turbulent sermons infamous libells hopes fears and jealousies Whilst such a multitude first out of the next villages but at last out of great towns came with incredible desire to hear these trumpeters of the new Gospel that once in the fields of Tournay above eight thousand men were seen at a sermon Near Lisle they appeared in greater shoals At Antwerp in one day were gathered together thirteen thousand next day fourteen thousand a while after sixteen thousand men Lastly taking more freedome in many places especially at Valenciens and upon the borders of Flanders they married people in the fields and baptized infants after the Calvinisticall manner And that all this might be done with safety they meet at these Conventicles and Sermons armed with pikes and muskets I know the Reader will not a little wonder to hear what they say the Low-treymen themselves were amazed when they saw how the Peopleâ— zeal of hearing sermons came to such a height that neither the Magistrates by authoritie nor their Officers by force nor
England to his Marriage with Queene Mary at his returne he created him Knight of the Golden-Fleece and made him Grandvenâ—ur or Justice in Eyre and Governour of Haynolt In which Province because he seemed not according to his duty seriously to advance the Catholique cause though he himselfe was seriously a Catholique the Governesse was then much displeased with him and a few months after his Decease being for the same attainted of High Treason he was condemned by the Duke of Alva The Governesse receiving the newes of his Death speedily that is within eight dayes written as I said from the Prince of Ebolo immediatly before the Report could be divulged sent Mandevill with a select Company of Fire-locks framing a Letter to the Lady-Marquesse of Bergen That she heard the Hereticks of that Towne offended with the late Edict endeavoured some Innovation therefore she had in haste dispatched Souldiers to guard her and the City to make them the welcomer had chosen out of her Ladiship 's Vncle Beavor's Regiment Captaine Mandevill whom She had commanded to receive Orders from her Ladyship Her Husband 's Death she mentioned not lest it might lessen the Favour and move a suspition of the thing intended But when she sent away the Captaine being a man of approved Fidelity she discovered to him that hee was in the King's name to possesse himselfe of the Towne He should indeed serve the Lady-Marquesse in any thing that might be for her safety but if she refused his Souldiers or commanded them to depart the Towne he must tell her he could not doe it without acquainting the Governesse In the meane while by writting Letters and expecting Answers he should spinne out the time till his Majesty expressed his absolute pleasure For the Prince of Ebolo from the King and afterwards the King himselfe had writ to the Governesse that she was to bring the Marquesse's cause to a Triall and if he were found to have been privy to the Tumults and Rebellion his Estate should be confiscated otherwise it should descend to his Heires The King added in his own Hand That whereas the Marquesse had declared his Sister's Daughter his Heire who was said to have no good Catholique Education the Governesse should find meanes to get her out of her Father's hands and breed her till she were married to that Kinsman unto whom the Marquesse had by his will disposed her The City she forthwith seized but the young Lady her Mother was a great while fearefull to deliver And after the Governesse had been present at the Procession wherein the Body of our Lord and Saviour was carryed through Antwerp then solemnized with more exquisite preparations and Pompe then ever and followed with such multitudes and Reverence that one would thinke they had not so much as conversed with Hereticks her Excellence leaving Count Mansfeldt and 13. Companies in the Town with the rest and a great Traine of Lords returned to Bruxells there to expect the Duke of Alva whose coming every day more afflicted her and many that loved him not aggravated her distaste telling her that by his Pride all which she had with so much paines and wisdome reconciled and composed would be presently put into confusion and he would make Troubles which it might be thought he was come from Spaine to quiet whilst the Honour Settlement only due to the governesse would by his vaine-glory be numbred among his Triumphs The Governesse therefore not only expressed to the King her Resentment in her Letter by Gaspar Robley but likewise writing to the Duke of Alva to congratulate his Arrivall at Millaine she let him understand the State of the Low-countryes and wished him to advise whether it would not be a greater Act of prudence to disband part of his Army then by those unseasonable Forces and Expences to irritate the Low-countryes which were now reduced to Obedience such a Remedy in most mens Iudgements being too strong for the Disease But the Duke of Alva pretended the King's command And the Prince of Ebolo by Robley who was dispatched from Spaine about the end of Iune answered her That the King was carefull of his Sister's Estimation purchased of all the world for governing the Low-countryes with so singular wisdome in so dangerous times taking Cityes subduing Rebels and at length vigorously reducing all the Low-countryes to their Religion and Loyalty Nor was Alva sent to rob her of any part of that glory wholly appropriate to her Highnesse but that by serving her with his endeavours and counsells what was gained might be preserved with lesse troubles to the Governesse and no envy that could reflect upon her for punishing of Delinquents But nothing so much satisfied her as the King's-Letter sent by Lopius Gallus after Robley's departure wherein giving thanks to his Sister for so industrious and wise an Establishment of Peace he said he would shortly better expresse those thankes in person longing exceedingly to be an Eye-witnesse of her vertue And among other commands injoyned her to have in readinesse at least eight Sayle of Ships to meet him whensoever an Expresse came of his weighing Anchors And the Governesse in good earnest provided the Shipps the Senat decreeing that for the King 's happy Voiage publique Prayers should be made which neverthelesse his majesty meaning to stay at home needed not as some said comparing him to Tiberius Caesar who gave out from day to day that he would leaue Rome and suffered the Empire diverse times to make the like supplications for his good Journey and Returne long busying the Roman Provinces with that Expectation But the beliefe of the King's Expedition was to be maintained with such new Scenes or else the Play would have been spoyled Howsoever the Duke of Alva equally distastfull to the Nobility and the People would have been much worse received by the Low-country-men if they had not perswaded themselves by these appearing hopes that the King himselfe would shortly follow And now the Duke of Alva having perfectly recovered his Health when he came to Ast tooke the generall Musters of his Army which being greater in worth then number though feare among the timerous had multiplyed the very number he found to consist of 8700. Foote and but 1200. Horse For the Duke cared not for multitude which commonly is a hindrance to the March but desired to have stout men and valiant hands not many names meaning afterwards to increase them more opportunely in the Low-countreys where without danger he might adde to his old Army as to a body strong in nerves and bone as much young flesh that is untrained Souldiers as he pleased The Foot in a manner all Spanish he distributed into foure Legions in regard they were raised out of foure Provinces commanded by so many Spanish Colonels conspicuous for their abilities in warre Alphonso Vlloa
Lord of all to be their father And so the eleventh year after her marriage dyed Princesse Mary no lesse admirable in her death then in her life For as in this she was most nobly active so in the other she was most undauntedly passive the onely glory that remains for dying persons Her patience and the strong assaults of the Devil divers then present have set down in writing A little after her departure in a private box within her Cabinet was found a short Diary written by divine instinct with her own hand containing the heads of her actions every day and almost every houre of her life In which may be seen for it is printed and bound up with her life what her judgement was concerning Christian perfection and how she applyed her self to that progressive rule indeed so exactly as the Houses of Portugall and Farneze may glory in the beauty of her mind and the example of Princesse Mary may be set for a pattern to all princely maids and wives And now to proceed with the businesse of the Low-countreys The Governesse had begun with great industry to execute the Kings commands brought by Count Egmont out of Spain but receiving new letters from his Majesty at Validolid wherein he seemed to command the quite contrary to what he wrote by the Count the Governesse amazed was at a stand and Count Egmont excessively troubled in his mind complained That his authority esteem would be lost among his enemies by that change of the Kings Counsell as if he had delivered one thing and the King enjoyned another that it seemed the Kings Councellours were in a way if they held on to force the Low-countreys into the receiving any form of Government rather then the present though it were to put themselves in the power of the Germans the French or of the Devil himself For his own part he was resolved if the King would not make good his determinations to retire to his own house and leaving his Government of Flanders to testifie to the world by his absence that Egmont had no hand in the troubles of his Countrey When the Governesse had writ this to the King as she had it from the mouth of Count Egmont three moneths after she received an answer from his Majestie dated at Segovia â—n these words That it was a false allegation of those men who affirmed he had commanded any other thing in his dispatch of Count Egmont then in his late letters from Validolid therefore to expresse himself more fully In the first place he would have the Anabaptists and other Hereticks put to death of what families soever they were descended and their punishment neither remitted nor themselves reprieved Since experience had sufficiently demonstrated that a violent and volatile disease was but ill cured by indulgence or delay Then That he commanded the Inquisitours of faith a judicature neither new nor unnecessary for the Low-countreys to be every where with reverence retained and assisted with all the power of the Dutchesse her self and the Governours of the respective Provinces Lastly because the Councel of Treâ—t was now established in the Low-countreys it was their duty to they the Decrees of the said Councell and likewise the Imperiall and Royall Edicts Moreover he desired the Governesse that in the execution thereof she would use her greatest care and industry for asmuch as no one living could do any thing more acceptable to himself or more advantagious to the Provinces This was the summe of those letters which the Prince of Orange charged with all the calamities that befell the Netherland And though the Governesse thought it a work of danger to undertake so many things at once and therefore wrote many letters to beâ—eech the King to excuse her yet she attempted it and by her Proclamation commanded all the King had enjoyned her and advised the subordinate Governours in these words as appears by her Edict speedily sent to Ernest Count Mansfeldt Governour of Luxemberg the rest being onely transcripts of the same For asmuch as nothing is dearer to the King then the peace of these Privinces and that his Majesty desires to prevent the great evils wherewith we see many nations afflicted that change their Religion Therefore it is his Royall pleasure that the Edicts of his father Charles the fifth and his own with the Decrees of the Councel of Trent as likewise of Provinciall Synods be kept intirely That all Favour and Assistance be given to the holy Inquisitours and the Cognizance of Heresies left to them unto whom it appertains both by divine and humane Laws This is the Kings command who respecteth onely the Worship of God and the good of his people and hereof I give you notice that you may without exception imbrace it your self publish it to the Magistrates of your Province and take speciall care that no man upon any pretence whatsoever slight its due observation you terrifying the conâ—umacious with those punishments specified in our letters annexed to the Edict And that you do this with more facility you shall chuse some one out of the Senate to visit and superintend your Province whether the Edict be punctually and justly observed by the Magistrates and the People you your self together with the Magistrate you make choice of every quarter of a year giving us an axact account of the premises And it shall be our paâ—t to endeavour that your pains may receive due recompence and advancement In short partly the care of these Edicts partly of the late Marriage ended this yeare which was the last of peace and happinesse that ever the Netherlands enjoyed The End of the fourth Book The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The fifth Book NOw comes in a year memorable for the open conspiracy of the Gentry seconded by the mutiny of the people and the turbulent counsels of the Lords the furious incursion of Hereticks Sacriledge with ruine of Religion and no lesse ignominy to the Authours The Edict formed by the Governess was sent and published in the Kings name by the severall Governours of Provinces but some of them first complained to her Excellence protesting they were not able to govern the people with that severity enjoyned by the Edict Nay divers plainly told her they would not be guiltie of burning five or six thousand men in their Provinces whereof the Governess advertised the King warning him of the storm which she foresaw The first signe and terrour of the Tempest lightened out of Brabant For when the Chancellour of that Province had propounded the Kings Edict to the Brabanters who have no other Governour but his Majesties Lieutenant over all the Low-countreys immediately the chief Cities of the Netherlands that is Lovain Bruxels Antwerp and the Bus assembling the Senate and petitioning the Chancellour very violently and angerly desired that their Priviledges might not be violated to
to endure the insolence of the fellow ran up the side of the Pulpit and catching the Buffon about the waste lustily tossed him over to the ground and he himself in the heat of the brawl avoiding many blows made at him was shot in the arm with a pistol-bullet the rest when some cryed that the Officers were coming for fear of being taken slipped out of the Church Notwithstanding the quarrell continued and they met every day like Gladiators upon the stage to cut and hack one another Untill upon the 21th of August the Hereticks increasing in their number came into the great Church with concealed weapons as if they resolved after some light skirmishes for a few dayes past to come now to a battel And expecting till Even-song was done they shouted with a hideous cry Long live the Gheuses Nay they commanded the Image of the Blessed Virgin to repeat their Acclamation which if she refused to do they madly swore they would beat and kill her And though Iohn Immercellius Pretour of the Town with some Apparatours came and commanded them to keep the Peace yet he could not help it but the people running away to get out of the tumult the Hereticks shut the doors after them and as Conquerours possessed themselves of the Church Now when they saw all was theirs hearing the clock strike the last houre of the day and darkness adding confidence one of them lest their wickedness should want formality began to sing a Geneva Psalme and then as if the Trumpet had sounded a charge the Spirit moving them altogether they fell upon the effigies of the Mother of God and upon the pictures of Christ and his Saints some tumbled them down and trod upon them others thrust swords into their sides others chopped off their heads with axes with so much concord and forecast in their Sacriledge that you would think every one had his severall work assigned him For the very harlots those common appurtenances to thieves and drunkards catching up the wax-candles from the Altars and from the Vestry held them to light the men that were at work Part whereof getting upon the Altars cast down the sacred plate broke a sunder the picture-frames defaced the painted walls Part setting up ladders shattered the goodly Organes broke the windows flourished with a new kind of paint Huge statues of Saints that stood in the walls upon Pedistalls they unfastened and hurled down among which an ancient and great Crucifix with the two thieves hanging on each hand of our Saviour that stood right against the high Altar they pulled down with ropes and hewed it in pieces but touched not the two theives as if they onely worshipped them and desired them to be their good Lords Nay they presumed to break open the Conservatory of the celestial bread and putting in their polluted hands to pull out the blessed Body of our Lord those base off-scourings of men trod upon the Deity adored and dreaded by the Angels The Pixes and Chalices which they found in the Vestry they filled with wine prepared for the Altar and drank them off in derision They greased their shooes with the Chrisme or holy oyl and after the spoyl of all these things laughed and were very merry at the matter My meaning is not lest I should scandalize mankind nor suits it with History to repeat all the foul actions wherewith in this destruction of holy things these traitours to God and his Saints glutted their cruelty But the greatest wonder was to see them make so quick dispatch that one of the fairest and greatest Churches of Europe full of Pictures and Statues richly adorned with about seventy Altars by a few men for they were not above one hundred as the Governess wrote to the King that she was certainly informed should before midnight when they began but in the evening have nothing at all left entire or unprofaned Truly if the hundred men had not an hundred hands apiece that in so short a space demolished such a multitude of things it is not unreasonable to believe which I know some at that time suspected that devils mixing with them joyned in dispatching their own work or at least that the furious violence which in scorn of Religion stript the Altars mangled the Statues and Pictures defaced the tombes and in foure houres time robbed and layed waste so rich and goodly a Church could not have any other cause but the immediate impulsion of those rebellious and infernall spirits that add both rage and strength to sacrilegious villains offering an acceptable sacrifice to hell Especially because in such a hurry and crowd of hasty labourers whilst they run about the Church like Bacchanals and Bedlams whilst they mount the rounds of their ladders whilst they with great pains loosen the brasse and marble whilst they endeavour to spoil and steal the richest things none of all their number had so much as a fall or a knock though such loads of stone and wood came tumbling down and so many fragments and splinters flew about nor received the least hurt by the workmens tools which they ran with in their hands it is no slight argument as I said before to prove that by Gods permission the Devil was the Surveyour of their works and by the assistance of his evil Angels that enterprise no less difficult then impious was instantly without harm to any of them and therefore prodigiously effected But these sacrilegious thieves committed yet more villanie in the Town presuming upon their fortune For running out of the Church with hallowed candles triumphantly singing and crying Vive le Gueux they were received by others that had lien concealed near the Church exspecting encouragement from the success Their Companies therefore joyning for Bootie invited them still as they came to any Church-doors they broke them open spoyling and carrying away all their consecrated furniture They climbed into Monasteries searched them entred their store-houses seized upon their meat drank off their wine and took from them all their money plate and wardrobes both sacred and profane And this impiety was acted with such impudence and impunitie that truly I knovv not vvel vvhether the Reader vvill conceive more indignation against those impious Ruffians that vvithout any reverence to God or man plundred consecrated places and other mens houses at their pleasure destroying and stealing Church-ornaments and Religious mens goods or against such as ought to have protected those sacred things and against the Religious Houses themselves that looked on whilst these Rogues with polluted hands abused and profaned all But fear had possessed the generalitie this hapning about midnight when the Citie was in their dead sleep and so the more affrighted being awaked with sudden and severall kinds of Out-cryes And therefore as unexspected and doubtfull accidents ever strike the greatest terrour many of the Merchants fearing an universall plunder shut their doors
