severity did he revenge the Injury King Hamm did to his Ambassadors David had sent them to comfort the King for the Death of his Father but he groundlesly suspecting they came rather to spy out the State of his Kingdom sent them away with the one half of their Beards shaved off and their Garments obscenely cut off in the middle David a Man otherwise very peaceable could not brook this Affront but made War against him and all the Cities of his Kingdom which he took he utterly demolished and the People that were therein to use the Scriptureâ— words he brought forth and put them under Saws and 〈◊〉 Harrows of Iron and under Axes of Iron and 〈◊〉 them pass through the Brick-kiln 12 2 Sam. 12. 31. This may seeâ— to be Cruelty and an Excess of Anger to any oneâ— that knows not that the Wounds injuries make 〈◊〉 fometimes to be so cured as not so much as 〈◊〉 should be left Artaxerxes threatned Fire and Swoâ—â— to some Cities if they obey'd not an Edict he had puâ—â—lished resolving if they refused to make so severe 〈◊〉 Example of their Contempt and Disobedience as shoulâ— extend to Brutes as well as Men 13 Esth. â— 24. The most 〈◊〉 God taught us this piece of Policy when with the 〈◊〉 most Rigour yet without prejudice to his Infinite Mâ—â—cy he punished the Syrians Army for blasphemouâ—â— calling him the God of the Hills 14 Because the Syrians have said the Lord is the God of the Hills but he is not God of the Vallies therefore will I deliver this great multitude into thine hand and ye shall know that I am the Lord 1 Kings 20. 28. The Supreme Authority and Power of Princes makes a part of a Commonwealth so that they can't put up Affronts and Injuries at all times That Anger too is praise-worthy in Princes and profitable to a State which kindled by Incentives of Glory elevates the Mind to difficult and noble Enterprizes for without it nothing extraordinary nothing great can be undertaken much less perfected and accomplished That that is it which nourishes the Heart of generous Spirits and raises it above its self to despise Difficulties The Academicks called it the Whetstone Plutarch the Companion of Virtue But particularly in the beginning of his Reign the Prince ought to lay aside Anger and forget past Injuries as Sancho Sirnamed the Brave did when the Succession of the Crown of Castile fell to him With Government a Prince changes as 't were his Nature why should he not also his Affections and Passions 'T were an Abuse of Government to take Revenge of one who already acknowledges himself your Subject Let the Person offended think he has Satisfaction in having got Authority over him who before injured him Fortune could not give him a nobler kind of Revenge So Lewis XII King of France thought and therefore when some perswaded him to revenge the Injuries he had received while Duke of Orleans he made answer That it did not become the King of France to revenge the Quarrels of the Duke of Orleans Particular Injuries done to his Person not Dignity a Prince ought not to vindicate with his utmost Power for though they seem inseparable yet 't is convenient to make some Distinction between them least Majesty become odious and too formidable To this tended that of Tiberius when he said That if Piso had committed no other Crime but the rejoycing at Germanicus's Death and his grief for it he would revenge those Injuries done him as a private Person not as a Prince and in a publick Capacity 15 Nam si legatus officii terminos obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit ejusdemque morte c. luctu meo laetatus est odero seponamque â— domo meâ privatas inimicitias non Principis ulciscar Tac. 3. Ann. On the other side those done to his Dignity or Publick Station he ought not to vindicate as a private Person so as in a transport of Passion to think his Honour and Reputation lost except he have immediate Satisfaction especially when it were fitter to be deferred for Anger should not be a Motion of the Mind but of the Publick Good and Advantage King Ferdinand the Catholick undoubtedly had this before him when the King of Granada refused to pay him Tribute as his Ancestors had done and withal insolently sent him word that they were long since dead that in his Mints they laboured not to Coin Silver or Gold but Forge Swords and Launces †Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 24. cap. 16. Ferdinand concealed his Resentment of this Liberty and Arrogance for a time and made a Truce with him deferring Revenge till his Affairs were more quiet and settled in which he consulted more the Publick Good than his own Particular Affections 16 A Fool 's wrath is presently known but a prudent Man covereth shame Lat. Vers. Injuriam dissimulat Prov. 12. 16. Nor is it less prudent to dissemble Anger when one has reason to presume that a time will come when it will be for our disadvantage to have shown it For that reason King Ferdinand the Catholick though highly affronted by the Grandees of his Kingdom yet when he abdicated that of Castile and retreated into Arragon very discreetly concealed that Indignation of Mind took no notice of the Injuries he had received but shewed himself friendly and affectionate to all as if he then foresaw he should be sometime restored to his Kingdom as indeed it afterwards happened A generous Mind hides its Resentments of Injuries and strives not by the impetuousness of Anger but rather by noble Actions to smother them the best certainly and a truly heroical kind of Revenge When King Ferdinand the Holy besieged Sevil a certain Nobleman reproached Garcias Perez de Vargas for wearing a waved Shield which was not allowed his Family he then pretended to take no notice of the Affront till the Siege of Triana where he fought with so much Valour that he brought his Shield back stuck with Darts then returning to his Rival who was then in a secure Post and shewing him the Shield You have reason says he to think much that I wear this Shield that expose it to so many Dangers without doubt no one deserves it beyond your self who would take so much care to preserve it Those ordinarily bear Affronts most patiently who are the least subject to give them nor is it a less Virtue to Conquer this Passion than an Enemy To kindle a Prince's Anger is no less dangerous than to set Fire to a Mine or Petard and though it be done in our own behalf 't is prudence to moderate it especially if against Persons in Power for such Anger 's generally fall on the Author's own Head This was the reason the Moors of Toledo took so much pains to pacify King Alphonso the Sixth's Wrath against the Archbishop of that place and the Queen who had taken without his Order their Mosque from them
Husbandry succeed as well and if your Highness find it to have fail'd in any of these particulars dissect the whole Body search into its Arteries and Parts the sound and entire as well as the distemper'd as also into the Causes of those Infirmities Consider with your self whether they do not proceed from some of those so ordinary ones from planting Colonies want of Propagation multiplicity of Religious Orders too many Festivals Universities and Studies the Discovery of the Indieâ— Peace ill manag'd War slightly undertaken or negligently carried on from the Cashiering of Officers the Rarity of Recompences the Oppression of Usury the Transportation of Money the Disproportion of the Coin or whatever Causes of the like Nature If your Highness shall discover the Fountain from whence the Evil proceeds it will be no difficult matter to provide a Remedy against it and from a competent knowledge of the past and present Times your Highness will be enabled to make an estimate of that to come for there is no new thing under the Sun the thing that hath been it is that which shall be and that which is done is that which shall be done 7 Eccles. 1. 9. The Persons are chang'd not the Scenes Manners and Customs are always the same After the Conversation of Books it will be very much for a Prince's Improvement to have that 〈◊〉 learned Men who are daily conversant with them and will entertain his Ear with well digested Discourse and Reasonings the result of long Premeditation This gave occasion to that usual saying of Iohn the Second King of Portugal That a Kingdom either found a Prince prudent or made him so That is the greâ—â— School of Government wherein Ministers of the greatest Learning and most eminent Experience whâ—ther Domestick or Foreign converse with the Princâ— about Affairs Here one is in constant Exercise and has a particular knowledge almost of whatever is transacted in the World This School being more especially necessary for a Prince teaches him if not out 〈◊〉 Duty at least for Learning's sake to apply himself 〈◊〉 Affairs and study fully to understand and go 〈◊〉 the bottom of them and not leave them to the Decision of his Councellors For by an entire neglect anâ— disuse of Business the Mind become Savage anâ— conceives an Aversion for it as an intolerable weight and so chuses to leave all to the Care and Industry of others And if their Opinion upon any Subject be afterwards told him he is in the dark not being able to discern whether they have determined well or ill in which Confusion he must necessarily be ashamed of himself seeing how like a dumb Idol he is to whom Adoration is paid while another renders the Oracles For this reason the Prophet Zachary calls that Prince an Idol who like a Shepherd that leaveth his Flock forgets his Duty 8 Wo to the idle Shepherd that leaveth his Flock Zach. 11. 17. He is Statue which represents but does not exert Majesty He has a Mouth and speaks not Eyes and Ears but neither sees nor hears 9 They have Mouths but they speak not Eyes have they but they see not Ears have they but they hear not Noses have they but they smell not Psalm 115. 5. And being generally look'd upon to be an Idol of Adoration only not Miracles is universally despis'd as an unprofitable Burthen to the Earth 10 We know that an Idol is nothing iâ— the World 1 Cor. 8. 4. Nor will it be easy for him to retrieve his Credit for Affairs out of which he might draw some Experience will glide away like Waters that never return and not knowing where the Web of Affairs begins 't is impossible he should finish it with success To avoid these and the like Inconveniences it is absolutely requisite for the Prince at the beginning of his Reign to apply himself to the Administration of Publick Affairs that by use he may gradually learn the Art of Government For though they at first seem terrible and difficult Ambition and the Glory which may be expected thence will afterwards make them pleasant and delightful Let not fear of doing amiss be any obstacle to him for there 's no Prudence so inâ—â—llible but it may sometimes err From Errors proceeds Experience and from thence the best Maxims of Government And if at any time he happens to be in one let this thought comfort him that 't is sometimes less dangerous to miscarry himself than succeed by another for this the People carp and cavil at the former they easily bear with A Prince's Obligation consists only in being desirous and using his utmost endeavours to succeed admitting Instruction and Counsel without Pride and Presumption that Mother of Error and Ignorance Power is born with Princes Wisdom not If they will but hear they will know how to Govern Solomon owning what a Child he was to judge God's People prayed for a docile and understanding Heart 11 Give therefore thy Servant an understanding heart to judgâ— thy People that I may discern between good and bad I Kings 3. 9. thinking that sufficient to make him capable of successfully discharging his Duty A zealous and well-meaning Prince God leads as 't were by the Hand least he should at any time make a false Step in the Government of his States EMBLEM XXIX SOME Fishermen once in the Island Chios casting their Nets into the Sea for Fish drew out a Tripos which was a kind of Vessel made for the Service of thâ— Altar or as others will have it a round three legg'd Table an admirable Work and of an inestimable Value not so much for the matter though it was of Gold 〈◊〉 because of the Artist Vulcan This kindled Avarice in them and all the other Fishers of that Island who in vain often threw theirs with the same hopes How often have the happy Successes of one Prince deceiv'd himself and others while they all endeavour to attain â—he same Fortune by the same Means 't is not so easy to follow another's Steps or to go ones own over again so as to tread always exactly in the same Tracks â— small space of time joyn'd with so great â— Variety of Accidents effaces the first and whatsoever impressions are made afresh are quite different and consequently lead not to the same end Alexander the Great has had many Followers and Imitators who although nothing inferior to him in all Accomplishments both of Body and Mind yet could never arrive to â—o high a pitch of Glory and Success at least have not meâ— with that Applause To be good is in our Power but to appear so to others is not Fortune sports with us even in Matters of Fame nor does the same Success always correspond to the same Action What befel Saguntum did also happen to Estepa yet of this there scarce remains any Memory This little City forsooth deserv'd not so much Glory for what is scarce taken notice of in small in great
Abilities and that they penetrate all things report to the Prince for Certainty not that which is but that which they fansie may be they are too prone to Suspicions which they form from the least Shadow and then give credit to them whence proceed great Equivocations and Errors and is the chief cause of Quarrels and Wars among Princes for no Minister but has Power to promote Broils and Discord 2 In turbâ—s discordiâ—s pessâ—mo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Let Princes therefore be cautious of giving Credit to the first Relations of their Ministers but compare them first with those they receive from others And to form a more certain Judgment of what is written to them let them be perfectly acquainted with their Humour and Genius and with their Method of Conceiving Things whether they act by private Interest and Passion for it happens sometimes that the Minister is taken with a Love for the Country or Prince with whom he Treats and thinks all things Right and Just and sometimes suffers himself to be oblig'd by their Favours and Civilities and being naturally Grateful is of their Side and acts their Cause Sometimes is deluded by plain Appearances and by contrary Reports cunningly spread and so easily deceives his Prince for there is none more apt to deceive others than one who has been impos'd upon before Many Ministers are mov'd by slight Reasons or by some Passion or private Aversion which disturbs their Judgments and turn every thing to ill There are some also naturally enclin'd to Misconstrue all Actions and Designs whereas others are so Frank and Generous that they think nothing ill design'd Both the one and the other are dangerous and these last not less so than the others Sometimes the Minister thinking it part of his Duty to discover to the Prince his Enemies and that by that means he shall gain the Character of a Zealous and Understanding Person becomes so nicely suspicious that no one is safe from his Tongue and Pen and to make his Surmises and Apprehensions sure gives occasion by his Distrust to Friends to become Enemies to the great Detriment of the Prince to whom it were much better to have a good Confidence in all or for the Minister to apply Remedies to cure not to infect the Minds and Wills of the Subject Ministers also weary of Embassies that they may retire to enjoy the Conveniencies and Ease of a Domestick Life stick not to promote a Rupture between the Princes they assist or at least to suggest Counsels not less pernicious Princes are much deceived who think their Ministers act always as Ministers and not as Men. If it were so they would be much better served and find less Inconveniencies But they are Men and their Office does not strip 'em of their Inclination to Ease and to the Pleasures of Love Anger Revenge and other Affections and Passions which Zeal nor Duty are not always capable to correct But let Princes be apprized that those who can't seduce Good and Loyal Ministers for that they fathom their Artifices and Counsels and know what is their Prince's Interest what not they traduce them as Distrustful Passionate Perverse and Obstinate and therefore endeavour to remove them from the Management of Affairs and to introduce others less Knowing or to treat immediately with the Prince himself tendring him specious Propositions which oblige him to Resolves more prejudicial He must not give the least grounds to any one to think that he can't change the course of Affairs or displace Ministers for if such Thoughts take place the Prince will be ill served For such Confidence causes Disdain and Disobedience in the Accuser and the Fear of it discourages the Minister The Errors of these are less dangerous than those to admit the Accusations against them especially if they are Foreigners And were they true yet 't is more Prudence to deferr the Remedy till he from whom they came can't ascribe it to himself EMBLEM LXXVII THE farther those two Luminaries of Day and Night are distant from each other the greater their Influence and Light is Below But when they are in Conjunction their being Brethren does not prevent the one from obscuring the other's Rays and such Eclipse creates Shadows and Inconveniencies to the Earth Princes by the benefit of their Ministers and Letters maintain and uphold mutual Correspondence with each other But if they should Conferr Personally with one another their Interview would create shadows of Suspicion and Jealousie which would put all their States in Confusion for that they never find in one another what they promis'd to themselves and that neither measures himself by his own Rule but pretends always to much more than his Due An Interview of two Princes is almost like a Duel in which they fight with Ceremonies each endeavouring to conquer t'other The Families of each assist at the Engagement like two Hostile Troops each being zealous for his Prince's Triumph over the other in Personal Accomplishments or Grandeur and as in such a number all can't be Men of Prudence some light Expression or slight Affront causes Dissatisfaction in the rest So it happen'd in the Interview between King Henry and Lewis XI of France in which the Spaniards exceeding them in Pomp and Greatness and scouting the Meanness and Slovenliness of the French those two Nations departed Enemies who had till then maintain'd a good Correspondence together * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The Hatred between Germanicus and Piso was private till they saw one another 1 Discesserâ—ntque opertis Odiis Tac. 2. Anâ—al The Interview between Ferdinand IV. of Castile and Dionysius his Father-in-Law King of Portugal caused great Disorders as did that of King Philip I. and King Ferdinand And though the Meeting of Iames I. and King Alphonso produced very good Effects yet is it the safest way for Princes to manage their Affairs by Embassadors Sometimes Favourites sow Discord between the Prince and those of the Blood-Royal as we have before observ'd of which there are many Examples in our Histories Don Lopez de Haro procured a Separation between King Sancho the Strong and the Queen his Consort The Domesticks of Queen Catharine Mother to King Iohn II. incens'd her against the Infant Don Ferdinand Don Alvarez de Lara endeavoured thereby to keep the Government in his own Hands to persuade King Henry I. that his Sister Queen Berenguela design'd to poison him Those who were interested in the Quarrels between the Infant Sancho and King Alphonso the Wise his Father took what care they cou'd to prevent their Meeting and Agreement The Grandees of Castile hindred the Reconcilement of King Iohn II. to his Son Henry Don Alvarez de Luna that of King Iohn of Navarre to his Son Prince Carlos of Viana The Favourites of King Philip I. dissuaded him from an Interview with King Ferdinand Such Artifices we have seen us'd in France in these Times to the Detriment of that Kingdom and
