so for this offence all the land was punished because at least as it oft hapneth the people had not hindered it Then Pag. 52. he cometh to explaine his other assertion It is no lesse certane sayes he to us that if the Magistrate do not connive at the sinnes of Subjects nor neglect to curb and punish them the sins of the people shall no way be imputed to him he not being thereunto accessory in any way nor shall be punished for their sinnes which in his place and calling he is wrestling against Answ Yet we know that for the transgression of a land many are the princes thereof Prov. 8. v. 2. And that for a punishment to people God may even cut the dayes of a good prince and though we should grant that it were no proper punishment unto the good Prince yet materially and in it self it is a stroke But he addeth Also it is alike certane That private persons shall not have the sinnes of Magistrates or of the body of the people imputed unto them nor be punished for the same if so be they honestly endeavour to do all things against these sins which in their privat calling they are bound to do Answ Be this granted The main question will be if people can be said to have honestly endeavoured to do all things against these sinnes which in their privat callings they are bound to do if having power to withstand the committing of these evills or to remove them after they are committed yet they forbeare and suffer these things to be done and labour not to remove them He addeth If they keep themselves without any degree of acting these sins or any way of accession to them if they mourne and sigh for evils that are done if they be earnest in prayer that God may convert others from their evil way if they as they can have opportunity faithfully admonish and study to reclaime those who are out of the way and do such like Christian dutyes God will never enter in judgment vvith them for not doing violence to the authorityes that are above them Answ If the Surveyer would do no more then this he ought neither to be accounted a good Christian nor a loyal subject For if he saw the King about to cut his owne throat with a knife or about to do as Saul did fall upon his owne sword or runing doun a precipice to break his neck would any think he had had done his duty and exonered his conscience if he should not lead his hand unto that mischief nor thrust him doune the principice but should roare and cry God save the King and admonish and study with faire words to reclaime the King from that cruel deed would any think but he might have done more even if he had had strength enough have holden his hands and keeped him back from breaking his neck and yet never have been in any hazard or sinfully touching the Lord's anoynted or doing violence to the authority that God had set over him 2. And if Kings may be-resisted and with violence hindered from putting hands in themselves or from drinking a cup of poyson or doing some such deed which will or may prove destructive to their life and posterity without doing violence to the authority appoynted of God vvhy may they not also be hindered from doing that which will ruine their souls and prove destructive to their Kingdomes and bring on the curse and vengeance of God upon young and old without doing any sinful violence unto the authority And as in the former case a man could not but be guilty of the King's death who knew that it was a cup of poyson which he was to drink and did not having power to do it hinder him from drinking it So in this case they that have power to hinder the Magistrate from drinking poyson or doing what may be deadly to thousands of his innocent subjects and bring downe the curse of God upon him and his posterity and do it not cannot but be guilty of that sin before God and so cannot expect to be free of the punishment which God will inflict because of that sin as not having done even in their private callings what they were bound to do viz. not having used their power for the glory of God the good of the Soveraigne and his posterity nor for the good of the Commonwealth which they were bound to do He tells us moreover concerning that instance of Manasseh Ier. 15 v. 4. That the people were punished because they were shares of the guiltinesse not by not violent resisting which they were never exhorted to but by direct or indirect accession otherwayes Hos 5 ver 11. Ier. 5 v. 31. Ans 1. How could young children be accessory either by consent or any otherwayes to these courses of Manasseh 2. It were hard to say that even all who were come to the use of reason were guilty of accession unto these wickednesses who yet were carryed away captive such as Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Azaria and others 3. That there were many yea the far greatest part of the People who were guilty of hainous sinnes when the final stroke came cannot be denyed but that they were at that same hight of wickednesse which they were at in Manasseh's dayes is doubted 4. We shalll grant with Calvin on the place That Manasseh alone was not in that transgression but had many of the People consenting Yet as Manasseh himself was dead long ere the stroke came so were they and yet for that sin of theirs the posterity suffered Yea even notwitstanding that there interveened a National repentance and mourning for that National sin and National Reformation of these idolatrous courses in the dayes of Iosiah 5. Though it be true that the People after Iosiah's dayes returned to their vomite and had wickednesse enough of their owne for which God might have punished them yet it is very remarkable how that sin of Manasseh is particularly mentioned as if there had not been another to procure that stroke and certanely all who read the places cited before will easily observe that there is something more in them then an occasion taken to remember that dreadful time of Manasseh when the wickednesse began as the Surveyer sayeth in the following words 6. It was their sin I grant that they did consent and that sayeth that they should not have consented but have refused obedience unto the King idolatrous mandats and have hindered in their places an according to their power the setting up of these abhominations and should have adhered to the truth and worship of God as it was practised in the dayes of good Hezekiah his Father 7. He needs not say they were not exhorted to this violent resisting for it was but folly to speak of resistence to these who so willingly walked after the commandement and would not do so much as disobey 8. That place of Hoseah speaking of Ephraim's willingly walking after the commandment proves
under no rational feare from the povvers novv in being for his advocating their cause seing he hath been so richly revvarded for the same as is sufficiently knovvne And therefore his Survey deserveth much more to be tearmed Libellus Famosus seing notwithstanding of the warrand Yea reward of the Magistrates he dar not owne it by prefixing his name to it Nor dar the very printer prefix his name Next the nature of Naphtali's discourse is but an historical deduction of the troubles the Church of Scotland in her reformation hath met with at the hands of a popish prelatical and Malignant faction with a necessary vindication of the truth which is allovved to all historians that thereby truth may be the more cleared and the Readers more edifyed by the history And who ever heard such a faire and cleare deduction of Matters of Fact together with a few reasons here and there cast in for the Readers further â—atisfaction called an Infamous lybel till this impudent ignoramus arose And as for his pamphlet do not all see who consider either its scope or its method or the vvhole straine of the discourse that it can be tearmed nothing else then a most impudent insolent and infamous libel being not only larded with bitter invectives against the Cause and People of God and railing speaches more suteable if suteable for any rational creature for open scolds and brawling wives then for a man unlesse he except such a man as hath by perjury and more then feminine levity declared himself by his owne grant to be one of a debauched conscience but also tending most falsly to father on the honest people of God such things as never came into their mindes Whereby this railing Rabshakeh proveth himself to all sober judicious persons to be an impudent lying calumniator and his pamphlet a more then ordinarily insolent base lying and infamous libel 3. He tels us that in his Survey several things falling in debate in these times are considered But by vvhat vve have said vve have seen that such things as he hath in the preceeding chapters considered for the most part are either such things as should be put beyond debate by all who have not renunced Humanity Reason Religion or such things concerning which himself hath needlesly and foolishly as it may be his rewarders will finde moved the debate unlesse he bring some other things above board in the next part or parts then we see in this 4. Moreover he tells us that here some doctrines in Lex Rex Apol. Narration he should have said relation are brought to the touch stone But if in what he hath furder to say he mention not some other doctrines then what we see in 〈…〉 every rational Man vvill see that he hath rather brought some drops then doctrines of these books to any touch stone yea even to the touch stone of his owne unsolid and buttery fancy for his Reason hath no pallat to taste truth aright 5. In this 1. part he tels us that He Represents the dreadful aspect of Naphtali's principles upon the powers Ordained of God and detects the horrid consequences in practice necessarily resulting from such principles But more truely the dreadful state of his owne distempered braine both in his judgment misunderstanding what Naphtaly sayes and in his ratiocinative faculty giving us nothing but non-sequitur's for clear consequences And the manifestly dreadful aspect which his owne principles have on all Commonwealthes and on all Rational and Religious persons together with the affected stile of a base ignorant gnatho Time serving parasite Royally rewarded court flatterer who having a latitudinarian's conscience or rather a conscience utterly I wish not irrecoverably debauched maketh no conscience what he sayeth if he can please King and Court And how pernicious such Sycophants have been to Kings in all ages histories sufficiently declare 6. Then he praefixeth Iob 13 ver 7 9 11. will you speak wickedly for God c. A passage which most fitly quadrats with him unlesse he say he intendeth not to plead for God but for a creature yea and upon the matter for the devil who as Job's Friends conspired against Iob and maintained a wrong thesis erred no lesse in the hypothesis or in the application to Iob so he conspireth with other Royalists to defend erroneous and long-since decarded theses and maketh as evil applications to our present case as hath been shewed His discourse sheweth to all that he is an accepter of persons not secretly indeed but openly and so this forger of lies speaks wickedly for the King who is very like all his God But we are confident God shall search him out and reprove him Then he prefixeth Psal 144 ver 10. It is he that giveth Salvation unto Kings who delivereth David his Servant from the hurtful sword A noble truth which all Kings would look to and if they expected any good of this good word would â—ay out themselves for this God and this 〈◊〉 and not stand in opposition against him lest they fince that he who is terrible to the Kings of the Earth Psal 76 ver 12. And Made higher then the Kings of the Earth Psal 89 ver 27. Shall not spare but strick thorow Kings in the day of his wrath Ps 110 5. And finde a way to make good that Psal 149 v. 5 9. For the Lord â—aketh pleasure in his people he will beautify the meek with salvation let the saints be joyful in glory let them sing aloud upon their beds let the high praises of God be in their mouth and a two edged sword in their hand to execute vengeance upon the heathen and punishments upon the people To binde their Kings with chaines and their Nobles with fetters of iron To execute upon them the judgment written This honour have all the saints praise ye the Lord. But it is to be observed that by his bringing forth of this place of scripture he vvorld make the vvould beleeve that the party he opposeth is thirsting for the life of the King which is but this false calumniator's fiction we shall make use of the very next words of that same Psal 144. v. 11. say Rid us and deliver us from the hand of strange Children whose mouth speaketh vanity and their right hand is a right hand of falshood And in the last place prefixeth Proverb cap. 24 ver 21 22. My Son feare thou the Lord and the King and meddle not with them that are given to change c. And doth he account himself and his party fearers of God who have so Apostatized and palpably perjured themselves and doth he think that such as feare not God can ever fear the King aright If he do he is mistaken And who are most given to changes They or we let the World judge What was this impudent man's brazen face doing while he wrote downe this passage What was his debauched conscience doing Was there no blushing Was there
therefore no lesse lawfully may they be resisted 6. If privat persons may resist and withstand the Prince and Parliaments when they sell them and their land and heritages unto a forraigner to the Turk or such an adversary Then much more may they withstand them and defend their Religion when they are selling it by their apostatical acts and thereby selling them and their Souls unto Satan the God of this World 9. When Religion by the constitution of the Kingdome is become a fundamental law and a maine article and cardinal condition of the established Politie and upon which all the Magistrates Supreme and Inferiour are installed in their offices Then may that Religion be defended by private subjects when their Magistrates have conspired together to destroy the same to enforce the corruptions of their owne braine The reasons are 1. because it is lawful to defend the just and laudable constitution of the Realme in so far as Religion which is a principal fundation-stone of this constitution is subverted the constitution is wronged and the fundations thereof are shaken 2. In so far the Magistrates are no Magistrates And therefore they may be resisted Magistrates I say in so far as they overturne the constitution are not Magistrates for that is a maine pairt of their work to maintaine it For upon the constitution hang all the libertyes and all the good and necessary Ends which People have set before their eyes in the setting up of governement and His owne being as such the subversion of that subverts all and declareth the subverter to be an enemy to the Commonwealth and an overturner of the polity and this is inconsistent with being a Magistrate 3. In so far as they overturne or shake the fundations they cannot be seeking the good of the Community but their owne with the destruction of the Common good and this is the mark and true character of a Tyrant And when they seek not the good of the Community they cannot be looked upon as Magistrates doing their duty but as Tyrants seeking themselves with the destruction of the Commonwealth Therefore in so far they may be resisted 4. In so farr The compact the ground of the constitution is violated and as Magistrates in this case in so far fall from their right in so farr also are People liberated from their obligation so that if They become no Magistrates the Subjects become no Subjects for the relation is Mutual and so is the obligation as was shewed above Therefore in this case Subjects may lawfully resist and defend their Religion which is become the principal condition of their constitution and of the compact betwixt King and Subjects 10. Where Religion is universally received publickly owned and countenanced by persones in authority ratified approved and established by the lawes and authority of the land There every person is bound and obliged before God to maintaine and defend that Religion according to their power with the hazard of their lives and fortunes against all who under whatsoever colour and pretence seek to subvert and overturne the same and to hinder any corruption that King or Parliament at home or adversaries abroad would whether by subtilty or power and force bring in and lay hold on the first opportunity offered to endeavour the establishment of Truth and the overturning of these corrupt courses which tend to the perverting thereof And the reasons are because 1. When the True Religion is once embraced and publickly received That land or Commonwealth is really dedicated and devouted unto God and so in a happy condition which happy condition all loyal subjects and true Christians should maintaine and promove recover when nearby or altogether lost And therefore should do what they can to hinder any course that may tend to recal this dedication to deteriorate the happy condition of the Realme and to give up the land as an offering unto Satan 2. By this meanes they endeavour to avert the wrath and anger of God which must certanely be expected to goe out against the land if defection be not prevented and remedyed For if but a few should depairt wrath might come upon the whole much more if the Leaders turne patrones of this defection But of this more in the next chapter 11. Much more must this be allowed in a Land where Reformation of Religion in doctrine worshipe discipline and governement is not only universally owned publickly received and imbraced nor yet only approved authorized ratified and confirmed by publick authority and the lawes of the Land But also corroborated by solemne vows and Covenants made and sworne unto God by all ranks and conditions of People from the King to the meanest of the subjects in a most solemne manner and that several times re-iterated in which Covenants all sweare to Maintaine and defend this Riligion with their lives and fortunes and to labour by all meanes lawfull to recover the purity and liberty of the gospel and to continow in the profession and obedience of the foresaid Religion defend the same and resist all contrary errours and corruptions according to their vocation and to the uttermost of that power that God puts in their hands all the dayes of their life as also mutually to defend and assist one another in the same cause of maintaining the true Religion with their best Counsel bodyes meanes and whole power against all sorts of persons whatsoever And Sincerely really and constantly endeavour in their several places and callings the preservation of thereformed Religion in doctrine worshipe discipline and government The extirpation of Popery Prelacy Superstition Heresy Schisme Prophannesse and whatsoever shall be found to be contray to sound doctrine and the power of godlinesse And to assist and defend all those that enter into the same bond in the maintaining pursueing thereof And shall not suffer themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination persuasion or terrour to make defection to the contrary party or to give themselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause which so much concerneth the glory of God the good of the Kingdomes and the honour of the King but shall all the Dayes of their lives Zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition and promote the same according to their power against all lets and impediments whatsoever Now I say in such a case as this when after all these engadgments and covenants a courte of defection is carryed on by a strong and violente hand by King and Parliaments and there is no meane left unto Private Persones when violented and constrained to a complyance by acts and tyrannical and arbitrary executions of either preventing their owne destruction in soull and body or preserving the reformation sworn unto or recovering the same when corrupted and of purging the land of that dreadful sin of perjury and defection They may lawfully take the sword of just and necessary defence for the maintainance of themselves and of their Religion This