things for which he had been a long and earnest suiter to the King or at least that he had counterfeited if not Egmonts Letter yet his own Answer to it But many things offer themselves which absolutely clear this doubt as Count Egmonts hand well known to the Governess and her intelligence of the truth of Egmonts actions which may fright the greatest confidence in the world into a blush that shall presume to charge him with such a forgery Add to this the reputation and manners of Count Mansfeld which manners either absolve or condemne every one far from the least imputation of any such deceit and lastly his constant adherence to the Kings cause So as the Governess justly confident in his integrity commended him as much as she could possibly to his Maiesty one thing she seemed to admire that she found in Egmonts Letter the very words she had writ in cypher to the King She therefore complained to the King that secrets were brought out of his Court into the Low-countreys Was any of his Ministers of State so dull-brained or open breasted to suffer these mysterious parts of Government to be scrued out of his mouth or hands or so ill-natured and perfidious as to reveal the Counsells of his Prince to the enemy That she certainly knew many copies of Letters she had sent his Majestie for two yeares now past and divers of the Originalls themselves were come to the hands of the Low-countrey Lords How destructive was this to his affairs how derogatory to the Royall Dignity She therefore beseeched the King that hereafter he would either see her Letters burnt or give them in custody to faithfull Servants that would keep them from the knowledge of such as were otherwise And yet I find after this time the Prince of Orange bragged to Christopher Assonvil that every word the King spake as well private as publick was faithfully conveyed to his ear in the Low-countreys Indeed these discoveries cost much money but money cannot be more fruitfully laid out For it is the Philosophy of Princes to dive into the secrets of men leaving the secrets of Nature to such as have spare time Which being granted what Councel-chamber can be impervious or inaccessible to royal bountie since the Court of so prudent and circumspect a Monarch was bought by private Persons But the Covenanters not content with the ambiguous deliberations of the Lords at Dendermond the leading men and such as could be suddenly got together met at Amsterdam unknown to the Prince of Orange as he wrote to the Governesse yet he was near the town but peradventure he connived It is believed they agreed at this meeting to use their utmost indeavours to keep the King from coming in with an armie and that either by the mediation of the Emperour Maximilian or by a publick Revolt from their obedience to petition with swords in their hands And it fell out very commodiously that the Diet of the Empire was then to be held at Ausburg where they resolved to petition the Emperour in the name of the Low-countreymen but in case he denied their request then to addresse themselves to the Electours who might signifie to the Emperour that unlesse herein he would over-rule the King they the Electours could not be able to give him assistance against the Turk Nor was it handsome whilst the King visited the Low-countreys with an armie that they destitute of men and money should leave themselves exposed to the injuries of bordering forces If this succeeded not they would venture upon any thing make a league with the hereticall Cantons of the Swisse and by their assistance which some say was promised stop King Philips passage into Savoy Nay more to find the King work at home they would send to Sivill three thousand of those Calvinisticall books of which they had long since consulted with some Calvinist-ministers of these twelve were nominated that should disperse those Volumes throughout Spain and turn the Kings mind from going into a forrein Countrey This Expedient was committed to the managerie of a Spanish Merchant lying then in Antwerp a hot-headed fellow and malitious to Catholicks So the Governesse wrote to the King and added that she would lay all the Ports to prevent that plague-sore from sailing into Spain But these deliberations because sudden and full of fear did more terrifie then hurt Yet in that Assembly this was resolved The Gentlemen-Covenanters for men that are in like danger easily associate conspired with the Merchants and the rest of the hereticall people and took the Sacrament on both sides to this purpose That the Covenanters should protect them against all men that sought to restrain the libertie of Conscience and the Merchants ingaged to furnish them with money and their utmost indeavours for the common securitie But lest the Hereticks should be distracted with multiplicitie of Sects Lewis of Nassau wrote to the Antwerpers perswading them for a while till things should be settled to lay aside private opinions in Religion all to give way to the confession of Auspurg for so not onely the Electours who professed that Religion would be their earnest Advocates with the Emperour but likewise the Germane souldiers would be hardly drawn to fight against the Low-countreymen their brethren in Religion and it was done accordingly For though the Calvinists hate the confession of Auspurg yet as Religion among Hereticks is not their own but accidentall and translatitious asking advice as far as Geneva of Theodore Beza and he approving this truce of opinions they subscribed a new form of discipline like that of Auspurg which was to be presented to the Emperour at the next Session together with a Petition wherein they prayed that his Imperiall Majestie would please to patronize and reconcile them to the King Moreover they instituted Consistories which are a kind of Parliament or generall convention in many cities according to the pattern of that now begun at Antwerp creating Magistrates and Senatours by whose advice it being first communicated to the Court of Antwerp to which they gave the preheminence the whole Republick of the Hereticks was to be governed They likewise made a confederation with the Prince Electour Palatine and the rest of the Hereticall Princes of Germanie enemies to the house of Austria and therefore ready to enter into any league whereby they might hope by such troubles as these to dispossesse the King of Spain as the Governesse informed him of the Low-countreys The Governesse was likewise privately informed by the Count of Megen that Vesterholt was raising one thousand two hundred horse in Saxonie for the Prince of Orange At the same time the Hugonots in France set on by Gaspar Coligni consulted about sending aid to the Low-countreymen which was reported to be ten Cornets of horse and thirty foot colours and these levies were to be made in Germanie
sing Prayers He often read Saints lives and discoursed of holy things more frequently then he accustomed he washed out the stains of his Conscience by Confession of his sinns and are the bread of Angels though sometimes not fasting for which he had a dispensation by reason of the weakness of his stomack granted by the Pope Nay with a discipline of platted cords so much prevailed the example of others and a mind once conquerour over it self he put himself to constant sharp penance for his former life Which Discipline King Philip ever had in great veneration and a little before his death commanded it to be brought to him and as it was stained in the bloud of Charles his father he sent it to his sonn Philip the third and they say it is still preserved among the pious monuments of the House of Austria Lastly upon occasion of those funerall Obsequies which he celebrated for his Mother on the Anniversary of her decease a new desire set him a longing if it were lawfull to celebrate his own funeralls advising hereupon with Iohn Regula a Father of the Convent and his Confessour when he told him it was though without president yet a pious and meritorious act he commanded immediately that all funerall preparations should be made A Herse was therefore set up in the Church torches lighted and his servants in black stood about it the Service for the dead being mournfully sung by the Religious men He himself surviving his own funeralls beheld in that imaginary last office the true tears of his attendance He heard the Hymn wishing him happy rest among the Saints and he himself singing with them prayed for his own soul till coming near him that officiated and delivering him the torch he held lighted in his hand with eyes lifted up to heaven he said Thou great Iudge of life and death I humbly beseech thee as the Priest takes from me this wax-light I offer so thou at last in thine own good time wilt graciously please to receive my Spirit which I commend into thy hands arms and bosome Then as he was in a loose mourning garment he lay down upon the floor all the Church beginning to weep a fresh and as he had been laid forth to take their last farwell It seems the Emperour by these feigned Rites plaid with approaching death for two dayes after his personated Obsequies he fell into a fever which by little and little consuming him the Archbishop of Toledo gave him all the supplies by the Christian Church appointed for the struggling soul and the Monks that came frequently out of their Cels into his Bed-chamber prayed God to send their Guest a happy convoy to the mansion of the Blessed and on the Eve of the Evangelist S. Matthew in the eight and fiftieth year of his age whereof he onely lived two years with a great sence of Piety and Religion he departed this life His death was attended with conspicuous signes in Heaven and Earth For a while after he sickned there was seen a blazing star in Spain at first somewhat dimm but as his disease increased so it grew in brightness and at last shooting its fiery hair point blank against the Monastery of S. Iustus in the very hour the Emperour died the Comet vanished Nor happened this without admiration in the Emperours garden sprung a Lilly which at the same time put forth two buds The one as it is usuall blowing in the Moneth of May The other though as well watered gave no signe of laying its great belly all the Spring and Summer but that night wherein the Emperours soul put off the garment of his body the Lilly suddenly breaking her Challice with an unseasonable and unexspected Spring began to blow It was likewise observed by all that this Lilly laid upon the high Altar for men to view was received as a happy and white omen Thus Charles the fifth when he had enjoyed his Fathers kingdomes fourty years the Empire six and thirty and himself two after the resignment of all these left it doubtful whether he merited more honour in so long governing the Empire and many Kingdoms or in relinquishing them all together Yet I am not ignorant this Act was then diversly censured and at this day the Emperours resignment is an argument for Rhetoricians to declaim upon in the Schools and Politicians at Court But omitting the conceptions of these men and such builders of Castles in the air I will give you the common and most probable opinions Philip the Second King of Spaine Prince of the Low-countreys Ro Vaughan sculp But whatsoever it was King Philip after his Fathers decease disposing of his new Dominions instead of Mary Queen of Hungary substituted in the government of the Low-Countreys and Burgundy Emmanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy who besides his nearness of bloud to Charles the fifth had given him many proofs of his experience in the Warrs especially in those Provinces against the French Nor were his great abilities less usefull to King Philip in the War that welcomed him to his new Principality For though the Kings Henry and Philip in the beginning of this year by the mediation of Mary Queen of England had made a five years truce at Cambray yet by reason of the Warre flaming between the Pope and King Philip the Truce within the year was broken the Spaniard laying the fault upon the French and the French upon the Spaniard King Henry called into Italy by the Caraffi embraced the specious pretence of protecting the Pope but peradventure he looked not so much upon the cause as upon the issue of the War easily believing he should conquer this new and unexperienced Prince having at more then one Battel overthrown so old a Souldier and so great a Conquerour as his Father And now the French having past the Alps under the Duke of Guise's Command fought for the Pope in Italy and at the same time entring the Low-Countreys under the Conduct of Colligni plundred the Province of Artois Whilest King Philip the Duke of Alva strongly prosecuting his affairs in Italy on the one part prevailed with his Wife to denounce War against King Henry on the other part he commanded Philibert Duke of Savoy to make an introde into France by whose valour and conduct he won that memorable Victory at S. Quintins which put all France into a shaking fit insomuch as the greattest part of their Gentry being prisoners to the Spaniard the rest marched into Italy it was the common fear if the Conquerour came on he would easily possess himself of Paris most of the Townsmen being fled to the neighbouring cities as if the Spaniard were at their gates But King Henry commanding the Duke of Guise out of Italy and raising a great Army which is ordinary in France where the children are bred souldiers he soon interrupted the
joyned Gelderland and Zutfen both which he first bought of Duke Arnold who disinherited his sonne Adolph that kept him six years a Prisoner then after the death of Arnold and Adolph he fought for them with the sonne to Adolph and wonne them in the field But Duke Charles being slain at the battel of Nantes and the French King Lewis the Eleventh prosecuting the Warre against Mary Daughter and heir to Charles this Principality was lessened by the loss of Artois to the French and many other little Towns in Burgandy And though Maximilian by his victory at Guinigate a little after his marriage with Mary restored divers of them to the Low-countreys yet when a peace was made between him and the French and Margaret Daughter to Maximilian and Mary espoused to Charles the Dolphin the Counties of Arâ—ois and Burgundy were in the name of her Dowre cut off again from the Low-Countreys But Margaret being refused by Charles when he came to the Crown after that refusall had revived the Warre Charles posting into Italy to the Conquest of Naples made a Peace with Maximilian and his sonne Philip returning Margaret and the Provinces he had with her to the Low-Countreys onely he kept the Forts in his hands which his successour Lewis the twelfth wholly bent upon the design of Millain rendered of his own accord But those of Gelderland and Zutfen submitting to their Lords and troubling the Low-countreys with incursions especially the parts about Utrecht Charles the fifth having overthrown Charles Duke of Gelderland entered upon them again by the right of Conquest But in regard the Warres often renued upon his occasion had been exceeding chargeable the Emperour annexed the Provinces of Utrecht and Overysell to the Low-Countreys Henry Baviere Bishop and Lord Utrecht willingly resigning them and defending Groin against those of Gelderland adding Cambray and Cambresey to the Province of Artois enlarged the Belgick Dominion At length after his victory at Pavia by an agreement made between the Emperour and the King the Low-Countreys were freed from the jurisdiction of the French King who formerly was their Lord Paramount so that Charles the fifth of all the Belgick Princes had the greatest and most absolute command Now most of these Provinces as once they had severall Lords so after they were subjected to one almost each of them had their severall and respective Laws and a peculiar form of government Which they say was the Principall cause that Charles the fifth when he was exceedingly desirons to mould these Provinces into a Kingdome which had been attempted by his great Grand-father gave off the designe because they were so different in manners language customes and emulation incident to neighbours that he thought it hardly possible to reduce them to one kind of government whereof a Kingdome must consist none of the Provinces consenting to yield precedence to any of the rest or to submit to the Laws of others as their superiours From hence was derived the custome for the Low-countrey Princes besides Governours of towns to place a Governour in every Province that should minister justice according to their Laws and Customes And King Philip was well pleased to have in his power the disposall of the Provinces in most of which the Governours places were void That he might remunerate the valour and service of the Lords so often tried in the late Warres He therefore pickt out the flower of the Belgick Nobility choosing none but such as either Charles his Father or he himself had made companions of the order of the Golden-fleece Lâ—cemburgh a Province bordering upon France and Lorrain and therefore more famed for slaughter then riches he gave to Ernest Count Mansfield who had formerly been Governour thereof He was born in Saxony for his military experience and fidelity to Charles the fifth and King Philip equally beloved of both Namures and Lymburgh neighbours on either hand to Lucemburgh very small Countreys but fruitfull he bestowed the one upon Charles Count Barlamont that with his four sonnes spirited like their father had been alwayes passionately for the King the other he gave to Iohn Count of East-Frizeland But Haynolt the seminary of the Belgick Nobility was not at this time given to the Marquesse of Berghen op Zoome what ever others write but to Iohn Lanoi Lord of Molembase who the next year dying Margaret of Austria Dutches of Parma supreme Governess of the Netherlands by her special letters to the King obtained that Province for Iohn Climed son in Law to Molembase and Marquess of Berghen more gracious with Charles the fifth then with his son In Flanders which they say is one of the Noblest and most potent Provinces of Christendome and Artois bordering upon Flanders he constituted Lamoral Prince of Gaure Count Egmont a great Commander That part of Flanders which because they speak Wallom or broken French is called French-Flanders and the City of Tournay thereunto appendent had for their Governours the Momorancies Iohn and Florentius this Lord of Mountain that of Courir But over Holland and Zeland and the parts adjacent that is the Districht of Utrecht Provinces of great strength by Sea and Land the King placed William of Nassau Prince of Orange of great authority in the Low-Countreys yet no Low-Countreyman To the government of West-Frizeland and Overysell the King advanced Iohn Lignius Count Arembergh conspicuous for his loyalty to his Master and his experience in Warre Gelderland and Zutfen formerly annexed to Gelderland were at this time distributed like the other Provinces among the Low-Countrey Lords as all Writers affirm Yet by their leave the truth was otherwise for the King at his departure thence disposed of neither of these Gâ—vernments I suppose it was because Philip Memorancie Count of Horn stood in competition for them who had once been Governour of both to whose pretension it was conceived Anthony Granvell Bishop of Arras was an adversary the King who confided in this mans judgement but yet wouâ—d not be present when the other should receive offence went into Spain leaving these Provinces without a Governour that so he might spin out the exspectation of Count Horn and weary him with a tedious suit And now tired indeed and hopeless to get it for himself he altered the name and petitioned in behalf of his Brother the Lord Montin intreating the Dutchess of Parma the Governess that she would please to write to the King in favour of his Brother She did so putting in his name among divers others by her commended to his Majestie but at the same time in cypher she wished the King to approve of none for that Command but onely Charles Brimed Count of Megen who was immediately chosen In no less an errour are they that affirm the King in this distribution to have assigned to the Prince of Orange the Dutchy