Spectatours of their Art and to whom they leave their Works and Monuments of their Labour To all this may be added that Flattery mixt with Errour sometimes commends in a Boy for Vertue what by no means deserves that name as Lewdness Ostentation Insolence Anger Revenge and other Vices of the like nature some men erroneously perswading themselves that they are tokens of a great Spirit which withall induces 'em too eagerly to pursue these to the neglect of real Vertues as a Maid sometimes if she be commended for her free Carriage or Confidence applies her self to those rather than Modesty and Honesty the principal good Qualities of that Sex Tho' indeed young men ought to be driven from all Vices in general yet more especially from those which tend to Laziness or Hatred they being more easily imprinted in their minds 5 Cuncta igituâ— mala sed ea maximè quae turpitudinem â—abent vel â—dium parent sunt procul à puâ—ris removend Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. Care therefore must be taken that the Prince over-hear no filthy or obscene expressions much less should he be suffered to use them himself We easily execute what we make familiar to us in discourse at least something near it 6 Nam fâ—cile turpia loquendo efficitur ut homines his proxima facient Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. Wherefore to prevent this Evil the Romans used to Choose out of their families some grave Ancient Matron to be their Sons Governess whose whole Care and Employment was to give them a good Education in whose presence it was not allowable to speak a foul word or admit an indecent Action 7 Coram quâ neque dicere fas e at quod turpe dictu neque facere quod inhonestâ—â— factâ— viâ—eretur Quint. dial de oraâ— The design of this severe discipline was that their nature being prâ—â— served pure and untainted they might readily embrace honest professions 8 Quo disciplina ac severitas â—o pertimebat ut sincera integra nullis pravitatibus detorta uniâ—scujusque natura toto statim pectore arriâ—ereâ— artes honestas Quinâ—il Ibid. Quintilian laments thâ—â— neglect of this manner of Education in his time Children being usually brought up among servanâ—â— and so learning to imitate their Vices Nor says he 〈◊〉 any one of the family concerned what he says or doâ—â— before his young Master since even their parents donâ—â— so much inure them to Vertues and Modesty as Laâ— sciviousness and Libertinism 9 Nec quisquam in tota domo pensi habet quiâ—â— coram infante domino aut dicat aut faciat quando etiam ipsi parenteâ— nec probitâ—i neque modestiae â—arvulos assueâ—acâ—unt sed lasciviae libertaâ—i Quint. ibid. Which to this day is usual in most Princes Courts nor is there any remedy for it but displacing those Vicious Courtieâ—â— and substituting others of approved Vertue who may excite the Princes mind to Actions more generous and such as tend to true honour 10 Neque enim auribus jucunda convenit dicere sed ex quo aliquis gloriosus fiat Eurip. in Hippol. When a Couâ—â— has once bid adieu to Vertue 't is often Changed but never for the better nor does it desire a Prince better than it self Thus Nero's family were Favourers oâ— Otho because he was like him 11 Pâ—ona in euâ— auâ—â— Neronis ut similem Tac. 1. Hist. But if the Princâ— cannot do this I think it were more adviseable for him to leave that Court as we remember Iames thâ— 1st King of Arragon did * Mar. Hâ—st Hisp. when he saw himself Tyrannized over by those who educated and confined him as it were in a prison nor can I give those Courâ—â— any other name where the principal aim is to enslave the princes will and he is not suffered to go this way or that by choice and at his own pleasure but is forcibly guided as his Courtiers please just as Water 〈◊〉 conveighed thro' private Channels for the sole benefit of the ground thro' which it passes To what purpose are good natural Parts and Education if the Prince is suffered to see hear and know no more than his Attendance think fit What wonder if Henry the 4th King of Castile †Mac. Hist His. proved so negligent and sluggish so like his Father Iohn the Second in all things after he had been Educated among the same Flatterers that occasioned his Fathers male Administration Believe me 't is as impossible to form a good Prince in an ill Court as to draw a straight Line by a Crooked square there 's not a wall there which some lascivious hand has not sullied not a Corner but Echoes their dissolute Course of Life all that frequent the Court are so many Masters and as it were Ideas of the Prince for by long use and Conversation each imprint something on him which may either be to his benefit or prejudice and the more apt his Nature is to Learn the sooner and more easily he imbibes those domestick Customs I dare affirm that a Prince will be good if his Ministers are so bad if they be bad an instance of this we have in the Emperor Galba who when he light upon good Friends and Gentlemen was governed by them and his Conduct unblameable if they were ill himself was guilty of inadvertency 12 Amicorum libertorumque ubi in bâ—nos incidisset sine reprehensione patiens si mali fâ—rent usque ad culpam ignaâ—us Tac. 1. Hist. Nor will it suffice to have thus reformed living and animate figures in a Court without proceeding also to inanimate for tho' the graving Tool and Pencil are but mute Tongues yet Experience has taught us they are far more eloquent and perswasive What an incitement to Ambition is Alexander the great 's Statue how strangely do pictures of Iupiter's lewd Amours inflame Lust besides for which our corrupt nature is blameable Art is usually more celebrated for these kind of things than Vertuous instructive pieces At first indeed the excellency of the workmanship makes those pieces Valuable but afterwards lascivious persons adorn the Walls with them to please and entertain the Eyes There should be no statue or piece of painting allowed but such as may Create in the Prince a glorious Emulation 13 Cum autem ne quis talia loquatur prohibetur satis intelligitur vetari â—e turpes vel picturas vel fabulas spectet Arist. 7 Pol. cap. 17. The Heroick Atchievements of the Ancients are the properest subjects for Painting Statuary and Sculpture those let a Prince look on continually those read for Statues and Pictures are â—ragments of History always before our Eyes After the Vices of the Court have been as far as possible thus corrected and the Princes humour and inclinations well known let his Master or Tutor endeavour to lead him to some great undertaking sowing in his Mind Seeds of Vertue and honour so secretly that when they are
grown it will be difficult to judge whether they were the product of Nature or Art Let them incourage Vertue with Honour brand Vice with Infamy and Disgrace excite Emulation by Example these things have a great Effect upon all Tempers tho' more on some than others Those who are of a Generous disposition Glory influences most the Melancholy Ignominy the Cholerick Emulation the Inconstant Fear the Prudent Example which is generally of most efficacy with all especially that of Ancestors for often what the Blood could not Emulation does perform 'T is with Children as young trees on which you must Graff a branch as I may say of the same Father to bring them to perfection These Grafts are the famous examples which infuse into Posterity the Vertues of their Ancestors and bear excellent fruit That therefore it may be conveighed as it were thro' all the Senses into the mind and take deep Root there should be the particular industry of his Instructors and consequently they are not to be proposed to the Prince in ordinary Exhortations only or Reproofs but also in sensible objects Sometime let History put him in mind of the great Atchievements of his Ancestors the glory of which eternized in print may excite him to imitate them Sometimes Musick that sweet and wonderfull Governess of the passions playing their Trophies and Triumphs will be proper to Raise his Spirits Sometimes let him hear Panegyricks recited upon their Life to encourage and animate him to an Emulation of their Vertues now and then reciting them himself or with his young Companions Act over their Exploits as upon a stage thereby to inflame his mind for the force and efficacy of the action is by degrees so imprinted on him that he appears the very same whose person he represents Lastly let him play the part of a King amongst them receive petitions give audience ordain punish reward command or marshal an Army besiege Cities and give Battel In experiments of this nature Cyrus was educated from a little Boy and became afterwards an eminent General But if there be any inclinations unbecoming a Prince discernible in his Infancy he should have the Company of such as are eminent for the opposite Vertues to correct the Vices of his Nature as we see a straight Pole does the Crookedness of a tender Tree tyed to it Thus if the Prince be covetous let one naturally liberal be always at his Elbow if a Coward one bold and daring if timorous one resolute and active if Idle and Lazy one diligent and industrious for those of that Age as they imitate what they see or hear so they also easily copy their Companions Customs To Conclude in Education of Princes too rough Reprehension and Chastisement is to be avoided as a kind of Contempt Too much Rigour makes men mean spirited nor is it fit that he should be servilely subject to One Man who ought to Command all It was well said of King Alphonsus Generous Spirits are sooner corrected by words than blows and â—ove and respect those most who use them so Youth is like a young horse that the Barnacle â—urts but is easily governed by the gentler Bit. Besides that men of generous Spirits usually conceive a secret horrour of those things they learnt thro' fear on the contrary have an inclination and desire to try those Vices which in their Childhood were prohibited them Affections too much confined especially such as nature endows a Prince withall break out at last into Despair as Exhalations hard bound within the Clouds into Lightning He that imprudently shuts the gates upon natural inclinations is the occasion of their attempting to get thro' the Windows Some allowance is to be made to humane infirmity which is by some innocent diversions to be raised to Vertue this method they took who had the Care of Nero's Education 14 Quo facilius lubricam Principis aetatem si verâ—tutem asper nareâ—ur voluptatibus concessus retineret Tac. 13. ann The Tutor ought to chide the Prince in private not before Company least he rather grow obstinate when he sees his Vices are publick In these two Verses of Homer is very aptly contained how a Prince ought to be instructed how to obey Advise Command him and what 's good suggest He will obey when for himself 't is best Hom. 2. Il. EMBLEM III. BY the industry of some ingenious and carefull hand one while watering another time defending it from the injuries of Wind and ill Weather the Rose grows and as the Bud opens unâ—olds its little leaves into a circular form A flower strangely pretty but which flatters only the Eyes and is subject to so many casualties that in this its infinite delicacy 't is by no means secure The very same Sun which saw it bloom sees it also whither and that without any other benefit than just shewing the World its beauty it brings so many months Labour to nothing nay oftentimes wounds the very hand that planted it nor could it be otherwise than that such rank tillage should produce thorns Of Coral a Sea shrub there 's quite another account to be given for that growing under Water and continually tossed by the Violence of Waves and Tempestuous Winds becomes so much the harder and more beautiful nay then first is it more illustriously useful when it has underwent the rage of so many Elements Such contrary Effects arise from the different manner of growing of this Shrub and that Flower in respect of softness and hardness The same happens in the Education of Princes for they who are brought up so tenderly and closely that neither the Sun Wind or other Air can come to them but that of perfumes prove too delicate and little fit for Government they on the contrary are strong and able who inure their Bodies to laborious Exercises It 's also convenient to use ones self to Cold from our infancy as a thing of great advantage to health and that will enable us to undergo Military duties 1 Est etiam utile sâ—atim ab ineunte aetate frigoribus assuescere hoc 〈◊〉 tum ad vâ—letudinem tum ad munera militaâ—ia commodâ—ssimum est Arist. Pol. 7. cap 17. By these Exercises Life is prolonged by Voluptuousness and Luxury shortned a Vessel of Glass formed with a blast of the Mouth is with a blast broken Whereas one of Gold wrought with a hammer resists a hammer 'T is no matter if he that lives a private and retired Life be delicate but one who is to support a Kingdom as Atlas the Heavens upon his shoulders had need be strong and robust A Common-wealth has not occasion for a Prince only for a shew but in the Field also and in time of War and in Scripture we find an effeminate King mentioned as a kind of divine punishment 2 I will give Children to be their Princes and Bâ—bâ—s to rule over them Isaâ— 3. 4. The advantage or disadvantage of this different Education was visible in
mind as those to the Body It will suffice therefore for a Prince to tast the Arts and Sciences as 't were en passant some practical knowledge of them will be more for his advantage particularly those which relate to the Affairs of Peace and War taking as much out of them as will suffice to illustrate his understanding and regulate his Judgment leaving the honour of being excellent in them to his Inferiours let him pass only his leisure hours in this Noble Exercise as Tacitus says Helvidius Priscus used to do 15 Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit non ut plerique ut nomine magnifico orium velaret sed quo firmior adversuâ— foâ—tuita Rempub â—apesseret Taâ— lib 4. Hist. This granted those are not always to be esteem'd the best Tutors for Princes who are most eminent for Learning and Knowledge for they are generally too great Lovers of Retirement and studious Idleness Strangers to conversation Men of no Resolution and very unfit for the management of weighty Affairs But those rather who are Learned and Experienced Politicians who besides the Sciences can teach a Prince the Art of Government The first thing to be instilled into a Prince is the fear of the Lord which is the beginning of wisedom 16 Psal. 100. 10. He who adheres to God is very near the fountain of all Sciences To know what is human only is Ignorance the daughter of Malice which is the ruine of Princes and Commonwealths Another necessary qualification in a Prince is Eloquence that pleasing Tyrant over the Passions that sweetly allures Mens Wills to a Submission to its Commands That great Prophet Moses knew of what Consequence this was and therefore when he was sent into Egypt to conduct the Children of Israel thence made this excuse to God that he was slow of speech and of a slow Tongue 17 O my Lord I am not eloquent neither heretofore nor since thou hast spoken to thy Servant I am but slow of speech and of a slow tongue Exod 4. 10. And God took this for a reason and accordingly to encourage him promised to assist his Lips and put into his Mouth the Words he should speak to Pharaoh 18 I will be in thy mouâ—h anâ— teach thee what thou shalt say Exod. 4. 12. What did not Solomon promise himself from his Eloquence I shall be admired says he in the sight of great men When I hold my Tongue they shall bide my Leisure and when I speak they shall give good Ear unto me if I talk much they shall lay their hands upon their mouth 19 Wisd. 8. 