not only have brought wrath upon themselves but also upon all the People So the wickednesse of Hophny and Phinehas was part of the cause of that sad discomfiture that the People of Israel did meet with 1 Sam. 2 ver 12. comp with Cap. 3 ver 11. and with Cap. 4 ver 10 11. So Esai 43 ver 27 28. because the Teachers had transgressed against the Lord. Therefore was Iacob given to the curse and Israel to reproaches So Lam. 4 v. 13. among other provocations the sinnes of her Prophets are mentioned and the iniquities of her Priests So Micah 3 v. 11 12. Because the Heads did judge for reward and the Priests did teach for hire and the Prophets did divine for money Therefore Zion was to be plowed as a field and Ierusalem to become heaps and the mountaine of the house as the high places of the forest 2. That the sinnes of a few have procured judgments unto the whole multitude or put them in hazard thereof So Deut. 13 v. 12 17. the Apostate city would kindle the fiercenesse of God's anger against the whole People For it is said The Lord would not turne from the fiercenesse of his anger and shew them mercy and compassion and multiply them until it were destroyed and all that was within it So Num. 25. for the sinne of these who joyned with Baal peor the anger of the Lord was kindled against the whole congregation So when Moses was speaking unto the two Tribes and halfe Num. 32 14 15. he sayeth And behold yee are risen up in your Fathers stead to augment yet the fierce anger of the Lord toward Israel for if yee turne away from after him he will yet againe leave them in the wildernesse and yee shall destroy all this People So Ios 7 ver 5. for one Ahan's sin all Israel was troubled and Ios. 22 v. 17. 18. say the commissioners of the whole congregation unto the two Tribes and half And it will be seing ye-rebel to day against the Lord that to morrow he will be wroth with the whole congregation of Israel And it was this which moved all the Tribes to goe against Benjamin Iudg. 20 3. That the Subjects have suffered sad and dreadful judgments for the sinnes of their Rulers As Micah 3 9 10 11 12. formerly cited Abimelech's sin Gen. 20. was like to hazard himself and all his Kingdome ver 7 9. For Pharaoh's refusing to let Israel goe not only he and his Princes but his Subjects through all his coasts did smarte Exod. 6 and 7 8 and 9. and 10 Cap. Neh. 9 v. 10. So Saul's sin in seeking to destroy the Gibeonites brought on three yeers famine on the land in the dayes of David 2 Sam. 21 v. 1. So David's sin of numbering the people cost the lives of three score and Ten thousand 2 Sam. 24 v. 1 2 15. 1 Chron. 21 1 2 14. So the Lord threatned by the Prophet 1 King 14 ver 16. that for the sins of Ieroboam who did sin and who made Israel to sin he would give up Israel And for Ahab's sin of letting Benhadad goe the Man of God told Ahab 1 King 20 ver 42. Because thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom I appoynted to utter destruction therefore thy life shall goe for his life and thy People for his People So for Manasseh's sin Ier. 15 ver 4. The Lord sayes I will cause them to be removed into all King domes of the Earth because of Manasseh the son of Hezekiah King of Iudah for that which he did in Ierusaelem So it is also spoken 2 King 21 ver 11 12 13. Because Manasseh King of Iudah hath done these abhominations therefore thus sayeth the Lord God of Israel behold I am bringing such evil upon Ierusalem and Iudah that whosoever heareth of it both his eares shall tingle c. And notwithstanding of the reformation that was in the dayes of Iosiah Yet this judgement came to be accomplished and the Lord sent the bands of the Caldees and of the Syrians surely so it is said 2 King 24 v. 3 4. at the commandement of the Lord came this upon Iudah to remove them out of his sight for the sinnes of Manasseh according to all that he did and also for the innocent blood that he shed which the Lord would not pardon And 2 King 23 26. Though there was a great work of reformation done in the dayes of that non-such King v. 25 Iosiah yet it is sayd notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fiercenesse of his great wrath wherewith his anger was kindled against Iudah because of all the provocations that Manasseh had provoked him with all Yea so did this sin of Manasseh provoke the Lord against the land that how beit Manasseh himself repented and found mercy 2 Chron. 33 v. 12. and questionlesse many of the People turned with him yet these same sinnes of Manasseh are mainly taken notice of as the procureing cause of that final stroke Out of these particulars these few things are very obvious to any 1. That People combined into a society have great cause not only to look to their owne carriage but also unto the carriage of others Since the carriage of others will bring them in hazard of God's judgments and hasten downe vengeance wrath from God on all sure they have need to look about them 2. Especially they have reason to take notice of the publick carriage and deportment of Princes and Pastors seing in a special manner those highten the wrath hasten the judgments of God as hath been shewed 3. If these sinnes in Princes Pastors and others were not committed those plagues and judgments which are threatned and at length executed upon that account would have been prevented 4. If People considering their hazard by reason of these publick transgressions had actively bestirred themselves interposed as that these iniquities had not been committed they had not smarted so for as they did not had they felt the weight of the hand of Gods anger as they were made to do 5. It was not enough for them to have keeped themselves free of these actual transgressions whereof others were really guilty for we finde some punished for that iniquity of others which could not be laid to their charge as actors 6. How ever such as were so punished were not free of inherent transgressions and other sinnes which deserved judgment at the hands of the Lord yet when the Spirit of the Lord is pleased to make no mention of these as the Procureing cause of these plagues but seemeth to lay the whole or maine stresse of the businesse upon that sin committed by others we must thinke that that hath had no small influence but rather a mine causality in the procureing of these plagues and it becometh us to be sober in inquireing after other causes hid from us and rest satisfied with what the Spirit of the Lord is pleased particularly and evidently to poynt
it is of no force when it cometh in competition with the authority of God and is stated against that Religion which by divine authority they are bound to maintaine with hazard and losse of their lives goods and fortunes And therefore the late act of defence being according to their sworne alleagiance to God a necessary defence of Religion cannot be condemned of Treason or Rebellion though it wanted that formality of the authority of Subordinat powers As postponing the authority of inferiour Magistrates in act of obedience and duty of alleagiance unto the Superiour can be no proper disloyalty or rebellion so nor can the postponing of the authority of Superiour and inferiour Magistrates in poynt of obedience and performing alleagiance unto the most Supreame be really treasonable seditious or rebellious 2. If we be sworne to maintaine the King's person and authority in the defence of the liberties of the subject Then who ever preferre the Liberties of the Subject unto his person and authority are not Traitours or Rebels And so the late act of defence being for the liberties of the subject when they were basely betrayed sold and given away by a company conjured into a conspiracy against the same and were trode upon and violently plucked away cannot in conscience or in the law of God or according to any just law of man be accounted or condemned as an act of Treason or Rebellion CAP. XII Some moe Arguments Briefly proposed and Prosecuted WE have in the preceeding Chapters proponed and considered such arguments as gave us occasion to meet with what this Surveyer allaidged We shall here ere we come to consider his objections briefly summe up other arguments The worthy author of Lex Rex Quest 28. and 31. hath some which we shall here set downe partly because that book is not in every mans hand and partly because this windy man pretends to have answered much of that book though he hath not so much as offered to make a reply unto the six hundereth part thereof 1. Pag. 261. thus he argueth That power which is obliged to command and rule justly and religiously for the good of the subjects and is only set over the people on these conditions and not absolutely cannot tye the people to subjection without resistence when the power is abused to the destruction of lawes religion and the subjects But all power of the law is thus obliged Rom. 13 ver 4. Deut. 17 ver 18. 19. 23. 2 Chron. 19 ver 6. Psal 132. ver 11. 12. and 89. ver 30. 31. 2 Sam. 7 ver 12. Jer. 17 ver 24 25 And hath been may be abused by Kings to the destruction of Lawes Religion and Subjects The proposition is cleare for the powers that tye us to subjection only are of God 2. Because to resist them is to resist the ordinance of God 3 Because they are not a terrour to good works but to evil 4. Because they are God's ministers for our good But abused powers are not of God but of men are not ordinances of God they are a terrour to good works not to evil they are not God's ministers for our good 2. ibid That power which is contrary to law and is evil and tyrannical can tye none to subjection but is a meer tyrannical power and unlawful and if it tye not to subjection it may lawfully be resisted But the power of a King abused to the destruction of Lawes Religion and subjects is a power contrary to law evil and tyrannical and tyeth no man to subjection wickednesse by no imaginable reason can oblige any man Obligation to suffer of wicked men falleth under no commandement of God except in our Saviour A Passion as such is not formally commanded I meane a physical passion such as is to be killed God hath not said to me in any moral law be thou killed tortured beheaded but only be thou patient if God deliver thee to wicked mens hands to suffer these things 3. Ibid There is not a stricker obligation moral betwixt King and People then betwixt parents and Children Master and Servant Patron and Clyant Husband and Wife The Lord and the Vassal between the pilote of a shop and the passengers the Phisitian and the Sick the doctor and the Schollar But law granteth 1. minime 35. De Relig. sumpt funer If those betray their trust committed to them they may be resisted If the Father turne distracted and arise to kill his Sones his Sones may violently apprehend him bind his hands spoile him of his weapons for in that he is not a father Vasq lib. 1. illustr quaest Cap. 8. n. 18. Si dominus subditum enormiter atrociter oneraret princeps superior vasallum posset ex toto eximere a sua jurisdictione etiam tacente subdito nihil petente Quid papa in suis decis parliam grat decis 32. Si quis Baro. abutentes dominio privari possunt The Servant may resist the Master if he attempt unjustly to kill him So may the wife do to the Husband If the pilot should wilfully run the ship on a roke to destroy himself and his passengers they might violently thrust him from the helme Every Tyrants is a furious Man and is morally distracted as althus sayeth polit cap. 28. n. 30. seqq 4. Pag. 262. That which is given as a blessing and a favour and a scrine betwixt the Peoples Liberty and their bondage cannot be given of God as a bondage and slavery to the People But the Power of a King is given as a blessing favour of God to defend the poor needy to preserve both tables of the law and to keep the People in their libertyes from oppressing and treading on upon another But so it is that if such a power be given of God to a King by which actu primo he is invested of God to do acts of Tyranny and so to do them that to resist him in the most innocent way which is self defence must be resisting of God and rebellion against the King his deputy Then hath God given a royal power as incontrollable by mortal men by any violence as if God himself were immediatly and personally resisted when the King is resisted and so this power shall be a power to waste and destroy irresistably and so in it self a plague and curse for it cannot be ordained both according to the intention and genuine formal effect and intrinsecal operation of the power to preserve the tables of the Law Religion and Liberty Subject and lawes and also to destroy the same But it is taught by Royalists That this power is for Tyranny as wel as for peacable government because to resist this royal power put forth in acts either of Tyranny or just government is to resist the ordinance of God as Royalists say from Rom. 13 1 2 3. We know to resist God's Ordinance and Gods deputy formaliter as his deputy is to resist God himself 2 Sam. 8. ver
7. Mat. 10 ver 40. as if God were doing personally these acts that the King is doing and it importeth as much as the King of Kings doth these acts in and through the Tyrant Now it is blasphemy to think or say That when a Kings is drinking the blood of innocents and vvasting the Church of God That God if he vvere personally present vvould commit the same acts of Tyranny God avert such blasphemy and that God in and through the King his lavvsul deputy and vicegerent in these acts of Tyranny is wasting the poor Church of God If it be said in these sinfull acts of tyranny he is not God's formal vicegerent but only in good and lawful acts of Government yet he is not to be resisted in these acts not because the acts are just and good but because of the dignity of his royal persone Yet this must prove that these who resist the King in these acts of Tyranny must resist no ordinance of God but only that we resist him who is the Lord's deputy What absurdity is there in that more then to disobey him refuseing active obedience to him who is the Lord's deputy but not as the Lord's deputy but as a man commanding beside his Master's warrand 5. Pag. 263. That which is inconsistent with the care and providence of God in giving a King to his Church is not to be taught Now God's end in giving a King to his Church is the feeding saifty preservation the peacable and quyet life of his Church 1 Tim. 2 2. Esai 49 ver 23. Psal 79 7. But God should crosse his owne end in the same act of giving a King if he should provide a King who by office were to suppresse Robbers Murtherers and all oppressours and wasters in his holy mount and yet should give an irresistible power to one crowned Lyon a King who may kill a Thousand Thousand protestants for their religion in an ordinary providence and they are by an ordinary law of God to give their throats to his Emissaries and bloody executioners If any say the King will not be so cruel I beleeve it because actu secundo it is not possible in his power to be so cruel we owe thanks to his good will that he killeth not so many but no thanks to the genuine intrinsecal end of a King who hath power from God to kill all these and that without resistence made by any Mortal man Yea no thanks God avert blasphemy to God's ordinary providence which if Royalists may be beleeved putteth no bar upon the illimited power of a Man inclined to sin and abuse his power to so much cruelty Some may say the same absurdity doth follow if the King should turne papist and the Parliament and all were papists in that case there might be so many Martyres for the truth put to death and God should put no bar of providence upon this power more then now and yet in that case King and Parliament should be judges given of God actu primo and by vertue of their office obliged to preserve the people in peace and godlinesse But I answere If God gave a lawful official power to King and Parliament to work the same cruelty upon Millions of Martyrs and it should be unlawful for them to defend themselves I should then think that King Parliament were both ex officio and actu primo judges and Fathers and also by that same office Murtherers and butchers which were a grievous aspersion to the unspotted providence of God 6. Pag. 331. Particular nature yeelds to the good of universal nature for which cause heavy bodyes ascend aëry and light bodyes descend If then a wild bull or a goaring Oxe may not be let loose in a great market confluence of people and if