of Burgundy apperteining to the Belgick Princes when his Majestie approved and confirmed the present Governour thereof Claudius Vergius Lord of Champlitt and it was the year following when Claudius died that her Excellence of Parma by her letters to the King obtained Burgundy for the Prince of Orange The Provinces thus disposed for Brabant is never commanded by any but the Prince and his Vicegerent the supream Governour of the Low-Countreys the King began to order the Militia and leaving Spanish Garrisons upon the Borders he thought of disposing the Horse the proper Militia of the Low-countreys They say it is very ancient and was far more numerous Charles the fifth lessened it to three thousand but then he encreased it in the choise of Noble and valiant persons he armed them with half pikes and carabines which so well they handled as the Low-countrey Troops were famous over Europe Philip by his fathers example divinding the Horse into fourteen Troops appointed over them so many Commanders of the greatest of his Lords viz. all the said Governours of Provinces Courir and the Count of East-Frizland excepted Philip Croi Duke of Aresco Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduke Anthony Ladin Count Hochstrat Iohn Croi Count Reux Henry Brederod Earl of Holland all but the last being Knights of the Golden Fleece These ordinary Troops the King used to draw out of their Quarters according to the emergencies of Warr. And King Philip by experience found these to be his greatest strength and best Bulwark against the valour of the French But the command of the Sea and the Royall Fleet he left still in the hands of the old Admiral Philip Momorancy Count Horn Philip Staveley Lord of Glaion he made Master of the Train of Artillery both highly meriting in Peace and War and therefore at the same time admitted by his Majestie into the order of the Fleece There yet remained a part of the Republick by how much the more noble and sacred by so much the more tenderly to be handled To the seventeen Provinces full of People because foure Bishops they had then no more were not thought enough the King resolved to increase the number I find it was endeavoured by Philip Duke of Burgundy Prince of the Low-Countreys he that instituted the Order of the Golden Fleece and dying bequeathed the establishment thereof to his Son Charles sirnamed the Fighter or Souldier from his continuall being in arms which altogether transported and took up the mind of this warlike Prince Nor had Philip grandchild to Charles the Fighter Son to his onely daughter and Maximilian King of the Romanes more leasure to pursue it by reason of the new troubles of the Kingdoms which he had in right of his wife Ioan daughter and heir to Ferdinand the Catholick King And though Charles the fifth sonne to Philip made it his business and put some threds into the loom yet the great distractions and war of the Empire intervening the work was often at a stand and war upon war rising in Europe and Africa rather deprived him of the means then affection to accomplish it Unless perhaps the Emperour grew slack lest the erection of new Bishopricks should straiten the jurisdiction of his uncle George of Austria Archbishop of Leige Yet among his last commands he particularly left this in charge to his sonne Philip. I my self have read a letter written in King Philips own hand to his sister of Parma wherein he sayes He is induced at that time especially to increase the number of Bishops because the Cities and Towns of the Netherlands daily grew more populous and Heresie from their next Neighbours crowded in and got ground of them and that his Fathers Counsel and Command had made deep impression in his mind who taught him this as the onely way to preserve Religion in the Low-Countreys The King therefore assoon as he was respited by the War sent to Rome Francis Sonnius a Divine of Lovain a great learned man who not long before had disputed at Wormes with Melanchthon Illyricus and others by command from the Emperour Ferdinand giving him in Commission together with Francisco Varga the Kings Ambassadour to acquaint Paul the fourth with his desires After some moneths when the business had been debated by a Court of seven Cardinals it was accordingly granted The Pope inclining of himself to destroy heresie and neglecting no occasion of gratifying King Philip to whom he was lately reconciled So that he appointed fourteen Cities in the Low-Countreys besides the foure former for Bishops-sees whereof three were honoured with the Prerogative of Archbishopricks that is Cambray Utrecht upon the Rhine and Maclin preferred before the others at the Kings request which seated in the heart of Brabant near the Princes Court at Bruxels he had designed for Anthony Perenott Granvell purposely translated from the Church of Arras thither because that mans being near the Court seemed to concern the publick In this manner the Popes Bul was penned and sent by his Nuntio Salvator Bishop of Clusino and Francis Sonnius going for the Low-Countreys who was enjoyned to see the Decree executed but in other things belonging to the revenues and limits of Jurisdiction they were to do what to themselves in their discretions seemed meet King Philip having received authority made an excellent choice of men for the new Myters all famour for the learned books they had written as likewise for their virtues and deportments in the Councel of Trent Such Bishops the Pope joyed to approve of and the people were ashamed not to admit And because the King would no longer defer his voyage into Spain he left the care of limiting and endowing the new Churches to Granvell and Sonnius for the Popes Nuntio was to follow his Majestie Before his departure the King summoned the Estates of the Low-countreys to Gant many were of opinion he would there declare a Governour for the Low-Countreys which he had till then declined though others imputed the cause of that delay to the Kings nature perplexed and doubtfull whom to trust with the Government Which procrastination daily added to the number of Competitours and to the discourses of lookers on Many of which according to their severall dependencies made sure accompt their friends and Patrons should carry it and together with this belief cherished their own hopes Divers that aimed at no private advantage did not so much named a Person as a Governour being ambitious to be Statesmen though it were but in giving imaginary votes as if they should have their part in the Government if they could but think of disposing the Provinces and fill a vancant place by predesigning him that should be chosen But Count Egmont was the man on whom the Low-Countreys fixt their eyes and wishes a Prince conspicuous for his experience in the Warrs and very active either in the field
was in dispute if the Governess had conditioned That so long as their neighbours were in arms so long the borders should have their Cities besides their own train-bands kept with forrein Garrisons Certainly they had in generall such a longing to be rid of the Spaniards as they would have agreed to any terms whatsoever and afterwards the Governess might easily have suppressed the tumults with those forrein souldiers But being then ingaged in troubles the Dutchess endeavoured to compose them for the present Unless perhaps she were deterred from entertaining forrein souldiers by the emptiness of the Exchecquer fearing in that great want of money if their pay should fall short forreiners would mutiny more dangerously then the natives which from their Princes hand might divers wayes receive correction The publick joy of the Low-countreymen for the departure of the Spaniards was accompanied with private joy at Court for Granvels being created Cardinall and the solemnity of the Prince of Orange's marriage solemnized in Saxony whither many of the Lords were gone along For whilest he was present at the marriage of his sister he had there concluded a Match for himself his first wife Anne Egmont being dead with another Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxony wherewith he preacquainted the Governess Who at first disliking his marrying into a Lutheran family assured him it could never be approved of either by his Majesty or her self that he should have a Lady born in a Lutheran Court not onely bred an heretick by her father long since deceased but whose zeal would be dayly inflamed by her fathers brother Augustus who succeeded Duke Maurice in the Electorate and by her mothers Grandfather Philip Lantgrave of Hessen But the Prince of Orange perswaded her Excellence he had taken order for that and by way of prevention had agreed with Augustus Guardian to the Lady Anne that he would not marry her unless she turned Catholick and that Augustus and she her self under their hands and seals had Articled as much though Philip her Grandfather was against it refusing the condition of altering her religion because he had a design when that marriage should be broke off under colour of Religion to match his own daughter to the Prince of Orange To this purpose he had treated with him by letters promising for his daughter that he would accept the condition of her renouncing the Lutheran faith So little account they make of abusing Religion whose profit is their God The plot being discovered and greivously complained of by Augustus Philip replyed said the Prince of Orange That he being but poor and the father of many children it was not unhandsome for him to receive conditions from another but it would be a dishonour for the Duke of Saxony a Prince Elector to have William of Nassau give the Law to him and therefore he had refused the condition for his Neice and accepted it for his Daughter but this answer was not satisfactory to Augustus therefore to prevent him he resumed the Treaty with the Prince of Orange And when the Prince of Orange had often professed That nothing was or could be so dear to him as his soul and honour and duty to his Prince the Governess at last consented But yet she gave no leave to the Governours of Provinces to accompany the Prince of Orange which he made his suit because she had use of their service at home the French being in arms upon the borders Notwithstanding lest he should depart discontented she permitted the rest of the Nobility to go with him And in the head of that gallant Troop he rode to Saxony followed by Florence Memorancy Lord of Montiny who in the name of the Dutchess of Parma visited the Bride and presented her a diamond ring The Prince of Orange at Liepswich a city in Saxony having celebrated his marriage in the beginning of August where the King of Denmark was present and divers other Princes of Germany immediately returned into the Low-countreys renuing his promise to the Governess touching his wives Religion Which Promise he as truly performed as she did the Faith she had sworn to him in marriage being thirteen years after taken in adultery and sent back into Germany by the Prince who married Charlotte Bourbâ—n daughter to the Duke of Mompensier But his new marriage feast was kept in Holland with more pomp then joy by the Prince of Orange offended at Granvels scarlet which he had long forborn to wear but now the Prince found him in his robes For Pius the fourth made him together with seventeen others Cardinall of the Sacred Romane Church this year upon the twenty sixth day of February and within twelve dayes after the messenger brought the news into the Low-countreys soon after came one to Machin that was to present Granvell letters from his Holiness and a Cardinals hat But Granvel put off the receiving of those honours till he knew the Kings pleasure He therefore dispatched a messenger into Spain I suppose because he was sensible that the Governess had used means to procure him this dignity without acquainting the King with the contents of her Letters to the Pope Indeed she had not onely concealed it from his Majesty who she knew would like well of it but from Granvel himself Though it had been long in agitation between her and the Pope as she afterwards wrote to the King Therefore fearing the King would conceive him to be obliged onely to the Dutchess Granvel would not accept that honour without his Majesties consent and as it were from his Royall hand Perhaps he had some little doubt that the Dutchess at one time or other would take occasion by reason of that Ecclesiasticall advancement to remove him from the Civill Government And therefore he thought it fit to wait for the Kings approbation who by a speciall and strict injunction had commended him to the Governess But whatsoever he thought the Dutchess liked not his demur upon it and therefore answered his letter to this purpose That she condemned not his resolution but her opinion was he should have done better to have put on his Cardinals Robes without delay nor did she doubt but he would find the King of Spain of the same mind and that he would receive with his Majesties Letters his Command to force him to it And though she was very glad the Popes Nuntio as Granvel wrote to her took it in the best sense Yet he must have a speciall care that neither the Nuntio nor any of his servants should write to Rome lest the Court there should take occasions to cavill at this kind of modesty or lest the Pope should take offence as if his gifts should have their estimation from another In the mean time she heartily joyed him of his honour which was joyned with so much good to Religion and the King to which ends she had endeavoured it
Work therefore prohibited as well because the sacred verses of the Prophet were published in a vulgar tongue by profane persons as that they were dolo malo bound up with Calvin's Catechisme at Geneva these singing Psalmes though abhorred and sleighted by the Catholicks remained in high esteem with hereticks and the custome of singing Geneva Psalmes in French at publick meetings upon the high way and in shops was thenceforth taken for the distinctive sign of a Sectary The seditious Townsmen of Valenciens warbling in this manner as I was about to have told you passed along the streets as if they meant to deliver a Petition But making a stand in the market-place they lifted up their singing-Master and bad him preach ex tempore Immediately either by the Preachers perswasion or the increase of their company the mutinie was revived and finding themselves grown strong for they were about two thousand they would not part without doing something worthy such a Muster Wherefore they resoved to pull down and burn a monastery of Dominicans But changing their minds upon the way for they were tossed and tumbled like billows in a storm a fury possessed them when they remembered that the condemned persons had been taken out of their hands and carried back to prison To what end had they raised this tumult and frighted the town to no purpose if their associates should suffer death in the Iayl which they had escaped in the market-place no they would look into the matter break open the prison and either release their fellows if living or if dead revenge them So they cried to the Jayl to the Jayl And thither they ran forced the doors knocked off their shackles and that they might appear to do nothing out of contempt of Law they onely set those two at liberty and kept in the rest that were committed for other causes sending word to the Magistrates they had onely met to deliver their brethren but if they might live quietly and not be troubled for their conscience not a man among them would stirre any more In the mean time Michael Hovey Deputy-governour of the Town was sent by the Magistrate to the Dutchess who amazed at the news of the sudden tumult sent Hovey himself immediately to Bolduâ— a town near Valenciens to desire Iohn Hennin Count of that place whom she knew to be faithfull and industrious that he should instantly get into the City and in the Kings name till the Marquesse of Bergen returned at discretion quiet the troubles if any yet remained She commands him likewise to signifie to the Marquesse in what condition Valenciens was whilst he neglecting his publick office minded nothing but his private business But now the Marquesses Lieutenant the Low-countreymen call him the Count-governour with two troops of horse one whereof he took out of the Bolduc the other he himself commanded under the Marquesse of Bergen entered Valenciens the people not daring to attempt any thing against him Thither also with all speed marched the horse of Philip Croy Duke of Areschot by order from the Governess Lastly the Marquesse of Bergen himself and the Count of Bosch came into the town and contrary to their exspectations found all quiet not so much as any signe of a Sedition But Indeveltius who was in Commission with the Marquesse to examine business of that nature being sent by the Magistrate to the Dutchess for authority to pursue the fugitives was earnest with her to take from that turbulent Citie both their priviledges and arms and that with the fines payed by the Mutiners for their composition a fort should be built to hold in the stiff-necked people like a bridle the Valencenian might be compelled to this if her Excellence would but send one thousand two hundred foot to the horse already in town The Governess caused it to be moved at the Councell table where the gentler vote carried it That the fugitives should be brought back to execution and the authours of the Sedition punished but that the rage of the mad people should not ruine the honest Citizens The Governess consented the rather because that Citie as she wrote to the King standing much affected to the French must have been unseasonably provoked whilst the French were in arms within sight of the town But she her self forbare as much as was possible to make any Levies lest the sword and consequently the power should come into the hands of some of the Low-countrey Lords Yet because nothing could be done in that City without souldiers she commands the Marquess of Bergen to draw souldiers out of his severall Garrisons not above thirty out of any one and so on the sudden to put two hundred into Valenciens giving it out that company after company should follow them to aw the Town that the Judgement pronounced against the offenders might accordingly be executed The Marquess readily obeyed And though the two seditious Preachers were then escaped a while after one of them was taken and put to death and the Citie terrified with the decrees of the Magistrates and the continuall fresh supplies of souldiers within a few dayes having taken the fiercest of the Mutineers or those that bragged most of their doings in the tumult they were severely punished So for that time the mutiny at Valenciens ceased The Governess was not more glad of the success then fearfull of the consequence because such a multitude of Calvinists were crept into one Citie especially because in other places she saw the like beginnings and motions she was jealous lest Calvinisme which then infected France might be caught by their neighbours of Haynolt In like manner the commerce with Denmark and the neighbouring towns of Germany might corrupt Frisland with Lutheranisme And though on the one part Heresie had hardly touched any of the Lords of Frisland but onely crept upon the ground among the Commons as suteable to their capacities being a rude plain people and therefore credulous and on the other part Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg looked very carefully to that Province yet questionless the disease would spread it self and by degrees seize the Nobility unlesse it were prevented by strong Physick This seconded by Granvels advice moved the Governess to bring in the designed Bishops into their several Dioceses that by example word and deed which most conduces to the advancement of Religion they might be a stay and support to the people committed to their charge Indeed things were put into a handsome way and by the industry of Granvel and the Nuncio the one having the Popes Commission to this purpose and the other the King of Spains they were received into the Cities But the Brabanters stood out and would suffer no change of Government in their Provinces though Cardinal Granvel pressed it very much and delivered his opinion for the present suppression of those tumults and designes which would grow daily worse and