12. And certainly if naked eloquence has power so strangely to captivate an audience what can't it do if armed with Regal Power or cloathed with Purple a Prince who can't speak his Mind without the assistance of another a fault Nero was first observed to be guilty of 20 Primus ex iis qui rerum poâ—iti essent Neronem alienae facundiâ— eguisse Tac. 1. Ann. is rather a dumb statue and deserves not the Name of a Prince History is the Mistriss of Political truth 21 Verissmam disciplinam â—â—ercitationemque ad politicas actiones Historiam esse Polyb. lib. 1. than which nothing can better instruct a Prince how to rule his Subjects For in that as in a clear Mirrour appears the Experience of former governments the prudence of Predecessours and the Souls of many Men collected into one 22 Hominum multorum mâ—ns in unum collecta Greg. Naz. ad Nicom History is like a faithful Counsellor always ready and at hand Of Law the Prince need only study that part which relates to Government turning over such Laws and Constitutions of his Kingdom as were by right Reason dictated or by Custom approved Let him not spend much time in the study of divinity for how dangerous that knowledge and power in conjunction is England has experienced in K. Iames 't is enough for a Prince to persevere himself in the faith and have about him devout and Learned Men able to defend it Lastly Judicial Astrology has been the ruine of many Princes for that desire of knowing future events is in all Men vehement especially in Princes for they promising to themselves great Authority if they can be looked upon as equal to the Gods or do any thing above the common reach of Mankind follow these superstitious and odious Arts nay sometimes arrive to that degree of madness to ascribe all thingâ— to second causes and utterly destroy divine providence by imputing all to chance and divination whence it happens that while they attribute more to Chance and Fortune than human Prudence or Industry they are too remiss in their Designs and Actions and oftner advise with Astrologers than their Counsellours EMBLEM V. THE Sciences have bitter Roots though the Fruit be sweet for this reason our Nature at first has an Aversion for them and no labour appears so harsh as what must be employed on their first Rudiments What Pains and Anxiety do they cost Youth Upon which account and because Studies require assiduous Application a thing very injurious to Health and which the Business and Diversions of the Court don't permit the Master should be industrious in inventing several means to qualify this troublesome Institution by disguising it under some pleasant Game that the Prince's mind may imbibe what he is to learn insensibly For instance to teach him to read he may use this contrivance let there be made four and twenty small Dice on each of them be engraven a Letter of the Alphabet then let some Children play and he win who at one Cast throws most Syllables or an entire Word These little Victories and Entertainments will take off much of the difficulty of this Task for 't is far more hard to play at Cards which however Children presently learn Now to teach the Prince to Write in a way as short I would have the Letters engraven of a thin Plate this put upon Paper and him to go over these Tracts of Characters as so many little Furrows with his Hand and Pen especially exercising himself in those Letters of which the rest are framed Thus while he Attributes to his own Wit and Industry what is only the effect of this artificial Plate he will by degrees be more pleased with those Labours Nor is skill in Languages less necessary for a Prince for always to use an Interpreter or read only Transactions is a thing too liable to deceit or at least the truth thereby loses much of its Force and Energy Not to mention that it can't but be very hard for a Subject not to be understood by him from whom he is to expect Comfort in his Afflictions to have his Miseries relieved and to be gratified for his Services This moved the Patriarch Ioseph when he was made Commander over Egypt before all things to apply himself to learn the Languages most in use there and which
belong'd to the Church-Building and the Tythes of all other Eccâ—esiastical Incomes These Subsidies ought not to be spent but in Necessities and for the Publick Uses to which they were design'd This Queen Isabella so religiously observ'd That seeing Ninety Millions rais'd by the Croisade she immediately commanded they should be employ'd to the very Uses prescribed by the Apostolick Bulls Those Favours will shine more and produce better Fruit when so expended But Necessities and Danger usually confound all things and easily wrest the Popes meaning to what was not intended EMBLEM XXVI IT was an impious Opinion that of those who impudently asserted the Heathens to have had more Courage than the Christians upon this ground that their Superstition strengthned their Minds and render'd them more fierce and manly by the dismal sight of so many bloody Victims as they offer'd to the Gods in their Sacrifices and held them only to be Men of Courage and Magnanimity who got the better of other Nations rather by force than reason Accusing on the contrary the Institution of our Religion for recommending Humility and Meekness Virtue is good for nothing but to make Men mean spirited What an impious and unreasonable Opinion this The spilling of Blood may indeed make the Mind more barbarous and cruel more valiant it never can Fortitude and Magnanimity enter not at the Eyes but are born within the Breast nor are those the most generous who are most pleas'd with the Blood and Slaughter of Beasts or who live on Man's Flesh. Our Religion does not contemn Magnanimity but rather promotes it not by proposing to us temporary and corruptible Rewards as the Pagan Superstition does but eternal ones never to have an end And if a simple Crown of Lawrel which begins to fade as soon as gathered inspired so much Courage then what won't now that everlasting one of Stars 1 Now they do it to obtain a corruptible Crown but we an incoâ—râ—ptible 1 Cor. 9. 25. Is it that the Heathens have exposed themselves to greater Dangers than the Christians No for if at any time they assaulted a City or forc'd a Camp it was under Shields and Targets Whereas now Christians must make their way through thick Showers of Bullets and the Thunder and Lightning of Gunpowder 'T is a mistake to imagine Humility and Valour incompatible they are rather so closely connected 〈◊〉 without the former this is impracticable nor can true Valour be where there is not Humility Patience and in general all other Virtues For he only is really Valiant that can subdue his Passions and is free from all Perturbation of Mind a Study the Stoicks have bestow'd much labour on and after them the Christians with greater success He makes but a very small progress in it who suffers himself to be transported with Anger and Pride This is truly Heroical to conquer ones Lusts and Appetites The Mind where these Conflicts are is none of the easiest Fields of Battel he who has learnt thus much Submission to bend the Knee to another will upon occasion easily despise Danger and with undaunted Resolution submit his Neck to the Ax. The Heathen Religion 't is true has produced many great Commanders such as were the Caesars Scipios and abundance of others but certainly the Christian has furniâ—ht us with no less conâ—iderable ones in the Persons of the Alphonso's and Ferdiâ—â—â—ds of Castile as well as other Kings of Arragon Navarre and Portugal What Valour could possibly equal that of the Emperor Charles the Fifth What great Generals has Antiquity ever celebrated which have not been equall'd if not been surpass'd by Gonzalâ—z Fâ—â—dinand of Cordova Fernan Cortez Antony de Lieve Ferdinand d'Avalos Marquiss of Pescara Alphonso d'Avalos Marquiss of Guast Alexander Farnese Duke of Pâ—rma Andrâ—w d'Oria Alphonso d'Alb'ouquerque Ferdiâ—â—nd Alvarez of Toledo Duke of Alba the Marquisses of Sancta Cruz the Earl of Fuentes Marquiss Spinola Leâ—is Faâ—ardo and almost infinite others as well Spainards as others never sufficiently to be commended by Fame To whom may deservedly be applied what St. Paul said of those Great Captains Gideon Barak Sampson Iephâ—â—a David and Samuel that by Faith they subdued Kingdoms waxed vaâ—iant in Fight â—urn'd to Flight the Armies of the Aliens 2 Heb. 11. 33 34. If we will compare the Victories of the Heathens to those of the Christians we shall find the latter to have been much the greater In the Battel of Navas were kill'd Two hundred thousand Moors with the loss only of Twenty five on our side finding the Camp so covered with Spears and Darts that though the Victors â—taid there two Days using no other Fewel but the Wood of them they could not consume them even though they endeavourâ—d it There fell more in the Battel of Salado with the loss but of Twenty Christians And in that Naval Victory which Don John of Austria obtain'd over the Turks at Lepanto there were no less than an Hundred and eighty Gallies sunk and taken Which Victories Christians attribute not to their own Valour but to the True God whom they adore An Heart confiding in God as effectually stays an Enemy as a Hand arm'd with a Sword as Iudas Machabaeus found 3 So that fighting with their Hands and praying to God with their Hearts they slew no less than Thirty and five thousand Men 2 Mach. 15. 27. 'T is God who governs the Hearts 't is he that imparts Courage and Strength that grantâ— or denies Victories 4 Least thou say in thine Heart my Power and the might of my Hand hath gotten me this Victory But thou shalt remember the Lord thy God for it is he that hath given thee power to get wealth Deut. 8. 17 18. He would be an Impostor and could not be clear'd from the Imputation of Fraud were he rather assisting to those who adore false Gods whose Idolatrous Sacrifices all tend to procure their favour But if he sometimes also permit them to be Victorious 't is not to be ascrib'd to their Devotion but to other secret Causes of Divine Providence In the Thirst which the Roman Army suffer'd in the War against the Marcomanni God could not be appeas'd with the Prayers and Sacrifices of the Heathen Legions but when the Tenth compos'd of Christians at last implor'd his aid he sent down plentiful Showers to them but to the Enemy Thunder and Lightning so that they obtain'd an easy Victory whence it was afterwards call'd the Thundring Legion If that Faith were still it would still work the same effects but whether through want of that or for some other secret Ends God does sometimes permit those to be triumph'd over who pay him true Adoration but then the Victory is not a Reward to the Conqueror but a Chastisement to the Conquered Let Princes therefore always hold in their Hands the Flag of the Cross signified by that Sword which Ieremiah gave to Iudas Machabaeus to wound his Adversaries withal 5 Take this
to the Persons under whose Cognizance it falls 1 For the Priest's Lips should keep knowledge aâ—d they should seek the Law at his Mouth Malach. 2. 7. laying before them the truth of the thing and the ill Consequences and Inconveniences of it For if the Secular Prince attempt to do it by force and those Abuses should be establish'd into a Custom among the People they will interpret this Violence to â—e Impiety in the Prince and rather obey the Priests than him On the other side if they see the Ecclesiastical and Civil Power disagree they will throw off all Obedience and emboldened by the declared Will oâ— the Prince they will make an Insurrection against Religion it self and be insensibly inducâ—d to beliâ—ve thâ— Inconveniencies of these Contentions extend even to the Substance of Religion which will easily bring them to change their Opinions and that too And by this means the Prince being engag'd in Civil Broils and Dissentions with the Clergy and the People in new Opinions all respect for things Sacred will cease and Errors arise upon the Eclipse of that Divine Luminary which before enlighten'd and united their Minds which is the scource of the Ruin of many Princes and of the Revolutions of States 2 Nullae res multitudinem efficacius regit quam superstitio Curtius Great prudence is requisite to govern the People in such matters for 't is equally obvious for them to despise them which is impious and to be over credulous in them which is Superstition this last most frequently happens in that their Ignorance is presently taken with appearances of Devotion and new Opinions before Reason has had time to examine them wherefore 't is very necessary gradually to remove from them all occasions of Ruin those particularly which usually arise from frivolous Disputations about too subtle Points such as very little if at all promote Religion not suffering them to be defended or printed otherwise they will be divided into Factions and every one's maintaining his own Opinions with as much Heat and Obstinacy as if they were Matter of Faith may occasion no less Disturbances than even a difference of Religions or a Toleration of them It was an Apprehension of this made Tiberius forbid the Books of the Sibyls to be seen whose Prophecies might cause Seditions 3 Censuit Asinius Gallus ut libri Sibyllini adirentur renuit Tiberiâ—s perinde divina humanaque obtegens Tac. 1. Ann. In the Acts of the Apostles we read that the Books which contain'd idle Curiosities were burnt 4 Many of them also which us'd curious Arts brought their Books together and burnt them before all Men Acts 19. 19. An appearance often miserably deludes the Common People who blindly follow any Superstitious Devotions with a Submission wholly effeminate which renders them Melancholy Cowardly and very Slaves to their own Imaginations which debase their Spirits and prompt them to idle away their time in Convents and Pilgrimages where oft-times many Abuses and Vices are committed This is an Infirmity of the Vulgar and not a little prejudicial to the Truth of Religion and the Publick Safety and unless nipp'd in the Bud creates great Inconveniencies and Dangers being a kind of folly that under the appearance of Good does every thing hand over head following new Notions of Religion and devilish Inventions Some Submission is requisite but that without base and ssavish Bigottry such I mean as has Virtue in esteem abhors Vice and holds Labour and Obedience to be more agreeable to God and the Prince than Convents and Pilgrimages this Devotion being usually celebrated with Banquets Balls and Plays like that of the People of Israel at the Consecration of the Molten Calf 5 And they arose up early on the morrow and offered burnt offerings and burnt peace-offerings and the People sat down to eat and to drink and rose up to play Exod. 32. 6. But if the People once begin to be too opinionative in Matters of Religion and to introduce any Innovations in it immediate Remedy must be apply'd and the ill Seed be routed out before it take Root and spread farther so as to grow into a Body too powerful for the Prince against whom they may afterwards if he refuse to conform to their Opinion contrive some pernicious Innovation in the Government 6 Eos vero qui in divinis aliquid innovant odio habe coerce non Deorum solum causâ quos tamen qui contemnit nec aliud sane magni feceriâ— sed quia nova quaedam numina hi tales introducentes multos impellunt ad mutâ—â—ionem rerum unde Conjurationes Seditiones Conciliabula existunt res profecto minimè conducibiles Principatui Dion And though the Understanding be free and without destroying its liberty canâ—t be constrain'd to believe and so it may seem to belong peculiarly to God Almighty to punish those who have unworthy Sentiments of him 7 Deorum injâ—rias Diiâ— curae Tac. 1. Ann. yet would it be of very ill consequence to commit the Decision of the sublimest Mysteries of Faith to the blind and ignorant Mob 'T is therefore infinitely requisite to oblige Subjects to think as the Ancient Germans did that there is more Sanctity and Reverence in believing than knowing things Divine 8 Sanctius ac reverentius visum de actis Deorum credere quam scire Tac. de Mor. Germ. What monstrous Errors were a Kingdom obnoxious to if each man were allow'd to be a Jugde in Matters of Religion Hence the Romans were so careful in Prohibiting the Exercise of any new Religion 9 Neque nisi Romani Dei nec quo aliâ— more quam parvo colerentur T. Liv. and Claudius thought the Foreign Superstitions a sufficient Subject for complaint to the Senate 10 Quia externae superstitiones valescant Tac. 11. Ann. But if Malice have already got footing and Punishment be too weak to resist the Multitude 't is necessary that Discretion perform the part of Fire and Sword For obstinacy in Faults sometimes increases by an untimely Application of Remedies too violent nor does Reason always surrender to Force King Ricaredus by dexterously adapting himself to the times now dissembling now flattering brought his Subjects to renounce Arianism and to return to the Catholick Church Great Men have anciently made use of Superstition as we have before intimated to authorize their Laws animate their People and keep them in Subjection and Obedience to this end they feigned Dreams and Divine Revelations and pretended to have private Conference with the Gods but although these Artifices extreamly influence the simple People whose Superstitious Humour is easily affected with things that have an appearance Supernatural 'T is not however allowable for Princes to delude them with counterfeit Miracles and a false shew of Religion Of what use is the Shadow where one may enjoy the Light it self To what purpose those Divine imaginary Prodigies of Heaven since it gives as we see so many
