Genua was subject to its battery It happend afterwards in the year of our Lord God 1512. when the French were driven out of Italy for all the fortress Genua rebelled and Octavian Fregoso recovered the State thereof who by his industry in the terme of 16 moneths took it by famine and as every one beleeved so he was advised by many to reserve it for his refuge in any accident But he as he was exceeding wise knowing that they were not fortresses but mens good wills that preserved Princes in their state razed it to the ground And so without laying the foundation of his dominion upon the fortress but rather upon his own valour and judgement he hath continually held it and holds it yet And whereas a thousand foot were formerly of force to charge the state of Genua his adversaries have since assailed it with ten thousand and have not been able to hurt him By this therefore it appears how the demolishing of the fortress hurt not Octavian at all nor did the building of it advantage the King of France for when he was able to come into Italy bringing an army with him he might recover Genua though he had no fortress there but when he could bring no army with him into Italy neither could he keep the Genueses in obedience though he had a fortress there It was therefore an expence to the King to build it and a shame to lose it and to Octavian a glory to regain it But let us come to those Republiques that raise up fortresses not in their native countries but in those they have conquered And to shew this fallacy if that example of France and Genua suffice not this of Florence and Pisa may where the Florentines had built a cittadel to keep that town in subjection And never advised themselves that a City which had alwaies been a prosessed enemy to the Florentines having lived free which hath a recourse to liberty for a colour of Rebellion it was necessary being desirous to keep her to use that manner the Romans had either to take her as a companion into the state or to deface and ruine her for of what value cittadels are we saw in King Charles his comming into Italy to whom they were yeelded either through the treachery or cowardise of their governors Whereas if they had not been the Florentines would never have grounded their ability of keeping Pisa stil upon them nor would the King have been of power that way to have bereaved the Florentines of that City and those means whereby untill that time it had been maintained would peradventure have been of force to preserve it And without doubt they could not have made a worse triall then that of the fortresses I conclude therefore that for the safety of ones native Country a strong hold is but hurtfull to keep under Towns that are conquered cittadels availe little And hereunto the Authority of the Romans shall suffice me who dismantelled the Towns they intended to hold by force never built up their walls and if any one against this opinion should alledge me the example of Tarentum in ancient times and in these modern that of Brescia which places by means of the cittadells were recovered from the subjects rebellion I answer that at the years end Fabius Maximus was sent with the whole Army to recover Tarentum who would have been able to recover that though thete had been no cittadell there And though Fabius put those means in practise yet had they never been he would have us'd some other which would have produced the same effect And I know not what advantage a cittadell yeelds that to regain thee the Town requires a Consular Army and a Fabius Maximus for commander before it can be done And that the Romans in any case had recover'd it plainly appears by the example of Capua where there was no cittadell but they got it by the soldiers valor But to that of Brescia I say that seldome chances which befell in that rebellion that the fortress which is possessed still by thy forces the Town being fallen into rebellion should have a great army to friend and near hand as was that of the French for the Lord De Fois the Kings General being with his army at Bolonia when he understood the loss of Brescia by means of the Fortress indeed recover'd the Towne Therefore that Fortress yet stood in need to do any good of such a one as was the Lord of Fois and a French army that in three daies might relieve them so that this example against those on the contrary side is of small weight for many fortresses have been taken in the wars in our daies and recover'd by the same fortune that the field hath been taken and recovered again not only in Lombardy but in Romania in the Kingdom of Naples and in all parts of Italy But touching the building of sortresses for defence against forrain enemies I say they are not usefull to those people nor Kingdoms who have good armies on foot they are rather unprofitable because that good armies without fortresses are of force to keep them but fortresses without good armies cannot defend thee And this we see by experience of those who have been held excellent in matters of state and government and other things as we know the Romans and Spartans were for if the Romans built no fortresses the Spartans did not only forbear from them but suffered none of their Cities to be wall'd in neither because they would have no other guard but a mans own valor to defend him Whereupon when a Spartan was asked by an Athenian whether the walls about Athens were not very faire he answered him yes if all the inhabitants of the Town were women To that Prince then that hath good armies when upon the maritime frontiers of his state he hath a fortress that for some few daies he is able to sustain the enemy till things are somewhat order'd it would sometimes be of small avail but of no necessity But when a Prince hath no strong army fortresses either in the heart of his State or at his frontiers are hurtfull or unprofitable hurtfull because he easily loses them and being lost they make war upon him or put case they are so strong that the enemy cannot take them they are left behind by the enemies army and so they become of no service For good armies if they meet not with very sharp encounters enter far into their enemies Countries 〈◊〉 thout regard either of Town or fortress they leave behind them As it was evident in the ancient Stories and as we see Francis Maria did who in these latter times without any regard of them left ten of the enemies Cities behind him to assayl that of Vrbin That Prince then that can raise a good army can do well enough without having any strong holds but he that cannot have an army ready should never build any well may he fortifie the City of his