Marquesse of Bergen endeavoured to get hands and severally sounded the Knights of the Order but some refusing to sign an ingagement against the Cardinall it was laid aside Especially because the Governess calling them more frequently to Councell and wearying them with fresh imployments took from them all opportunitie of meeting apart and in good time put an end to their publick consultations The result whereof was that some of the Lords should be sent into Spain by the Governess in her name to inform the King of the necessities of the Low countreys Florence Momorancy the Lord of Montiny was chosen to go with letters delivered him by the Goverâ—â—ss but penned by Granvel He likewise received instructions for his carriage and four thousand crowns to defray the expences of his journey which he began in June But before Momorancy set forth the Governess to make her vigilance appear and to prepare his Majestie sent him by a sure messenger an Expresse in cypher to this effect That she making it her business to look into the secret consultations of the Knights of the Order at last had got all out of Charles Count Barlamont one ever found Loyall that he assured her the indignation of the Nobility sprung chiefly out of these heads That they were perswaded his Majesty confided not in them and therefore the Governess called them not to her Cabinet-Councell for as much as Granvel jealous of his power had wrought the King to that suspicion and had boldly written to him that he should never be absolute Lord of the Netherlands unlesse he cut off six or seven Noblemens heads And that Granvel by his letters had further moved the King to invade the Low-countreys with a formidable Army and being so possessed of them he might then impose upon the Low-countreymen what Laws he pleased by the right of Conquest That the increase of Miters the first whereof Granvel wore tended to no other purpose but to bring the Spanish Inquisition into the Low-countreys To which words of Barlamont she had answered That the Lords were not kept from the knowledged of any secret fit to be communicated to them as Barlamont himself being one of the Councell very well knew Nor was Granvel whose transactions when he was but a young man were approved of by Charles the fifth and King Philip so ignorant a Statesman that now in his old age and experience the King might not imploy him or of so rash a malice that he would offer to perswade his Majesty to take away their lives which he knew were dear unto the King and might be sure she would oppose him in it Nor did that seem lesse improbable and ridiculous which was said of his advising his Majesty for would any man make war upon himself and with vast expence to purchase what already is his own Lastly for the Bishops Granvel indeed sought to bring them in as the King had injoyned him in pursuance of the Popes command not to make way for the Inquisition but to protect Religion in a troublesome time The charge whereof as of all things else which conduced to the maintenance of the Kings prerogative because Granvel fearlessely undertook despising all mens murmurs he was therefore hated ly many as they should ever be that stoutly defend the authority of their Prince With these discoveries the Governess pre-acquainted the King and desired him in a little note by it self that he would use the service of some one of speciall trust in the decyphering of her letter Though Barlamont himself as he was open hearted and thought that in this relation to the Governess he had both served his King and Countrey being asked by the Prince of Orange who took notice of his long stay with the Governess whether he had told her what private conference they had among themselves he ingeniously repeated his whole discourse with the Governess Nor did the Prince of Orange seem to take it amisse I suppose because he saw the grievances of his own framing were proposed in the name of a generality which therefore could not be imputed to him alone but would receive authority from the multitude In the interim the King adviseth the Governess by no meant to suffer private assemblies of the Nobilitie but to find out some expedient that the publick meeting of those men packt together to destroy the quiet of the State might be handsomely dissolved and that keeping Spies upon the Prince of Orange and his Counsells she should still have him at Court and in her eye And to set Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange at variance was not thought very difficult because they had formerly stood at a very great distance before their common hatred to Granvel united them Count Egmont was of a sweet disposition free of speech and confident the Prince of Orange of a sower nature not to be discovered therefore to be avoided In this you could not but commend his cunning but the other better kept his faith The one was an Ajax a better Commander then a Councellour the other an Ulysses that could fight better with his brain then with his sword This had a great forecast and alwayes fixed his mind upon the future so that he was still fit for any emergent occasion That seldome took care but for the present yet upon a sudden misfortune was rather unprepared then unready or unwilling to encounter it You might hope more from the one and fear more from the other You would rather chuse the friendship of Count Egmont and decline the enmity of the Prince of Orange And to demonstrate that there was not the least resemblance between them Egmont had a well-featured face a strong-timbered body a look full of honour the other was a thin-faced tawny-complexioned man and bald Yet they were exceeding popular both but the people loved the one and reverenced the other The Governess who exactly knew them wrote to the King what she thought would the soonest cause a division and pointed out the best means to effect it viz. that the Kings Pay and his Munificence about the sending whereof at that time to the Governours of the Provinces he had before consulted with her should not be distributed to all but come onely to the hands of the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont and the Count should have more then the Prince that the Prince of Orange might suspect him for his Rivall in his Majesties favour and the rest of the Lords because they were passed by somewhat resent it in them both This plot went on and their ill-pieced conspiracie began to crack a sunder the Governess still having her irons in the fire And to this purpose at the generall Dyet or convention of the Estates of Germany summoned by the Emperour Ferdinand at Franckford to create a King of the Romans some of the Low-countrey Lords being to go thither in the name of King
requires When the greatest and wisest men consider the Government of the Low-countreys questionlesse they cannot but hink it absolutely managed by Cardinall Granvel which hath made so deep an impression in the hearts of the Low-countreymen that it cannot be hoped the opinion will be blotted out so long as he lives among them Therefore we humbly desire that for our fidelity which Sir you have ever acknowledged to speak nothing of our services you will not be displeased to take into consideration how much it concerns your Majesty to ease the common complaints and grievances of your people For again and again we beseech you to believe that the businesse of the Low-countreys will never have an happy end so long as it is ordered by the man they hate Nor should we presume to write thus much unlesse we had the mischief in our eyes to which if your Majesty apply not present remedy the whole state will certainly be indangered Wherein if ever your Majesty gave credence to our words or actions we beseech you now to credit our hands This indeed was the cause why so many of the Lords and Governours of these Provinces with a multitude of others desired to have it signified to your Majesty that our imminent destruction may be timously prevented and your Majesty will prevent it as we hope and the merits of so many Low-countrey men and their prayers for the safety of the publick will be more valued by your Majesty then that for one mans sake you will reject the petition of so many of your Majesties obedient subjects Especially since none of all this number but is so far from complaining of the Governess that we give your Majesty immortall thanks for so prudent a Princess And that your Maiesty may not think as some perhaps will suggest that we have plotted this out of an ambition that we our selves may govern we all of us earnestly intreat to be removed from the Councel-table and affairs of State it being neither consistent with your Maiesties interest nor our own reputation that we should come any more to Councel with the Cardinal But touching Religion which is now a thing of greatest Concernment we promise in our own names all that can be justly exspected from good Subjects and Catholicks such as we professe to be And truly if the Lords had not looked into it Religion had not been in that tolerable condition wherein now it is the minds of the Common people being infected with Heresie a disease hardly curable by the Cardinals authority or example Lastly that we may no longer trespass upon your Majesties weighty occasions we humbly beg you will please favourably to interpret what we have signified no less out of duty and alleagiance to your Majesty then out of fear that hereafter you might blame us if any misfortune should befall the Low-countreys Thus we humbly kiss your royall hands and pray God long to preserve and blesse your Majestie From your City of Bruxels the last of March 1563. LAMORALL EGMONT WILLIAM NASSAU PHILIP MOMORANCY These Letters thus signed by the Triumviri Count Egmont secretly sent into Spain to Charles Tisnac a Low-countrey man and the Kigns Procuratour in Spain for business of the Low-countreys But before the Dispatch was made the Governess understanding what they had writ pre-acquainted the King Nor was the intelligence she gave concealed from the Conspiratours Count Egmont charging the discovery upon Count Aremberg as if he were fallen off especially because there was difference between him and the Prince of Orange But he seriously denied that ever he had spoke of it to any man living nor needed their project a discoverer which they themselves in every place vain-gloriously divulged Yet Count Egmont insisting upon it replied That a friend of his had assured him it could not be revealed by any but himself Aremberg growing into a rage And I said he assure you he lyes who ere he be that fathers this upon me which I am ready to make good with my sword The Governess writing this passage to the King forgot not to complain of Count Egmont that he whom his Majesty had accounted faithfull above the rest could so far ingage against him as publickly to solicite and encourage others to joyn their minds and endeavours for their Countreys benefit and liberty And now after three moneths the Kings Letters came from Spain written by the hand of Charles Tisnac wherein his Majestie answered the demands of the Triumviri in this manner That he had received their Letters and doubted not but that they signified these things out of sincere affection to their Prince and Countrey For they had given many sufficient proofs of their fidelity and service But since they had not yet given particular reasons for Granvels removall and that it was not his custome to change any of his Ministers of State without proof against them He should therefore take it well if some one of them would come over to Spain and make him understand the matter for by how much they affirmed there needed the greater remedy by so much the lesse ought the business to be agitated by absent persons Besides these Letters the King wrote privately with his own hand to Count Egmont that he should be glad to hear from the Count himself the causes that were not inserted in their Letters His Majesty likewise acquainted the Governess what answer in common he makes to all three and what particularly to Egmont that he invites one of them to divide them and wishes it might be Egmont because he separated from the rest might be easily wrought upon new moulded and so brought again to himself and his right reason But neither Count Egmont nor any of the rest could be brought to go the journey perhaps thinking it below them to undertake so great a voyage to accuse Granvell perhaps their guilty consciences durst not trust themselves in Spain Yet in their answers to the King they laid the cause of their stay upon their neighbours the French who having souffled up a kind of Peace at home it concerned them to watch whether they would use their Arms abroad and while the people continued in that Jealousie and fear they held it impious to leave their Countrey to inform against any man Notwithstanding if the King pleased to send for them upon other terms they would immediately obey his Maiesties commands In the mean time they would forbear the Councel-board lest they should meet there to countenance Granvels Actions In all things else they would never be wanting to their Prince and Countrey The like auswer was made particularly by Count Egmont who likewise humbly thanked his Maiesty for his speciall grace and favour to him Whilst this was in agitation Granvell tottered at Court For 't is hard to stand long in a slippery place if a man be iustled by many specially when a Prince is made jealous as if his servants
other things which she wrote to Pius the fifth exceedingly commended this piety of the Low-countrey men especiall in that point of time and Pope Pius who received no less contentment to encourage the Low-countrey mens Religion consecrated those Medalls and as he wrote to the Governess out of his Pontifician power gave to them that should have such Medalls stamped with the Image of any Saint indulgence and pardon for their sinnes It is reported that the devotion towards these kinde of figures increasing in the Netherlands and other orthodox countries striving to follow the Low-countrey mens example the use of Medalls was upon this occasion brought into the Church or at least from hence they received their first fame and lustre if it be so this likewise ought to be recorded in the book of Honour that registers the acts of the Low-country Nobility and particularly placed among the Monuments of the house of Croi But Brederod before his departure from Bruxells returned to the Governess two daies after his last address to get his petition signed There came along with him the Counts of Bergen Nassau and Cuilenburg heads to the faction of the Gheuses and they delivered a new petition containing their old demands onely with these additionalls That the delay of expecting the King of Spaines resolution would be dangerous in respect of the incensed and furious disposition of the people Truly they themselves out of that affection they owed unto their Country could not but acquaint her Highness that the Low-country mens violent desires would questionless break out into insurrection Howsoever if her Excellence were resolutely bent to apply to such an imminent danger so slow and so remote a remedy they called God and men to witness what mischief soever came of it the Low-country Nobility should not hereafter bear the blame But the Governess nothing moved withall this promised to cut of all delayes by sending speedily to Spain and all occasions of tumults by giving instructions to the Inquisitours and Magistrates of Towns to proceed with greater moderation Onely she seriously desired them that since they conceive they have in this imployment done their duty they will stop here invent no new designes draw in no new partisans nor meet any more at private conventicles otherwise she resolved to do her duty in maintaining the Antient Religion and the Kings authority in those Provinces Having received this answer many of the conspiratours took leave of the Governess and presently departed from the City leaving spies behinde to give intelligence to the Covenanters of all that passed at Bruxells Brederod Cuilenburg and Bergen going out together with 150 horse for a military farewell discharged their pistolls before the City gates and so the first of them went to Antwerp and the other two into Gelderland But there was a post dispatched from the Governess to the Magistrate of Antwerp to let him know of Brederod's coming and to be a spye upon his counsels and actions And though the Magistrate certified the Governess that Brederod carried himself with great civility yet afterwards she wrote to the King having it seems better intelligence from another hand that about 4000 of the common people of Antwerp flocked to the Inne where Brederod alighted with 43. horse and when he heard that such a multitude were come to the house he rose from dinner and looking out of the window with a great bowle of wine in his hand saluted them standing below in the yard in these words You of Antwerp here I am that will with the hazard of my life and fortunes protect your selves and free your children from the tyranny of the Inquisition and the Edicts If your consent goes along with me in this glorious action come on and as many of you as would have your liberties preserved and mee for your Generall pledg me this bowle with a good heart and hold up your hands in taken that you accept of my good will Then he drank it off and first held up his own hand instantly the most of them did the like and lifting their hands with an odd kinde of hum signified that they took it as an argument of his love and when he departed from the city the same rabble brought him on his way The rest of the Covenanters were but newly returned to the towns from whence they came yet lest they might seem to have carried their petition to no purpose they made it be reported through the Low-countreys that their businesse was dispatched And to that end they counterfeited a Declaration subscribed by the Knights of the Golden-fleece either to induce the world to believe that they were protected by the Knights or to make the Governesse jealous of the Order The Declaration was thus penned The publick faith concluded upon at Bruxels by the Gentlemen of the League and signed by the Knights of the Order the seventh of April 1566. We Lords whose names are underwritten having sworn by our Order do promise to the Gentlemen chosen by the Estates and legally sent into the City that the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours and the other Magistrates shall from this day punish no man for his Religion neither by Imprisonment Exile nor death unless it be joyned with a popular tumult and the ruine of our Countrey of which crimes Be the Covenanters the sole legall punishers But this power of theirs onely to be in force till the King with the consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys shall otherwise determine The news of this Declaration at first startled the Governesse then she sent for the Manifesto it self and read it For though she rationally conjectured that is was an impudent lie invented by the Covenanters yet she very much feared it would be such a bait as might easily catch the people prone to believe what they desire or making a shew of believing to colour their delinquencie with an handsome excuse At least she knew that before the trick could be discovered many insolencies might be committed against Religion and the Kings Authority which afterwards could never be revoked or rectified by any means or industrie And truly many do spread abroad such forgeries not out of hope they will continue long concealed for they have their ends if they last but till the people that are fooled with them begin to pull the frame of the State in pieces the Result whereof will be that when they come to see their errour at the same time despairing of their â—â—â—don licentiousnesse and love of sinne likewise increasing they raise one tumult upon the neck of another cruell but cowardly and imagining danger it self to be the best remedy for danger Many indeed make use of lies as builders do of buttresses and scaffolds For as they are usefull whilest Arches are in making but when they be finished are cast away so the subtiller sort of people devise falsehoods to no other end but to