principatus resolveret cuncta ad senatum vocando Tac. 1. Ann. Any one Resolution the Prince shall have taken very opportunely without anothers Advice One Resentment and to have once shewn the Extent of his Power though upon the slightest Occasion make him fear'd and respected as does Constancy of Mind in both Fortunes for the People look upon it as supernatural not to be puff'd up by Prosperity or by Adversity dejected they believe there is something more than Humane in such a Prince Equality in Actions is another thing that greatly advances a Prince's Character it being a sign of a serene and prudent Judgment if he dispence his Favours or revenge Injuries out of Season he will indeed be fear'd but not esteem'd as Vitellius experienc'd 23 Viteâ—â—um subitis offensis aut intempestivis blanditiis mutabilem contemnebant metueâ—antque Tac. 2. Hist. Farther to maintain Reputation Prudence not to attempt what cannot be obtain'd very much contributes For so his Power will seem infinite if the Prince engage in no War wherein he cannot Conquer or demand nothing of his Subjects but what is just and feasible not giving the least ground for Disobedience To enterprize and not accomplish is in a Prince inglorious in Subjects rash Princes are valued at the same Rate they set upon themselves For altho' Honour consists in the esteem of others yet this is generally form'd out of a preconceiv'd Opinion of every one which at least if prudent is greater or less according as the Mind gathers strength from the Valour it finds in it self or loses it if without Merit The greatest Souls are most aspiring 24 Optimus quisque mortalium altissima cupere Tac. 4. Ann. the Cowardly dare attempt nothing judging themselves unworthy the least Honour Nor is this always a virtuous Humility and Modesty in this sort of Men but a baseness of Mind which renders them deservedly contemptible to every one while they pretend they aim at nothing higher because they are sensible of their want of Merit Blaesus almost seem'd unworthy the Empire merely for refusing the offer of it 25 Adeâ— non Principatus appetens ut parum effageret ne dignus crederetur Tac. 3. Hist. Unhappy is that State whose Head thinks himself undeserving the Title of Prince or who presumes he Merits more the first is meanness of Spirit this latter is accounted Tyranny In these Endowments of the Mind Chance also has place for a Prince happens often even with them to be despised when Prudence is unhappy or Events answer not Designs Some Governments good in themselves are notwithstanding so unfortunate that nothing succeeds under them which is not always the Fault of Humane Providence but the Divine so ordains when the particular Ends of this Inferior Government agree not with those that Superior and Universal one proposes This I add withal that all these good Qualities of Mind and Body are not sufficient to maintain the Prince's Reputation if his Family be dissolute it is on that depends all his Authority nor is any thing more difficult than a regular Management of a Family It usually seems easier to Govern a whole Country than one House either because a Prince intent on greater things is negligent of this or Self-love is an Obstacle or for want of Courage or out of a natural Slothfulness or at least because his Attendants so blind his Eyes that his Judgment can't apply Remedies It was none of the least Commendations of Agricola that he had curb'd his own Family never suffering his Domesticks to intermeddle with Publick Affairs 26 Primum domum suam coercuit quod plerisque haud minus arduum 〈◊〉 quam Provinciam regere nihil per liberâ—os servosque publicae rei Tac. in Vir. Agr. Galba was a good Emperor but an ill Master of his Palace no less Vices reigning there than in that of Nero 27 Iam afferebant cuncta venalia praepotentes liberâ—i servorum manus subâ—tis avidae tanquam apud senem festinantes Tac. 1. Hist. Tiberius among other things was commended for having modest Servants No Government can be well instituted where Courtiers Command and Rob or Prostitute its Authority by their Pâ—ide and Vices 28 Modesta servitia Tac. 4. Ann. If they are good they make the Prince the same if wicked he though really otherwise will appear so too From them the Prince's Actions have their value on them depends his good or ill Character in as much as others Virtues and Vices are wont to be imputed to him If his Domesticks are prudent they conceal his Faults nay as much as possible vindicate every Action of his and by extolling render them more illustrious they relate them with a Grace that challenges Admiration Whatever comes from the Prince into Publick is great in the Peoples Eyes Princes in their Palaces are like other Men but Respect makes them imagined greater and their Retirement from common Conversation covers their Sloth and Weakness Whereas if their Servants are guilty of Imprudence or Infidelity the People by them as through Chinks discover it and quit that Veneration they before had for them The Prince's Reputation redounds from that of the State if this be provided with good Laws and Magistrates if Justice be observ'd and one Religion maintain'd therein if it pay due Respect and Obedience to Majesty if Care be taken of Corn and Plenty if Arts and Arms flourish and one may in all things see a constant Order and Harmony proceeding from the Prince's Hands and lastly if the States Happiness depends upon the Prince himself For if that can be injoy'd without this they will soon despise him The Labourers in Egypt regard not the Skies 29 Aratores in Aegypto Coelum noâ— suspiciunt Pliâ— for the Nile by its Inundations watering and making their Land fertile they have no need of Clouds EMBLEM XXXII THE Oyster conceives by the Dew of Heaven and in its purest Womb the Pearl that most beautiful Embryo is born No one would imagine its exquisite Delicacy to see so course and unpolish'd an outside It is thus the Senses are usually deceiv'd in their Censure of Exterior Actions when they judge only by the outward appearance of things without searching the inside Truth depends not upon Opinion Let the Prince despise that if he be sensible he act agreeable to Reason He will never dare enterprize any thing difficult or extraordinary if Fear prompts him to consult the Sentiments of the Mob In himself he should look for himself not in others The Art of Government suffers not it self to be disturb'd by those thin Shadows of Reputation The King has the greatest who knows perfectly how to manage Affairs both of Peace and War The Honour of Subjects the least thing blemishes whereas that of Kings is inseparable from â—e Publick Good this continuing that increases â—â—ling it perishes Besides Government would be too dâ—ngerous had it no better Foundation than the Laws of Reputation instituted by
afterwards his great Soul to be broken by the contrary Success though he saw his States ruined and the King of Sweden and Frederick Count Palatine in his Palace of Monaca a Fabrick worthy so great a Prince and tho' he found the Duke of Frizeland as much his Enemy as the other two Let Envy and the fickleness of Times divide and dash into never so many pieces the Glass of tates yet in every of them however small Majesty will remain entire Whoever is born to a Scepter ought not to be chang'd at any Event or Accident whatever nor think any so grievous and insupportable as for it to abâ—â—don himself and dissemble the Person he bears King Peter even when he fell into the Hands of his Brother and deadly Enemy conceal'd not who he was may when it was question'd if it were he or not he cried out aloud It is I it is I. This very Constancy in preserving a Grandeur and Majesty in misfortunes 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only Remedy against them as it was with Porus King of the Indies who being taken Prisoner by Alexander the Great and demanded how he would be treated Made answer Like a King And when Alexander ask'd him whether he desired nothing more He replied That Word comprehends all Which Heroick Answer so affected Alexander that he not only restored his Kingdom but gave him other Countries besides To yield to Adversity is as it were to side with it Valour in the Conquered pleases the Victor either because it renders his Triumph more glorious or because such is the intrinsick Energy of Virtue The Mind is not subject to Violence nor has Fortune any Power over it The Emperor Charles the Fifth used severe Threats to Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony to oblige him to Surrender the Dutchy of Wirtemburg To which his Answer was His Imperial Majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my Body 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this Breast Which he really shew'd on another occasion of much greater Danger for it happened as he was playing at Chess with Ernest Duke of Brunswick he heard Senâ—â—nce of Death was pass'd upon him which he receiv'd with no more Trouble than if the News had not concern'd him but chearfully bid the Duke play on which generous Carriage wiped off in some measure the Infamy of Rebellion and procured him Glory One great Action even upon a forced Death leaves a Luster and Repute to Life As has in our own time â—appned Rodrigo Calderon Marquiss de Sieviglâ—sias or â—â—ven Churches whose truly Christian Valour and Heâ—â—ick Constancy were the whole World's Admiration in so much as to turn Envy and Hatred things comâ—â—on to one of his Fortune into Pity and Commendaâ—â—â— None are delivered from violent Casualties by Timorousness nor does Confusion any way lessen Danger whereas Resolution either overcomes or at least renders it illustrious The People gather what Peril they are in from the Princes Countenance as Mariners do the danger of the Tempest from that of their Pilot. For that Reason ought he to appear equally serene in Prosperity and Adversity least Fear dash or Pride exalt him and others be able to judge of the State of Affairs This made Tiberius take so much care to hide every unsuccessful Accident 5 Haec audita quanquam abstrusum tristissima quoque maxiâ—â— occultantem Tiberium pertuleâ—unt Tac. 1. Ann. All is in Disorder and Confusion when in the Princes Face as that of Heaven the Tempests which threaten the Commons are discernible To change Colour at every Breath of Fortune betrays a light Judgment and mean Spirit Constancy and an even Look inspire Subjects with Courage strike Enemies with Admiration All Men fix their Eyes upon the Prince and if they see Fear there they fear Thus 't was with those who were at Otho's Table 6 Simul Othâ—â— vultum intnâ—eri atque eveâ—t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus cum tiâ—â— ret Otho timebatur Tac. 1. Hist. Besides there can be no Fidelity where Fear and Distrust find Entertainment 7 Fides metu infracta Tac. 3. 〈◊〉 Which however I would have understood of those Cases wherein it is convenient to dissemble Dangers and conceal Calamities for in others to join in publick Expressions of Sadness don't ill become the Prince as that which manifests his Love to his Subjects and engages their Hearts The Emperor Charles the Fifth put himself in Mourning and express'd his Sorrow for the Sacking of Rome David upon the news of the Death of Saul and Ionathan took hold of his Cloaths and rent them 8 2 Sam. 1. 11. The same did Ioshua for the loss received by the Men of Ai And he fell to the Earth before the Ark of the Lord 9 Jos. 7. 6. And indeed what can be more just than in a common Calamity thus to submit to God 't is a kind of Rebellion willingly to receive Good only at God's Hands and not Evil also 10 Job 2. 10. He that is humble under Correction moves to Pardon Here it may be disputed whether this Steddiness of Mind be commendable in an Inferior when he needs the Aid of the more Potent the Solution of which Doubt requires a peculiar Distinction He who is under Oppression and craves anothers Assistance should not do it with too much Cringing and Solicitude least he make his Fortune desperate there being no Prince who out of pure Compassion will reach his Hand to a Man fallen or undertake the Defence of one that has already abandon'd all hopes of himself and his Affairs Pompey's Cause lost not a little in the Opinion of Ptolomy when he saw so much Submission in his Ambassadors The King of the Cherusci shewed much more Courage when upon the loss of his Kingdom thinking it his Interest to procure the Favour of Tiberius He wrote to him not like a Fugitive or Beggar but as one who remembred his former Fortune 11 Non ut profugus aut supplex sed ex memoria prioris fortunae Tac. 2. Ann. Nor is the Example of Mithridates les Illustrious who being overthrown by Eunon is said with a Resolution truly Royal to have thus bespoke him Mithriâ—ates so many Years sought by the Romans by Sea and Land here voluntarily Surrenders himself do what you please with the Off-spring of the great Achemenes the only thing my Enemies cannot deprive me of 12 Mithridates terra marique per tot annos Romanis quaesitis sponte adsum utere ut voles prole magni Achemeis quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt Tac. 12. Ann. Which Words prevailed with Eunon to intercede with the Emperor Claudius in his behalf 13 Mâ—taâ—â—â—e rerum prece haud degenerare permotus Tac. 12. Ann. Let him who hath faithfully served his Prince speak boldly if he find himself injured as Herman Cortez did to Charles the Fifth and Segestes to Germanicus 14 Simul Segestes ipse ingens
visu memor ia bonae societatis impavidus verba ejus in hunc modum fuere In other Cases prudence should examine Necessity Time and the Things themselves having attentive Respect to the following Maxims That a Superior takes boldness in an Inferior for an Affront imagining he aspires to be his equal or disparages him and on the other side is very apt to slight one he sees too abject and submissive It was for this reason Tiberius nominated none to be Senators but such as were of a servile Nature and though such Persons were necessary for his Service yet could be not endure that Baseness of Mind 15 Etiam illum qui libertatem publicam nollet tam projectae serviâ—ntium patientiae cedebat Tac. 3. Ann. Thus we see Princes are competent Judges of every ones natural Vigour and Alacrity and are apt to put Affronts upon those whom they know will take them Vitellius had not took the liberty to keep Valerius Maximus so long from the Consulate which Galba had conferr'd on him but that he thought his meek Temper would not resent the Injury 16 Nulla offensa sed mitâ—â— injuriam segniter laturum Tac. 2. Hist. For this reason a resolute kind of Modesty and a modest Courage will be highly requisite in a Prince who if he must of Necessity be ruined had better be so with a Mind great and noble than base and degenerous This Marcus Hortalus consider'd when Tiberius refused to assist him in the extremest Necessity 17 Avitae nobilitatis etiâ—â— inter angustias fortunae retinens Tac. 2. Ann. When the more powerful denies another the Honour due to him especially in Publick Actions it is more adviseable to snatch and as I may say steal than dispute them He that doubts distrusts his Merit the Dissembler tacitly owns his want of it and Modesty is afterwards but laugh'd at He who handsomely assumes the Preference due to him easily preserves it afterwards Thus it happ'ned once to the German Ambassadors who seeing those of such Nations as surpassed in Valour and constant Alliance with the Romans seated among the Senators in Pompey's Theatre said No Men in the World were preferable to the Germans for Arms and Fidelity 18 Nul ' os mortalium armis fide ante Germanos esse Tac 13. Ann. and immediately took Place with the Senators every one being taken with their generous Freedom and noble Emulation 19 Quod comiter à visentibus exceptum quasi impetus antiqui bona â—mulatione Tac. 13. Ann. As to Favours and Gratuities which depend wholly upon the Prince's pleasure although they seem due to Merit or Virtue the Subject ought not to murmur if they be not conferr'd upon him On the contrary rather give thanks under some honest Pretext following the Example of some Officers who were displac'd in Vitellius's time 20 Actaeque insuper Vitellâ— gratiae consuetudine servitii Tac. 2. Hist. For a discreet Courtier usually lets acknowledgments close all his Discourse with the Prince This piece of Prudence Seneca shewed after his Conference with Nero about the Crimes laid to his Charge 21 Seneca qui finis omnium cum dominante sermonum gratias agit Tac. 14. Ann. He that complains declares he has been ill us'd and Princes have very little Confidence in one they think dissatisfied all of them affecting to be like God in that of whom we never complain in our Affliction nay we rather give thanks for them In Accusations also Constancy is of very great Consequence he that gives way to them makes himself a Criminal The Innocent Person who disowns his Actions does in a manner plead guilty A good Conscience arm'd with Truth triumphs over Envy If that be degenerate and resist not the Stream of Misfortunes their Waves will overwhelm him as a River by the force of its Current throws down the weaker Trees whereas the deeply rooted stand immoveable All Sejâ—nus's Favourites fell with his Fortune Marcus Terentius alone who couragiously acknowledge he had courted and esteemâ—d his Friendship as that which procured him the Emperor Tiberius â— Favour was acquitted 22 Constantia orationis quia repertus erat qui efferret quae omnes animo agitabant c. Tac. 6. Ann. and all other Evidences either banished or executed In some Cases this firm assurance is absolutely necessary that Innocence defend not it self by Excuses for fear of betraying Timorousness nor good Services be taken Notice of least they be thought to be upbraided Thus Agrippina did when accused of having procured Plautus the Empire 23 Vbi nihil pro innocentia quasi diffideret nec beneficiis quasi exprobraret disseruit Tac. 3. Ann. Nor should the Prince's Person only be a Looking-Glass to his Subjects but he is to shew himself such by his State also which is as it were his Picture and so in that no less than his own Person Religion Justice Clemency and all other Imperial Virtues ought to be conspicuous And in as much as Councils Seats of Justice and Courts of Chancery are Parts of this Glass in them the same Qualities should be found as are in the whole nay in all particular Ministers who represent it for it very much lessens the Prince's Reputation to appear favourable to every Pretender to dismiss them with fair Promises and give Incouragement to their Hopes and on the other side put off his Counsellors and other Ministers to deter them by rough Usage from pursuing their Petitions An Artifice that will soon discover it self to be unworthy a Generous and Royal Breast The Minister is a piece of publick Coin stamp'd with the Prince's Image which except it be of good Allay and represent him to the Life will be refused as Counterfeit 24 Praefectus nisi formam suam referat mali fati instar subditis efficitur Them Orat. 17. If the Head which Governs be of Gold the Hands also which serve should be so too as were those of the Spouse in the Holy Scripture 25 Cant. 5. 11 14. Farther Ambassadors are also principal Parts of this Glass as Persons in whom the Prince's Authority is lodged And certainly it would infinitely prejudice the Publick Faith to have his Words and Veracity not found in these And as they are the Lieutenants of his Power and Courage so ought they on all Occasions to manifest them as if the Prince were present in Person Thus did Anthony Fonseca after he had proposed to Charles the Eighth in his Catholick Majestys Name that the Kingdom of Naples should not be invaded till it had been judicially determin'd whose Title was best and saw it came to nothing with singular freedom of Mind he openly declared his King had now satisfied his Conscience that he was at liberty to take which side he thought most just and immediately in the presence of the King and Council broke the Treaties of Peace before made between the two Crowns As the