wherewith together with his power he may comprehend their safety in general And when a Prince does this and that the people perceive it that by no accident he breaks those laws they will begin in a short time to live secure and content Wee have an example of the Kingdom of France which continues not in quiet by other means than that their Kings are tyed to many laws wherein the security of all his people is containd And he that was the founder of that State ordain'd that the Kings should dispose of the wars and the moneys at their pleasures but with all other matters they had nothing to do but they were at the laws appointment That Prince therefore or Republick which secures not themselves at their entrance into the government ought at least take hold of the first occasion as the Romans did He that lets that pass repents himself too late of not having done what he should The people of Rome being not as yet debauch't when they recovered their liberty might well maintain it when Brutus his sonnes were slain and the Tarquins dead by those remedies and orders which we have at several times recounted But had the people been corrupted neither in Rome nor any where else could they have found means strong enough to preserve it as in the Chapter sollowing we shall shew CHAP. XVII A disorderly people getting their liberty cannot keep themselves free without very great difficulties I think it necessarily true that either the Kings were to be expelled out of Rome or else Rome it self would have grown feeble and of no worth for considering how exceedingly the Kings were corrupted if after that rate two or three successions had followed and that corruption that was in them had distended it self throughout the members so that they likewise had received of the corruption it had been impossible ever to have reformed it But losing the head when the body was sound it might easily be reduced to a free and orderly government And this should be presupposed for certain that a debaucht City living under a Prince though that Prince with all his stock be rooted out yet can it not become free but rather fall still into the hands of new Lords who continually make an end one of another And without the creation of some new Prince they shall never have an end unless he by his goodness and valour maintain them free But their liberty is of no longer conyinuance than his life as was that oâ— Syracusa for Dions and Timoelons lives whose vertues in several times while they liv'd kept that City free so soon as they were dead it fell into the former servitude We find not a braver example then that of Rome which upon the Tarquins banishments could presently lay hold off and maintaine that liberty But Caesar being slain C. Caligula Nero and the whole race of the Caesars blotted out it could not not onely keep no not so much as give a beginning to their liberty Neither did so great variety of accidents in one and the same citie proceed from other than that when the Tarquins were expell'd the people of Rome were not toucht with this corruption and in these latter times they were throughly infected For then to settle their mindes in a resolution against Kings it was enough to take an oath of them that never any King should raigne at Rome But in the after ages the authority and severity of Brutus with all the Orientall Regions were not of force to hold them in disposition to maintain that Liberty which he like the first Brutus had restored them Which sprung from that corruption which Marius his faction spread among the people whereof Caesar coming to be the Chiefe could so blind that multitude that they could not perceive the yoke which he himself put on their neck And though this example of Rome be better than any other yet will I alleadge to this purpose some people known in our dayes And therefore I say that no meanes could ever bring Milan or Naples to their freedome by reason of the infection of all their members Which appeared after the death of Philip Visconti when Milan desiring to recover her liberty neither was able nor knew how to keepe it Yet that of Rome was a great happiness that their Kings grow naught suddenly that they were banisht and that before the infection was gone down into the bowels of that Citie which was the occasion that those many tumults which were raised in Rome men doing it to a good end did not hurt but help the Commonwealth And we may make this conclusion that where the matter is corrupted lawes though well made profit little unless they have such a maker that with strong hand forces obedience to them till the matter become good which whether it hath ever happened I know not or whether it be possible it can happen for it is plain as a little before I said that a City declining by corruption of matter if ever it chances to rise again it is meerly by the vertue of one man who is then living and not by the vertue of the generality that keepes the good lawes in force and suddenly when that man is dead it returnes to the old guise as it came to pass at Thebes which by the vertue of Epaminondas while he liv'd could subsist in forme of a Republique and government but he being gone it fell into the former disorders The reason is because a man cannot live so long a time as is sufficient to disaccustome them to the ill and accustome them throughly to the good And if one man of a very long life or two vertuous Governors successively continued do not dispose of them to good when one of them failes as I have said before they are presently ruined unless the other with many dangers and much bloudshed recover them out of destruction For that corruption and unfitness for freedome arises from an inequality that is in the City and if a man would reduce it to equality he must use many extraordinary wayes which few know or will serve themselves of as other where more particularly shall be said CHAP. XVIII In what manner in a corrupted City a free state may be maintained being gotten or how when they have it not it may be gotten and well order'd I Thinke it will not be out of the way nor disagreeing to the former discourse to consider whether in a City disordered a free State can be preserv'd that being there a soot already or not being there how it may be attain'd and then reduc'd to good order Whereupon I say that it is very hard to do the one or the other and though it be almost impossible to give a strict rule thereof because we should necessarily proceed according to the degrees of the corruption yet it not being unfit to reason of every thing I shall not let this pass And I presuppose a city corrupted in extremity from whence I shall come