any man turne so distracted as he smite himself with stones and kill all that passe by him or come at him in that case the man is to be bound and his hands fettered and all whom he invadeth may resist him were they his owne sones and may save their owne lives with weapons Much more a King turning a Nero King Saul vexed with an evil spirit from the Lord may be resisted and far more if a King endued with use of reason shall put violent hands on all his subjects kill his sone and heire yea any violently invaded by natures law may defend themselves the violent restraining of such an one is but the hurting of one Man who cannot be virtually the Commonwealth but his destroying of the community of men sent out in warres as his bloody Emissaries to the dissolution of the Commonwealth 7. Pag. 335. By the law of Nature a Ruler is appoynted to defend the innocent Now by Nature an infant in the womb defendeth it self first before the parents can defend it Then when parents and Magistrates are not and violent invading Magistrates are not in that Magistrates Nature hath commended every man to self defence 8. Ibid The law of nature excepteth no violence whether inflicted by a Magistrate or any other unjust violence from a Ruler is thrice injustice 1. He doth injustice as a man 2. As a member of the Commonwealth 3. He committeth a special kinde of sin of injustice against his office But it is absured to say we may lawfully defend our selves from smaller injuries by the law of Nature and not from greater c. These and many moe to this purpose may be seen in that unansvverable piece But I proceed to adde some mo◠here 9. If it be lawful for the people to rise in armes to defend themselves their Wives and Children their Religion from an invadeing army of cut throat Papists Turks or Tartars though the Magistrates Superiour and inferiour should either through absence or some other physical impediment not be in a present capacity to give an expresse warrand or command or through wickednesse for their owne privat ends should refuse to concurre and should discharge the people to rise in armes Then it cannot be unlawful to rise in armes and defend their owne Lives and the lives of their Posterity and their Religion when Magistrates who are appoynted of God to defend turn enemies themselves and oppresse plunder and abuse the innocent and overturne Religion presse people to a sinful compliance there with But the former is true Therefore c. The assumption is cleare Because all the power of Magistrates which they have of God is cumulative and not privative and destructive it is a power to promove the good of the Realme and not a power to destroy the same whether by acting and going beyond their power or by refuseing to act and betraying their trust 2. No power given to Magistrates can take away Natures birth right or that innate power of self defence 3. It can fare no worse with people in this case then if they had no Magistrates at all but if they had no Magistrates at all they might lawfully see to their owne self
I sinned saying that David spoke so because he feared none And of Ambrose on the same words saying that he was King and under no Law and therefore he did not sin against man But all this is no purpose For 1. himself will grant that all Kings are not thus exempted and his adversaries will prove the King of Britane one of these limited and restricked Kings that are obnoxious to examination and punishment and these sayings cannot prove that all Kings are so yea or ought to be so 2. Tertullian to vindicate the Christians who would not acknowledge the Emperour to be God and to shew how notwitstanding they respected him according to his place would give him as high titles as he could though not out of flattery and so make him the highest person in the Empire and above the heathen Gods yet he did not set him above all the People in their Representative the Senate or if the did the Senate proved him to be in a mistake by taking course with several of these leud and wicked Tyrants 3. David's single act of adultery and murther were no such acts of Tyranny as are censurable with deposition and so it speaketh not to the case 4. It might be that de facto he did not fear another as Ierome sayes But that will not say that David might have destroyed the inheritance of the Lord without controlle or that other Princes are or should be exempted from restraint and punishment if they turne ingrained and habituated Tyrants 5. Himself will not stand to what Ambrose sayes for he addeth immediatly There is no doubt but David was sensible both of the horrid injury he had done to Uriah the occasion of that Psalm and of the scandal he had given to God's People in which sense he might be well said to sin against both 6. The words of the text vvill not beare that vveight viz. That he had no other judge but God or that as Deodate sayeth he was exempted from all punishment of men was obnoxious to no humane tribunals but as other commentators say the words are to be taken in a comparative sense that this was the greatest aggravation of his guilt that it was such a hainous trasgression in his sight who was privy to it however he did conceale it from all others so far as he could see the Dutch Annot. on the palce and therefore to expresse his spiritual sense of the sin commited against God against whom properly sin as sin is commited he useth this rhetorical ingemination And if the words should have imported what the Surveyer would have them to import they had not been apposite to expresse his spiritual grief sense of the hainousnesse of the crime commited Then he tels us what excellent Mr Calvin sayeth Instit Lib. 4. cap. 20. § 27. and 31. and then sayes It is a wonder how many who pretend respect to Calvin should dar to violate the sacrosanct Majesty of Kings if they will but read over that chapter But is it not a wonder how this man who seemeth to have read over that chapter and particularly § 31 should passe by what worthy Calvin sayeth in the end of that section or should have so little respect unto that worthy man whom he himself accounts to be worthy of respect and but deservedly as to plead for an incontrollable power in Kings When yet famous Calvin tels us there that if the Ephori or States of Parliament connive at the King's tyranny and suffer him to oppresse and insult over the poor People they are wickedly perfidious and palpably betraying their trust Then in the 4 place he tels us That it is not denyed that the King is bound before God to rule his People according to the Law of God and that it is grosse to say Regi quicquid libet licet This is good but what then What if he deviate We maintaiâ—â— sayes he that as sure truth That impunity as from subjects necessarily attends Soveraignity by the Law of God reason and nature For no man can be judged or punished but by a judge above him and the Supreame hath none such c. Answ But Mr Prelate your adversaries will maintaine the contrare as a sure truth We looked for a fourth proof and not for the thing in question or a repetition of what is said The same thing repeated six times will not make six arguments Mr Bishope give a new proof if you can of this firme truth which you maintaine We maintaine by the Law of God Nature and Reason No man hath an uncontrollable power to destroy millions to cut off the heretage of the Lord to destroy his Interest And we have shewed our grounds for this 2. How was Athaltah judged And what a judge was Iehu 3. It hath been told him that the supreame governour hath a supreame power above him The power of the People that made him Supreame governour is above him and can depose him and put another in his place He may be a Supreame governour dispensator and yet their servant accountable unto them and censurable by them when he deviates and turnes a Tyrant and a Wolfe and a Tyger When one King wrongeth another that other will both judge and punish him if he be able and yet is not properly a judge above him Much more may the Representative of the People who set him up and impowered him both judge him and punish him But the good man thereafter would advise Kings not to abuse this inviolablenesse but so much the more to fear sadder punishments from God and for this cause would have them reading the 6 chapter of Apocryphal Book of Wisdome But was there no texts in all the divine Word of God that he would put into the King's hand to read that he must send him to the Apocrypha It is true Kings would do well to remember that they have a God above them who will not be mocked but will bring them to an account of their doings though they should escape Mens hands and to the end they may be put in remembrance of this they stand in need of other monitors then the Men who have forgote it and send them to Apocrypha to finde it And this should keep them within the boundaries of God's Law But as the fear of punishment from Man will restraine some from stealing whom the fear of God would little overawe So it may be the feare of punishment from Men would have no small influence to make some Kings walk by a rule And Subâ—rdiâ—aâ—a non pugnant He would do well to minde them of both and it is like he would finde that more effectual to suppresse Tyranny then to tell them that their sacred persones are inviolable as to Men but yet they would do well to read the 6 chapter of Wisdome He cometh Pag. 77. to speak particularly to what Naphtaly said and alledgeth that It is most falsly and wickedly said that God's providence or God's Word approves the
JUS POPULI VINDICATUM OR The Peoples Right to 〈…〉 and their Covenanted R 〈…〉 Wherein the Act of 〈…〉 and Vindication which was interprised Anno 1666. is particularly justified The lawfulnesse of private Persons defending their Lives Libertyes and Religion against manifest Oppression Tyranny and violence exerced by Magistrats Supream and Inferiour contrare to Solemne Vowes Covenants Promises Declarations Professions Subscriptions and Solemne Engadgments is deâ—â—â—strate by â—any Argumâ—â—ts Being a 〈◊〉 Reply to the first paâ—â— of the Survey of Naph 〈…〉 c By a Friend to true Christian Liberty PSAL. LXXIV Ver. 20 21 22 23 〈…〉 e unto the Covenant For the dark places of the earth are full of the habitations of cruelty O let not the oppressed returne ashamed Let the poor and needy praise thy name Arise ô God plead thine own cause Remember how the foolish man reproacheth thee dayly Forget not the voice of thine Enemies the tumult of these that rise up against increaseth continually HOS I. ver 7. But I will have mercy upon the house of Judaâ— and will save them by the Lord their God and will not save them by bow nor by sword nor by battel by horses nor by horsmen Printed in the Year MDCLXIX CHRISTIAN READER IT will not I suppose be very necessary to make any full Relation or large Deduction of the occasion and first rise of this debate The same being not only fresh and recent to all both Friends and foes who have been Spectators of the great and wonderful workings of God in our Land but the memory thereof if it could be so soon obliterate is revived a fresh by the constantly renewed acts of Tyranny and oppression which from yeer to yeer The Powers acted by the same Spirit of Enimity to the Cause and Interest of Christ are exerceing upon the account thereof So that the Continual rage and Constant opposition which the ingrained adversaries of the Glory and Kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ are dayly acting and making against all who desire to keep a conscience void of offence both towards God and Man and to remember with some sense and feare their solemne vowes and Sacred engadgments unto the Most High will not suffer us to forget how that After our Land was solemnely deâ—â—uted unto God by Solemne Covenants and indissoluble 〈◊〉 and the defence of the Reformed Religion in Do 〈…〉 Worshipe Discipline and Government become 〈◊〉 condition yea the basis of our political constituâ—ion The King not only by his solemne and sacred oath swearing and by his hand writeing subscribing and so fully owneing and approving the same but upon these tearmes and conditions accepting the Royal Crowne and Scepter in the day of his solemne inauguration The People also upon the same tearmes promiseing all subjection and obedience in the Lord And afterward in full Parliament confirming ratifying and approving the same and thereby giving all the security which either Reason Law or Religion could expect or require That all the Ends of these holy Covenants should have been in all time comeing really sincerely and constantly prosecuted by King and Nobles and all ranks of persons within the Land with one heart and minde and consequently That the evils particularly That accursed Hierarchy fully and for ever abjured in these Everlasting Bonds should never be countenanced owned or favoured far lesse re-intro-duced and established and after for our owneing of these necessary things and of the Kings interest in subordination thereunto we were invaded by the English and the Lord who for his his owne holy Ends saw it necessary and doth whatsoever he will in Heaven and in Earth so disposeing overcome and brought into bondage full Ten Years and at length The King who was forced to flee out of all his Dominions returning in such a remarkable and signal way without blood as might have engaged his heart more firmely then ever unto that God who had done such rare and unexpected things for him and made him more then ever fixedly resolve to owne Him and his holy Interests according to his former Vowes Oathes Subscriptions Covenants and Declarations and rationally ascertaned his Subjects that these necessary and good things should not only never be overturned and ranversed but also with greater Zeal and resolution established confirmed and prosecuted then ever formerly how instead of this No sooner did the report of his Majesty's returne come abroad but all the generation of malignants who had ever been heart enemies to the work of God which was carryed on in the Land did lift up theiâ— head insult over the People of God with all their might according to their ordinary insolency spew out their Venome against the work of God and at length obteaning power did raze the same unto the very foundations anull and rescinde all Acts all Covenants all Resolutions and Conclusions which had been made and taken for setling and secureing the Reformed Religion in Doctrine Worshipe Discipline and Government condemne all which had been done in carrying on the Work of Reformation as pure and manifest Rebellion and having re-intro-duced and established abjured Prelacy with all it 's concomitant abhominations did enact and enjoyne most tyrannically a full conformity unto all these abhominations and presse in a most horrid and arbitrary manner the faithful Servants and seekers of God to a complyance with these accursed and ever to be abhorred courses and upon their simple refusal did violently and barbarously eject the faithful Servants of Christ banishing some out of all the three Dominions incarcerating others after thev had imbrewed their hands in the blood of the best of our Nobility and Ministry and chaseing by their irrational and brutish acts multitudes of them from their flocks and familiars and then having in an antichristian manner thrust in upon the People a crew of the basest and naughtiest wreatches the Earth did bear by their cruel and tyrannical acts compelled constrained the couscientious seekers of God to accept of countenance owne and constantly hear such as lawful Ministers lawfully called and sent of God and when honest People considering both the way of their entry to be Antichristian their doctrine false and erroneous their conversation scandalous and abhominable their qualifications rather such as sute the publick Ministers of Satan then the called Servants of God their whole deportment a manifest demonstration to all onlookers that they were never called of God unto that work and considering how iniquously their owne faithful Pastors and Fathers had been thrust from them and how by their solemne Oath they stood obliged to the constant keeping of a perfect antipathy unto every part and pendicle of that abjured Hierarchy and unto what was contrary to sound doctrine and to the power of godlinesse and to the work of Reformation and Reformed Religion in Doctrine Worshipe Discipline and Government did forbear to yield obedience unto these antichristian and iniquous Lawes did by their arbitrary and barbarous executions what by