are occasions when he must put on the Lion's Skin that his Subjects and Enemies may see his Claws and that he may be thought so severe that Fraud may not have the boldness to attack him with Flattery which way it uses to tame the minds of Princes This it seems the Aegyptians would intimate by putting a Lion's Skin upon their Prince's head There is no Respect nor Reverence where there is no fear The People perceiving their Prince can't be angry and that nothing can alter his mild Temper always despise him but this Severity need not immediately come to Execution 'T is not necessary for a Prince to be really angry but only to appear so The Lion without discomposing himself or thinking of hurting any other Animals with his very Looks infuses dread into all such is the Majestick force of his Eyes 5 A Lion which is the strongest among Beasts and turneth not away for any Prov. 30. 30. But because 't is convenient sometimes to gild force with craft and indignation with mildness to dissemble a little and accommodate himself to the times and persons therefore in the present Devise the Lion's head is not crown'd with the little tricks of the Fox which are mean and base and below the Generosity and Magnanimity of a Prince but with Serpents the Emblem of carefull and prudent Majesty and in the sacred Writs the Hieroglyfick of Prudence for their cunning in defending their heads in stopping their Ears against all Inchantments and in other things only tending to their own preservation not the prejudice of others For the same reason and the like accidents I have made use of these words as a Motto to the present Devise that he may know how to reign taken from the Motto of Lewis the Eleventh King of France who knows not how to dissemble knows not how to reign In which the whole art of Government is briefly comprehended but there is need of great Prudence and Circumspection least this Power should turn to Tyranny and this Policy to Fraud These Mediums nearly bordering upon Vices Iustus Lipsius defining Fraud in matters of Policy says 't is shrewd Counsel deviating from Vertue and the Laws for the good of the King and Kingdom by which avoiding the Extremes of Machiavel and finding also that 't is impossible for a Prince to govern without some Fraud and cunning he advises a little tolerates Mediocrity but forbids Extremes bounds very dangerous to a Prince For who can exactly describe them there ought not to be such Rocks so near politick Navigation The malice of Power and ambition of Rule act sufficiently in many if Fraud be vicious 't is vicious in its least parts and therefore unworthy of a Prince The worth and dignity of the Royal Purple disdains the least â—spot The minutest Atom is visible and blemishes the Rays of these terrestrial Suns And how can it be suffer'd that his actions should deviate from Vertue and the Laws who is the very Soul thereof There is no Fraud without a mixture of malice and falshood both opposite to Royal Magnanimity though Plato says That Falshood is superfluous in the Gods they having no need on 't but not in Princes who have great occasion for it and that therefore it may be allow'd them sometimes That which is unlawfull ought not to be allow'd nor ought we to make use of means in their own nature wicked to obtain just and honourable ends Dissimulation and Cunning are then only lawfull when they don't drive to Knavery and prejudice the Authority and Reputation of the Prince in which case I don't esteem them as Vices but Prudence or the Daughters thereof being both advantageous and necessary to a Commander which would be if Prudence respecting its own preservation would make use of Fraud according to the different circumstances of time place and persons so as the Heart and Tongue the Mind and Words may ever agree That Dissimulation ought to be avoided which with fraudulent intentions belyes the things designed That which would make another understand that which is not not that which would make him not understand that which is For this end one may sometimes use indifferent and equivocating words not with a design to cheat but to secure ones self and prevent being cheated and for other lawfull ends Thus we see the Master of truth himself pretended to his Disciples who were going to the City Emmaus that he was going farther 6 And he made as though he would have gone farther Luke 24. 28. The counterfeit folly of David before King Acâ—is 7 And he changed his behaviour before them and feign'd himself mad in their hands and scrâ—bbled on the doors of the gate and let his Spittle fall down upon his Beaâ—â— 1 Sam 21. 13. the pretended Sacrifice of Samuel 8 And the Lord said take a Heifer with thee and say I am come to sacrifice to the Lord 1 Sam 16. 2. the Kids skins fitted to Iacob's hands 9 And he put the skins of the Kids of the Goats upon his 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 the smooth of his neck 〈◊〉 27. 16. were all lawfull Dissimulations the intent not being to cheat but only to hide another design nor are they the less allowable because one foresees that another will thereby be deceiv'd for that knowledge proceeds not from malice but a kind of caution And these arts and practices are then chiefly to be made use of when we treat with designing and crafty Princes for in such case Distrust Cunning Hypocrisie ambiguous Replies prudent Equivocation least a Prince should be insâ—ared and give occasion for others Plots and Machinations defending himself with these arts and not offending or violating his publick Faith what is this but being upon his Guard That Ingenuity is foolish which frankly discovers its secret Sentiments and the State would be in danger without some caution 'T is a dangerous sincerity to speak truth always since secrecy is the chief instrument of Government Whatever Prince intrusts a secret to another at the same time intrusts his Sceptre too It does not become a Prince to lye but it does to be silent or to conceal truth not to trust or confide in any one rashly but to be wary and circumspect that he mayn't be cheated This caution is extremely necessary for a Prince without which he would be expos'd to many and great dangers He who knows and sees most believes and trusts least because either Speculation or Practice and Experience renders him cautious Let a Prince's mind therefore be sincere and pure yet skill'd in the arts and practices of others Experience will shew in what cases it becomes a Prince to use these arts that is when he shall observe that the Malice and Stratagems of those with whom he deals requires it In all other actions a Prince ought to discover a Royal Candor sometimes even to those who would deceive him for if they interpret it favourably their designs are broken and begin
THE Scorpion translated to the Skyes and plac'd among the Constellations loses not its Malignity which is greater by how much more its Power and venomous Influences are extended over things below Let Princes therefore well consider the Qualifications of those Subjects whom they raise to places of Trust for there Vices always thrive nay Vertue it self is often in danger for the Will being arm'd with Power bids defiance to Reason and often gets the better if Vertue have not resolution enough without being dazl'd with the splendour of Riches and Prosperity to resist it If Promotion makes the good bad 't will make the bad worse And if Vice notwithstanding the Punishments and Infamy that attend it find so many followers what will it do when back'd with Favour and Preferments And if Vice be the ready way to Preferment who will seek it through the rugged Road of Vertue That is inherent to our Natures but this must be acquir'd by Industry The first forces Rewards the other expects 'em with Patience and we find the Appetite much better pleas'd by its own Violence than Merit and being impatient had rather depend upon its own Industry than attend the Pleasure and Will of another to reward the bad by promoting them to places of Authority is to check the vertuous and incourage the vicious A private Knave while he is private can do no great matter of mischief 't is but an inconsiderable number of private Men on whom he can exercise his Villainy but promoted to places of Trust his Villainy reaches all being himself Minister of Justice and having the whole Body of Government at his disposal 1 Nam qui maguam potestatem habent etiam si ipsi nullius pretii sint multum nocent Arist. 1. Pol. cap. 9. Villains ought not to be put into places where they have power to exercise their Villainy Nature foreseeing this inconvenience has given venomous Animals neither feet nor wings that they may do less mischief He who furnished Villains with either designs it should either run or fly But Princes nevertheless usually make use of the bad rather than the good the former seeming generally more cunning 2 For the Children of this world are in their Generation wiser than the Children of light Luke 16. 8. but they are mistaken for Vice is not Wisdom and he can have no true Judgment who has no Vertue for which reason Don Alonso King of Arragon and Naples commended the prudence of the Romaus in building the Temple of Honour within that of Vertue that to go into that you must necessarily pass through this esteeming him not worthy of Honour who was not a follower of Vertue and that he should not arrive to Offices and Preferment who enter'd not at the Porch of Vertue Without this how can a Minister be serviceable to the Government Among a crowd of Vices what room is there for Prudence Justice Clemency Valour and other Vertues absolutely necessary for a Commander How will the Subject observe those proper to him if he wants the example of the Minister whose Actions he observes carefully and imitates through Flattery The people have a respect for a just Minister and imagine that he cannot err on the contrary they never approve and commend the Actions of one who is not so Demosthenes spoke very well one day in the Spartan Senate but because the people look'd upon him as a vicious person they rejected his Counsel Whereupon it was ordered by the Ephori that a person whom they had a better Opinion of should propose the same thing that it might be received and executed this good Opinion of the people is so necessary that though the Minister be a person of Integrity the Government is not safe in his hands if the people mis-inform'd think him otherwise Henry the Vth. King of England for this reason at his coming to the Crown removed from him all those who had been his Companions in his younger days and turn'd out all Ministers putting in their places Men of worth and such as were agreeable to the people one can impute the Success and Victories of Theodorick to nothing but his good Choice of Ministers having no other for his Councellors than Prelates of the strictest Vertues Ministers are as it were the Picture of Majesty which since it can't appear every where is represented by them who ought therefore to be as like him as possible in Life and Conversation since the Prince cannot of himself exercise in all places the Authority which he has received by common Consent he ought to take great Care how he shares it amongst his Ministers For he who is not born a Prince when he sees himself deck'd with Majesty will take Pride in shewing it by exercising his Authority and Passions 3 Regiae potentiae Ministri quos delectat superbiae suae longum spectaculum minusque se judicant posse nisi diu multumque singulis quid possint â—ftendant Seneca And here may the Question be decided which Nation is in the better Condition that where the Prince is good and the Ministers bad or that where the Prince is bad and the Ministers good for that may happen according to Tacitus 4 Posse etiam sub malâ—s Principibus magnos vires esse Tac. in vit Agr. for necessity obliging a Prince to substitute his Power to several Ministers if they are bad they will do more Damage to a Nation than the Prince be he never so good can advantage it for they will abuse his Goodness and under pretence of publick Good will turn it to their own private interest and advantage A bad Prince may be reformed by many good Ministers but not many bad Ministers by a good Prince Some imagine a Princes hands are bound and his Liberty infring'd when he has good Ministers and that the more vicious the Subjects are the safer he lives among 'em a ridiculous and senseless Phancy for Vertue is the only thing that keeps Nations in obedience and quiet and Nations are never more quiet and firm than when at home private people live justly and innocently and Justice and Clemency flourish abroad 't is easie to govern the good Without Vertue the Laws lose their force the love of Liberty reigns and the aversion to Government increases whence proceed the change of States and fall of Princes 'T is necessary then that they have vertuous Ministers who should advise them with Zeal and Affection and introduce Vertue into the Nation by their Example and by the integrity of their Lives Tiberius held the extreams of both Vertue and Vice equally dangerous to a Minister and chose one between both as we said elsewhere but this is properly the fear of a Tyrant if a vertuous Minister be good one more vertuous is better But 't is not sufficient for his Ministers to be endued with excellent Vertues if those necessary Endowments and Ornaments of experience which the management of Affairs requires are not eminently
visible in him Africk still mourns and shews upon the sooty Faces of its Inhabitants the rashness of Phoebus if we may use the Philosophy and Morality of the Ancients in lending his Chariot to his Son Phaeton an unexperienced Youth and one who did not in the least merit such Promotion and this is the Danger all Elections carry with 'em which are made at a jump and not gradually by which Experience teaches 'em to know the people and to rise by degrees Tiberius though a Tyrant never advanc'd his Nephews without this Caution and particularly Drusus whom he would not make a Tribune till after eight years Experience 5 Neque nunc properè sâ—d per octo annos capto experimento Tac. 3. ann Preferment to an unexperienc'd person is Favour but to one of Experience a just Reward Yet is not Experience in all things as neither all Vertues requisite for every Office but only those who regard each in particular for that which is proper and requisite for one is not always for others Experience of the Sea is useless in Affairs at Land and it does not follow that he who knows how to manage a House or ride a Horse can also marshal an Army 6 Nam unum opus ab uno optimâ— perficitur quod ut fiat munus est Legumlatoris providere nec jubere ut tibia canat quisquam idem Galeâ—â—s conficiâ—t Arist. 2. Pol. cap. 9 In this Lewis Forza Duke of Milan was mistaken when he committed the Conduct of his Army against the King of France to Galeaze St. Severin who was very dexterous in managing Horses but understood little of Affairs of War Mottathias made a more prudent Choice when seeing himself near his End he chose for General Iudas Macchabee a robust Man and well vers'd in Arms and for his Counsellor his Brother Simeon a Man of Judgment and Experience 7 1 Macch. a 65. In this we have seen great Errors in changing the reins and administration of Governments These are different in Kingdoms and Common-wealths Some respect Justice others Plenty some War others Peace yet though they are so different in themselves there is nevertheless a certain Faculty or civil Vertue which unites 'em and makes them all tend one way to the Preservation of the State each aiming at this by means proportion'd to the Office he is in This civil Vertue is different according to the several Forms of Government which differ according to the means and methods of governing for which reason a Man may be a good Citizen but not a good Minister for 't is not sufficient that he be endu'd with several moral Vertues unless he has also civil ones and this natural Disposition so proper to Administration and Government 'T is therefore necessary for a Prince to know the Nature and Inclinations of his Subjects that he may better know how to employ 'em for upon this good Choice all the Actions of his Government depend The Genius of Herman Cortez was particularly proper for the Conquest of India that of Gonzalez Fernandez of Cordova for the War of Noples and if they had been exchang'd and the first sent against the French and the latter against the Indians doubtless they had not been so successful Nature has not given Man a like Qualifications for all things but only one excellence for one Office whether it be Frugality or Prudence and 't is certain Instruments do most Service when they are made use of by one not by many For this reason Aristotle blam'd the Carthagians for that among them one person officiated in many places there being no Man fit for all 8 Sic enim optimè instrument a proficiâ—nt si eorum singula non inultis sed uni deserviant Arist. lib. 1. Pol. cap. 1. Nor is it possible as the Emperour Iustinian remark'd 9 Nec sit concessum cuiquam duobus assistere Magistratibus utriusque Iudicii curam peragere nec facile creâ—endum duabus necessariis rebus unum suffâ—cere L. F. de Asses to mind two without forgetting one or t' other A Nation is much better govern'd when in that as in a Ship every Man knows his Birth for though perhaps a Man may be found capable of all Affairs it do's not follow that they shall be all assign'd him That great Copper Vessel for Sacrifices called for its largeness a Sea and supported by 12 Oxen before the Altar of the Temple of Solomon 10 â— Chron. c. 4. 5. contain'd 3000 measures yet they never put in above 2000 11 1 Kings 7. 26. 'T is by no means convenient to accumulate all Offices and Preferments upon one person to the Envy and Dissatisfaction of all but whether for want of Knowledge of persons or for that they won't take the pains to look for fit Men it usually happens that Princes imploy one or at most a very few of those who are about them In all Affairs whence Promotions and Rewards are scarce and so Emulation grows cold and all things move slowly For the same Reason 't is not good for two persons to be employed about the same Affair for that makes it confus'd like a Picture drawn by two hands the methods of Painters being always different one is quick the t' other slow one loves Lights the t' other is more for Shades Besides this 't is impossible two should agree in the same Conditions Counsels and Methods or that they should not disagree to the great Detriment of the Negotiation and Prince too These second Causes have each their distinct Office and separate Operations For my part I think it more adviseable to commit an Office to one person less capable than to two though more sufficient since therefore the good Election is a thing so necessary and its Success so difficult 't is not adviseable for Princes to relie too much upon their own Judgments Pope Paul the III. and King Ferdinand the Catholick first consulted the people suffering it as if carelesly to be published before they made their Choice the Emperour Alexander Severus proposed his Choice to all that each person as if he were interested in it might freely declare his thoughts of his Capacity or Incapacity 12 Ubi aliquos voluisset vel Rectores Provinciis dare vel Praepositos facere vel Procuratâ—res id est rationales ordinare nomina eorum proponebat Lamp in vit Alex. Sev. Though the peoples Approbation is not always to be depended on Sometimes 't is in the right sometimes 't is in the wrong 13 Haud semper errat famae aliquando eligit Tac. in vit Agr. 't is oft deceived in Mens Natures and hidden Vices Moreover Industry Self-interest or Malice and Emulation spread this Report among the Mob either in their Favour or otherwise Nor is a Ministers behaving himself well in small Offices sufficient to recommend him to greater for Preferment makes some more vigorous and active others careless and lazy