Governess wrote to the King that by many Letters sent from Spain and there produced it was confirmed that the King incensed at the plunder and spoil of Churches was resolved to bring an army into the Low-countreys to punish such as had either been principalls or accessaries to the fact In other Letters it was added that the Prince of Orange Egmont and Horn were believed at Court to be the Advisers and Protectours of all these commotions and therefore the King aimed chiefly at their Heads To this effect were read the Letters of Francisco Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to Charles the ninth written from Paris to the Governess and pretended to be intercepted which certified the Governess of the Kings coming with a potent army of Spaniards and Italians and of the new League concluded between the Kings Philip and Charles that his Majestie might be the better able to punish the Rebells and four Lords that is besides the fore-mentioned triumvirate Peter Etnest Count Mansfeld as he himself told the Governess he heard it from divers reported Whether all this was cunningly given out to move the people to despair of pardon or really writ from Spain and by Alava I leave to indifferent Judges Sure I am that the Governess writing to the King professed she had as yet no certain knowledge of the Letters sent her by Alava and said to be intercepted and assured Count Mansfeld that he was in very great esteem with his Majestie and that lie was onely invented to draw him from the Kings party The Kings coming being therefore ascertained by many mens Letters read in that private Convention of the Lords the question was put how the King might be prevented from bringing his Army into the Low-countreys And when on the one part severall wayes of resistance were proposed on the other part a warre was feared which they could encounter with no proportionable strength and that a third sort held it the best course to trust to the Kings mercy from which the major part dissented herein their different opinions concurred that to oppose his Majesties passage into the Low-countreys the treason would be certain the victory doubtfull and to admit him were yet more dangerous For now the Breach was so farre made as it would be a madness to hope for mercy when they had received an angry and an armed Prince They must therefore either flie the place and leave their countrey unpeopled to the Conquerour or they must set up a new Prince under whose protection they may live in safetie This last Proposall seemed the best and they might take a singular good occasion if now that the Emperour Maximilian shewed himself desirous to compose those differences under colour of making him the Umpire they secretly treated to put the Low-countreys into his hands which would be less subject to censure because in so doing they should not strike at Monarchy but onely change their Monarch Especially since they still adhered to one of the House of Austria And this advantage would ensue that the new elected Prince would have so great an obligation laid upon him as if their Designes should haply want success howsoever the Emperour would be engaged never to desert them without making their peace with King Philip Having in this manner consulted they left Dendermond full of cares and doubts particularly Count Egmont who either to draw more of the Nobility to the cause or that being yet unresolved himself he had a mind to try how his friends stood affected wrote a letter to Count Mansfeld wherein putting him in remembrance of what they had ioyntly acted in the begining of these troubles he complained of Mansfelds abandoning their friendship without any iust pretence Then he accused the inconstancie of the Governess who would not see that performed which she had promised to the Covenanters but that she her self had solicited the King to annull her Act. as forced and therefore pressed him to come with an Army and make his seditious and rebellious subjects a formidable example to posterity Finally Egmont assured him it was evident by many mens letters which he had compared at Dendermond that the King resolved to cut off the heads of four Lords in which number Mansfeld himself was listed to keep the rest in obedience In the last place he said he should be very glad by his answer to know what he would advise him to do This Letter Count Mansfeld privately gave the Governess and with the same fidelity shewed her what he answered That no man could justly complain of him when from the beginning he went a long with Egmont and the rest upon no other ground but because it seemed advantageous to Religion and their Countrey that Cardinall Granvel should be removed the Inquisition taken away the rigour of the Emperours Edicts mitigated and lastly a generall Pardon granted to such as the Governess would move for to the King To all which particulars his Majestie having graciously condescended he saw no colour of a grievance now remaining He would therefore freely speak his thoughts especially at his Request that things were gone too farre to the great contempt of the Divine Majesty and scandall of the Christian world That there was time yet left to make some kind of Satisfaction for offences past that is by so behaving themselves among the present troubles that when the King comes they may meet him not with a cloudie look nor such a mind as can be taxed by any Touching the report of the Kings anger and intended revenge for his own part he feared it not He had ever been and ever would be so faithfull to his Sovereigne that if he pleased to command his attendance in Spain he would instantly go thither and having rendred an accompt of his actions hoped to receive from his Royall Master no little Grace and Benefit Nor spake he this as if Count Egmont could not securely say as much but that he might daily adde to this security by cutting off all occasions of suspicion And having so often affronted the King with pretending publick Necessity they would now at length forbear to press their Prince to govern his Provinces by other mens directions Lastlâ— for thus Mansfeld concluded if Egmont would hear his friends advice he should remain his friend for ever if not he was resolved to value nothing in this world equall with his Honour Having read these Papers and highly commended the constancy of Count Mansfeld the Governess sent the heads of both letters to his Maiestie beseeching him that since he found so much faith in Mansfeld especially at such a time he would be pleased abundantly to recompence him with the grant of his just desires a particular whereof she had annexed to the Letter This moved by the Governess might perhaps make one suspect these Letters to be forged by Mansfeld to ingratiate himself with her Excellence and to obtain with more facility those
from such as were not invited whereby jealousies and differences might arise among them And it happened very conveniently that at the same time the Governesse received some letters from the King writ with his own hand to the Prince of Orange and some other of the Low-countrey Lords expressing much affection to them which she presently sent to the presse and had them published the result of all this was That partly out of fear the Lords would desert them whose resolutions the Confederates perceived to waver partly out of hope which they were full of because they saw themselves courted and honoured by the King partly out of malice to others which as they thought suspected and hated them divers of the Covenanters leaving the publick meetings of the Conspiratours returned to their own houses to follow their private businesse or came over and submitted to the Governesse striving rather to merit the Kings favour then his indignation Which great defection elevating her spirits the Governesse resolved to use her utmost force and policy to scatter their seditious Congregations And to begin the right way by craving a blessing from God she wrote letters in the Kings name to all the Bishops and chiefest Prelates to appoint in all their Cities Fast-dayes and publick Prayers and to use all other means for appeasing the Divine wrath She likewise sent an Agent into France to Francis Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to inform him of the preparations made by the French Hugonots and another into Germany to the Emperour to pre-acquaint him with the Petition that was to be presented at the Diet and to give him intelligence how he was threatened by the Electours Augustus Duke of Saxony and Frederick Count Palatine And truly Count Mansfeld would have offered the Emperour that he himself would either convert the Duke of Saxonie to his Allegeance or take away the power of his disloyaltie by imploying the sonnes of Iohn Frederick that bore an inveterate malice to Duke Augustus for depriving their Father of the Electorate and if they should be incouraged to take arms no doubt but they would involve all Saxony in a War and Augustus would have enough to do to extinguish the fire in his own Dukedome without scattering it in anothers Dominions But the Governesse could not at that time spare Count Mansfeld she therefore held it sufficient to commend his design and to inform the King of it and his readinesse to serve his Majesty pretermitting no occasion to name him for the advance of the Counts former Suit and perhaps he himself had an eye upon it when he made this offer which undoubtedly would more advance his favour with the King then his trouble in Saxony Thus many proffer huge service to such as they know will not accept it especially if they think themselves able to do their businesse without the profferer's help Moreover it was Mansfelds plot the Counts of Aremberg and Megen being of the same opinion that the number of souldiers should be increased in the Low-countreys and the Governours attended with greater Guards and presently the Governesse directing her Letters to them advised them severally Not to suffer the Hereticks to have any more meetings That she knew besides their Sermons that were with limitation permitted they held I know not what Consistories and setting up Schools for Children bred them to impious Opinions That they married buryed and baptized in a new manner published filthy Books and posted up Pictures in mockery of God and the King and at their Calvinisticall Suppers the multitude then meeting solemnly professed that they had broke the League with Catholick Religion and were resolved never to make a Peace but constantly to endeavour the extirpation of it Root and Branch And yet was it possible men should so far forget all Modesty and Shame as to affirm that these abominations were licensed by the Governess when she permitted them Sermons That she was not so foolishly wicked as not to distinguish things so distant or to suffer so execrable impiety Therefore in the Kings name she commanded the Governours of the Provinces that as many as they should apprehend at any Hereticall meetings Sermons onely excepted they should proceed against them as Traytours to the King and disturbers of the publick Peace To these Letters she joyned an Edict which clearly explained every particular thereof and imposed penalties upon the contumacious somewhat more sharp and severe then well consisted with her nature I suppose Grief made a deep impression in her mind as if all that mischief came of Sermons which her too much fear and lenity had toleratrd Wherefore her Excellence sending the King a Transcript of the Edict said She was forced to use that rigour because the detestable carriage of the Hereticks contrary to agreement so required And she hoped if their other exercises were once suppressed that Sermons whensoever the King would declare the grant to be void and disallow them would be likewise banished the Low-countreys She added that when the Edict was penned all the Privie Councel consented but onely Egmont who said that Edict would be an Alarum to the Low-countreys and indeed either upon that occasion or because the Church-robbers and such as met at Sermons in prohibited places were punished they hastened the warre which they meant not should begin till a long while after To this end they met more frequently in their Consistories and Committees many Letters passing by the hands of Gyles Cleark to the confederate Gentlemen and from them to the Merchants and Consistorians By all which it was finally resolved that whensoever the Governess should use force they would be ready to take the field making their levies partly in Saxonie partly in the Palatinate but the Palsgraves offer should be first embraced Commission for Generall was given to Henry Brederod with a list of the names of Antwerp Merchants that engaged for money to raise men Brederod immediately named Collectours and made Philip Marnixius of S. Aldegund Treasurer of the Army Lewis of Nassau undertook to solicit Augustus Duke of Saxony For though Saxony was then embroyled in a Warre between Iohn Frederick sonne to the late Electour Iohn Frederick and his cosin-germane by the fathers side Augustus Duke of Saxony de facto yet Lewis liked the employment because he hoped by authority of the Germane Princes that were active in it the difference would be soon composed and he should from thence be furnished with stout and well armed souldiers for the Low-countreys But because the war continued Iohn Frederick despising the conditions of Peace and that the Governess knowing the Covenanters designe to trouble Lewis his negotiation kept some faithfull Agents in Augustus his Army which lay before the city of Goth therefore the Covenanters not relying upon this slow assistance met at the Prince of Oranges City Breda where these three things were decreed
opportune because about the same time a Company of sacrilegious Villaines sallying out of Valenciens had fired cerraine Monasteries that stood neere the Towne and brought the plunder of them into Valenciens yet mindfull both of his Majesties and her owne moderation she resolved to leave nothing unattempted It was told her the Valencenians bore an implacable hatred to Norcarmius she therefore sent to them two of the Lords Lamorall Count Egmont and Philip Croy Duke of Areschot to see if they by their Authority could bring the Towne to consider of their Safety These Lords sending for the Valencenian Commissioners gently admonished them to lay downe their Fury and Obstinacy that would not secure them when their Walls should be battered with the Cannon for to that day their City had stood not by their strength but by the King 's and Governesse's Mercy That they found by sufficient experience how vaine it was to expect forreine Ayde That the French stirred not in the Quarrell and if they should it would bee neither handsome nor advantageous for the Low-country-men to be assisted by their antient Enemies The Consistories of Antwerp being distracted into factions what had they yet done These of Tournay had taken Armes but were withall suppressed They of the Bus and others had enough to do to looke to themselves all the hope left them must be in Tholouse but he and his whole Army let them not deceive themselves were destroyed by Beavor in the sight of Antwerp Who couâ—d be now expected or from whence to come and raise the Siege They ought therefore to redeeme their pride by their Repentance and by their Duty and Obedience to prevent whilst yet they might their Princes Indignation and their Countryes Ruine Having premised this they read the conditions offered by the Governesse that the Valencenians should render their City and receive a Garrison That after their rendring the Towne and receiving a Garrison those that would obey the King should have Liberty to remaine in Valenciens the rest immediately after the Surrender were to depart the Towne carrying with them all their portable Goods The Commissioners reported this Offer to the Senate and the People which were prepossessed with wicked Counsels their hearts hardned especially with Grange's Sermons a man eloquent with a mischeife to the Publique They were confirmed in their Obstinacy by a Rumour that Tholouse had the Day and Beavor was fled cunningly given out by the Hereticks to amuse the Towne and hinder them from crediting Tholouse his overthrow at least to suspend their beliefe so long as the Commissioners treated Who returning to Areschot and Egmont they when they saw nothing was done by the Valencenians and themselves slighted in great fury threatning the Towne presently dismissed the Commissioners And Egmont whose military heart and therefore more sensible of a Provocation was grievously offended at the Obstinacy of the Besieged that very day and the night following with Cressonerius in his Company viewing the Walls and sounding of the Ditch assured the Governesse that Valenciens might be taken in a very little time But for as much as the Kingâ—s commands were obeyed in admonishing and terriying of the Towne and that her Excelâ—ence heard the German Forces were at hand specially being vexed with the Newes of a Sally made by the Valencenians in the night to beat up Quarters she commanded Norcarmius that making his Approaches still nearer without further Delay yet according to the King's Instructions he should storme the Towne Valenciens is no lesse strongly then pleasantly situated part thereof standing on a rising Ground and the rest lying on a Levell invironed with Walls Towers and Ditches the River Schelt running through the midst of it and falling into the River of Rouell they flow round about the Walls and make the Place almost inaccessible But Norcarmius knowing he had to do with an ignorant Enemy and that the Towne was like a strong Body governed by a weake Soule finding the Ditch to be narrow in some places and the Bankes by negligence fallen downe with a great and gallant Resolution began the Assault and calling in part of his Forces that were set to keep the Pasâ—es and to cut off Provisions under the Câ—mmand of Gâ—spar Lord of Bill he tooke Mâ—ns-gate a Port of the Suburbs in the â—ight From thence with some Companies of Haynolterâ— piying those that came upon the Walls with Musket-shot so as none duâ—st put out their Heads Cressonerius with wonderfull dexterity raised a Mâ—unt scaled the Walls and with the losse of very few of his men obâ—erving the discipline of Warre he faced and beat the Enemy fâ—om their Workes And so dividing his Forces under the Commands of Mâ—ximilian Count of Bolduc Charles Mansfâ—ldt Son to Count Ernest and Egidius Lord of Hierg he gave the generall Assault first making his Battery with 10 piâ—ces of great Cannon then with 20. besides other lesser Guns with so great an Impression that within lesse then foure houres space their prime Workes about the wall were beaten down The Citisens terrified with such a beginning sent two Trumpets to intreat â—hat Norcarmius would please to give safe Conduct unto their Commissioners to treat for the present Render of the Towne He gave them leave to come but neverthelesse the Cannon still played upon the Battery which hastened the Commissioners that were 20. who came about Sun-setting to the Generall promising to yield up the City upon the same Termes which three dayes before were offered by Areschott and Egmont But Norcarmius laughing at them said Belike you think your condition to be as good to day as it was three dayes since Valencenians you are wise too late I never use to article with a conquered Enemy All that night he continued the Battery giving them no time to repaire the Breaches made in so many placeâ— that now the Ditch being filled up with the ruines of the Wall the Souldiers might enter on even ground But about two a clock in the afternoone the Valencenian Commissioners returned and without any exception yielded the Towne and themselves to mercy Norcarmius sounding a Retreate just when his men were got up the Wall and in hope to sacke â—he Towne sent a Countermand enjoyning them to containe themselves within those Bounds of Modesty which by Order from the King the Governesse had set downe The Battery held 36. houres without any inâ—ermission It is reported that 3000. Cannon were shot into the Towne doing gâ—eâ—ter Execution upon Walls then Men. The same day being Palme Sunday and making good the Omen of that victorious name unto the Conquerour Norcarmius entred the Towne with 13. Companies of Foote and was met in the Streets with multitudes of women and Children with greene boughs in their hands lamentably crying to him to have Compassion upon the Towne He sent them away with gentle Language without the death of
the remainder of the publique Composition-money Hereticall Temples built in diverse Cityes she commanded to be pulled downe which the people did with so good a will that at Gant which is almost incredible a great Lutheran Synagogue in one houres space was levelled with the Ground You would think these were new Cityes and new People which a few months before having been zealous to the cause and stood Body and Soule in defence of the Hereticall Party were so changed as to offer their service in pulling downe of their Temples as if that could excuse Indeed they destroyed the Monuments and Memoriall of their Fault with such speed especially in the Province of Flanders that the beames of the Churches which they ruined served for Gallowses to hang their late Worke-men and Audience Thus the fire kindled by the peoples discontents blowne to a flame by the Bellowes in the Pulpit fed by the Emulation of the Lords and finally scattered abroad by the faction of the Gheuses devouring and destroying the Lowcountries was so damped and extinguished by the Governesse that Religion and Obedience were every where restored the Hereticks restrained by punishment or forced to fly the Country some few getting their Pardons others forfeiting their Estates and living in Banishment so as the Covenanteers were reduced to poverty and the wallet that is they were made true Gheuses and at last all the Lowcountryes enjoyed their antient Peace and Tranquility One thing amidst so many happinesses did not a little afflict the Governesse who observed that multitudes of Lowcountrymen which could not make their peace frighted with report of the Army comming out of Spaine daily left their Habitations and to the great dammage of the Cities carried away their Merchandise Manufactures and consequently the Gaines into other Nations Wherefore she had often intreated his Majesty that either he would give her Authority to pardon and settle the Provinces or else which she thought would be best to come himselfe among his Subjects now quiet and willing to obey not terrifying them with an army but receiving them to mercy And the Later of these two Courses the King indeed in many of his Letters to the Governesse promised to make use of But how he came to alter this reall or pretended Resolution and in stead of Coming in Person to send Ferdinand Toledo Duke of Alva his Lieutenant thither because it was the great businesse of Spaine and for a whole yeare agitated at the Councell Board I will here with my best industry give you a full view of those Proceedings The Governesse from the very begining desired the Kings Presence and wrote out of her experience of the present Evill and her foresight of a greater yet to come that it was incurable without an Application from his Royall Hand which the Lowcountrymen would take for a Favour lest they should be forced to indure torments inflicted by a Servant Many Spanish Lords of the Councell were of the same Opinion nay Pope Pius the fifth wrote Letters and sent Peter Camaianus Bishop of Asculum to perswade him to passe with an Army into the Lowcountryes where no doubt his presence would compose the Motions of his Subiects and timely prevent the private Designes of some great Persons But if in such a precipitate Mischeife he should either delay his going or act there by any of his Ministers of State he much feared the Lowcountryes might change their Religion and the King lose the Lowcountryes His Majesty upon these and the like Advises from the Netherlands Spaine and Rome resolved