the edge of the hill by sheep-rodes so that there was no accesse to pursue by horses but a party of foot was commanded to follow the pursute whereupon the Enemies horses were forced to quite their ground and betake themselves to other ground no lesse inaccessable by the honest party After near two houres the Enemy perceiveing that neither party could approach to other as they stood because of a precipice betwixt them came towards a plaine at the foot of the hill and drew up in battalye The honest party now seing that the Enemy was willing to offer battel and that if they should withdraw the Enemy would be encouraged and many of themselves unavoidably discouraged if they should delay till tomorrow the sun being now near setting feared that many should fainte flee away in the night time and others should be lesse able to fight thorow hunger cold seeing no way how to relieve themselves with necessaries at that exigent resolved to imbrace that occasion see what the Lord of Hosts would be pleased to do and therefore resolved after prayer to draw off the hill towards the Enemy keeping still what advantage of ground they could when thus they have approached the Enemy send forth a troup which was rancountered with another of the honest party and beate into their body somewhat as some think inconsideratly upon the part of the pursuers Thereafter the Enemies send off another party to relieve the former which was met with by another of the Honest party But with some disadvanvaâ—tage to the Honest party because they were to approach neare unto the very body of the Enemy ere they could prove a reliefe unto their â—ormer party Yet through the help of the Lord they made their made their adversare-party flee shamefully The enemy perceiving how they had been beaten three times in end in fighting by partyes and seeing how the strength of the Honest party stood in those troups which had not as yet rallied nor returned to their ground in order advanced with their whole body of horse in a full breast with a pretty gallop upon the two troupâ— as they were scattered and drave them back upon the body and thus the only wise God who doth all things after the councel of his owne will ordering it in a short time broke them all And yet it is observable that moe were killed by the countrey men in their escapeing then on the fields The Enemy stayed on the fields all night and buryed their dead who were not a few The prisoners which were taken were carryed into Edinbrough and though by these in power in humanely enough used yet by some whose labour of love both towards the dead on the fields to the prisoners the Lord will not forget tenderly provided and cared for though in a clandestine way Of these prisoners who were taken on the fields others afterward apprehended by Countery men there were Six and Thirty or thereby publickly hanged at Edinbrough Glasgow Aire and other places and their heads and other members of their members of their body are upon poles unto this day to keep the memory of this Noble exploite fresh upon the Hearts of the Godly I shall not further recapitulat what is said concerning this by Naphtali Only I would say this That though many might have been tempted to think possibly the Enemy might have imagined That now their cause was confirmed with a witnesse the honest patriots condemned by God the righteous judge yet after experience made it appeare that the honest cause was never more confirmed then by the death and sufferings of these whom they cruelly murthered as traitours and rebels The Lord so visibly owneing them to the conviction of on lookers that they were no more afrayed of death then of a quiet rest in their beds being ascertaned of the Lord 's accepting of them and their weak endeavours to restore the Kingdome however He who is wise in counsel thought it not for his glory to prospere them in their undertaking at that time And this very consideration did much help to restraine the remainder of the wrath of the adversary who were so enraiged that few thought they should ever have sisted till they had executed all who were their captives Yet the generation of the prelaticall and Malignant faction judicially hardened by this dispensation because as so many carnal sensualists if they beleeve at all that there is a God they measure him and his wayes by their owne yaird and judge of his approving or disproveing of actions by outward dispensations to whom I shall say no more but Careat successibus opto quisquis ab eventu facta not and a puter did not cease to â—ant after the determinations of the cruel bloody Council and cry out upon those Noble and worthy patriots whose memory shall be in everlasting remembrance as Traitours and Rebels justely condemned and executed Whereupon the author of Naphtaly thought himself called of God to write in justification of these innocents And because he saw it was the same Spirit of madnesse and malignnancy which had raged against the work of Reformation from the very beginning that did act those in power against these worthies and that there was no material or substantial difference betwixt the way which these late worthies took and the way which our fore-fathers in the valient maintaineing the interests of Christ and promoveing the work of Reformation in our land had followed in their generation therefore he thought it necessary and useful to make a cleare deduction of the opposition which that poor Church met with at the hands of a Popish Prelatical and Malignant faction And of the constancy valour and Zeal of the Lovers of God and of his interest in adhereing thereto and maintaineing the same against all the rage and fury of the adversary of the Lord's blessing their Noble endeavours with special and remarkable successe And all alongs did clear their innocency and vindicate them from the aspersions that wicked Enemies could lay against them and their actions from such objections as wickednesse it self did or could make against them And at length after a clear representation of the furious genius of the Malignant Apostat generation of this age by their publick and avowed acts and actings and of the sad calamities which the honest adherers to the cause and Covenant of God hath suffered did shew the rise and progresse of that loyal interprise and did fully vindicate the actors therein from the crime of Sedition or Rebellion with which they were most unjustly charged and for which cruely and tyrannically executed But the Mensworne generation of prelatical Apostats finding themselves nearly concearned in that affaire thought it of their concernment to try what could be said in defence of this tyranny exerced mostly for them and at their instigation set some on work to write against that book And therefore they published to the world The I. Part of a
Survey of that book entituled Naphtali and of several doctrines in Lex Rex and the Apolog which had been at rest for some considerable time especially Lex Rex after they had been burnt into ashes as being judged no otherwayes answerable but by a fiery faggot till this Man began to rake in the ashes of these dead Martyres and finde some bones of doctrines yet unburnt which he thinketh now to honour with a more solemne burial But with what evidence and demonstration of truth he hath managed the questions handled in this first part thou mayest judge by what is here replyed in vindication of that solemne truth which he endeavoureth according to his poor strength to dethrone and tread under foot Though we have not followed the Surveyers Methode disireing to be as succinct as might be and to cleare that maine question controverted touching the lawfulnesse of privat persons defending themselves and their Covenanted Religion from the manifest violence tyranny and intolerable oppression of the Soveraigne and inferiour Magistrats to the edification of all yet we have not dealt with him as he hath done even with Naphtali the book which mainly he setteth himself against For he is so far from answereing that book of which he offereth a survey that the most part of the grounds and arguments made use of there to prove the thing intended are not so much as touched by him in all this voluminous pamphlet But we have fully examined and answered all which he hath asserted leaving not one material sentence which was to the purpose in his whole book untouched The judicious Reader will finde this true upon search And no man will think we were called to answere the same thing oftener then once though he was pleased to fill up many pages with meer repetitions The methode we have followed all who know what it is to cleare controversies vvill acknowledge to be the most solide satisfying succinct and perspicuous and such against which no man can justly except We suppose also That we have been as plaine and cleare as the nature of this controversy vvould suffer us and some possibly vvill think VVe have been too too plaine but they knovv vvhom to blame for giving us this occasion for vve made it our designe to bring this question vvhich did concerne common people no lesse then the learned seing it was a matter of life and death unto them no less then unto others home so far as was possible to the capacity of the meanest that they might know and be distinct in the knowledge and perswaded of the lawfulnesse of the grounds of their acting in such a vindication of their Religion and libertyes The truth we have confirmed by many arguments reduceing them to their several heads the better to cleare and confirme the matter and to settle the judgments of all in the apprehension of the Truth and all of them we have so framed that every one of the lowest reach may see how they plainely and peremptorily force home the poynt cotroverted with a demonstrative perspicuity and irrefragable strength So that whosoever shall undertake to draw this saw againe must not think to leave any one of all the arguments which are here adduced if he reckon aright he will finde moe then a hundereth which I shall make good if put to it un-examined for if any one hold And I am not afrayed that many of them shall be found feeble the cause vvhich vve contend for is uncontrovertably yeelded seing one reason which is unanswerable is enough to captivate the judgment unto an assent unto the truth one argument deserted of the adversary declareth his cause desperate We have also dealt faithfully and ingenuously touching on every thing vvhich vvas offered to us and vvich vve thought might conduce unto the clearing of this contraversy because we finde some thing belonging unto this question said by the author of the Second part of the Survey vvhich is now come to hand in the last chapter Pag. 263. c We shall a little touch upon that here reserving the examination of the rest of this 2. Part until a fitter opportunity when if the Lord will we shall discover the weaknesse of all his reasonings and vindicate the truths vvhich he setteth himself against vvith as much clearnesse and succinctnesse as may be He cometh in the place now named to consider the defence made by the impanelled unto what was objected or what further defence Naphtali whom after the old manner he stileth the Lybeller makes for them And 1. He tells us They were posed where they had learned that under pretence of Religion it is lawful for Subjests to rise in Rebellion against lawful authority And then addeth That to this Queree this advocate declines to give a direct answere where such a thing is read or could be instructed Answ Who doth not see That this was a Queree utterly unbecomeing such as pretended to occupy the places of lawfull judges in such matters to propose to persones Empanelled upon their life it being nothing but a meer caption like unto that which is called Multiplex interrogation unto which both the impanelled and this Advocat as he calleth him might lawfully have declined to give a direct answere Because it supposed 1. That their riseing was against lawful authority Whereas it was rather a riseing for lawful authority while against persons abuseing their authority and not walking in the right line of subordination unto the Supream Magistrate and Governour of Heaven and Earth but rebelling against him in makeing lawes contrary to his lawes and executing them contrary to his will and command 2. That their riseing was in rebellion while as it was rather in loyalty to God and the Countrey against such as had erected a Standart of rebellion against the High and mighty Prince Jesus Christ our Lord and Supream Governour and were destroying his interests And in loyalty to that Supreme law The saifty of the People defending themselves against manifest and intolerable tyranny 3. That it was in pretence of Religion when as it was really and unquestionably for the re-establishing of our religion reformed in doctrine worshipe discipline government confirmed ratifyed and approved by Solemne Covenants Subscriptions vowes oathes engadgments declarations professions publick actings acts and Statutes of King Nobles persons of all ranks Parliaments and judicatories Higher Lovver Whereas the true Queree was this Where they had learned to rise in their owne defence and in the defence and maintainance of the true reformed Religion against Such in power who were tyrannically oppressing them and destroying the Established Religion contrare to Vowes Covenants Promises Compacts Declarations Protestations Solomne Engagements Subscriptions c. And if the Queree had been thus proposed it might have received a direct answere To wit That they had learned this from the law of God the lavv of Nature the civil lavv the lavv of Nations Sound reason and the practices of Christians both under the
upon this account any tumult should arise no crime might be imputed unto them but unto such as refused their just Demands And when they wrote that letter May 22. 1559. Wherein they said That except the cruelty were stayed they would be compelled to take the sword of just defence against all that should pursue them for the matter of Religion and that the cruel unjust and most tyrannical murther intended against Towns and Multitudes was and is the only cause of their râ—vâ—le from their accustomed obedience And when they wrote that other unto the Nobility where in they said By your fainting and extracting of your support the Enemies are encouraged thinking that they shall finde no resistence in which poynt God willing they shall be deceived for if they were Ten thousand and we but One thousand they shall not Murther the least of our brethren From all which and from the whole story of these times it is undenyably apparent that they acted for the defence of the truth and of their oppressed brethren and for the carrying on of the work of reformation for some considerable time without the concurrence and conduct of a Parliamentary Representative From all which Instances of our predecessours I would have these thing observed 1. It is remarkeable That when God was to beginne any word of reformation in our Land whether from Popery or Prelacy the powers then in being were standing in a stated opposition thereunto This is notoure both in the dayes of Mr Knox in the yeer 1639. King or Queen and Counciles were stated against it and opposeing the same what they could 2. The only wise God who is wonderful in counsel and excellent in working thought fit not to beginne with the Spirits of the Powers in being to cause them first appeare for the work but thought it more to his honour and glory to make use of foolish things to confound the wise and of weak things to confound the things that are mighty and base things and things which are despised and things which are not to bring to nought things which are It seemed good in his eyes who doth all things after the counsel of his owne will to imploy the least of the flock in that businesse according to that word Ier. 49. 20. and 50. 45. and to raise up meane and contemptible instruments that the work might more conspicuously appeare to be his and the glory thereof redound to himself alone 3. As they would have been glade had it so seemed good in the Lords eyes if the standing Representatives would have not only concurred and countenanced that work but would have according to their places led on the vaune and shewed themselves powers appoynted for God and his glory by exerceing the power which God had put into their hands for God and his interest So the want of their encouragement and conduct did not in the least brangle their confidence of the lawfulnesse of their interprize of so discourage them as to give over their work as desperate and hoplesse 4. Nor did they ever assume to themselves any authoritative and Magistratical power to legitimate their actions as if they had thought that without that formality their resolutions and motions had been condemned as unlawful in the Court of God and Nature but walked upon the ground of that fundamental right granted to all both higher and lower to maintaine the Truth of God upon all hazards and to stand to the defence thereof and of themselves when unjustly persecuted because of their adherence thereunto according to their power and as God in his providence called them thereunto 5. Nor did their adversaries objecting that their actions were treasonable and seditious as being contrare to authority and established lawes scar them from their purposes in the least having the testimony of a good conscience with in them that they had not the least purpose or project to cast off lawful authority or to diminish it's just right and power and knowing that the Powers out of whatever principle and upon whatsoever motives relinquishing their duty and opposeing that truth and way which by their places and callings they were obliged before God to maintaine preserve and promove did not loose their obligation and exeem them form that duty which God and nature had laid upon them but rather did presse them to prosecute their businesse more vigurously as seeing the necessity much more urgent and the difficulty so much the greater And knowing that whatever lawes are made in a Christian Common wealth should be for the glory of God and the good of the souls of the subjects mainly and for their external welbeing only in subordination unto these great Ends and when the observation of the strick letter of the law did crosse the maine good which principally de jure they aimed at they were eo ipso in so far null and voyd before God because it alwayes holdeth good that it is better to obey God then Man and mens commands or lawes unto which obedience cannot be yeelded without contempt of and treason committed against the Highest of all who is King of Kings are as no commands before God and disobedience unto these is no disobedience unto the lawful authority but faithful allaigance unto the most Supream 6. These poor weak beginnings how base and contemptible so ever they appeared yet God was pleased when the time to favour Zion was come so to owne countenance and prospere that the same work at length came to be owned by Publick Representatives and Parliaments yea and the Kings themselves were brought to a publick owneing and approving of the same And who knoweth but if God had thought good to blesse this late act with successe it might have been followed with the like consequent But his time was not come 7. It is also observable That whatever disaster or disappoyntment they did meet with in prosecution of the Reformation and in the preservation and defence of themselves in the owneing of the truth of God though it put them to mourne for their iniquities before God and to acknowledge among other sinnes their too much relying upon the arme of flesh and not resting with a pure faith on his power and protection yet it never made them question their call or suspect the lawfulnesse of their work and businesse as to its substance and end for they knew well that the work was the Lord's and that their call was divine though for his owne holy ends that they might be more humbled and taught do depend with a single heart on his word and promise and to purge out such evills as provoked the eyes of God's jealousy he suffered them to fall 8. When the work came at length to be owned by Parliaments and Higher Powers what was formerly done by persons not in that capacity was not condemned either as unlawful or illegal nor did the valient actors stand in need of any indempnity as if they had been transgressours but all was