Roman Senate not to trouble the Emperour with such Matters as without molesting him were in their Power to remedy 11 Sanguinius Maximus è Consularibus oravit Senatum ne curas Imperatoris conquisitis insuper acerbitatibus augerent sufficere ipsum statuendis remediis Tac. 6. ann But if a Prince relying upon the Prudence and Integrity of a Minister shall intrust him with the management of any Affair let him leave it wholly to him After God had made Adam Lord of the whole Earth he brings all the Animals which he had created that he might give 'em names 12 Gen. 2. 19. God would not so much as reserve that to himself For the like Reason a Prince ought to leave ordinary Cares and Troubles to others for the Head intermeddles not with the business of the Hands and Feet nor does the Pilot intermeddle with the common Sailers Duty but sitting in the Stern does more with the gentle Motion of his hand in guiding the Boat than all the other with their Toil and Labour But if a Prince either by reason of his Minority or old Age or any other natural defect be incapable of attending the direction of Affairs let him choose an Assistant For 't is much better to govern well by another than ill by himself The first years of Nero's Reign were happy because he took Advice from good Councellours but when he took the management of all into his own hands he ruin'd himself King Philip II. finding that Age and Infirmities had render'd him unfit to govern chose certain trusty and experienced Ministers for his Assistants Yet even when necessity urges a Prince ought not wholly to omit the Care of Affairs be his Ministers never so prudent and faithful for the Body politick resembles the natural in which if the Heat be deficient no Remedy no Art nor Industry can preserve its Life The Prince is the Soul of the Government wherefore to keep that alive 't is necessary that this should assist the Members and Organs if he can't absolutely do this let him seem to see and hear all things with such Assiduity that they may be attributed to his Disposal and Judgment the Princes Presence though it has no other Effect at least influences the Ministers and makes 'em more careful and Assiduous To know only that all Orders come through his hands gives them Authority though he never alter nor see 'em what will it do then if he shall particularly examine and being privately instructed shall correct and reprehend his Ministers faults If he do this but once they will be ever after fearful and cautious they will imagine that he actually sees or inspects all things Let them treat in Councils not only of Affairs of State but also of what worthy Persons they should promote to Offices and Preferments but let his hand confirm their Resolutions let it be that which bestows all Rewards and Gratuities not suffering as in a Sun-Dial his shadow I mean his Ministers and Favourites to point 'em out and publish them and â—o cause them to be ascrib'd to them for by this he woulâ— lose his Esteem Affairs their Authority Rewards their Acceptance and the Prince is slighted by those whom he 〈◊〉 most oblig'd for which Reason Tiberius when he saw the Senate inclin'd to reward M. Hortalus vigorously opposâ— it 13 Inclinatio Senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit quo promptiùs 〈◊〉 saretur Tac. 2. ann And sharply check'd Iunius Gallio for proposing Gratuities to the Praetorian Souldiers giving him to understand that it was only the Emperours Prerogative 14 Violentèr increpuit velut coram rogitâ—â— quid illi cum militibus quos neque dicta Imperatoris neque prâ—mia 〈◊〉 ab imperatore accipere par â—sset Tac. 6. ann so 〈◊〉 Prince is not respected because he is a Prince but becausâ— as such he Commands Rewards and Punishes If any piece of Severity is to be committed or any rigorous Punishment to be inflicted let it be done by the hands of hiâ— Ministers but let the Prince conceal his own as much 〈◊〉 possible Let the Peoples Indignation and the Odium 〈◊〉 Severity and Punishment fall upon them not him 15 Et honores ipse 〈◊〉 se tribuere pâ—nas autem per aliâ—s Magistratus judices irrogâ—â— Arist. lib. 5 Pol. c. 11. The Ancients said of Iupiter that of himself he darteâ— forth none but benign Rays without hurting any one buâ— only to shew his Power but that malign ones were by thâ— Council of the Gods let the Ministers be thought severâ— and cruel the Prince tender and merciful 't is their 〈◊〉 to accuse and condemn his to forgive and pardon Emâ—nuel King of Portugal thank'd a certain person who fouâ—â— an Argument to saâ—e a Criminal Also Iohn III. King 〈◊〉 Portugal being present at the Tryal of a Criminal wheâ—â— the Judges were equally divided and his Opinion ask'd 〈◊〉 decide the matter spoke to this Effect You says he 〈◊〉 having condemn'd this Man have done Justice and could wish you had been all of the same Opinion 〈◊〉 I am for acquitting him least any should say that 〈◊〉 Kings Vote alone took away a Subjects Life The Princâ— is made for the Subjects preservation and he ought to 〈◊〉 no one to Death but for the sake of that The hand of a Clock has no effect upon the Wheels but permits them to do their Duty and only denotes their Motion so the Emperour Charles V. was of Opinion a Prince ought to behave himself towards his Council to let them alone in their Debates without intermeddling with 'em this Precept he left to his Son Philip the II. A Princes Presence obstructs their Freedom and gives opportunity for Flattery and though in Matters of greater moment the Prince's Presence seems very convenient in that he can't be so throughly inform'd by reading as by hearing their Debates for by this he will learn much and begin to love Business and be instructed in the Qualifications and Designs of his Councellours a Prince ought to be extremely cautious in declaring his Opinion least either Flattery Respect or Fear should make it received For this Reason Piso when Marcellus was accus'd for taking down the Head of Augustus's Statue and putting his own up being ask'd his Opinion by Tiberius What 's your Sentiment Sir said he if you speak first I know what to follow but if last I am afraid least I should imprudently think otherwise 16 Quo loâ—o censâ—bis Caesaâ— Si priâ—us habeo quod sequor si post omnes vereor nè imprudens dissentiam Tac 1. ann For the same Reason 't was a prudent Order of the same Emperour that his Son Drusus should not Vote first in the Senate least others should think themselves oblig'd to follow his Opinion 17 Exemit etianâ— Drusum Consuleâ— designatum dicendae primo loco sententiae quod alii ciâ—ile rebâ—ntur nè 〈…〉 fieret Tac. 3. ann This is a thing of
as St. Augustine explains it * St. August lib. 5. de Civ Dei cap. 12. stray'd from their first Institution in which private Persons were Poor but the Publick Rich. Of which Horace complains †Lib. 2. Ode 15. Non it a Romuli Praescriptum intonsi Catonis Auspiciis c. Great Princes relying too much upon their own Power lay aside all Care of laying up Treasure or of preserving what they already have not considering that if the Necessity of their Affairs should require Money they must be oblig'd to oppress their Subjects with Taxes to the great hazard of their Fidelity and the greater the Kingdom is there will be need of greater Expence and Charge Princes are Briareus's who what they receive with fifty Hands spend with a hundred nor is any Kingdom rich enough to supply the Extravagance of one Clouds in one Hour spend all the Vapours which they have been many Days in collecting Those Riches which Nature had for many Ages hoarded up in the close Treasury of the Earth were not sufficient for the extravagant Prodigality of some of the Roman Emperors And this Extravagance is usual to Successors who find the Treasury filled to their Hands For they spend that carelesly and lavishly which they never knew the trouble of acquiring they soon pull down the Banks of the Treasury and drown their State in Pleasure and Luxury In less than three Years time Caligula squander'd away Sixty Six Millions of Gold though then One Crown was as much as Two now Power is self-will'd and foolish and should therefore be corrected by Prudence for without that Empires would soon fall to Ruine that of Rome seem'd to decline from the Time that the Emperors began to squander away its Treasures The World is wholly ruled by Arms and Riches Which is represented in the present Emblem by a Sword and Golden Bough which a Hand holds over a Globe to intimate that by both these the World is govern'd alluding to Virgil's Story of Aeneas who by the help of both these conquer'd even Hell it self and subdued its Monsters and Furies The Sword wounds most whose edge is Gold and Valour without Conduct and Magazines without Treasuries are insignificant A Prince ought therefore to consider before he declares War whether he is sufficiently furnish'd with these Means to prosecute it For which Reason 't will be convenient that the President of the Treasury should be one of the Council that he may give an Account of the State of the Revenue and what Grounds they have to proceed upon Power ought to be cautious and circumspect and diligently consider of what it undertakes Prudence does the same in the Mind as the Eyes do in the Head without that Kingdoms and States would be blind And Polyphemus who having once lost his Eye by the Cunning of Vlysses in vain threw Stones about and storm'd for Revenge so will they vainly squander and throw away their Treasure and Riches What prodigious Summs have we seen spent in our Times upon some vain Fear in countermining Enemies Designs in raising Armies and making War which might have been avoided by a Friendly Composition or by Dissimulation How much in Subsidies and Taxes ill apply'd and in other Necessary Expences by which Princes thinking to make themselves Powerful have found the contrary The Ostentations and Menaces of Gold extravagantly and unseasonably squander'd away render themselves ineffectual and the second are less than the first for one weakens the other Strength lost is soon recruited but Riches once spent are hard to be recover'd They ought not to be us'd but upon absolute Necessity Aeneas did not first shew the Golden Bough but offer'd to force his Passage with his Sword The Chief unsheath'd his shinning Steel prepar'd Though seiz'd with sudden Fear to force the Guard But when he found that neither Force nor Fair Means could oblige Charon to waft him over the Golden Bough was produc'd which had been hitherto conceal'd 8 Prov. 21. 14. At the sight of which the angry God was pacified * Dryden ' s Virgil. If neither Piety nor Heaven's Command Can gain his Passage to the Stygian Strand This fatal Present shall prevail at least Then shew'd the Golden Bough conceal'd within her Vest. No more was needful for the Gloomy God Stood mute with Awe to see the Golden Rod c. Let Princes therefore take Care to keep those Eyes of Prudence upon their Scepters clear and quick-sighted not disdaining Oeconomy which is the Safety and Preservation thereof Princes being as 't were the Fathers of their People The Great Augustus condescended as we have said before for the Good of the Publick to take the Accompts of the Empire with his own Hand Spain had had long since the Universal Empire of the World if it had been less Extravagant in War and more Regular and Methodical in Peace but through a certain Negligence the usual Effect of Grandeur it has suffer'd those Riches which should have render'd it Invincible to be made use of by other Nations We purchase them of the simple Indians for Toys and Baubles and afterwards we our selves as silly as they permit other Nations to Export them leaving us Brass Lead or some such worthless Commodities in their stead 'T was the Kingdom of Castile which by its Valour and Prowess erected our Monarchy yet others triumph and that suffers not knowing how to make good Use of the vast Treasures which are brought to them So Divine Providence in a manner levels and equals States giving to the Great Ones Strength without Industry and to the Little Industry to acquire Strength But lest I should seem only to discover Wounds and not heal them I will prescribe some Remedies not drawn from the Quintessence and Nicety of Speculation which are approv'd at first when new but afterwards rejected by Experience but such as Natural Reason shall suggest and such as Ignorance slights as vulgar The chief Wealth and Riches of Nations are the Fruits of the Earth no Mines in the World being richer than Agriculture This the Aegyptians knew who made the lower End of their Scepters like a Plow-share to intimate that its Power and Grandeur was founded upon that The fertile Sides of Vesuviâ—s are richer than Potosus with all its Gold 'T is not by Chance that Nature has so liberally imparted the Fruits of the Earth to All and hid Gold and Silver in the very Bowels of the Earth It made those common and expos'd them upon the Superficies of the Earth on purpose for Man's Nourishment 9 Maxima pars hominum è terra vivit fructibus Aristor Polit. lib. 1. c. 5. and hid these in the Bowels thereof that they might not easily be dug out and refined knowing they would prove the Bane and Ruine of Mankind Spain was in former times so rich almost only from the Fruits of the Earth that Lewis King of France coming to Toledo in the time of
Eternal Artificer we cannot suffer any other Adoration to be paid him than what we judge to be true and Orthodox And altho' the Friendship of Infidels were never so good yet Divine Justice permits us not to obtain our Ends by the means of his Enemies nay usually chastises us by the very Infidel's Hand that Sign'd the Treaty The Emperor which Constantine the Great translated into the East was ruin'd by the Alliance of the Palaeologi with the Turk God permitting it to remain to Posterity for an Example of his Correction but not any living Memorial of that Family But if by reason of the Distance of Places or Disposition of Things the Chastisement cannot be inflicted by those very Infidels God uses his own Hand What Calamities has not France suffered since Francis I. more through Emulation of Charles the Fifth's Glory than forced by any Necessity made a League with the Turk and called him into Europe This Fault he acknowledged in the last moments of his Life expressed his utmost Detestation of it in Words which piously we ought to impute to a Christian Compunction though otherwise they seemed to proceed from extreme Despair God pursued his Chastisement in some of his Successors by taking them off with violent and unhappy Deaths Now if this Just Judge be thus severe on Princes who do but ask the Aid of Infidels and Hereticks what will he do to those who assist them against the Catholicks and are the reason of their making such great Progresses The Example of Peter II. of Arragon will tell us 2 Mar. Hist. l. 12. c. 2. This King stuck with all his Forces to the Faction of the Albigenses in France and though he fought at the Head of One hundred thousand Men against the Catholicks who were but Eight hundred Horse and a Thousand Foot lost at once both his Life and the Battel Iudas Machabaeus no sooner joined with the Romans tho' only to defend himself against the Grecian Power but the two Angels that stood by his side left him and he was slain The same Punishment and for the same Cause suffered Ionathan and Simon his Brothers and Successors Nor is the Excuse of Self-Defence always sufficient for all the Conditions and Circumstances that make such Confederacies allowable very rarely concurr and are of greater weight than that universal Scandal and Danger of defiling the true Religion with Errors the Communication of Hereticks being a Poison apt to infect a Gangrene that soon spreads where Minds are enclined to Novelty and Licentiousness 3 And their word will eat as doth a canker 2 Tim. 2. 17. Policy distrusting the Divine Assistance and wholly relying upon Humane Artifices may indeed deceive it self but not God at whose Tribunal meer Appearances of Reason are not received Baasha King of Israel built a Fortress in Ramah the last City of the Tribe of Benjamin in the Kingdom of Asa and so stopt its Avenues that no one could go in or out of it with safety 4 In the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa Baasha king of Israel came up against Judah and built Ramah to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to Asa king of Judah 2 Chron. 