to go in person Commanders were listed Shipping provided and his meniall Servants that were to attend him named And lest this warrelike Preparation might be get a Ielousy in the minds of princes his Majesty satisfied them by his Ambassadours of his true Intent in that Expedition against the Lowcountrymen The King of France was desired to giue the Spanish Army Passage through the Provinces of Narbon and Lions To Emanuell Filibert Duke of Savoy upon whom he much relyed the King sent Iohn Acugnia to advise with him what time by what way he he would direct him to bring his Army and which were the most dangerous Places for Ambuscadoes and to intreat him to send his Majesty a Chart exactly describing the Cityes Forts by which every day his Souldiers were to march with the locall intervalls dimensions who therfore desired the whole Country between Savoy Burgundy might be accurately measured and put in Colours to which end Gabriell Cueva Duke of Alburcher Governour of Millaine should send him Captaine Campin an exquisite Enginere with a painter and a Surveyer lest his Majesty might might upon the way encounter any thing new upon which he had not preconsidered But the more earnestly and formally the Particulars were requested the lesse they were intended for Security being only to amuse the world and in all these Punctualityes and curious Accommodations for his March there was nothing of substance all meerly Show and Colour Nor can any man perswade mee that King Philip a subtill and ambitious Prince would at that time leave his chiefe strength when he found some beginnings of the Rebellion of the Moores and was inwardly so much offended with his Son Charles Prince of Spaine For should he take his Son along into the Low-Countries and bring the Lords a Patron for their cause which the Prince was thought privatly to favour or leave him behind and trust him with Spain which it was likely he would involve in Tumults when he was left to himselfe whose fierce nature even his Majesty could hardly moderate in the time of peace But the King concealed these Reasons and with new Preparations fed the Rumour of his Voiage thereby to keepe the Lowcountry-Lords in more obedience and to have the fairer Pretence to put off the Emperour whom the Lords as it was said meant to make Arbiter from interessing himselfe in the businesse of the Lowcountryes and by the fame of an Army to deterre others from fomenting the Faction of the Gheuses The King was hâ—lpen in his dissimulation by a quartan Ague which holding him long was thought to be the Cause of his Delay especially for that he still continued his care and provisions for the Voiage Though some of his nearest Servants knowing all this to be but Pageantry suspected his Ague likewise to be fained But when the King was recovered and that by Letters from the Governesse his Majesty was certified of the Rebellion of some Townes and Danger of all unlesse prevented by his Coming quickned with Griefe and Anger he made all things ready with such formall Hast as not a Servant in his Court no not the Lowcountry-Embassadours the Marquis of Bergen and the Lord Montin thaâ— had often Laughed at the Comedy of the Royall expedition did now doubt the truth of it
Daughter this is the Infanta Katherine married to Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy he consented to her Departure from the Low-countreys professing he allowed of it as his Sister's desire not for the benefit of the Provinces for the governing whereof wisely and undauntedly in times of the greatest difficulty hee gave thanks to her vertue in selected Words promising aboundantly to remunerate the Service Vpon the receipt of this Expresse her Excellence delivering to the Duke of Alva his Commission for the Government of the Low-countreys sent by the same Machiavell out of Spaine and giving notice to the Spanish Embassadours with the Emperour the French King and Queene of England that they might informe those Princes of her going she wrote to the Estates of the Low-countreys that some things which she could heartily have wish'd to have spoke in a publique convention before she departed from the imbraces of her people must be supplied since now she had no further Power from the King to summon them by her Letter wherein setting down briefly but not sparingly nor falsly all she had done in her nine yeares Government and by what meanes the Troubles continuing for two yeares past were before the end of April so composed that she had reduced all the Low-countreys by the Help and Advise of the good Subjects to the King's Obedience She prayed them unanimously to endeavour the preservation of the State in the same condition and to persist in the Religion of their Ancestours and their Allegeance to their Prince from whose merey it was to be hoped that even the Tratours themselves would be gently punished That she had in her Letter to the King delivered her Opinion concerning it and would write againe to the like effect before she departed from them nor would she heareafter faile to use her utmost power with her Brother for the Good and Peace of the Low-countrey-men whom she so intirely loved And accordingly a while after she wrote in this manner to his Majesty Sir The happy Delivery of my Lady the Queene for which good newes I humbly kisse your hand rejoyceth me beyond expression to see the propagation of that great Bloud worthy of immortality But that whilst you give me leave to depart you are pleased to increase your royall Favours by adding that for my Governing these Provinces to your mind you your selfe so much it pleases your Clemency to descend are greatly obliged to me I must confesse nothing could more content me since in all I have done I only proposed to my selfe your Majesties satisfaction that being the Rule to all my actions And if I have my End I must accompt my Labour gloriously bestowed I will not deny but in this almost nine yeares space I have gone through many and grievous Difficulties most of my Counsellours being either at variance among themselves out of their ambitions Emulation or their Fidelities by me suspected at least their Enmity to the Spaniard so that it was inconvenient for me not to heare their Advise and not safe to follow it Yet that amidst all this darkenesse and the subsequent Tempest of Rebellion the Common-wealth was steered and peaceably brought into the Harbour by a woman's hand but by no humane influence it is only which I I must acknowledge and reverence your Piety for whose sake the Divine Goodnesse hath assisted me in governing the Low-countreys for you But now since by Gods grace things are reduced to such a condition that nothing remaines but to punish the Authors of the Troubles I cannot omit to signifie to your Majesty what it is that may chiefly overthrow this present happy State Feare of punishment threatned by such an Army as it hath caused many despairing of Pardon to fly into other Countreys to the great prejudice of this so I doubt it will force the rest whilst their flight is stopped and they as it were besieged in the Low-countreys to breake out into more dangerous Factions and Insurrections Terrour is not the way to beget reverence in the Low-countrey-men They that advise this rigid Course I wish I may be deceived will purchase Spaine more Envy then Authority I am sure it will bring to the Low countreys first eivill Warre then forreiene Forces and finally Desolation Therefore I most humbly beseech your Majesty that in contemplation of God's Mercy and your own you will contract Revenge into a few Examples and rather desire the Repentance then the Punishment of your Subjects So God Almighty long preserve your Majesty and the Queene my Lords the Princes and your little Daughter In the meane time the newes flying about that the Governesse was to goe away there came dayly from all parts of the Lowcountreys men of the best quality in the name of the Provinces professing their own Griefe and the generall Losse and praying earnestly as the manner is for her happy Journey The neighbour Princes by their Letters and Embassadours did the like but they were all exceeded by Elizabeth Queene of England who should hereafter as she writ want the neighbour-hood of so good and deare a Sister perhaps out of love to the Governesse or it may be out of hatred to her Successour the Duke of Alva In February when she was ready to set forth the King having assigned her a Pension of fourteen thousand Duckets and the Duke waiting upon her to the Marches of Brabant the Low-countrey-Lords into Germany she arrived safe in Italy where in a mighty concourse of People her Husband the Duke of Parma in great State received her who left in the Low-countrey-mens hearts a deep Impression of her goodnesse which the following calamities so much augmented as they stuck not in the presence of Alva and Requesenes which Princes Successours seldome heare to make an honourable glorious and almost upbrayding mention of her Actions Nay at Doway when Margarett Dutchesse of Parma out of her love to Learning repaired the Franciscans Colledge and that her Armes as the Custome is were set over the Gates the People never passed by but they bowed and put off their Hats But their Longing then principally shewed it selfe when the Low-country-men writing to the King earnestly desired to have the Dutchesse of Parma for their Governesse againe as there only Stay and help in their Afflictions And soone after the Death of Don Iohn of Austira she with her Son Alexander joyned in Commission returned to governe the Low-countreys The Historie of the LOW-COVENTREY WARRES The seventh Book THUS farre I have writt of the Lowcountreys though not flourishing in Peace yet not imbroyled in continued Warre Howsoever their Troubles were composed at last and their antient Tranquillity restored Now I must open the prospect of a History where you will read the publique Rebellion of the Provinces great armies on both sides greater Hatred many Generalls Souldiers falling in the Quarrell Nor am I ignorant that the Cause of all
restored their Churches to the Catholiques as they did Noâ— was it lesse needfull to give some way to them at Tournay and in Tournacese the Hereticks being there the stronger party That they justly opposed the Cardinall as pernicious to the Government of the Provinces That Casembrot was retained in Egmont's Family for the Service he undertooke to do against the Church-Robbers That Tournay being then well pacified had no use for Beavor and therefore they consulted about sending him away especially being requested so to doe by those of Flanders Thus in order severally and respectively they answered to the other parts of their Impeachment which if I should but run over would be an infinite worke Count Hornes particular charge consisting of 600. heades How they cleared themselves I define not Truly I know many of those very Objections were made against them both to his Majesty by the Governesse Nay their designe of dividing the Provinces I find to be discovered euen by the Bishop of Osnaburg in Westphalia who gave intelligence thereof to the Governesse by Cobell one of his Councell adding that he heard it long since from Count Suarzemburg cosen to the Prince of Orange and by George Holly a German Colonell when they were merry at Supper where they said the King of Denmarke would put in for a share All which the Governesse inserted in her Letters to the King as we have related in the yeare 66. Notwithstanding the people giving their Judgement either out of hatred to the Duke of Alva or out of love to Count Egmont acquitted him and laid all the fault upon Alva as one that envied Egmont his old Rivall in the Warres They likewise reported that he bare a grudge to Count Egmont because long since the Count won many thousand Crownes of him at Dice and afterwards in a publique Solemnity when they shot at markes for a wager the Duke of Alva lost it the Low-countrey-men shouting for Joy that one of their Nation had the victory over a Spanish Generall Which Stories either false or little trifling matters yet remembred by the vulgar were brought in to foment their pitty And I verily believe in the processe of this Triall a greater Odium was cast upon the Duke then he deserved Nay I have read how it was affirmed by very worthy men that after their sentence was brought out of Spaine Alva wrote to the King that he was every day slower to put it in execution because he fore-saw what mischiefe would insue and that the King incensed against Egmont partly for the promise of his Faith made when he was in Spaine but not performed partly for the many complaints against him writ to his Majesty by the Governesse and aggravated by Cardinall Spinosa then the great man at Court blamed the Duke of Alva's Slackness commanded him according to former Order forwith to dispatch him Yet the Duke deferred execution til the Prince of Orange invading Brabant he was forced to meet him with his Army Perhaps this Relation may not gaine like credit with all persons but howsoever no man's Malice to Alva shall deterre me from writing what I have from good hands receive'd As also the peoples Favour to Egmont shall not make me omit the clearing him of a Crime which I find by many obiected against him That he received great Summs of money which made him winke at diverse things acted in his Provinces such as he being a military man and not considering of what dangerous consequence they were to Religion did not imagine to be so preiudiciall to the Church Yet this offence not touched in his Impeachment wherein nothing was pretermitted either by negligence or out of Favour I suppose to be a Fiction Howsoever Egmont and Horne were brought from Gant to Bruxells the third of June and by the Duke of Alva President of the Councell of twelve the King having inabled him by peculiar Commission to exercise Authority over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece Sentence of Death was pronounced against them and Martin Rithovius Bishop of Ipres sent to acquaint them with it and assist them in their â—ast necessity And Egmont though it much troubled him he should come to an end so farre below his Merits yet collecting himselfe as became a Valiant man and only carefull of his Wife and Children wrote in French to the King The Copy of which Letter sent by Christopher Assonvill to the Governesse I here give you Sir since you are pleased that Sentence of Death must passe upon your humble and faithfull Subiect and Servant who never aimed at any thing but your Majestyes Service for advancement whereof as my past Actions testify I neither spared my paines nor fortunes but to a thousand dangers have exposed my life which never was so pretious to me but that if it might any way be offensiue to your Majesty I would a hundred times before this have exchanged it for death Therefore I doubt not but when you shall fully understand the Carriage of Businesse in these parts you will clearly perceiue how iniuriously I have beene used whilst they have perswaded your Majesty against me in things that never entred my Imagination I call God to witnesse and I pray that he will revenge it upon my soule that must this day appeare before his Iudgment-Seat if I have neglected any part of that which I beleive'd to be my Duty towards my King and Country I therefore beseech you Sir I that shall petition your Majesty no more that for the Reward of all my painefull Services you will please a little to commiserate my Wife and eleven Children with the rest of my Family which I have commended to some few Friends yet left me And presuming your Majesty out of your native Clemency will not deny me this I go to suffer death which I willingly imbrace assuring my selfe my end will give many satisfaction From Bruxells the fifth of Iune at two of the clock after midnight in the yeare 1568. Your Majesties most humble most faithfull and most obedient Subject and Servant prepared to dye Lamorall Egmont This Letter for the King hee gave to the Bishop of Ipres and confessing his sinnes to him spent the rest of the night in reconciling himselfe to God and arming of his minde to suffer The like did Count Horne assisted by the same Prelate and other Divines In the morning being Whitsun-Eve a Scaffold hung with blacks was set up in the Market-Place guarded with the Regiment of Iuliano Romero whereon were laid two Cushions before a silver Crucifix About Nooneday Count Egmont was brought thither accompanied with the Bishop of Ipres and Romero after some few prayers he put off his Damaske-Gowne threw away his Hatt and speaking a few words to the Bishop fell upon his knees before the Crucifix and his night-cap being pulled over his eyes the Executioner that lurked under the Scaffold and was once as it is said his
a Commemoration but without upbraiding of their Tumults and insurrections he told them That if they had of late years done any thing so licentiously as to offend the King they might by their present obedience not onely cancell the memory thereof but also highly merit at the Kings hand from which they could not but exspect farre more and firmer fortunes then they should forgo in the Low-countreys Could gallant men find no other place but that to exercise their valour in Kings that have large Dominions never want causes of warre nor rewards for souldiers But it was more then needed to trouble themselves about other mens opinions touching their departure it being evident by whom and with what artifice this was brought about For such as feared them could not indure their company and no marvell if their inferiours that more then once found themselves overmatched now feared them Their neighbours saw and strangers heard how often the Spaniard had cowed the rebellious Enemy They knew the number of Forts Towns and victories wonne by the Armie and that for ten years together in all Land-battels for at Sea there was a variation of Fortune the Spaniards at all times excepting that one overthrow of Count Aremberg remained Conquerours They likewise knew that in the killing of such multitudes no lesse then thirty thousand as the Low-countreymen themselves confesse so few Spaniards have been lost that upon computation Ten Spaniards were able to rout a Thousand Truly a miserable slaughter and to be buryed in silence if it had not been executed for Religion and the King upon Rebells unto both But with this very name of Rebell if by a bloudy Edict of the Estates the late Spanish Mutineirs were branded Don John hath abundantly provided against that Edict by framing a new one of his own and making void the old thereby favouring their Merits and obliging their Obedience so as they may with greater honour obey his Commands and their valour shewn upon the enemy will not appear more glorious then their Loyaltie to their Sovereign and not onely by taking Forts and Cities with their Arms but likewise by laying them down at his Majesties Command with equall praise in both they will be said to have asserted the Low-countreys to the King This last part of his Speech moved the Souldiers wavering minds for rather the spirit of sedition then of anger vanished and He reading an honourable Edict on their behalf posted up in many placed They delivered into the hands of the Estates the Forts of Antwerp and of the other Cities and retired to Maestricht Prisoners on either side being set free The Spaniards releasing Count Egmont Goignius Caprias and six others taken in the storming of Antwerp The Estates on their part five first the Lord Billes Governour of Friezland in the Tumults of those Provinces outed from his Government by his own souldiers and by George Latin Lord of Ville imprisoned at Leovard Then Mondragonio's wife that when the Castle of Gant was besieged whilst she manfully discharged the place of her absent husband was taken prisoner and by the Estates Commanders carryed as it were in triumph After the mutuall release of prisoners some part of their money was begun to be tendered to the Spaniards the Estates having agreed with them for 600000 Florens whereof they were to have 300000 in hand and as much more by bills of exchange at Genoa But after 100000 was paid down the Deputies of the Estates not producing any more Don Iohn out of his own moneys lent the Estates never to be repaid 200000 Florens lest he might be thought to favour their stay So towards the end of April the Spaniards Italians and Burgundians left the Netherlands under the command of Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt chosen on purpose to take away the emulation between Alphonso Vargas Sancho Avila Iuliano Romero and Francisco Valdez which might with more honour obey a Generall of another Nation then serve under one another The Low-countreymen appeared not more joyfull to see the Armies departure then the Spaniards were discontented and angry at the beholders and the greater their number was for besides souldiers and such as belonged to the carriages the wayes were crouded with horses and wagons loaded with women and children the whole number amounting to thirty thousand head of men and cattle the more it troubled them to be looked upon passing through Cities like a Show Albeit some among them penetrating further into the Low-countreymens designes foresaw that the war now raked up in embers would shortly break forth again into a flame and then the Spaniards would be called to extinguish it In the mean time they left the Low-countreys without so much as obtaining the honour in their passage to take their leave of Don Iohn which exceedingly grieved them as if by that severitie their actions were condemned And marching through Lorain Burgundy and Savoy they descended into Italy Where coming into the Province of Millain the Governour the Marquesse of Ayamont quartered them as he pretended by the Kings Command along the mountains of Liguria which they call Langascho there the heat of Summer breeding diseases for want of necessaries and with very grief to think the King should so forget their services a great sort of the oldest souldiers dyed But Don Iohn whilst the Spaniards marched away riding in the middle between the Popes Legate and the Bishop of Leige attended by the three estates in all their glory entred Bruxels He himself added to the pomp by the lovelinesse of his presence and youth being not yet thirty two years of age as likewise by the fame of his Land-and-Sea-victories in a word by the memory of his Father Charles the fifth honoured by the Dutch as their beloved Countreyman No sooner had he solemnly taken his oath and was acknowledged Governour but he yet more indeared himself to that people by his admired Clemencie Affabilitie Graciousnesse and Bountie beyond example extended even unto his Enemies Insomuch as the Subjects enamoured of the sweetnesse of his deportment above what they could imagine or had ever heard related praised him to the skies especially because they saw themselves at last freed by his favour from the burthen of forrein souldiers and with a generall gratulation joyed their Countrey of its antient happinesse returned with Don Iohn of Austria Yet many thought it not so prudent an action for Don Iohn to trust his person disarmed into the hands of the armed Estates with so much confidence in himself being after the dismissing of the Spaniards in a weak and unsafe condition if so be the Prince of Orange should invade him that had reserved no one Fort or Garrison-town in his power either for refuge or resistance And it was not long before it appeared how he was over-reached in this concession how much wiser King Philip had been when he