pillage plunder kill and persecute unjustly Then the innocents may no lesse defend themselves against their violence injuries oppressions murthers c. then against the violence oppressions and injuries of others for the wrongs and injuries they do are as reall wrongs injuries and in some respect greater as the wrongs and injuries committed by others Therefore the People are still allowed to use their privilege of self defence even against them and their unjust violence in cases of necessity as wel as against others 4. If it was of the People that this forme of Government and not another was pitched upon and made choise of no man in reason can thinke that their condition should be worse under that forme then under any other since they acting rationally made choise of that as the best and most convenient and conduceable to their ends But that that forme should be every was as much for their peace saifty welfare and security as any other ought no more to binde up their hands from necessary self defence when urged thereunto by inevitable necessity then if they were free from under that forme 5. If it was of the Peoples owne accord that they associated with such of such without any previous determination of Nature necessitating them thereunto Then it is rational to inferre that their association with such should not be to their detriment and manifest hurt nor should it incapacitate them for doing that in their owne defence which before that association and combination they were allowed to do So that if the equal half major or minor part should lye by and refuse to concurre with the rest in their necessary defence Those who desire to stand to their owne defence and repel violence with violence are not in poynt of conscience justly restrained or bound up If the equal half or major or minor part of an army betray the cause or revolt to the Enemy the honest party will be allowed in poynt of Law and Conscience and Valour to stand to the cause and defend themselves and their Countrey to the last man yea even though the General himself should become a Head unto that revolting party 6. If it was in the Peoples power to limite the time definitely or indefinitly how long such a forme should continue and therefore had power as Politicians will readily grant to change that forme when the necessity of their condition did require it Sure it cannot be repugnant to Reason to say That the People have still a power to defend themselves from the manifest injuries and intolerable oppression of that forme or of these who are exerceing in that forme If a people may lawfully change a forme of Government when it becometh intolerably grievous and not only not conduceing to the good of the Commonwealth but clearly and sensibly tending to its destruction they may be lesse if not more lawfully defend themselves against the manifest and intolerable injuries thereof Yea even in case they had by vowes or engagements so bound up their hands that they could not alter the forme it were not rational to thinke that their case should therefore be irremediably the worse but that rather God and Nature would allow them in that case so much the more to make use of their primaeve privilege of self defence because they could not use their power of altering the forme for their security and saifty as otherwise they might have done 7. If the People make Magistrates and set them over themselves then though it were yeelded which yet lawyers and politicians not a few will not grant see Althus pol. cap. 38. n. 35. where he proveth it by l. nemo qui 37. de reg jur l 6. solent de offic procons l. 3. de re jud novel 15. de ef civ c. 1 § 1. that they had no power to depose them againe in case of male-administration and abuseing the power to the destruction of the Commonwealth yet it will undenyably follow that the people may defend themselves against their manifest iyranny and oppression for it wil be granted that a People have more power in creating a Magistate then in making a Minister and it will be granted likwayes that if the Minister turne heretical and preach atheisme Mahumetanisme or the like the People though they could not formally depose him or through the corruption of the times could not get him deposed by these who had power yet they might lawfully guard themselves from his unsound doctirne and defend their souls from his haeresie by withdrawing and if he should use violence to force them to heare him acknowledg him as an orthodox teacher they might repel violence with violence and peremptorily maintaine the Truth 8. If it was from the People That such a way of conveyance of the Magistratical power was condescended on so that when they pitched on this they might have chosen any other Then as Lawyers will grant they have still power to alter the same as necessity requireth much more then have they power to defend themselves against the Tyranny thereof and if either at the first constitution or afterward something interveened which laid such a restraint upon them that they could not change that manner of conveyance then so much the more are they allowed to defend themselves from the tyranny thereof by recurring in cases of necessity unto their primaeve privilege and this inward wall and bulwark ought to be the more fortified that they want their outter fortifications 9. If even where the conveyance runeth in a line the Successour cannot pretend to more dominion over the subjects then his Predecessours had and the People cannot rationally be supposed to be in a worse condition under the Successour then they were under his Predecessour seing he holdeth the place not jure haereditario but jure legali or jure constitutionis and therefore if they might lawfully resist the unjust violence of his Predecessour or of the First in the Line no man in reason can deny it lawful for them to resist his tyranny who cometh to that place by vertue of the fundamental constitution and no otherwayes 10. If upon pregnant considerations and for good laudable and necessary ends the People erected a civil state and such a forme of Government and such Governours to succeed to other in such a manner of way as the apparent and probable meane for the sure saife speedy and most effectual way of attaineing these ends It were irrational to think that being disappoynted of their expectations and frustrated of their hopes of attaineing the desired ends by such meanes They were in an irremediable case and had no meane left them of attaineing these necessary ends no not so much as that pure product of Nature self-preservation and power to repel force with force No man will say but that a People are loosed from their obligation to use such meanes which they formerly pitched upon for these necessary and important Ends when i they not only prove
the hazard of calling Magistrats to account judging condemning and dethroning them and the like Having thus cleared how little ground he hath to cry out so against Naphtaly and his party as the sanguinary faction as he doth Pag. 83. and to prosecute that dispute as he doth in the following Pages we will not have much difficulty in answering what he hath said but first let us prosecute our owne businesse and shew what real power People have without their Magistrats in the maintaining and reforming of Religion And 1. It is lawful yea necessary for every private person whether the Magistrates Superiour and Inferiour give their countenance concurrence or consent thereunto or not to purge their hearts and reforme thier lives and to walk in all the wayes of God's Commandements Our Surveyer himself granteth this Pag. 84. for sayes he every one is bound to amend one and so all will be more easily amended Very ture And if this were done our work were at an end and himself would be a Hangman to his owne pamphlet unlesse he think himself exeemed from that duty of reformation and that he hath a dispensation to lie slander calumniate and blaspheme the work wayes and People of God 2. It is the duty of all private persones notwithstanding that idolatry superstition or any other corruption in the worshipe of God be established by authority or countenanced and encouraged or conformity there to pressed to keep themselves pure from such courses as provoke the eyes of God who is a jealous God and will not give his glory to another This is undenyable by all who are not professed Atheists and who know another God then a clay creature and who know that it is better to obey God then a Man Our Surveyer granteth in the forecited place that every one of the people ought to reforme themselves from all real corruptions in the worshipe of God But it may be he maketh this real an open door for him and his fraternity to escape by and so conclude that he and they are arived at the hight of perfection because forsooth they are fallen backward and have a minde to goe backward and never to advance and so fall not under the compasse of this duty But corruptions will be real corruptions though they account them perfections 3. It is the duty of private persons to rebuke admonish exhort reprove observe edify and provoke one another to love and good works Lev. 19. 17. Mat. 18. 15 16. Rom. 15. 13. Col. 3. 16. 1 Thes 5. 11. Heb. 3. 13. and 10. 24. 25. And thus instruct one another in the right wayes of the Lord perswade move and induce them by motives and arguments and all meanes possible to imbrace the truth and to forsake errour or any false way Even though the Magistrates should prohibite and discharge this and by their command and authority should establish errour and corruption and banish truth with their edicts and proclamations Our Surveyer granteth Pag. 84. that no man should say am I am brothers keeper but by faithful instruction warning reproof strive to save others from the evil of the time and places wherein they live And yet he knowes who are persecuted upon this account of meeting together for these and such like ends to strengthen the hands one of another that they faint not in this evil day and to save one another from the evils of these times as keepers of conventicles and seditious disturbers of the peace 4. When there is any corruption in the reformed Religion whether in doctrine worship discipline or government creept in or any corrupt sinful practice come in use and abounding in a land and these corruptions not only connived at by the Magistrates but also countenanced approved and authorized it is the duty of all the faithful Ministers of Christ to be laying out themselves to the utmost in their pastoral functions for the suppressing of these corruptions and enormities notwithstanding of any prohibiton of the Magistrate whose power is not privative in this case to the contrary Though this be abundantly cleared and confirmed by the practice of all the faithful Prophets and Apostles of the Lord both under the Old and under the N. Testament yet we all know how impiously and tyrannically this is denyed to the honest Ministers of Scotland who left they should speak any thing against the rageing evills and abounding corruptions both in matters of opinion and practice which hasten the curse and wrath of God upon the land and make us ripe for destruction are not permitted to preach uncontroverted truthes and the undenyable grounds of Christianity But however this piece of tyranny and persecution be established by law yet the law of God stands unrepealed in full force and vigour by this law all who have a trumpet and a mouth should set the trumpet to their mouth and cry aloud and not spare and both privately and publicky labour thus to reforme the grievous abuses that abound in the land 5. Private persones may let Magistrates command or discharge what they will yea are bound to obey the whole some exhortations and admonitions of Ministers and others who faithfully declare the minde of God and discover abhominable corruptions crying abhominations notwithstanding of any law to the contrary Imbrace and practise the true Religion and reject the corruptions This is certane for it is God's minde and will that his commands be obeyed rather then mans and if Ministers and private persons be bound to exhorte rebuke warne reprove admonish move and perswade it is Peoples duty to hearken to and obey these good and necessary exhortations rebukes warnings reproofs admonitions and persuasions God's minde should be followed hold it forth who will especially when it is declared by his Ambassadours who in a special manner are authorized by him for that effect We know what a dreadful plague and judgment came upon Iudah 2 Chron. 36 16. 17. because they mocked the messengers of God and despised his words and misused his Prophets the wrath of God arose against his People till there was no remedie And it was this which occasioned the Non-churching of the Church of the Jewes Act. 13 46. Sure when Peoples eare is so uncircumcised that they wil not heare and the Word of the Lord is a reproach unto them and they have no delight in it then is there ground to fear the verification of that sad threatning Ier. 6 11 12. that wrath shall be poured out upon the children abroad and upon the assembly of young men together so that even the husband with the wife shall be taken the aged with him that is full of dayes and their houses shall be turned unto others with their fieldes and wives together for I will streach out my hand upon the inhabitants of the land sayeth the Lord. 6. From what is said it is apparent that all who vvould have peace vvith God and peace in their ovvne consciences and joy in the day
sayes he ut in solidum in continenti ab unoquoque promissum peti possit tanquam a principalirëo l. poen de duob rëis stip 2 Chro. 33. 2 King 24. 4. Deut. 29. And his reason is because God would not commit to one the care of his Church and worshipe but to the whole People whom their servants King and Parliaments do represent which also he proveth from Ier. 17 20. and againe Num. 19. He tells us that one of the corrëi must answere for the other and partaketh of his guilt if he do not oppose and resist him as much as he can and so hinder him from breaking Which he proveth from 1 King 14 16. and Num. 23 24. He ansvvers Barclaius alledging the same thing vvhich this Surveyer alledgeth saying Concedo Barclaio in duobus rëis promittendi observari ut uno solvente quod promisit alter liberetur Ergo quando Rex vel Populus ob delictà sua arque foederis initi transgressiones poena â Deo est affectus alter liberabitur Verum haecregula uno corrëo solvente alterum liberari exceptionem patitur in casu quo non insolidum in totâ—m corrëus solvit sed pro parte uti hîc unus ex corrëis poenas persolvens Deo non in solidum solvere potest Deinde haec regula non procedit in delictis In his enim uterque corrëus delinquens criminis socii puniuntur in solidum neque unus poenas luendo alterum liberare potest 1 Sam. 12 ver 27. Et docent id late ICC. Denique praedicta regula non procedat in casu qnando uterque corrëus se in solidum obligavit ad idem factum uti in hoc foedere accidit 2 Chron. 15 ver 13 Vbi de poena subditorum Regis loquitur ut 1 Sam. 12 ver 7. 4. But now the question is what is the Peoples duty in a day of defection He sayes it is only to keep themselves pure from the abhominations and reforme themselves But we have shewed above that the scripture requireth more even some active endeavour to have the National Corruptions removed though not to usurpe the Magistrates place But sayes he The late Covenant it self doth bind private persons in their places and callings which certanely are private and to be managed by private means to endeavour reformation doth not bind any number of private persons to pull the sword out of the Magistrate's hand when they think he useth it otherwise then he should and then they would have him use it if the Covenant be passive of such commentaryes as this man puts upon it That whatever any private party accounts Reformation they may use the vindictive punishing sword against all of all degrees that stand in their way to advance the same we have little reason to be in love with it and just cause to cast it by till it be cleared of such corrupt glosses Answer I feare the Surveyer be so out of love with it and have so cast it by that were it never so cleared as it is cleare enough he hath no minde to take it up againe and he best knoweth what it vvas that moved him to cast it off But 2. as Naphtaly said vvel That clause annexed can not be so restrictive as this Surveyer would have it for certanely it cannot bind up privat men's hands from doing of these things which otherwise were commanded them to do Now whether this Covenant had been or not more would have been required of private persons in a time of great and universal or a national defection then at other times Every man is bound according to his place and station to preserve he Kings person and authority Now put the case that some party or faction should captivate him This man will grant that private persones without the conduct of inferiour Magistrates may joyn together if they be in a capacity to break thorow impediments through the interprize and labour his vindication and delivery and restauration Would he in this case condemne these men as acting without their sphere or as usurpers I suppose not Let him then apply this to our case and he will easily see the parallel So it is the duty of burgesses in their places and stations to promove the good of the society Now suppose a fire kindle and such as are appointed to oversee the quenching of fires either are absent or carelesse or half willing the Town should be burnt shall private persones hands be bound up from doing what they can in what order they may to save the Towne shall they be accounted transgressours or Usurpers of the Magistrat's place though they should materially occupy his roome for that exigent No certanely they should rather be accounted faithful citizens mindeful of their oath and promise So when an army is engaged with the Enemy if the Commanders should perfidiously betray their trust and leave their station or seek the destruction of the army in their station It would be accounted no usurpation in any private persons who could best fill these roomes and places for these exigents to do what they could for the saifty of the army Nor would this be thought contrare to their oath When a Master of a Shipe either through sotishnesse or vvickednesse vvould run the ship against the rock any private Seaman in that case of necessity may to save his ovvne life and the lives of all vvho are in the shipe do the best he can to prevent destruction without any sinful transgressing the bounds of his calling Whence we may understand that in cases of extreame necessity private persones may do more then in ordinary cases and yet not sinfully goe beyond their places and callings and though materially they for that exigent occupy the places of Superiours who sinfully unfaithfully and basely either neglect or betray their trust yet they cannot be accounted Usurpers nor is it rational to say that such as plead for the lawfulnesse of this do plead for the lawfulnesse of private persons pulling the sword out of the Magistrate's hands whensoever they think he useth it otherwise then he should or whensoever he useth it otherwise then they would have him use it and useing the vindictive punishing sword against all Magistrates and others that stand in their way By this also vve may see what injury he doth to Naphtaly when he draweth such consequences from vvhat he said Pag 151. and there did shevv by the simile adduced that such a thing vvas to be done only in extreame inevitable and urgent necessity And what the Surveyer hath said Pag. 116. and 117. needeth no other ansvvere This is not all he must harpe on this string againe Pag. 103. where he sayes That it is to ruine all order to teach that the advancing Religion not only actibus elicitis but actibus imperatis which belong to the Magistrate may be medled with by the people-extraordinary necessities are more easily pleaded then justified as