16. 1. This occasion'd a War between those two Kings and Asa fearing the Alliance of Ben-hadad King of Syria with his Enemy contrived first to break that and then enter'd himself into a Confederacy with Ben-hadad which when Baasha heard he left off building the Fortifications of Ramah 5 And it came to pass when Baasha heard it that he left off building of Ramah and let his work cease 2 Chron. 16. 5. Nevertheless though Asa made this League out of Necessity and only for his own Defence whereof the good Effect soon appeared yet God was displeased that he put more confidence in the King of Syria than in him and sent Hanani the Prophet to represent his fault to him and threaten him with Wars as a Punishment 6 Because thou hast relied on the king of Syria and not relied on the Lord thy God therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand c. Herein thou hast done foolishly therefore from henceforth thou shalâ— have wars 2 Chron. 16. 7 9. which accordingly happened Whence it will be easie to gather how much France has incurred the Divine Displeasure by the Alliances it has now engaged it self in with those of another Religion to oppress the House of Austria Where is no room for the Pretence of Self-Preservation in extreme Necessity since without any Provocation or Reason he has sided with all its Adversaries and made War upon it fomenting it out of their States and enlarging these by the Usurpation of foreign Provinces and assisting the Hereticks and their Allies with Counsel and Arms to conquer the Catholicks no one in the mean time coming thence to the Treaty of Peace at Cologne although the Pope the Emperor and King of Spain had all sent their Plenipotentiaries thither Nor is it unlawful only to make Leagues with Hereticks but even to make use of their Forces The Holy Scriptures give us an illustrious Instance of this in the Person of King Amasiah who having hired an Army of the Sons of Israel was commanded of God to dismiss it and reproved for not rather relying on him 7 O king lâ—t not the army of Israel go with thee for the Lord is not with Israel to wit with all the children of Ephraim But if thou wilt go do it be strong for the battel God shall make thee fall before the enemy for God hath power to help and to cast down 2 Chron. 25. 7 8. And because he presently obeyed without any regard to the Danger or to the hundred Talents he had given them God gave him a signal Victory over his Enemies Confederacy with those of a different Religion is lawful when its End is the Intermission of War and Liberty of Commerce such as that was which Isaac made with Abimelech 8 We sâ—e certainly that the Lord is with thee and we said Let there be now an oatâ— betwixt us even betwixt us and thee and let us make a covenant with thee That thou shalt do us no hurt Gen 26. 28 29. and as now is between Spain and England When any Treaty is made with Hereticks provided it interfere not with Religion or Good Manners and be confirmed by Oath the Publick Faith is by all means to be kept with them for in the Oath God is called to be a Witness to the Agreement and as it were a Surety for the Performance of it both Parties consenting to make him Judge of it to punish the Perjurer And certainly it were a hainous Sin to call him to witness to a Lye Nations have no other Security of the Treaties they make than the Religion of Oaths which if they should make use of to deceive there would be an end of Commerce in
of 〈◊〉 ordered him to leave it instantly threatning if he â—â—d not to drive him and all that belong'd to him out 〈◊〉 his Kingdom The same did his Son Ferdinand in 〈◊〉 the Bishoprick of Cuenca to which Pope Sixtus had â—â—â—ated Raphaël Galeot a Relation of his own 11 Anton. â—eb Hist. Hisp. For â—â—e King incens'd that it should be given to a Foreigner and without his Nomination enjoined all the Spaniards to leave Rome protesting he would call a Council upon that and some other Matters and when the Pope afterwards sent his Nuncio into Spain he bid him return complaining that His Holiness did not use him as such an obedient Son of the Church deserved and wondred that the Embassador should undertake such a Commission But he humbly making answer That he would renounce the Priâ—â—es of an Embassador and submit wholly to His Majesty's Pleasure by this and the good Offices of the Cardinal of Spain he was admitted and all the Differences adjusted But unless for Self-Preservation or otherwise the Case be extremely dangerous recourse should not be had to these Methods and it is befitting the Paternal Affection of the Popes not to give Occasion to them behaving themselves so Courteous always so as thereby to maintain a good Correspondence with Princes For although they have in their Hand as was said the two Swords of Spiritual and Temporal Authority yet this ought to execute nothing but by the Arms of Emperors and Kings as Protectors and Defenders of the Church Which makes it as Alphonsus the Wise says * In Proem p. 2. of so much concernment for those two Powers always to agree so that each may help the other when Occasion requires I doubt not but all those whom God hath placed in this High Station have this Care deeply rooted in their Hearts but yet it is often-times perplexed by the Courtiers of Rome whose only business is to sow Discords as also by the Ambition of some Ministers who think to wind themselves into the Favour of the Popes and to procure the best Preferments by their Independency on Princes and by the Aversion they bear them always inventing Pretences to reject their Petitions and taking all occasions of Affronting their Embassadors and who to appear Stout suggest violent Counsels under colour of Religion and Zeal all which ruine the good Understanding of the Popes and Temporal Princes to the great prejudice of the Christian Commonwealth and chills the Veins of Piety for want of Love the Artery that cherishes them and maintains their warmth EMBLEM XCV THE Isthmus maintains it self between the Force and Power of two contrary Seas as their common Arbiter not enclining more to this than that Hence what one takes from it the other restores again and by the conflict of both it is preserved entire for if the Waves of either should once swell and overflow the whole Tract of Ground they would spoil its Jurisdiction and it would be no longer an Isthmus This Neutrality betwixt two great Powers supported for a long time Peter Ruiz d'Azagra in his Government of Albarraein situate on the Frontiers of Castile and Arragon 1 Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 11. c. 16. for each of these Kings took care not to let it be oppress'd by the other and those Emulations kept the Freedom of that little State untouch'd By this the Dukes of Savoy may see how much it is their Interest to stand Neuter between the two Crowns of France and Spain and to keep in their Hands the free Disposal of the Passes into â—â—aly by the Alps as a thing whereon their Grandeuâ— their Conservation and the Necessity of their Friendship entirely depends it highly concerning each of these Crowns not to let them be subdued by the other Hence the Spaniards have so often marched to the Aid of Charles Emanuel and recovered such Places as the French had taken from him I know only one Case wherein it is better that these Princes breaâ— this Neutrality and side with one of the two Crowns and that is when the other attempts the Conquest of their Dominions particularly that of France For if once the French should drive the Spaniards out of Italy they would become so powerful considering they have already eâ—tended their Dominions from the very utmost Limits of the Ocean as far as the Mediterranean through Calâ—â—ria that over running the States of Savoy and Piedmont they must of necessity either unite them to the Crown of France or but then them with an intolerable Slavery which the whole Body of Italy would soon feel the Effects of without hopes of redeeming their Liberty again and for Spain ever to retrieve their Losses or balance their Forces would be extremely difficult considering the vast distance between them too This Danger the Republick of Venice with a great deal of Prudence weighed when seeing Charles the Eighth's Power encrease in Italy they struck up that which was called the Holy League From that time one may say Divine Providence began to contrive the Security and Preservation of the Apostolick Chair and of Religion and to prevent its falling under the Tyranny of the Turk or being infected with the Heresies then taking root in Germany advanced the Greatness of the House of Austria and establish'd the Spanish Monarchy in the States of Naples Sicily and Milan that Italy might have a Catholick Prince to defend it on all sides And to restrain the Power of Spain and make it content with the Rights of Succession Fiefs and Arms it raised it a Rival in the Person of the King of France to lay its Kings under a necessity for their Preservation of gaining the Love and Good-will of their Subjects and the Esteem of other Princes by maintaining Justice among them with these Peace without giving the least Occasion to War which always hazards the Rights and Designs of the most Powerful This Advantage which Italy reaps from the Power of Spain is by some unjustly traduced as a Yoke of Slavery when on the contrary it is the only Instrument of its Repose of its Liberty and Religion The Mistake proceeds from their not well knowing the Importance of this Counterpoise A Person ignorant in Navigation seeing the Bottom of a Ship filled with Sand and Stones thinks it carries the Cause of its Wreck in this Weight whereas they who are acquainted with Sea-Affairs know that without this Ballast the Lightness of the Ship could never subsist long against the Agitation of the Waves Nicephorus speaking of this Aequilibrium between two Crowns looks on it as a Common Advantage to the Subjects of both Kingdoms when he says That he could not enough admire the inscrutable Wisdom of God who makes two directly opposite Means tend to the same End as when he would keep two Powers at variance without however subjecting the one to the other he either gives to both Commanders whose Capacity and Courage discover the Artifices and oppose the Attempts of the adverse
Party which makes for the Liberty of the Subjects of both Sides or else sets over them Men so senseless and cowardly that they undertake nothing considerable one against another but leave the Limits of the Kingdom as they found them 2 Mirari 〈◊〉 subit impervestigabileâ— Dei sapientiam qui plane â—â—â—traria uno fine conclusit Nam cum duâ—â— adâ—ersarias potestates inter se coâ—mittere statuit nee alteram alteri subjicere aut ingenio virtute 〈◊〉 utrinque parti moderatores praeficit ut alter alterius consilia 〈◊〉 vertas utrinque subditorum libertati consulatur aut utrosque â—ebetes imbelles deligit ut neuter alterum tentare sâ—pta quod aiunt 〈◊〉 audeâ—â— veteresque regnorum limites convellere Niceph. For the same ends Divine Providence has parted the Forces of the French and Spanish Kings by interposing the high Walls of the Alps lest Propinquity of Territories or Easiness of Passage should be a Temptation to War and favour the French most if that Nation should have these Doors so often open It has still for greater Security given the Keys of them to the Duke of Savoy an Italian Prince who having his States between those two Kingdoms can lock or leave them open according as the Publick Good requires This Divine Disposition Pope Clement VIII was sensible of and with singular Prudence procured the State of Saluzzes to fall into the Duke of Savoy ' s Hands * Here is a Page and an half omitted in the French This was a very ancient State-Maxim on which Alphonsus King of Naples grounded his Advice to the Duke of Milan not to deliver up Asti to Lewis the Dauphin For said he it is not for the good of Italy that the French strive to get footing there but to bring it under their Subjection as was attempted in the Genoese Expedition That Italian Prince penetrated not the force of this Counsel who advised the prefent French King by making himself Master of Pignerol to get firm footing on the Alps deceived probably unless it were Malice by the appearing Conveniency of having the French ready against any Attacks of the Spaniards not considering that by the fear of a future War which might perhaps never have really happen'd a present and most certain one is kindled upon the admission of the French into Italy it being impossible for Peace to be preserved in any one Province betwixt two Nations so opposite and disagreeing Nor were Italy like to reap any other Benefit from it than this That it would nourish a Serpent in its Bosom whose poisonous Sting would certainly afterwards envenom it Besides that the French even when within their own Limits on the other side of the Alps are always near enough to march into Italy when called nor is it necessary that they be so near as to have the Passage at their Command Besides were the French so modest so void of Ambition as to confine themselves there and not move but when called upon yet who doubts but upon such an Occasion they would widely transgress the Bounds of Protection as Lewis Sforza Castruchio Castrocani and several others have actually experienc'd who sought their Aid with no other Advantage than that the same befell them as it does some at this day which Tacitus relates to have happened to the Frecentini who while they agreed among themselves valued not the Parthians but upon their falling into Dissentions while each called in Aid against his Rival the Person invited by one Party conquered both 3 Quoties concordes agunt speâ—nitur Parthâ—â— ubi dissensere dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant accitus in partem adversuâ— omnes valescit Tac. Annal. l. 6. Now if that Power might be brought into Pignerol so as to be wholly at the Disposal of Italy either to call it in or send it out of its Territories as Occasion should require there had then been some Reason in the Policy some colour of Zeal for the Publick Good in this Counsel But now in a time the most improper in the World to place it within the very Gates of Italy to enter them upon every Motion of Ambition or Levity and that Fear of it might keep the Spaniards continually upon their Guard and Occasion be given to other Princes to take up Arms and a Storm of Wars be raised never to be calmed was so far from being good Counsel that it was the rankest Treason being in plain terms no other than exposing it to the Power of France and wresting that out of the Italian Prince's Hand which he had over the Alps for the Common Good of All. In the other Potentates of Italy which are not situate between those two Crowns this Reason of Neutrality has not the same force for when once War is brought into Italy they cannot but fall a Prey to the Conqueror without having obliged either Party as the Consul Quinetius said to the Aetolians to persuade them to declare for the Romans in the War against Antiochus and as the Florentines found when refusing to join with the King of Arragon they stood Neuter thereby losing the Favour of the French King without appeasing the Anger of the Pope 4 Quippe sine dignitate praemium victoris eritis Liv. l. 35. Neutrality neither makes Friends nor removes Enemies 5 Neutralitas neque aâ—icos parit â—eque inimicos tollit Polyh Hence Alphonsus King of Naples said of the Sienois who thinking to save themselves by Neutrality were ruin'd That the same happened to them which usually does to one who lodges in the middle of an House whom they below fill with Smoke those above pour Water down upon him What did not the Thebans suffer by being Neutral when Xerxes invaded Greece While Lewis XI of France continued so he never had Peace with any Prince 6 Phil. de Comin * This whole Paragraph is omitted in the French Let not the Prince be deceived in imagining this Neutrality to be the best means to balance the Forces of Spain and France for certainly there ought to be some Declaration in behalf of the former not that it may enlarge its Territories or make an Inrode into France but that it may maintain what it is already possessed of and the French be kept within their Kingdom and not by any Neutrality or Affection be invited out And this is so certain that the very Declaration of Favour without any other Publick Deâ—â—nstrations poises these Scales and is a sufficient Arâ—ment of War Italy can never bear two Factions that â—ive to raise their Fortunes by the Contention of both â—owns within its Bowels This Charles V. was sensible 〈◊〉 when to restore Peace to Italy he destroyed them â—â—d new-modelled the Republick of Florence which at â—â—at Time encouraged them for one of the two Balances 〈◊〉 France or Spain never so little over-loaded turned 〈◊〉 Scale of Peace which consists in keeping them even â—â—on the