of terrour and therefore sufficiently formidable to that very day were now turned into these great Gunns that he might though absent for ever terrifie the Low-countreys The City of Gant with no lesse alacrity forthwith followed the example of Antwerp so did Utrecht Lisle Valenciens and other Towns which slighting their Forts as if they had shaken off the yoke of servitude kept the Festivall of their new recovered Libertie These actions because they tended to a Rebellion of the People and which more troubled some to the too high advancement of the Prince of Orange his power divers of the Lords yet loyall to the King especially Duke Areschott by reason of the old differences between him and the Prince of Orange spake of choosing a new Governour of the Low-countreys pretending it would strengthen the Estates by accession of greater forces but meaning when the Ruart was out of Commission whom the Nobility with much unwillingness obeyed to balance the Authority of their new Prince And when some named the Queen of England some Francis Hercules Duke of Alenâ—on Brother to the King of France others Matthias Arch-duke of Austria the Emperour Rodolph's brother the Catholicks excepted against Her as an heretick and one that would govern them by a Lieutenant The Duke of Alenâ—on â—on by reason of the constant enmity between the Low-countrey men and the French was not by many so much desired as the Archduke who being of the House of Austria would not so much offend King Philip unlesse some pitched upon the Archduke onely to engage the House of Austria in a Warr among themselves Embassadours to this purpose being sent to Vienna easily perswaded the young Archduke to what he longed for and stealing him away by night with a few in his train brought him sooner then could be imagined into Brabant without the privity of the Emperour Rodolph who as soon as he knew it sent post after him to stop his flight and afterwards wrote Letters to disswade him but in vain from his designe I have likewise heard from good hands that the Emperour was very angry with his brother Maximilian because he had not in time acquainted him of this Plot imparted unto him by the Archduke though Maximilian excused himself because his Brother made him take an Oath that he should not reveal the Secret that night discovered to him unto any man living till the next day at evening But for all this the Emperour escaped not the censure of some that made a farre other construction of the Arch-duke's flight Truly at that very time many men suspected the sending of this youth to govern the Netherlands to be designed that by occasion of this patronage the Low-countreys might come at last to be the Patrimony of the Germane House of Austria a point which Bartholameo Comes Portia the Popes Legate to the Emperour grounding his discourse upon this suspicion argued with some Germane Lords And Don Iohn himself seemed to doubt the Emperours intention For writing to Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma among other passages he sayes Yesterday one brought me Letters from the Emperour wherein he tells me of his brothers departure as he suspects for the Low-countreys without either his Privitie or Allowance Indeed it is a thing that troubles me not a little For though I am not ignorant that it was last year attempted by the Estates yet I could never perswade my self that either the Arch-duke would undertake it or that his Mother the Empresse and the Emperour his Brother would give their assents Howbeit I wonder not so much at the Empresse-Dowager who I believe knew nothing at all of the Designe but am rather grieved on her behalf and fear that her sonne 's levity will much afflict her What I should think of the Emperour I cannot yet resolve because when he knew there was such a businesse in agitation He was so far from preventing it that he never so mâ—ch as like a kinsman sent word of it to the King For mine own part as soon as ever I hear the Arch-duke sets his foot in the Low-countreys I will seriously desire him as I think it concerus both our interests not to joyn nor engage with the Estates If he refuse I shall justly repute him for an Enemie But the Arch-duke was now come into the Netherlands though not yet declared their Governour For the Estates and the Prince of Orange being not sufficiently consulted in the businesse purposely delayed it very busie about preparing conditions to be offered unto the Arch-duke and finally proposing no fewer then thirty one whereby they tied his hands and onely allowing him the honour of precedencie laid the foundation of such a popular Goverment as the Low-countrey men had of old when dividing the administration with their King they did govern and were governed To these conditions when both Catholicks and Hereticks being joyned in a new League had bound themselves by Oath the Arch-duke Matthias first at Antwerp afterwards at Bruxels with great publick joy Shows and Revels was saluted Governour of the Low-countreys And the Prince of Orange his party prevailed so farre that he was added to the Arch-duke not yet one and twenty years of age and a stranger to the Low-countrey affairs that under the name of his Lieutenant he might be indeed his Governour The first Act of the new Government was to purge the House of Lords and discharge all those Senatours that were held ill affected to the Estates choosing new ones in their places which immediately pronounced all Don Iohn of Austra's adherents enemies to their Countrey Soon after the same sentence passed against Don Iohn himself unlesse he departed the Low-countrâ—ys Lastly by the same Senate and the Deputies of the Estates an Oath was framed wherein both the Clergie and Laity should swear to obey the Arch-duke Matthias supream Governour of the Low-countreys and 〈◊〉 defend 〈◊〉 with their Lives and 〈◊〉 till another were created by the King and the Estates but to oppose Don John of Austria as an enemie This Law being passed and in some places in a manner forced entrapped many of the Nobilitie and ruin'd some At Antwerp they began with the Fathers of the Societie because their authoritie being great in the citie it was thought if they acknowledged the Arch duke others might be invited by their example or if they did not frighted by their punishment The Hereticks exceedingly pressed it not doubting but the Fathers whose constancie they had alwayes hated but now wished upon such an occasion which they commonly turned to their honour would in the mean time be banished the Low-countreys William Hese undertook it and meeting Father Baldwin ab Angelo Provinciall of the Iesuites in the Low-countreys advised him to take the Oath in the name of the Societie He who knew that Oath was formed by Hereticks against the
courage and trust wrote to Don Iohn speedily to dispatch away relief for his men were grown so seditious he could hold â—ut no longer But the messenger either taken by Holach or else playing the knave was with his letters detained in the Leaguer till such time as they might think he had been with Don Iohn that a probable delay might give more credit to the jugling Then another in stead of the first was dispatched to the Town that excusing the stay of him they sent who he said was fallen sick brought a formall answer as from the hand of Don Iohn bidding them upon good conditions render the Town and that shortly when supplies came to him he would send but yet he could not forces to recover it The messenger and letter was believed and the Town yielded To the Colonell's errour was added the villany of his Souldiers which during the time of the Treaty either corrupted with money or discontent furiously laid hands upon him and perfidiously delivered him bound to Holach and Campin that made it one of their conditions In the interim whilst they march out finding themselves cheated by the enemy and seeing the supplies sent by Don Iohn at hand they repented both their haste and perjury The Diceran not so merrily on Holach's side at Ruremund which he with great forces going to assault found Garrison'd by Don Iohn with 4000 men commanded by Aegidius Barlamont Lord of Hierg and likewise by a Sally of Polvillerius Colonel of the Germans in the Town beaten from the Siege with the losse of his Carriages and many of his men he fled Yet the Treaty of Peace went on continual messengers posting from both sides as if it were out of hope and desire of successe and not rather to give words for words that one might seem to take up Arms justlier then the other Nothing else was intended by the Queen of England at that time moving Don Iohn for a Cessation of Arms save onely that upon the denyal of her request she would be thought in a manner necessitated to assist the Estates her Majesty threatning Don Iohn and the King to whom she sent an expresse Messenger that if they refused to do it she would never more pleasure them in any thing whatsover But her threats being understood she was desired by the King and Done Iohn to move the other side whom she might with a great deal more justice perswade to lay down Arms rendring obedience to their Prince Wherefore both parties with the conditions likewise rejecting the messengers that brought them all Treaties of Accomodation now cut off no hope was left of quieting the Low-countreys but by Arms. And about that time a blazing Star rose with such a fatall Aspect as Mathematicians laboured to demonstrate that a more horrid one never had appeared which mindes prone warr looked at as a Standard set up in heaven The first and memorable Battel was fought at Gemblac nine miles from Namure in the entry of Brabant both Armies being a whâ—le before mustered the Catholick at Marcha a Town in the Province of Luxemburg the enemy at Temple a Village not far from Namure and those were found less these more then was supposed For it was reported that Don Iohn had 22000 Foot whereas upon the Musters appeared not 18000 as Alexander Farneze that was present with Don Iohn set down in his account On the contrary the States Mustered about 20000 that were a while before not thought to be 17000. For the number of these was daily increased by Souldiers of Fortune that came in hope of Pillage which they could not have from Don Iohn that raised men onely with money And yet his Army though fewer weaker in Horse as not full two thousand because they had the advantage of being the older and the better Souldiers were a great deal more desirous of a Battel The Catholick Souldiers were likewise much encouraged by the Letters of Gregory the thirteenth wishing happinesse to them and by the Christian custome freely granting them a general pardon of their sins Which the Commanders making use of the Army when they were all absolved with much more cheerfulnesse marched against the enemy The Spyes likewise brought in news which made Don Iohn eâ—spect no longer that Philip Count Lalin and Robert Melodune Viscount Gant this commanding the Horse he the Foot and Valentine Pardieu Generall of the Artillery were absent from the enemies Campe pretending an invitation to a Marriage celebrated with great Pompe in Bruxels but indeed as it was reported out of distaste taken at the Prince of Orange besides many others that could not away with the sharpnesse of the Winter being Summer Captaines had left the field and withdrawn into the City He that now commanded in chief for the Confederates was Anthony Goigny Lord of Vendege in the Wood an old Souldier trained up in his youth under Charles the fifth then a Captain of Lanceirs at the Battel of Saint Quintin afterwards Leivtenant General of the Auxiliaries sent by King Philip to Charles the ninth of France under the command of Count Aremberg But two years before the differences between the Spaniards and Low-countreymen had alienated his endeavours rather then affections from the Kings Service The enemy intended to surprise Don Iohn in Namure and to this purpose were now upon their march but understanding that he had a far stronger Army then was imagined and meant to draw out of Namure and give them Battel altering their determination they were retiring to Gemblac there upon certain knowledg of the enemies strength maturely to order their affaires The States Army quartered that night in the Village of St. Martin almost five miles distant from the Forces of Don Iohn lying at Namure Thence before break of day firing their Huts they retreated towards Gemblac in this manner First marched Emmanuel Montin and William Hese with their Regiments flanked with Carabines of the Colonels Villers and Fresnoi The main Battel consisting of the German and Wallon Regiments three of French thirteen of Scots and English was led by Maximilian Heâ—â—n Count of Boluc a while since revolted from the King and by Federick Perenot Lord of Campin The Rere in which was their strength of Horse being commanded by the Counts Philip Egmont son to Lamoral and Lamè a Marcha Marquesse of Havre Duke Arescot's Brother and the Camp-master Goigny Lievtenant-General of the Army riding up and down with some select wings of Horse In the Forlorn they had placed the Pioners and Workmen intermixed with a Company of Foot The Battel was enclosed with their Baggage and flanked with some Feild-pieces They had likewise secured their backs fearing the enemy would follow with their best Musketteirs and stoutest Souldiers Nor was Don Iohn less active but a good while before day moved from Namure sending before
Alencon and Prince Casimir should be comprehended in the Articles of peace That the province of Limburg and whatsoever Don Iohn had taken either by Force or Rendition in Brabant and Haynolt should before the end of August be restored to the States extreamely offended at these insolent demands Don Iohn as he used to do communicated his Resentment to the Prince of Parma He though he denied not the conditions to be indeed very unjust yet said It would be much worse if the States despairing of a peace with Spaine should put into the hands of the King of France the Frontier provinces which he had so oft attempted It was to be considered that even Charles the fifth and how great an Emperour was he could hardly cleare those Provinces of the French only What should the King's Forces do at the present commanded indeed by a Son to Charles the fifth but with a lesse number of men both against the French Nation and two other powerfull Armies His opinion was therefore that the Commissioners should be put in hope of peace till the King's pleasure was knowne as to those proposalls which if he accepted no doubt but in his wisdome he would provide another place worthy of his Brother but if looking upon their basenesse he rejected them then in case the Confederates were prosecuted with more severity hereafter his Majesty could not accuse his Brother and the Army as desirous to keepe the Warre afoote Don Iohn though he did not much feare the Confederates knowing them to be oppressed with their own multitude and understanding that Prince Casimir's Army marched in a body by themselves because they refused to obey Count Bolduc Generall for the States Yet constrained for want of men and money besides his Sicknesse both of body and mind which is able to breake the greatest Spirit and forcibly to cast it downe upon considerations at other times contemptible He resolved to follow Alexander Farneze's Counsell Though in his Letters to the King certifying their Propositions he with some bitternesse complained That the Rebells confidence received Incouragement out of Spaine and the Assistance promised to him by his Majesty was from time to time put off and when he intreated money only a returne was made of words wherewith a Warre cannot be managed unlesse they imagine that he is able out of Words to extract Gold He therefore humbly beseeched his Majesty either to subdue the Enemy or at least not to suffer the Generall of his Royall Army so unhandsomly to conclude a peace In the interim he commanded Serbellonio speedily to advance the Trenches which he had a while before designed not farre from Namure Don Iohn had chosen that ground upon the Hill of Buge close by the River Mose induced by convenience of the place and his Father's example who being pursued by Henry of France with three great Armies brought his Forces then very small to this ground and here intrenching secured them And now Serbellonio quick both at raising and defending workes had finished most of the Redoubts and drawne about a line by the directions of Scipio Campio of Pisaura an Engineer not inferiour to his Father Bartholomeo slaine at the Siege of Harlem where overtoiled with hasty labour or struck with a pestilentiall aire he fell dangerously sicke At the same time Don Iohn having now brought all his Army within the Trenches except the Horse which Octavio Gonzaga had 〈◊〉 upon the neighbouring Villages his owne sicknesse increasing would needs be carryed into the Campe. Both of them kept their beds and their Fitts tooke and left them in the same manner But the Physitians made farre different Iudgments of their two patients For they all and there was a whole Colledge of them either deceiving others or deceived themselves pronounced that Don Iohn would certainely recover but Sonbellonio could not possibly escape with life And what they said was credible enough this being aboue 73 yeares old he not yet 33 and yet when the young man dyed the old man was perfectly well againe Whereupon Hippolyto Pennonio grew into great Esteeme formerly commended by Duke Octavio for Physitian in Ordinary to his Son Prince Alexander who durst against the whole pack of those Doctours affirme that Serbellonio would live and Don Iohn die of that disease For which a long while being jeered and scorned he became thereby better knowne to the People and finally more honoured Vpon the day of Saint Matthew the Evangelist on which very day was twentie yeares dyed the Emperour Charles the fifth Don Iohn as if by remembring of his Fathers death he were minded of a time a like fatall to himselfe easting off all humane Cares transferred the whole Power of Peace and Warre upon Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma and in case he should dye declared him Governour of the Low-countreys and Generall of the Army till the King should otherwise determine And truly Prince Alexander doubted for a while whether he should undergo the Burthen not ignorant how miserable and broken a Province he must have and withall how much it would reflect upon his Honour if perhaps the King did not confirme upon him that Assignement It being more Disreputation to fall from a place of Eminence then never to have beene advanced Yet that he preserred his Faith to God and the King he writes to his Mother calling God to Witnesse that he should justly thinke himselfe a Traitour if when they had such an Increase of Enemyes and no Generall he should have deserted the Kings Army in that Conjuncture of time wherein undoubtedly all the remaining Catholique Religion and Allegeance to his Majesty would have beene indangered And forasmuch as the Duke of Parma did not very well like this Resolution of his Son 's nor gave Assent to his Acceptance of the Regency but reproved him for his overmuch confidence Prince Alexander at length answered his Father in these Words Sir Whereas in your Wisdome your Excellence thought fitt to admonish me as if I were gone too farre in accepting of that Government which by my endeavours should rather have beene transfer'd upon the Royall Senate of the Low-countreys it is no more then I my selfe imagined as when I wrote of Don Iohn of Austria's Sicknesse I signifyed to your Excellence But when I called to minde that after the death of the greate Comendador the Lowcountreys were undone by that very Trust of the Royall Power is the Senates hands which Ruine in all mens opinions had never hapned to the Provinces if his Successour had beene forthwith nominated And when I plainly saw the Losse of this Catholique Army without a Generall to be inevitable by reason of the feuds among the Lords and their discordant mindes some drawing one way some another and daily more slack in asserting the Kings Right and which is yet more considerable one or two of the greatest in his Army