forth unto us and pitch upon as the peccant and procureing cause 7. Though we could not satisfy wrangling wits touching the equity of this which yet the common and ordinary practice of men forfaulting a whole posterity for one mans transgression will not suffer us to account insolent yet we ought to rest satisfyed with what is clearly and undenyably held forth in the word and beleeve that for these causes such and such plagues were inflicted upon distinct and different persones because the spirit of truth sayeth so 8. As all Scripture was given by the inspiration of God and is profitable for doctrine for reproof for correction for instruction in righteousnesse that the Man of God may be perfect thorowly furnished unto all good works 2 Tim 3 v. 16 17. So these particular passages so particularly described are written for our learning Rom. 15 ver 4. and are out examples that we should not do as they did 1 Cor. 10 v. 6. and are written for our admonition 1 Cor. 10 ver 11. And therefore we must not look slightly upon them but ponder then narrowly as so many documents given us for our use and instruction and particularly that we may take warning to prevent such evils Now let us hear what the Surveyer sayeth Pag. 51. He layes downe two assertions 1. That no man is involved in divine judgments and punishments for the sinnes of others as the deserving cause of his punishment if he be no way accessory to these sinnes of others 2. That no private Subject is accessory to the sins of Rulers nor involved in the punishments of the same meerly upon the accouut of his tolerating the sinnes or not violent resisting the Magistrate in his sinful courses Answ Not to enlairge on these now because of what he is to say in explication of these we are then to speak I would only at present enquire 1. What accession had the army of Israel which was defate by the Men of Ai a stroke which made Iosua rent his cloaths and fall upon his face to the Earth until the even tyde he and the elders of Israel and put dust upon their heads unto the sin of Achan And why doth the Spirit of the Lord say Ios. 7 v. 1. That the Children of Israel had committed a trespasse in the accursedthing And againe ver 10 11 12. And the Lord said unto Iosua Get thee up wherefore lyest thou thus upon thy face Israel hath sinned and they have also transgressed my Covenant-for they have taken of the accursed thing-and they have put it even amongst their owne stuff Therefore the Children of Israel could not stand because they were accursed neither will I be with you any more except yee destroy the accursed from amongst you Though we can learne of no accession which they had unto this particular fact yet we see the whole body is punished as guilty and must be legally purified and sanctified and purged from that contagion 2. What accession had all these who suffered in these three yeers famine which was in David's dayes unto that bloody act of Saul and his house which was committed many yeers before thousands of these who suffered therefore knew the right hand from the left or were borne possibly 3. What accession had the children unborne to the third and fourth generation unto the sinnes of their forefathers and yet the holy Lord thinks good to visite their iniquities on them 4. What accession had the People unto David's sin of numbering the people doth not David himself say 2. Sam 24 ver 17. But these sheep what have they done But let us heare how he explaineth this A certane thing it is sayes he that God doth not properly punish any man but in reference to his owne personal sins as the deserving cause of the punishment albeit he may and often taketh occasion in his wise providence to punish men for their owne sinnes from the sinnes of others and in that only sense they may be said to be punished for the sins of others But every soul suffers for his owne sin Divine justice finding causes of punishment in every one that is punished either their personal accession to the sinnes of others which is their owne sin or else some other sinnes for which he may in justice inflict the punishment upon them albeit the impulsive cause or occasion rather for punishing in such a manner and time c be from the sinnes of others Ans 1. Though vve desire to be vvise unto sobriety in this matter and not to meddle vvith matters beyond our reach yet vve think it saifer to speak in the language of the Holy Ghost then in the vvords of this Surveyer vvho giveth us no Scripture for vvhat he sayes The expressions of Scripture hold forth some thing more then a meer occasion It semeth strange to say that Ahan's sin should have been only an occasion of that discomfiture when the Spirit of the Lord sayes that Israel had sinned and therefore could not stand before their Enemies because they were accursed and that till this accursed were taken from amongst them he would not be with them any more 2. He vvould do vvell to explaine to us vvhat he meaneth by a proper punishment and vvhat is the opposite tearme thereunto 3. We grant divine justice findeth deserving causes of punishment in all in whom is original sin but vve suppose that vvhen that is not mentioned as the procureing cause of such a stroke but the sin committed by another vve ought to look on that mainly as having a procureing causality in that affliction 4. How ever we see he granteth one may be punished for the sin of another or upon occasion of the sin of another as he loveth to speak to which he hath no personal accession 5. If these sinnes of others were only the occasion of punishing in such a manner or time how cometh it that the very punishment it self is removed upon the taking away of that sin according to God's appoyntment and God is pacified toward the whole as he was vvith Israel vvhen Ahan vvas killed and Seven of Saul's sones hanged up 6. But whether vve take these sinnes of others as impulsive causes or occasions of such punishments This is cleare That if these sinnes had been prevented these punishments had been prevented also so that if Saul had not gotten liberty to have staine the Gibeonites in his bloody rage contrare to oath and Covenant these three yeers famine had not come And if David had been hindered from numbering of the people and had not gotten his vvill these Seventy thousand had not died then as they did And seing no other cause or occasion is rendered of this it vvould clearly warne all in a Community and Society to labour by all meanes according to their power and places to hinder the Committing or removing when committed of these sinnes which bring heavy plagues on the Community The Dutch Aunot on 2 Sam. 21 1. say that
and resolved not to returne to their owne houses ver 8. until these Children of Belial in Gibeah had been executed and evil was put away from Israel Cap. 13 v. 2. To say that this speaks not to our case is but to wrangle for sure if we should suppose that Benjamin had been maintaining their integrity and the true worshipe of God against the generality of the People who had turned idolaters and had raised war against them because they would not depart from their profession would he have condemned the minor part for standing to their defence in this case Or if they should have joyned together to have hindered the defection of the major part or removed the corruptious that were prevailing would he have condemned them Sure this is not improve Scripture a right but rather to elude it for there is not the least shaddow that the stresse of the matter is laid on this that they vvere the major part Finally he cometh to Achan's case Jos 7. and tells us That there is nothing in it to justify private persones rising against the Magistrates and plurality of the people to avert the judgments of God for what was done to Achan was done by the Supreame Magistrat Josua Answer But Naphtaly only maketh use of this place to shew that our reformers had great reason to feare and tremble lest the manifest toleration of proud cruel flattering Prelats and idolatrous Priests whose wickednesse and idolatry had corrupted the whole land might involve the whole Nation in destroying indignation since the wrath of God for the hidden and secret sin of one poor Achan suddenly and fearfully overtook the whole People and all the congregation of Israel so that that man perished not alone in his iniquity Now can any body deny this consequence But our Surveyer layeth downe againe his peremptory assertions without further proof and we have spoken to them already and need not repeat things so oft as he gives us occasion so to do otherwise we should follow this fool in his folly and weary the reader as he doth in repeating almost whole pages verbatim let any look and he shall finde the whole 61 page except some groundlesse jibes which do not help his cause nothing almost but repetitions We shall then goe on and draw forth our arguments from what is said to shew that the late act ought rather to be praised then condemned For 1. Thereby they were endeavouring according to their power and places as that exigent required when all doores were closed from essaying any other meane not only to defend themselves against manifest and intolerable injury and oppression but to save themselves their posterity and the whole land so far as lay in their power from the wrath and vengeance of God and the dreadful plagues and judgments that were and are to be expected for the dreadful and unparallelable apostasy and defection of a corrupt ministry Did God threaten that Zion should be plowed as a field and Ierusalem become as a heape That Iacob should be given to the curse and Israel to reproaches for the sinnes of a corrupt ministry and when our eyes did never see a more corrupt company who have partly apostatized from their sworne profession and partly are thrust in over flocks to the ruineing of their souls the corrupting of the truthes of God and to be a standing occasion of dreadful persecution unto them and when for this cause nothing could or can be looked for from the hands of a just and jealous God but wrath without remedy and judgment after judgment till we become as plowed fields and as heaps Can or ought these to be blamed who standing to their sworne profession were labouring in the integrity of their hearts to purge the land of these plagues and locusts that we might become a holy and pure Church unto the Lord and that the Lord might delight to dwell among us and for this end tooke their lives in their hands and essayed that now sole remedy seing there was no other meane left unto them whereby to attaine this noble End 2. When one Apostat city not taken course with according to the command of God would provoke God to anger against the whole assembly of God's People so that till it was destroyed he would not have mercy or compassion upon them was there not much more reason to feare that God's anger should burne against Scotland his covenanted People and that he should have no more mercy on us since there was such a dreadful defection in it whereof not only one city but many cities were in an eminent manner guilty having so foulely departed from their sworne truth and profession and openly and avowedly revolted from God and his wayes and since there was no other way imaginable to prevent this heavy indignation of God Shall any condemne these who our of Zeal to God's Glory and for the good of the poor land whereof they were members took their lives in their hands and did what lay in their power to have that corruption and apostasy removed and God restored to his honour and the land to it s Covenanted integrity 3. Since the backslideing and defection of a few members of a Society joyned together in a Covenant to God as his People brings vvrath upon the vvhole if timeous remedy be not used as the forecited places shevv Shall any condemne these vvho endeavoured according to their povver to prevent the destruction that vvas and is to be feared for the defection not of a fevv not of one poor Achan but of multitudes and that of all ranks and conditions 4. Did the people of Israel goe out as one man to prevent apostasy when they heard some rumore thereof in a part of their number and to take course with and purge the land of a crying evil that was committed in one of their cities who shall condemne these who lately went out with one heart and spirit to do what in them lay to remove the far-carryed-on defection and the dreadful evil of perjury and many other hainous crimes that did yet do abound whereof Many of all rankes were guilty even such as should have been by their publick places and stations eminently appearing on the head of these worthyes for the glory of God and the good of the whole Church and Kingdome 5. Seing the publick transgressions of Kings and Princes do hazard the whole Realme and Commonwealth as the instances formerly adduced do cleare How much reason have People of all rankes qualityes and conditions to be doing what lyeth in their power either to prevent and hinder that these iniquities be not committed which prove destructive unto the Land or labour by all meanes to have them done away when committed before the fierce anger of the Lord break forth And since it is not our and undenyable how our Kings and Nobles and other judges have revolted from a sworne Covenant Truth and Profession and openly and avowedly renunced the
their tongue or pen. And rather blush when they read or remember this we are hopeful that such and the like perfidious practices well pondered will not only contribute much to re-unite them in hearty affection unto their faithful Brethren now in the same furnace with themselves for the same cause and interest but also cause them reflect upon their former proceedings consider what a native tendency that which gave the rise to all that debate had unto this which is to day our sin our shame and our Sorrow that they may joyne with the Rest of the faithful of the land in mourning for such national sinnes Whereby the wrath of God may be turned away from us and the Church restored to her former beauty and integrity in the Lord 's good time 3. It is Manifest that this Surveyer who ever he be some others with him had some other thoughts in their heads at that time then they durst expresse finding the far greater part of the Ministerie corrupted would have had the rest resolving upon an absolute submission to all their determinations though they had been openly avowedly to introduce prelacy yea popery to have submitted to their summar censures of deposition what else they thought good to inflict without the least resistence or counteracting thus to have patiently submitted to see Christ his royall truthes banished out of the land by ecclesiastical acts Popery Prelacy re-established by horrible iniquity Though we were ever confident such as now through grace abide stedfast had no such thoughts or intentions 4. This Surveyer dealeth with all alike as he misrepresented Lex Rex in the civil debate so doth he now misrepresent the protesters in the Church-debate for when or where did they say That persones were not bound to submit but to counter-act the judicatories of the presbyteriall government whensoever they thought the sentence wrong unlawfull Did they ever assert that a mans owne conscience was the only vvarrand and ground of his submission or non-submission or of his obedience or disobedience 5. So doth he abuse misrepresent Naphtaly as any vvill see who considereth his words in the place cited which are these Now how a discretive judgment in these cases both of unrighteous commands wicked violence specially in the later which is by far the more sensible doth necessarily remaine with the people in what manner the same is to be determined cautioned so as neither to license disobedience against authority nor create seditions in the Commonwealth is already fully cleared This is some other thing then to say that al is to be referred to every man's privat discretive judgement vvithout any caution or limitation added or supponed 6. Because it is not our purpose to revive that debate vvhich vvas betvvixt the Protesters the Publick Resolutioners but as vve vvish it had never been heard of so vve desire it may buryed in perpetual oblivion that hence forth there may be hearty joyning in