to impose In the Heat of Arms when Success is yet dubious to shew a Desire of Peace betrays weakness and gives Heart to the Enemy He that is too passionate for it at such a time never obtains it Valour and Resolutions are much better Persuasives to it Let the Prince then love Peace yet not to that degree as to commit Inâ—ustice or suffer Indignities for the sake of it Let â—im not look on that he has made with a Neighbour superiour in Strength to be safe for it can never be where the one is powerful the other weak 11 Quia inter innocentes validos â—also quâ—escunt Tac. de Mor. â—â—rm Ambition knows not how to contain it self where â—here is a prospect of Usurping any thing and specious Names and Pretexts of Moderation and Justice are never wanting to him that seeks to enlarge his Doâ—inions and aspires to be a Monarch For one who is so already aims at nothing more than the Enjoyment of his own Grandeur without going to intrench â—pon that of another or designing any thing against it 12 Vbi manu agitur modestia ac probitas nomina 〈◊〉 sunt Tac. ibid. EMBLEM XCIX HE knows not how to value the Quietness of the Harbour who has not felt the Storm nor is he sensible of the sweetness of Peace that has never tasted the bitterness of War Then first this wild Beast the sworn Enemy of Life appears in its true Colours when it is tamed To that agrees Samson 's Riddle of the dead Lion in whose Mouth Bees swarmed and wrought their Honey-Combs 1 And behold there was a swarm of bees and honey in the carkass of the lion Iudg. 14. 8. For when War is ended Peace opens the Doors of Commerce brings the Hand to the Plough re-establishes the Exercise of Arts the effect of which is Plenty as of that Riches which freed from the Fears that drove them away then begin to circulate Peace then as Isaiah the Prophet speaks 2 Lord thou wilâ— ordain Peace â—or us for thou hast wrought all our works in us Isai. 26. 12. is the greatest Good that God has bestowed on Mankind as War the greatest Evil. Hence the Egyptians to describe Peace represented Pluto the God of Riches as a Boy crowned with Ears of Corn Laurel and Roses to signifie all the Happiness it brings along with it God has given it the Name of Beauty in Isaiah saying his People should take their Rest in it as upon a Bed of Flowers 3 And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation and in sure dwellings and in quiet resting places Isai. 32. 18. Et sedebit popâ—lâ—s 〈◊〉 in pulcâ—ritudine pacis Vulg. Even the most insensible Beings rejoyce at Peace How chearful how fertile do the Fields look which that cultivates How beautiful the Cities adorned and enriched by its Calmness On the other side what Desarts what ruinous Countries are not those where the Fury of War has ranged Scarce can one know now the fair Cities and Castles of Germany by those disfigured Carkasses Burgundy sees its Verdant Perriwig as I may call it dy'd in Blood and its Cloaths once so gay and fine now ragged and scorch'd up with amazement at so wonderful a Change Nature has no greater Enemy than War He who was the Author of the whole Creation was at the same time Author of Peace Justice gives it self up to its Embraces 4 Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other Psal. 85. 10. Laws tremble hide themselves and are dumb at the frightful sight of Weapons Hence Marius excuses himself for having done something against the Laws of the Country by saying he could not hear them for the Noise of Arms. In War it is equally unfortunate to good Men to kill and to be kill'd 5 Aequè apud bonos miserum est occidere quam perire Tac. Hist. l. 1. In War Fathers by a subversion of the Order of Mortality bury their Children whereas in Peace these bury them Here every one's Merit is considered and Causes examined In War Innocence and Malice run the same Fortune 6 Nam iâ— pace causas merita spectari ubi bellum ingruaâ— innocentes a noxios juxta caâ—dere Tac. Annal. l. 1. In Peace Nobility is distinguisht from Populacy In War they are confounded the Weaker obeying the Stronger In that Religion is 〈◊〉 in this lost that maintains this usurps Dominions the one breaks the haughty Spirits of Subjects and renders them Submissive and Loyal 7 Sed longa pax ad 〈◊〉 servitium fregerat Tac. Hist. l. 2. the other makes them haughty and rebellious This made Tiberius fear nothing so much as disturbing the Repose Augustus had left in the Empire 8 Niâ—il aque Tiberium 〈◊〉 habebat quam ne composita turbarentur Tac. Annal. l. 2. With Peace Delights and Pleasures encrease and the greater these are the weaker are Subjects and more secure 9 Quantâ pecuniâ dites voluptatibus opulentos tanto magis imbelles Tac. Annal. l. 3. In Peace all depends on the Prince himself in War on him that has the Command of the Armies Hence Tiberius dissembled all Occasions of War that he might not commit it to the Management of another 10 Dissimulante Tiberio damna ne cui bellum permitteret Tac. Annal. l. 4. Pomponius Laetus well knew all these Inconveniencies when he said That while the Prince could live in Peace he should by no means kindle War The Emperor Marcianus used this Motto Pax bello potior and certainly not without Reason forasmuch as War can never be convenient unless carried on to maintain Peace This is the only Good that Infernal Monster brings with it That of the Emperor Aurelius Caracalla Omnis in ferro salus was a Tyrannical Saying and fit for that Prince only who cannot maintain himself but by Force That Empire is of a short continuance whose support is War 11 Violentia nemo imperia continuit diu â—â—derata durant Seneca As long as the Sword is by the Side Danger is so too and though Victory be in one's Power yet Peace is rather to be embraced for there is none so happy but the Damage that attends it is greater Peace is the greatest Treasure Man e'er knew A Thousand Triumphs to it seem but few * Sil. Ital. No Victory can make amends for the Expences of it So mischievous is War that even when triumphant it throws down Walls as it was the Custom among the Romans Now then we have conducted our Prince amidst Dust and Blood and thus seated him in the quiet happy state of Peace our next Advice is That he do his utmost to preserve it and enjoy the happiness thereof without imbittering it with the Perils and Calamities of War David never took up Arms but when indispensibly obliged The Emperor Theodosius did not seek but rather found War It is a Glorious and Princely Care that of procuring
To demonstrate this in the present Emblem I have made use of that method which according to Sanazâ—ro and Garcilazo the Shepherds us'd to catch Crows Which shews Princes with how much circumspection they ought to interest themselves in the misfortunes and dangers of others They fastned a Crow by the Pinions of its Wings to the ground this seeing others fly by would by making a grievous noise excite them to pity and come down to its assistance Cercavanla i alguna mas piadosa Del mal ageno de la companera Quae del fnyo à visada ô timerosa c. For that which was fastned to the ground catches hold of another with its Claws thereby to free it self and that again of another which the same Compassion brought to their assistance so that for the sake of one another they are all caught In which something may be attributed to the Novelty of the accident for sometimes that appears Compassion which is only a motion of natural Inquietude I allow the Eyes and Heart to be mov'd with Compassion at the Misfortunes and Complaints of foreign Princes But not to arm upon every slight occasion for their Defence For a private person to expose himself to dangers to serve his Friend is brave and commendable but in a Prince blameable if he hazzards the publick safety for the service of a Foreigner without good grounds and reasons of State nor are those of Consanguinity or private Friendship sufficient For a Prince is born more for his Subjects than his Relations and Friends he may indeed assist them but without incurring any damage or danger When assistance renders the danger so common that the ruin of one draws after it that of the other there is no tie of Obligation or Piety can excuse it but when interests are so interwoven and united that one must follow the fate of th' other who-ever assists in that case acts his own cause and 't is more prudence as we have said to oppose dangers in a foreign State than to expect them at home Also when 't is the publick interest to assist the oppressed the Prince who is most potent is without doubt obliged to it For between Princes Justice can't have recourse to the common Tribunals 't is in the Authority and Power of the strongest that it finds Refuge In such case 't would be a kind of Tyranny to be an idle Spectator only and give way to that Policy which aims to imbroil other Princes that themselves may be more secure through their dissensions and raise their own fortunes upon the ruin of others for such as these the supreme Judge of the intentions severely punishes These cases require great Prudence to weigh the ingagement with the interest least we should entangle our selves in others Misfortunes and make their danger ours for we must not afterwards expect the same return Spain pitied the Misfortunes of the Empire and assisted it with its Blood and Treasures from whence proceeded the Invasions which France made in Italy Flanders Burgundy and Spain the whole War lying at present upon this Monarchy yet won't some in Germany acknowledge this or believe that it is for their sakes Experience therefore in our own and others Misfortunes ought to make us more cautious in our Commiseration and Assistance How often by assisting the Misfortunes of our Friends have we lost both our selves and him being afterwards ungratefull for the benefit How often have these incurr'd the hatred of a Prince by those very means by which they have endeavour'd to serv'd him Germanicus was adopted by Tiberius appointed to succeed him in the Empire and so faithfull in his Service that he took it as an affront that the Legions should offer him the Empire 1 Quasâ— scelere contaminaretur Tac. 1. ann and when they press'd him to it would have stabb'd himself 2 At ille moriturum potiùs quam fidem exueret clamitans ferrum à latere diripuit elatumque deferebat in pectus Id. ibid. and the more faithfully he behav'd himself the less gratefull he was to Tiberius His care in appeasing the Legions with Donatives was distastfull 3 Sed quod largiendis pecuniis missionâ—â—estinata favorem militum quaefivisset belliâ—a quoque Germanici gloria augâ—batur Id. ibid. His Piety in gathering and burying the Relicts of Varâ—s's Army he interpreted Ambition 4 Quod Tiberio haud probatum Id. ibid. The Compassion of his Wife Agrippina in cloathing the Soldiers seem'd a desire of rule 5 Id Sâ—berit animum altius penetravit Id. ibid. In a word all Germanicus's actions were misinterpreted 6 Cuncta Germanici in deterius trahenti Id. Ibid. Germanicus knew this Hatred and that he was call'd upon pretence of Honour from his true Glory in Germany and endeavour'd to oblige him more by Obedience and Observance 7 Quanto summe spei propiâ—r tanto impensiâ—s pro Tiberâ—o niti Id. ibid. but this made him still more odious till Gratitude oppress'd by the weight of Obligation he sent him to the Eastern Provinces 8 Novisqâ—e provincâ—is impositum dolo simul cafibus objectaret Tac. 2. ann where he caus'd him to be poison'd by Piso rejoycing in the death of him who was the support of his Empire 9 Naâ— Gâ—rmanici mortem inter prospera ducebat Tac. 4. ann Some Princes are Idols whose Eyes are as Ieremiah says blinded with the dust of those who enter in to worship them 10 Their eyes be full of dust through the feet of them that come in Baruc. 6. 17. They acknowledge no Services and what is worse won't be convinc'd of them nor that their liberty is subject to desert and therefore take great care to disengage themselves from it Him who has perform'd signal Services they charge with some Crime or other that his pretension to reward being reduc'd to a defence he may take his Pardon for a sufficient Recompence They seem dis-satisfied with those very Services which they inwardly approve to avoid being oblig'd or they attribute them to their own orders and sometimes that very thing which they desir'd and commanded to be done they repent of afterwards and are angry with him who facilitated it as if he had done it from his own motive The Heart of a King is unsearchable 11 Prov. 25. 3. 'T is a deep Sea which is to day boisterous and raging from the same cause which made it yesterday calm and serene The Goods of Fortune and Mind and also Riches and Honours they sometimes eâ—â—eem meritorious sometimes injurious and criminal 12 Nobilitas opes omissi gâ—stique honores pro crimine ob virtutes certissimum exitium Tac. 1. hist. The most officious diligence often displeases them That of Uzzaâ— to God in putting forth his arm to support the falling Ark cost him his life 13 And Uzzah put forth his hand to the Ark of God and took hold of it for the Oxen
shook it And the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzzah and God smote him there for his error and there he died by the Ark of God 2 Sam. 6. 6. Princes usually recompence negligence rather than care and reward the least Services with greatest Honours To be oblig'd they reckon servile and mean and chuse Ingratitude rather than Acknowledgment The prompt zeal and liberality of Iunius Blaesus towards the Emperor Vitellius got him his Hatred instead of Thanks 14 Lugduneâ—sis Galliae rector genere illustris largus animo par opibus circumdaret Principi ministeria comitaretur liberaliter 〈◊〉 ipso ingratus quamvis odium Vitellius humilibus blanditiis velaret Tic. 2. hist. The renown'd Roger of Cataloâ—ia being at Constantinople to assist Fadricus King of Sicily was recall'd by the Emperor Andronicus to defend the Empire he did things beyond belief with a small number of his valiant Catalonians he repell'd the Turks and when he expected a reward for his Services the Emperour upon some slight pretence put him to death And very often some frivolous pretence is more regarded than the greatest Services for Gratitude is esteem'd a burthen to the mind but Revenge discharges the Bile There is this Misfortune in the Service of Princes that no man knows when he obliges or disobliges them 15 And no man knoweth either Love or Hatred by all that is before them Eâ—â—l 9. 1. And if we would form any method of Policy from the light of History and the Misfortunes which we incur through our overâ—officiousness we had need distinguish between Vertues that we may know how to use them by considering that though they are all in us as their proper Subject yet do they not all operate within us Some are practised externally others internally These are Fortitude Patience Modesty Humility Religion among which some are only so far for us that those external ones contribute no more thereto than the security of humane Society and an esteem for their own Excellence as are Humility Modesty and Humanity So that the more perfect these Vertues are the more they work upon the Minds and Approbation of others provided we can keep a Decorum Other of those Vertues though they are internal yet their Operation depends upon external Actions as Valour and Magnanimity In these there is no danger if they be govern'd by Prudence which prescribes time and manner to all Vertues For excessive and imprudent reservedness usually obstructs our interest we losing our selves under a Notion of Reputation and Glory while those who suit themselves to the Times Necessity and Flaâ—tery obtain the Rewards and Commendations In the exercise of those Vertues which respect the good of others such as Liberality and Compassion there is always some danger because neither the Rewards of Princes nor the acknowledgments of Friends are answerable to them we perswade our selves that our Services will be acceptable and that to assist our Misfortunes they will reciprocally expose their own Lives and Fortunes Into this error we are led by our own Sense of Gratitude which often makes us heedless of our own ruin to satisfie for Obligations receiv'd But if we fall into any Calamity they withdraw and desert us There were but three of Iob's Friends who visited him in his Afflictions and they too by God's Command 16 Now when Iob's three Friends heard of all this evil that was come upon him they came every one from his own place V. Lat. vâ—nerunt sicut locutus est dominus ad eos Job 2. 9. nor did they assist him but with Words and severe Advice which he had need of all his Patience to bear But after God again smil'd upon Iob and began to heap on him Riches in abundance then came flocking to him not only his Brethren and Relations but those too who knew him not but by sight and sat down at Table with him that they might partake of his Prosperity 17 Then came there unto him all his Brethren and all his Sisters and all that had been of his acquaintance before and did eat Bread with him in his house Iob 4â— 11. This error under pretence of mutual assistance and obligation has been the ruin of many who have reap'd nought but Ingratitude and Hatred from their benefits and kindnesses and created Enemies of those who before were their Friends so that they die friendless and miserable The Holy Spirit has cautioned us of this My Son says he if thou be surety for thy Friend if thou hast stricken thy hand with a stranger thou art snar'd with the words of thy mouth thou art taken with thine own words 18 Prov. 6. 1. He advises us to deliver our selves from the hand of a Friend as a Roe from the hand of the Hunter and as a Bird from the hand of the Fowler 19 Ibid. Do good but look about ye is a Spanish Proverb drawn from Experience Those are not subject to these Misfortunes who live only to themselves nor suffer themselves to be mov'd by Compassion or Charity to assist the calamities of others being deaf to their Tears and Groans avoiding all occasions of intermedling with them whence they live free from cares and troubles and if they gain not new Friends they however keep those they have not being esteem'd for the good they do but for the ill they don't do this being in them accounted Prudence Besides we naturally esteem them most who have least need of us who without being beholden to us live content with their own Whence considering the usual custom of Mankind it may perhaps seem adviseable to be an idle Spectator of others Calamities and minding only our own interests not to engage our selves in their dangers and troubles But this policy would be against our duty as Christians Charity and generous Vertues which gives us a nearer access to God This would dissolve all civil Society which wholly consists in the mutual assistance of one another Vertue needs no outward acknowledgments being to it self a fair reward Nay 't is then most perfect and glorious when it expects the least return for 't is a kind of Avarice to do good in hopes of a Retaliation which if not obtain'd creates a lasting resentment Let us therefore be guided by the consideration of what we owe our selves and also by the example of God Almighty who bestows his Blessings even on the Ungratefull Yet 't is Prudence to have respect to the time when and where acknowledgments may be expected for 't is too hard for a man after great Expences great Hazards and Hardships undergone for another to meet with nothing but Ingratitude in return To him who understands the nature and usual ways of Mankind this will not seem at all new but foreknowing it will ward the blow and avoid being hurt We should also well consider whether it be really our Friend's interest for us to undertake his assistance for sometimes we do him an injury by our