the siege of Valenciens l. 6. p. 10. sent by the Governesse into Spain to the King l. 6. p. 27 29. He assailes the Prince of Orange in his Camp l. 7. p. 54. Is put out of his Government of Frisland by a Tumult l. 9. p. 31. Imprison'd ibid. Releas'd ibid. sent into Spain by Don Iohn l. 10. p. 7. brings him new supplyes from the King ibid. Gaspar Schetz Lord of Grobendonch the Kings treasurer l. 4. p. 78. l. 9. p. 37. Gattinar vide Merturino Geldeys or Gelderland a Province of the Low-countries l. 1. p. 15. The Governour of Gelderland l. 1. p. 16. l. 2. p. 41. The Duke l. 1. p. 13. l. 7. p. 47. It s principality anciently belonging to the Dukes of Egmâ—nt l. 7. p. 53. The Townes of Gelderland revolt from the King l. 7. p. 73. They are recovered l. 7. p. 77. Gemblac famous for slaughter l. 9. p. 52. besieg'd by the Catholicks ibid. render'd ibid. The battel of Gemblac l. 9. p. 49. Geming a village l. 7. p. 55. The Battel of Geming ibid. The victory ibid. Genethliack presages l. 1. p. 113. l. 2. p. 43 44. Geneva l. 3. p. 57 63. l. 5. p. 121. l. 6. p. 26. Terrify'd by the fame of the King of Spain's army ibid Desires assistance of the French Calvinists ibid. Gentilina a Staffa of Perugia l. 8. p. 14. Gentlemen Covenanters for abolishing the Inquisition l. 5. p. 100 101. The sum of their Covenant or Engagement ibid. Many joyn with them Ibid. They have four Generals ibid. They prepare a Petition to be offered to the Governesse l. 5. p. 102. Put to the Question in Senate whether they should be admitted into the Town l. 5. p. 103. They enter Bruxells led by Brederod l. 5. p. 107. In Culemburg house ibid. They take a new hath ibid. They march orderly to the Court ibid. Brederod in their name speaks to the Governesse l. 9. p. 108. they present their petition ibid. Are dismist by the Governesse ibid. when they were gone their Petition was return'd them with an answer in the Margent l. 5. p. 109. They are feasted by Brederod ibid. The name of the Noble concord impos'd upon their Conspiracy ibid. They name themselves Gucux or Gheuses when they were high flown with mirth and drink ibid. They give a Coat of Armes suitable to their faction ibid. They walk the streets accouter'd like beggars l. 5. p. 110 whence these factions took their pattern l. 5. p. 115. Their boldnesse increases ibid. The Covenanters make the Gheuses give over plundering of Churches c. l. 5. p. 130. They design to send into Spain Calvinistical books and Ministers l. 5. p. 137. They and the Merchants promise mutual assistance ibid. They prescribe to all the Confession of Ausburg l. 5. p. 138. They institute Consistories and heretical Common-wealths ibid. They Confederate with the Heretical Princes of Germanie ibid. Assistance offer'd them by their Neighbours ibid. and by strangers even as far as from Constantinople ibid. The Report of the Kings coming for the Low-countries startles them l. 5. p. 140. The Governesse Courts them with letters and promises ibid. They hasten the Design of Armes l. 5. p. 141. Meet at Brèida l. 5. p. 142. Treat of opposing the King with an Army ibid. l. 6. p. 22. Endeavour to draw Count Egmâ—nt to a new Confederation l. 5. p. 142. would have presented a new Petition to the Governesse but are not admitted ibid. They send their Petition ibid. but have nothing Granted them l. 5. p. 143. They prepare men and armes threaten to revolt from the King l. 6. 4. 1. terrified by the Governesse they sue for pardon l. 6. p. 15. many renounce the Covenant ibid. The Contumacious leave the Low-countries l. 6. p. 16. Their ill fortune in Holland l. 6. p. 19. They are driven into Walerland ibid. taken in Gelderland ibid. Executed l. 6. p. 20. Some are taken into Grace ibid. They are much troubled at the Duke of Alva's coming l. 6. p. 29. Their Expressions of respect to the Governess at her Departure from the Low-countries l. 6. p. 57. They flye upon a fright l. 7. p. 46. They lay a plot in a Monastery to kill the Duke of Alva ibid. many of them beheaded by Alva l. 7. p. 48. They are taken prisoners in the field l. 7. p. 62. Their houses and estates in Haynoult plundered and wasted by the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 63. They desire their Neighbours helps against the Spaniards l. 8. p. 20. They make an agreement with the Prince of Orange ibid. They enter a league to expel the Spaniards out of the Low-countries ibid. At Gant they Consult about depriving the King of his Militia and Government l. 8. p. 21. They Confirm and publish the Association of Gant l. 9. p. 30. Their forces besiege Breda l. 9. p. 48. They attempt Ruremund and are beat off l. 9. p. 49. They are alienated from the Prince of Orange l. 9. p. 50. Their Army muster'd l. 9. p. 49. Their slaughter at the battel of Geâ—hlac l. 9. p. 50. Their grief for the taking of Limburg l. 10. p. 4. Their Joy upon the news that Alexander Farnizè and other great Commanders were slain ibid. Their Army l. 10. p. 7. vide Covenant Gheuses Lords and Nobility George of Austria Bishop of Liego l. 1. p. 18. George Fronsberge Colonel of a German Regiment impos'd upon Breda l. 9. p. 48. is besieg'd ibid. betray'd ibid. Delivered into the Enemies hands l. 9. p. 49. In the Expedition of Limburg l. 10. p. 1. George Holly a Germain Colonel l. 7. p. 51. George Lalin Lord of Vill l. 9. p. 31. Geâ—rard Grosbech Bishop of Liege denyes the Gheuses to hold their Convention at Centron or St. Truden l. 5. p. 119. Intercedes to the Governesse for the Matstrichters l. 6. p. 15. Frights the Prince of Orange from the Suburbs of Liege l. â— p. 63. Germanes Conspire with the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 58. They run away l. 7. p. 55. Stir up sedition ibid. and slain l. 7. p. 56. Demand their pay l. 7. p. 55. l. 8. p. 11. Render themselves to the Spaniards l. 8. p. 21. German Forces vide Army The Custome of the German Nobility in clothing of their Servants l. 4. p. 7â— Their Embassages l. 6. p. 17. Their Patronage implor'd by the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 41. Germanicus Caesar son to Drusus l. 7. p. 56. l. 10. p. 20. Geta a River Gbeuses when and why so call'd l. 5. p. 109. Compar'd with the Huganots l. 3. p. 61. Their habit l. 5. p. 110. Their Commanders present a petition to the Governesse l. 5. p. 111. They Counterfeit a Declaration in the name of the Knights of the Golden Fleece l. 5. p. 112. their Lies Credited ibid. 113. Their number encreases out of an opinion of impunity l. 5. p. 115. Their habit and Cognizance worn by the Common people ibid. They Convene at
Antonio Olivera and Ferdinando Acosta with some Horse and Foot to discover the Wood-land Countrey and possesse himself of advantageous places Part of his Army he left behind at the bank of Mose under Charles Mansfeldt the greater and stronger part followed him in this order In the Van where he had put the strength of his Cavalry first marched the Light-horse with Pistols then the Lanciers at a distance for defence to both came on the whole body of the Curaciers with their Officers in the head of every Troop some Vantcurrers advancing a little before the Army with small bodies of the fleetest Horse The main Battel was a Square consisting of two Regiments Musketteirs and Pikemen most them Spaniards and Germans their Colonels likewise leading up their men The Rere contained a Square Battalion of Wallons safely flanked with their Carriages and Baggage the Burgundian Carabines riding mingled with them The Van-guard was commanded by Octavio Gonzaga the Rere-guard by Ernest Count Mansfeldt this Camp-master he General of the Horse In the midst was the Generall himself Don Iohn of Austria with the Prince of Parma attended by the Life-guard whence appeared the Royall Standard in which Don Iohn as he had conceived an extraordinary confidence in the Divine Assistance under the triumphall Crosse of Christ had caused these words to be written In this signe I did vanquish the Turks and shall the Hereticks He had not marched farre but he came within sight of the enemy and learning the Confederates designe from a couple of Prisoners taken in some light skirmishes by Olivera presently drew out near six hundred horse Lanceirs and Carabines and intermixing with them one thousand foot Pikemen and Musketteers gave them in two divisions to Octavio Gonzaga and Christophero Mondragonio ordering Gonzaga to charge the enemy in the Rere but so as not to engage their whole Forces till he with the Prince of Parma and the rest of the Army were come up At first he obeyed and skirmishing onely galled their last Troops till Gonzaga saw Perotto of Sassofferrata who that day commanded the Troop of Camillo Montio so farre advanced that he feared the enemies whole Army would be rashly drawn upon him before Don Iohn could advance He therefore presently sent one upon the spur with command that Perotto should immediately retire without ingaging himself and his horse But he for the command was proudly delivered resenting it with indignation as if he were held a coward bad the man with his imperious importunity be gon and tell Gonzaga that Perotto never yet turned his back in a battell nor could now if he would There was upon the flank of the Forces wherewith they skirmished a high way deep in mine and water more like a Bog then a Road which the enemy declining march'd in a way that would receive fewer a breast Thither Prince Alexander had galloped up to see how things went for Don Iohn kept the Prince from fighting as if he had use of him to order the battell and to send in supplies and observing that the enemies horse either by reason of the ill way or out of their hast to reach Gemblac marched in no little disorder which he conjectured by the waving of their pikes tangling and crossing one another he resolved to exspect no longer but catching a Lance from the Gentleman of his horse and getting upon one of Camillo a Monte's charging-horses better managed then his own his eyes and face speaking the language of a Battel and looking upon the Gentlemen Go said he to the Generall and tell him that Alexander Farneze remembring the old Romane will cast himself into the gulph and hopes by Gods grace and the fortune of the House of Austria to bring out of it this day a certain and a glorious victorie Then shewing those about him how advantageous it would be if advancing a little they would plunge through and charge the enemie in the flank his fervour and example with the same violence drew along the valiantest Hors-commanders Bernardino Mendoza Giovanni Baptista Camillo a Monte Ferdinando Toledo Martinengo Viennius Mondragonio and many more And he himself riding among the Horse of Mutio Pagano Captain-Lieutenant to Mondragonio entred the bog followed by all those gallant Cavaleers and when a few of them yet tugging the rest had fortunately passed over and got field room to ease their horses encouraging one another they made a little stand till they ranked themselves in one equall front Then riding full speed Alexander Farneze in the head of them they charged the enemie so home with their Lances Gonzaga seconding with the rest of the Cavalry and Don Iohn still sending in fresh men that the Confederates Horse this division being amazed had presently wheeled off if their Commanders perswasions and threats and the example of their betters had not stopâ— them for a while But having once taken a thorow-fright their minds being conquered at last they turned their backs and flying precipitately fell foul upon their Foot that stood behind breaking their Ranks riding over some and leaving the rest to the furie of the sword So as their Foot forsaken by their Cavalry especially those in the middle that were first broke by the flight of their own men and the impression of the enemy charged in the Rere and Flanks by the Kings horse that fiercely now pursued their Victorie Goigny labouring but in vain to rally them were all miserably cut to pieces Seldome was known more bloud spilt and a battel sooner won by fewer men and with so little losse Seldome was better experience made how much the strength of either side consists in hoâ—se For by six hundred Horse they were no more that began and but twelve hundred when they won the battel full ten thousand Foot were part slain part taken prisoners and the rest of the Armie no lesse then eight thousand Horse in the space of an hour and an half with the losse of onely nine of the Kings men were routed thirty four Colours taken with their field-pieces and almost all their Carriages and Baggage Their Generall himself and some persons of qualitie came into the enemies power the rest with the greatest part of their Horse that ran at first got basely off flying so me to Gemblac most to Bruxels Nor secure at Gemblac though it was fortified upon the approach of the victorious Army diverse before the assault fled further into Brabant the rest promised to render upon certain conditions But Don Iohn refusing to give any they yielded themselves and the Town to mercy Nor was this a contemptible addition to the Victorie For the enemie determining to make Gemblac the seat of the Warre had victâ—alled it for many moneths and laid in Arms and store of Ammunition which came all into the Conquerours hands The Town destined for a prey to the souldiers by a
kind of fate upon the place for ever since the year of our Lord 900 it is famous for many sackings burnings and plundrings at the earnest suit of Lambert Count and Abbot of Gemblac made to Alexander Farneze and by him unto Don Iohn was preserved both from the plunder and injurie of the souldier The Garrison being onely disarmed such as were Low-countrey men taking an oath never more to bear Arms against the King of Spain the rest not within a year were all let go save twelve of the principall detained in stead of hostages that were carried to the Castle of Namure with their Generall Goigny Who was before his departure brought to Don Iohn and they say desiring to kisse his victorious hand he gave it him with these words God thus breaks their contumacy that impiously rebell against Religion and their King The successe even of this battell wherein so great an Army was defeated by so few shews how much God Almighty favours his Majesties just cause But he onely answering That he never took up arms against Religion with the other prisoners was removed Then Don Iohn taking notice of his own Souldiers merits graciously calling to him every Commander and the stoutest of the Souldiers with great and glorious words magnificently commended their service Among them all he was not ignorant that Alexander Farneze best deserved yet the more he saw the Army look upon him and extoll his courage the more he thought it concerned his Love and Place to praise not without care and caution the virtue of that man whom he both feared and affected Therefore minding the Prince of his danger at the battell of Lepanto he remembred him of the Office of a Generall and said He was sent thither by the King his Uncle to advance the Warre not with his hand and the danger of a common souldier but with his counsel and conduct Prince Alexander replying that he could think no man fit to command in chief that had not first valiantly performed the duties of a common souldier especially under so great a Generall was received both with the Armies applause and the Generalls embraces But the Prince of Parma wrote Don Iohns praises not beyond their merit much more freely and without any exception to the King For together with the Generalls Letters giving an account of the battell to his Mejestie at Argenton Prince Alexander gratulated the Kings victory won first by Gods assistance and in the next place by the prudence and valour of Don Iohn And that as the enemy in the field found him a most valiant Generall so when they had laid down Arms he shewed himself a mercifull Conquerour by his Majesties example And therefore it was to be hoped that that victory in all mens account the greatest ever gained in the Low-countreys would shortly draw along with it the reducement of many Cities And writing a Complementall relation of the same victory to some Lords of Spain that were his antient friends and acquaintance at large to his Mother more briefly to his Father and his uncle-Cardinall he still inserted the like commendations of Don Iohn nothing at all of himself either out of the greatnesse of his spirit hoping to do yet more glorious things and therefore concealing this as of no moment or else assuring himself others would write to the same persons those very actions much more to his glory But at Bruxels where they yet heard not the mis-fortune of their men they consulted in the Archdukes presence whether Don Iohn should be assailed or exspected in the fields whether they should fight with all their forces or a part when suddenly the sad news ran through the whole city that they had fought unfortunately with Don Iohn and lost a day where the Spaniard had his fill of bloud Which being confirmed by many that at last had got by their fear and flight into the Town It being further said that Gemblac was taken by the enemie who had the Generall of their army prisoner and had put all their Foot to the sword some reporting as fear ever fancies danger near at hand that Don Iohn with his victorious army would presently be at the City-gates Bruxels was so terrified as the next day leaving some kind of Garrison in the Town the Prince of Orange with the Arch-duke carrying along the Courts of Justice and the Senate retired to Antwerp Nor was Don Iohn altogether averse from besieging Bruxels propounding it to his Councel of Warre But being hindered by the thinness of his army which could not be recruited unlesse the King sent money it was thought best before men recovered that fit of terrour to carrie into severall parts the Warre and Victory consisting in expedition rather then to dull the souldiers alacritie with lying before a Town Octavio Gonzaga was therefore commanded with five hundred chosen Horse and some regiments of Foot immediately to assault Lovain and Machlin Cities well affected to Don Iohn AEgidius Barlamont with Charles Mansfeldts French Regiment and four colours of Wallons marcht to Bovines And Lovain not exspecting a summons turning out the Scottish Garrison rendred themselves to Ganzaga of their own accord So did Iudoignia a Town of more account for the healthfulness of air then fruitfulnesse of soil in which respect the ancient Dukes of Brabant used to make it a Nursery for their children the like was done by Tienen and a while after not without force by Areschott To Machlin and Vilvord newly garrison'd by the States Gonzaga came too late But Bovines a Citie accustomed to assaults never attempted by the enemie in vain often slighted but ever by the peoples constancie fortified again received the Lord of Heirge but not before a great part of the walls was battered down upon conditions Don Iohn while things succeed as he could wish resolving to reduce the rest of Brabant ordered Alexander Farneze to attaque Diestem a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange He with part of his forces marching thither left he should leave Sichem on his back a neighbour Town to Diestem and a place at that time not to be neglected both for the Fort which afterwards was ruined with a great part of the Town and for the convenience of the River Demera sends thither with his German Regiment Lancelot Barlamont Count of Megen But they of Sichem confident both in the place which they had prettily well fortified and likewise in their number refusing to treat industriously prepared for their defence When Prince Alexander comming up after he had offer'd his Devotions upon a hill close by the Town where the Blessed Virgin works miracles out of an Oak planted against the old wall of the Suburbs standing in diameter to the Lovain-Port eight demi-Culverins and beginning at day-break to make a Battery no lesse violent then constant holding till noon