the cause covenant of God for prosecution of all the ends thereof according to our severall capacities That so we may become one stick in the hand of the Lord renunce this apostacy all courses tending thereunto so goe on as before that un happy difference broke out with zeal unanimity Therefore we shall forbeare to examine what that Reviewer of presbytery no papacy said And though we finde that much of what the Surveyer sayeth here is borrowed from that Reviewer is answered already as to our purpose yet we finde the Reviewer grant severall things which will quite destroy the parallel as to our case shew the Surveyer to have been but a fool in mentioning that pamphlet now For 1. He Pag. 104. sayeth We do not urge submission in this matter betwixt us in matters of doctrine or articles of faith in morshipe government nay nor rules of discipline And so insinuats as much as that if the Dogmatick and Diatactick power of Christ's courts be abused and corrupt doctrine and practices pressed he would not be for submission And therefore upon this ground waves the arguments of the protesters taken from the instance of Athanasius not submitting to the Arians deposeing him for asserting the divinity of the Sone of God and the 11. Arg. making a supposition of enacting the Masse and all the heresies of Rome saying For when Church judicatories deny homage to the Sone of God and returne to Rome We shall not debate the poynt of non-submission only with them but shall run from them as from synagogues of Satan Upon this same ground he waves the argument 13. which did shew that this submission was prelatical And the passage of our confession of faith ratified An. 1567. which is thus art 12. So far as the Council proveth the determination and commandement that it giveth by the plaine word of God so soon do we reverence and imbrace the same but if men under the name of a Council pretend to forge unto us new articles of our faith or to make constitutions repugning to the word of God then utterly we must refuse the same as the doctrine of devils which draweth our souls from the voyce of our only God to follow the doctrines constitutions of Men. So doth he upon this ground lay by what they said Pag. 49. That by this submission there was no remedy but that at one stroke the precious interests of Christ and truthes of God must be borne downe and buryed in oblivion and the Saints and Ministers of the gospel be buryed under the rubbish thereof As also their Arg. 15. which did shew that this unlimited submission did Leave the Church destitute of all Ecclesiastical remedies in the case of a general defection and open a wide door for making the government of the house of God degenerate into Tyranny c. And their 2 Argum shewing how contrary it was to Scripture and how hard it was to say that a man duely qualified being suspended from the Sacrament or from the exercise of his Ministery or excommunicated because of his pressing and holding forth some precious Truth of God which a Church judicatory condemneth for a lie should submit And also their 8. Arg. Pag. 108. which was this What is denyed jure to Oecumenick Councils and so lawfully called Prophets and Ministers of the gospel to Nathan to David to Paul to an Angel from heaven Gal. 1 ver 18. cannot warrantably be given to General Assemblies If they teach or decree not according to the word of the Lord we are to counteract and to contradict Gal. 1 ver 8. Therefore c. Now in all these cases the Reviewer would not plead for submission to Church judicatories Why then doth this Surveyer plead for absolute submission and unlimited to civil powers since he is pleased to draw a parallel betwixt them But we see that evil men and seducers waxe worse and worse So that by
so must be a precedent example for judges and Magistrates in all time coming and by this example any member of the Council might lawfully rise up and execute judgment on this wicked wreatch and his cursed fraternity who have brought by their apostasy and defection from the Covenant and cause of God the wrath and curse of God upon the land 2. That Phineas was the High Priest's sone we know and that he was afterward High priest himself is truth but that he was at this time a publick Magistrate or a member of the great Sanhedrin we see not It is true there were some Princes of the tribes men of renowne Numb 1. ver 16. but he is not mentioned among those neither were these the great Sanhedrin So these princes of the assembly Numb 16 2. were not the Sanhedrin which did consist but of 70 Members Numb 11. Nor was Phineas one of them And that congregation of the children of Israel mentioned Numb 25 6. amongst whom Phineas was ver 7. was not the Sanhedrin which we never finde as I remember so called but the whole body of the People who were then mourning partly for the sin commited and partly for the execution when the heads of the People vvere hanged up and a thousand moe killed by the judges at Moses his command for Paul 1 Cor. 10 ver 8. sayes there died of the plague tvventy three thousand and here vve finde there fell in all tvventy foure thousand Againe it is remarkable that this single act of Phineas in killing two persons is so much rewarded and taken notice of by the Lord yea more then the many who were killed by the judges ver 5. So that it seemes he was no publick Magistrate and that he did it with the approbation of Moses is probable but that Moses did command him we see not only we finde that the Zeal of God moved him and therefore is he highly rewarded though he was but the son of Eleazar the son of Aaron Yea that which the Surveryer citeth out of Deodat rather confirmeth this for Deodat calleth it an act of extraordinary zeal motion of God's Spirit and he addeth that Moses the Supreme Magisstrate did approve it but what needed this if he had been a Magistrate seing there was a command given to the Magistrates ver 5. and a command is more then an approbation Aquinas and Gerhard call him it is true a judge but we see no proof unlesse they could evince that he was a member of the Sanhedrin of which Gillespy speaks in his Aarons rod. lib. I. c. I. The Dutch Annotat. on Psal 106 31. Suppose him to have been no Magistrate but say that this fact was beside his ordinary calling His 2. answere is Pag. III. That suppose he had been a meer private person yet it could prove nothing because he did it with the approbation and good liking of Moses and so he is but the executor of that unanimous sentence Answ But not only is this not written but the scripture giveth another ground of his fact then any warrand or command of Moses And so his answere in rebus facti a non scripto ad non factum non valet consequentia is not to the purpose Now I say the scripture giveth another ground viz. his zeal for his God which is not spoken of the other judges who ver 5. were commanded of Moses to execute judgment yea that word Psal 106 30. then stood up Phineas and executed judgment clearely hinteth at more then his being a meer satelles Magistratus and the ample reward which was given him and the Lord 's counting it to him for righteousnesse speak some other thing then that he had a call of the Magistrate and was his executioner In the 3 place he sayes The cases are different for then was horrible idolatry and villanous whordome committed avowedly and with a high hand in the sight of the Sun and in way of open doing despite to God but it is not so now Answ Prudence might have taught him to have concealed this for it were easy to draw such a parallel as would make him afrayed if any did intend to follow that example For I am sure what ever he account of the present apostasy and how ever he mince it as no doubt zimri would have minced his uncleannesse when he justified the fact before the Council as he told us Iosephus said yet the apostasy and perjury is open avowed abhominable and villanous committed in the sight of the Sun in despite of God and maintained as right and lawful howbeit it be such as the very heavens may be astonished at For such open avovved malapert vvickednesse defection and perjury all things considered vvas never heard of in any generation Hovv our reformation aud confession of faith is maintained vve have heard and albeit he make all the change to be only a change of the exterior forme of Church government yet when he is before his judge he shall finde in the cup of this iniquity manifest avowed perjury overturning of the work of God destroying of the interest of Christ blasphemy near unto that unpardonable sin if not the very same in fathering the works of the right hand of the Most high on Satan open and avowed persecution of godlinesse opening of a gap to all licentiousnesse horrid iniquity increase of idolatry villanous and avowed whordome Sodomy atheisme and devilry and more wickednesse then tongue can tell or pen can paint out but is on clear record before the Lord. 4. Sayes he Let it be so that he was a meer private man and had no warrand from the Supreame Magistrate to do what he did his fact cannot warrand Men to attempt the doing of such acts unlesse they can shew as good warr and and approbation from God as he could Answ That he had God's warrand and approbation vve do not doubt but that it was such an approbation as was peculiar to extraordinary un-imitable acts is the thing in question we grant with him That God is the Lord of all Magistrates and of all men's lives can when it pleaseth him crosse ordinary rules and apppoynt some to execute his judgments extraordinariely but the question is whether every thing which the Surv. accounteth extraordinary is so indeed He may sayes he send Moses to kill the Egyptian Eglon to kill Ehud he should say Ehud to kill Eglon Elias to destroy companyes of men with fire from heaven or to kill Baal's Priests He may command Abraham to kill his sone Isaac he may excite David to a bloody duëel Sampson to murther himself Ans Will the Surveyer account these instances alike extraordinary and unimitable Sure Royalists will think that Ehud's killing of Eglon may warrand any private person now to kill a tyrant without title But I lay more weight upon Iohn Knox his distinction in this matter in his debate with Lithingtoun hist. of reformation Pag. 390. edit in fol. And as touching sayes Mr.
to asperse then credit the constant integrity of whose conversation will easily stop his foule lying mouth in the Consciences of God's people who know them If these persons get no other Orator to set forth their praises then this man who is a black raven of the same nest I feare their conversation shall never stop all mens mouthes For my part I shall and I suppose that author will be content to referre the determination of this to the consciences of all God's people who know them And let such judge whether they be men of integrity or men of constant integrity we could tell storyes of some but we shall for beare it may be a volum will be made of their prophane practices when such as know them best and observe their wayes shall help us to a legend of their wayes courses And when the world seeth this It will judge of the integrity of their conversation but enough of this trash here 9. In the follovving paragraph beginning Pag. 10. he is at some demurre not knovving vvell vvhat course to take vvith that book which this true Cretian calleth a bundle of impudent lyes and falshoods grosse slanders and revileings not one of which hath he as yet discovered But where lay the difficulty Upon the one hand sayes he it was thought best to neglect the rage of this man if one that hath so much renunced humanity as he is here seen to do may be so tearmed lest by being noticed he might think himself some what A very hard censure to make a supposition if one who speaketh with so much weight of reason as transcendeth the reach of this animal may be tearmed a man If the supposer were not known to be no acute judge being animal amphibion bipes a double face'd gentle man vvho hath turned his coat his tongue too But why would he grudge poor Naphtali this Or doth he think that his taking notice of him will make him esteem the more highly of himself Not one white a stout man will never think himfelf the more valiant 〈◊〉 a foolish childe set upon him with a straw Was there no other reason Especially sayes he lest People who as they affect are ordinarily opinionated might have too much matter 〈◊〉 â—eed their humour to fournish their light discourses 〈◊〉 to ensnare their souls by representing to them the matters of this libel worthy to be buried in oblivion they being too apt whatever Salvo might be added to receive the poison without the antidote according to their prejudices This was a good consideration and if the Man had been as tender as he pretendeth to be hes hould not have digged up what deserved to be buried especially since he might have known he was not able to prepare a sufficient antidote But thought he that his silence would have hindered any to have pondered that book I beleeve indeed his silence had done more good to the King and his cause then all his hote work is like to do and he hath done more to insnare souls if it be to insnare them then Naphtaly did I do not meane by representing some other things to the consideration of people but by his adding so weak and inconsiderable a Salvo that he fixed what Naphtaly said more deeply in their hearts if judicious Readers did not account it unanswerable before they did see his weak non-answereing Reply What further It seemed also Sayes he a matter full of tediousnesse to a well composed heart to enter into a fire of endlesse strife and continual reciprocation of altercations wherein a Man is not likely to finde more truth then he hath already truth in the most important matters in the book having been of old fully vindicated by learned hands and nothing now opposed but old songs chanted over and over againe although like enough to lose much of that charity and calme and composed temper of heart which he had before Then it seemeth his heart was not a well composed heart for it did not seem tedious unto him to enter into this fire of endlesse strife and continual reciprocation of altercation and to spend so much time and paper and paines in vaine And we must pity his case now who hath lost much of that charity and calme and composed temper of heart which he had formetly Sed qui nihil habet nihil amittit a little stok is soon wasted By whom to this day was Lex Rex answered And doth not himself say that Naphtaly out stripes his Masters even as to the most important matters of the book Hovv is it then that he sayes there is nothing but old songs chanted over and over againe This Man is sui similis As yet as inconsistent with himself in his words as in his walk But seing he had the help of so many old Vindicators hovv comes it that he hath acted his part so childishly and vindicated the King's cause worse then any Man that ever put pen to paper as is shewed Why did not this pigmay set himself upon their shoulders that he might have seemed something What was there more on this hand What Man is he sayes he that knowing how much more important work he hath upon his hand for his owne salvation and honouring God in his station in the World would willingly engadge in endlesse contests with persons whose idlenesse gives them too great opportunity of evil doing and who having cast by the Lord's work in building his Church are too much set to do Satan's vvork in dissipating the same Then this Man thinketh it is inconsistent vvith one to minde the vvork of his vvne salvation and to defend the King's cause vvhich is very true Let the King and his party notice this But it is strange that seing he thought the vvork of his opposers Satan's he should not think it incumbent to a tender soul to do vvhat he can to destroy the vvorks of the Devil vve see also that the love of money is the root of all evil and hath caused him run greedily after the error of Balaam for revvard for to purchase the hire he hath cast by the important vvork of his salvation and laid aside the honouring of God in his station This is the Man 's constant integrity As for those Men whose idlenesse he talkes of if he meane Ministers he knoweth who hindereth them from doing the work of the Lord in building his Church and they will ansvvere for it and he also for his share in that and for this vvork of Satan vvhich a little money hath prompted him to and vvhen they are vvrestling and pleading for Zion and the cause of her King God vvill not account them idle nor evil doers nor setters up of Satans work What further It seemed honourable enough sayes he to decline this contention and strife which is like the letting out of watters in expectation that either Mansconscience if it be not infinitly corrupted may the confute him in most of his assertions and
and reproaches He vvhether he had medled with this work or not the rest with their underlings are the true hirelings wolves destroying the flock of God in this work thought there be not otio sum silentium there are otio sa verba and vvorse praetereanihil and an unvaliant impudent affronted pleading for untruth tyranny and vvickednesse vvhich is neither a product of prudence nor magnanimity And vvhen he hath cited Prov. 26 5. and Tit. 1 10 11. he hath adduced his ovvne Doom and accordingly he is ansvvered and his mouth let it be is vvide as it vvill gaged and stopped not with butter which is unfit to stoppe a breathing mouth but vviht more solid stuff so that vve are confident the gangraene of his vvords shall not creep far not infect such as are cleane and as for such as are uncleane they owe their infection to some other not so innocent in vviâ— and parts as he is 11. Novv the dye being cast and he resolved to say something he is as much perplexed anent the way of handling this businesse Yea he sayes There is a greater difficulty in dealing vvith this Man of no forehead or if he have any it is of the hardest metal of little conscience but of infinite loquacity and of a most unbridled tongue vvhich is a treasure of all revileing language Yet he finds him and vvill possibly yet more finde him a man vvhose fore-head is of harder mettal though not in impudency shamelesse audacity then he is able to stand against and a man of more conscience then to contradict himself either in vvords or deeds as this verlumnus a man of a debauched conscience doth a man not of infinite loquacity or of an unbridled tongue vvho repeateth not the same thing over and over againe ad nauseam us que nor one who speaketh non-sense at randome as this poor pamphleter doth but a man of more solid reason and nervous succinct expressions then he vvas able to comprehend And vvho so shall compare the tvvo together shall finde he hath put the saddle on the vvrong horse But where did the difficulty lye The great difficulty vvas sayes he hovv to moderate and temper a stile of vvriting tovvard such an one difficile est satyram non scribere contra satyrum for hardly can a man meet in any book vvith more bitter invectives against all authorities and dignities appoynted and approven of God then are here to be found all that have gone that way before him seem but Children in vvickednesse in comparison of him he deserves to be in the first classe of these Jude v. 8. Who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities Answ Naphtaly it is true is no base sycophant nor slatterer nor is he because of free and faithful holding forth of the wicked and sinful carriage of these in authority and of these who have usurped authority to be accounted a writter of Satyrs or of invectives else the Prophets writings shall not escape that sharpe censure Nor is he upon this account to be reckoned among far lesse to be put into the first classe of these who despise dominions c. unlesse by this ignoramus who knoweth no medium betwixt base flattering of dignities and speaking evil of them Yet in the following part of that Paragraph he sayes he deserveth well because of his plainnesse though it be but his sancy to think that Either King or Nobles are in hazard to be dispossessed by private persons in a Phine as like Spirit yet he is truely and especially afrayed of the ministry and mainly of the Bishops because such strokes approach neare to himself and the burnt Childe feareth the fire And his fear blindeth his eyes so that he cannot see to read Naphtaly a right And I think no heroik person will desire to imbrew their hands in their blood who are far below the wrath of a man far more the indignation of an Heroik person though they shall never be found innocent be pursued when they will He but lyeth when he sayeth in the following words That Naphtaly with his tragical oh's awakeneth the rage of the rudest multitude which becals Zeal of God to execute judgement on them that the fierce angco of God may be turned away Nor doth he tell them if they do not so they are plagued with sâ—upidity and blindnesse It is true which he sayes that All soris of Rulers in the land may see their dittay and their doom drawne in that book But no otehrwise then as the word of God giveth warrand and there they would read it and repent in time lest they sinde it verified He is but like himself a false lyar when he sayes that Naphtaly Discovereth the malicious cruel and bloody designes of his party For they have no malicious cruel nor bloody designes their only designes being to maintaine their integrity and their reformed Religion which Enemies combined against Christ are seeking to destory This man imagineth a snare where there is none but seeth not the snare which Satan and his owne hands are setting for his soul neither will he and the rest take warning though the word of the Lord do clearly discover wrath and vengeance at hand and whether then they be worthy of a faire hood and bells Let any judge but sure I am they shall one day see their folly and madnesse and write Abner's Epitaph over themselves But we wish them rather repentance and to be wise in time not against their will but willingly 12. And furder ibid Pag. 13. he tells us It were irksome and unsuteable to one who desireth to keep the constant compsure of a Christian Spirit to indulge an humour of retaliating And that he is at a great disadvant age because it almost transcends in his apprehension humane patience to treat mildly with such an insolent one O! Who would not pity this man who is put off the constant composure of a Christian Spirit But can he be in the composure of a Christian Spirit who is so easily moved off it by that which should rather settle him in it Can his patience be good which is so stirred by hearing of truth told And who can think that he hath been of any composure of a Christian spirit who hath not indeed indulged an humor of retaliating but of brawleing in a transcendently insolent manner without ground given being transported beyond the bounds of humanity let be humane patience Then Pag. 14. he Sheweth what reason he hath to use a more then ordinary vehemency of a keen stile saying Shall Masters of consusiâ—n as if he were not a Davus Indulging themselves in their proud moro suy â—unworthyly demeane themselves toward the sober defenders of the truth but who are these And will not this be a sufficient Apology for them to put forth some sting But good Sir I fear your sting be gone long since because you are become a drone We have seen your good will to shoot your sting
goe upon for private persones violent resisting the Magistrate viz. the abuse of his power if they hold good will as effectually evince a non-subjection violent resistence to Parents and Masters in abusing their power Answ We say not that the Magistrate's abuse of his power is the only ground of resistance this should have been shewed and not said barely as it is here But when other things give ground of resistence yea and a call thereunto it is enough for us to say that we resist not the power but the abuse of the power 2. Though we walked upon no other ground which is false as is cleare from what is said yet his consequence would be null unlesse he should affirme which yet he dar not That the Magistrate is under no other obligation to his Subjects then Parents are to their Children and Masters to their Slaves But what sayes he 2. as death is not so no punishment unjustly inflicted is eligible where lawfully it can be warded off But this is the state of the question if private persones may lawfully violente the Magistrate abuseing his power if in greater evils unjustly inflicted there is alwayes a liberty for inferiours violently to re-offend the powers above them Why not in lesse evils too These gradual differences of inflicted evils cannot make such variation in the poynt of duty seing the grounds hold equally strong if a man may resist the Magistrate for abuse of his power he may do so also against his father or Master on the same grounds and if he may not so deal with them he may not deal so with the Magistrate neither Answ It is true that no punishment unjustly inflicted is eligible where lawfully it can be warded off but there may be more said for the lawfulnesse of warding off of death then for warding off a little blow And 2 there may be more said for warding off a blow then for warding it off by violenting the Superiour We speak not of violenting the Superiour but of warding off the blae and bitter blowes and such other iujuries equivalent to death done by his bloody emissaries which may be done without violent re-offending the powers above us 3. When the injuries are great and grievous and not easily reparable God and nature will allow a warding of these off even by violence when they can no otherwise be shuned Though a Childe may willingly Subject himself unto correction though he do not really deserve it yet if his father in stead of taking a whipe to chastise him shall take a sword to hew him in pieces or a knife to cut his throate I suppose in that case the Childe may refuse hearty subjection and either flee away or if he cannot save his life so long as he can either by calling for help or with his owne hands if he be able And here he will grant I suppose that the gradual difference of inflicted evills will make a variation in poynt of this duty of resistence So in smaller injuries subjects may be patient and beare a little for redeeming more and rather suffer the losse of little then hazard all but when it comes to an extremity and Life and Religion and Liberty and all that is dear to them as men as Christians is in eminent and unavoydable hazard then they may lawfully stand to their defence and resist that abused power not meerly nor only nor formally because it is an abused power but because it is so abused as that it destroyeth the ends for which it was appoynted and destroyeth all that is deare unto them and which they are bound to defend upon any hazard if it be in their power because the losse is irreparable Though a gradual difference of evil inflicted do not vary the spece of evil inflicted the least evil inflicted being an evil essentially as well as the greatest to him who doth inflict it yet it may alter the ground of resistence not only of superiours but also of equals and inferiours for I may beare with a smal injury at the hand of mine equal and inferiour and not so much as seek reparation by law when I see that either the matter is not tanti or that I shall expend more in regaining my owne then all my losse was But will he think that upon this ground it will follow that if mine equal or inferiour shall endeavour by fraud or falsehood to take from me my whole estate I may not then sue him at the law and vindicate my owne Sure it were irrational to say so 6. This will speak as much against resisting of the inferiour powers as resisting of the Supreame For they are metaphorical Fathers too and superiours over us as well as the Soveraigne and the comparison will hold in the one as well as in the other Now if he think that the concurrence or command of the Inferiour Magistrate will not warrand Subjects to resist the Supreame He must also say that the concurrence or command of the Superiour will not warrand a resisting of the inferour and so it shall be alike unlawful to resist any if this comparison hold according to his urging of it For it was not lawful for the Childe to resist the Mother but to suffer patiently her chastisment though the Father should have been indulgent and would have pardoned the Childe or extenuated and excused the Childe as not guilty of the fault alledged So was the childe also obliged to be Subject unto his Father's corrections though the indulgent Mother would have taken the Childe's part against the Father 7. The Servant was to bear buffets patiently 1 Pet. 2. after Christ's example was not to buffet againe for Christ being reviled did not revile againe and so the place speaketh not against resistence for self defence but against buffeting againe which is no formal warding off of blowes floweth not from sinlesse nature seeking to defend it self but rather from a spirit of revenge So that for all this the Servant might have warded off blowes and saved his head with his armes when his cruel Master was seeking to break his head 8. It is one thing to speak of what a Childe may do who hath no power to resist his father or what a slave is called to who hath no power or probable way to resist his Master another thing to speak of what a Nation or a Considerable part of a Nation may do against a few whose unjust violence they are able to resist 9. The maine ground of this argument is a mistake for he thinketh that patient suffering is inconsistent with resisting But Lex Rex quaest 30. Pag. 281. hath shewed a consistencie but it is his best according to his usual custome to passe over such things as he cannot answere So that the consequence is a meer nullity for because servants are to suffer unjust buffetings at the hands of their wicked Masters It will not follow That therefore they are obliged in conscience to non-resistence
for as Lex Rex sheweth The Church of God was to bear with all patience the indignation of the Lord because she had sinned Micah 9 10 11 12. and yet she was not obliged to non-resistence but rather obliged to fight against here Enemies David beare patiently the wrong that this Sone absolome did to him as is clear by 2 Sam. 25 ver 25 26. and Cap. 16 v. 10 11 12. Psal 3 v 1 2 3. Yet did he lawfully resist him and his forces So we are to beare sicknesse paines and torments which the Lord sendeth on us and yet very lawfully may we labour and use all lawful meanes to be freed from them 10. Christ's Rule to us Math. 5 v. 39. is that whosoever shall smile us on the right cheek we should turne the other to him also and what more patient subjection can be required by a Magistrate of his subjects and yet this will not make it altogether unlawful for private persones to defend themselves from unjust violence offered them by their equalls or inferiours No more will it follow from that patient subjection that we owe to Rulers that in no case we may resist their unjust violence and defend ourselves there from 11. I hope notwithstanding of any thing that is spoken in these passages he will allow children when wronged by their Parents and Servants when iniured by their Masters liberty to complaine to Magistrates who are over both and yet this is the useing of a legal resistence and as much opposite if at all opposite to the patience and subjection injoyned as is violent resistence when that legal resistence cannot be had as suppose when Father and Son and Master and Servant are living in no Community where there are Rulers and Judges over them and if this be lawful in this case as it cannot be denyed then must it also be lawfull for subjects to repel the unjust violence of Princes with violence Because there is no political Rulers over both King People But People must make use of that Court and tribunal of necessity which nature hath allowed and by innocent violence repel the unjust violence of Princes seing there is no other remedy His second ground out of Scripture is taken from Mat. 5 ver 10. 1 Pet. 4 ver 14 17. and the like places Where there is a commended suffering for Christ and Righteousnesse sake and consequently a sort of commanded suffering a suffering contradistinct from suffering for evil doing even a cleanly submission to suffer in and for well doing when God in his providence permits Rulers so to abuse their power which passive subjection or submission is not grounded on the Rulers abuse of his power through his corrupt will but upon the peculiar command of God enjoyning submission in such cases Answ 1. These the like speak nothing at all to the poynt For as we may be persecuted for righteousnesse sake by equalls Yea and by inferiours so we are to suffer that persecution when God in his providence calleth us thereunto with patience and humble submission of Spirit But is this a good argument to prove that it is unlawful for us to resist and repel injuries offered to us by equals or inferiours And if it will not prove it unlawful for us to resist our equals or inferiours neither can it hence be inferred that it is unlawful for us to resist Superiours 2. By this same reason the King if a Christian is bound to submit as well to his subjects as they to him at least he is not bound to resist a foraigne King invading him for Religion which I know not who will grant 3. That God alwayes calleth us to submissio nor passive subjection when in his providence he permits Rulers to abuse their power is the thing in question and this argument doth no way prove it 4. We grant that God calleth us to suffer for righteousnesse sake patiently and Christianly whether at the hands of Superiours or at the hands of equals or inferiours when in his providence we are so stated as that we must either suffer or sin by denying a testimony for his truth and cause But that when a door is opened for eshewing suffering and God in his providence seemeth not to call us thereunto as he never doth when he giveth a faire way of preventing it we are called to suffer and bound to choose suffering at the hands of any is denyed and not proved by him But furder he tells us That Lex Rexquaest 30. Leers at passive obedience as a chymaera as a dreame and as involving a contradiction And he thinks sayes he he speaketh acutely in saying God never gave to any a command to suffer for well doing nor at all to suffer suffering depending on the free will of another without us and not on our owne free will and so not falling under any command of God to us but he reasones sayes he very sophistically inferring that because meer suffering which necessarily depends on the action of another is not commanded to us therefore subjection to suffering or passive obedience is not commanded when the Magistrate inflicts suffering Ans The worthy Author of Lex Rex was there answering the objection of Royalists who alledged such places where they supposed we were commanded to suffer and among several assertions which he laid down to solve this he had this assertions That suffering formally as suffering nor non-resisting passive could fall under no formal law of God except in two cases 1. in the poynt of Christ's passive obedience and 2. indirectly and comparatively when it cometh to the election of the witnesse of Iesus whether he will suffer or deny the truth of Christ so that this alternative must be unavoydable otherwayes sayd he no man is to expect the reward of a witnesse of Iesus who having a lavvful possible meane of eshevving suffering doth yet cast himself into suffering needlesly Novv vvhat a meer vvrangler must this be vvho sayeth that that vvorthy Author did reason sophistically in so inferring vvhileas he is only ansvvering the objection and hereby he doth it sufficiently for if it be evinced as he hath unansvverably evinced it that passive obedience or passive subjection is not formally commanded then their arguments proving this passive subjection to be our duty are null and so they cannot hence inferre that non-subjection passive is forbidden And vvhat have they gained then out of these places Can this Surveyer affirme that passion as passion or suffering formally as such cometh under a command of God no he dar not but must vvith Lex Rex say that it is impossible that meer passion as to be whipped to be hanged to be beheaded should be the object of an affirmative or perceptive command of God Why then is he offended vvith Lex Rex Why jeers he at that worthy Author saying he thinks he speaks acutely is this to answere Lex Rex to jeer at what is there sayd aud then be forced or speak