good POpe Julius the second going in the year 1505 to Bolonia to chase out of that state the house of the Benticogli which had held the Principallity of that city a hundred years had a minde also to draw Iohn Pagolus Baglioni out of Perugia whereof he was a Tyrant as he that had conspired against all Tyrants that were seised of any of the Churches lands and being come near Perugia with this resolution knowne to every one stayed not to enter the City with his Army to guard him but went in without a guard notwithstanding that Iohn Pagolus was therein with much people which he had got together for his defence So that carried forward by that rage wherewith he governed all things with his ordinary guard he put himself in his enemies hands whom afterwards he led away with him leaving a governor in that city to keep it for the Church By the wise men that were with the Pope was noted the rashness of the Pope and the base cowardise of John Pagolus nor could they conceit whence it came that he did not to his perpetual renown suppress then at once his enemy and enrich himself with the prey all the Cardinalls being then with the Pope who had the best of all their Jewels with them Neither could any man think that he abstain'd either for goodness or conscience sake that withheld him For into the heart of a wicked man that incestuously convers'd with his sister and that had slain his cousins and nephewes to rule there could never enter any religious respect Whereupon every one concluded that men know not how to be honourably mischievous nor perfectly good And where a mischief hath in it greatness and is generous in some part they know not how to enter into it So Iohn Pagolus who made no account of being an incestuous and publique paricide knew not or to say better had not the courage though upon just occasion to do an exploit that every one should have admir'd him for and he left of himself an everlasting memory being the first that had shew'd the Prelats what a thing it is to set at naught him that lives and reignes as they did and so had done an act whose greatness had surpast all infamy and what ever danger could depend on it CHAP. XXVIII For what reason the Romans were less ungratefull to their citizens than the Athenians WHosoever reades the actions of Republiques shall find in all of them some kinde of ingratitude towards their citizens but less in Rome than in Athens or peradventure than in any Commonwealth else And if we would enquire after the reason thereof speaking of Rome and Athens I think it happen'd because the Romans had less occasion to suspect their citizens than had the Athenians For at Rome considering her from the banishment of her Kings till Sylla and Marius her liberty was never taken away by any of her citizens so that she had no great reason to suspect them or by consequence suddenly to offend them The contrary befell Athens for her liberty being taken from her in her most flourishing time and under colour of doing her some good so soon as she became free remembring the wrong she had receiv'd and the slavery she had indur'd became a sharp revengeress not only of her citizens faults but of the shadow of their faults From hence came the banishment and the death of so many rare men From hence the order of the Osteacisme and all other violence which in several times by her was done to the prime of her citizens And that is very true which those that write of civil government say that the people bitâ— more siercely after they have recover'd their liberty than while they have continually maintain'd it Whosoever then considers what is said will neither in this blame Athes nor commend Rome but will â—ccuse onely the necessity because of the diversity of accidents which did arise in this city For he shall see if narrowly he look into affairs if Romes liberty had been taken away as was that of Athens Rome would not have been more pitifull to her citizens than was Athens Whereof one may make a very good guess by that which chanc't after the banishment of the Kings against Collatine and Publius Valerius whereof the first although he had his hand in the setting of Rome at liberty was banisht for no other occasion than that he was sirnamed Tarquin The other having onely given suspicion of himself by building a house upon the hill Celius was like to have bin banisht So that we may well think seeing how suspicious and severe Rome was in these two things that she would have bin as ungratefull as Athens if as she in her infancy and before her growth had bin so much wrong'd And that I need not turn again to this subject of ingratitude I shall speak further of it in the Chapter following CHAP. XXIX Whether of two be the more ungratefull a people or a Prince ME thinks it is not out of the purpose of our former matter to discourse whether a Prince or people give us greater examples of ingratitude â—nd the better to argue this part I say this vice of ingratitude growes either of covereousness or suspicion For when a people or Prince have sent out a Commander of theirs in any expedition of importance where that Commander overcoming hath gain'd a great deale of glory that Prince or people is in like manner bound to reward him and if in Fâ—w of reward he disgraces him or wrongs him incited thereunto by avarice not willing by reason of this coveteousness to satisfie him he commits an errour without excuse and drawes upon himself everlasting infamy Yet are there many Princes who offend in this kind And Cornelius Tacitus declares in this Sentence the occasion It is more pleasing to revenge an injury then to requite a courtesy for thanks is thought a burden but revenge a gain But when he rewards him not but rather hurâ—s him not through avarice but upon suspicion then the people or Prince deserves some excuse And of these ingratitudes practis'd for such cause we read many for that Commander who valorously hath gain'd his Lord a Kingdom by conquering his enemies replenishing himself with glory and his souldiers with riches of force gets such reputation with his own soldiers with his enemies and his Kings own subjects that that victory can no wayes sayour well to his Lord that put him in the imployment And because mens natures are ambitious and full of suspicion and know not how to set limits to their fortune it is impossible but that suspicion which grows in the Prince after that Commanders victory shall by himself be increas'd upon some way or terme insolently us'd so that the Prince cannot advise himself otherwise than to provide for his own safety And to this end thinks either to put him to death or to take away his reputation which he hath gotten in his army or
ita luxum vel avaritiam dominantium tolerate Vitia erunt donec homines sed neque haec continua meliorum interventu pensantur Hist 4. I neede not alleadge others The troubles that fell upon the Roman Empire when they began to murder their Princes however bad may argue their part which was when Nero Otho Galba Vitellius successively were slaine Tacitus speaking of the story he writ of it sayes it was Opus plenum magnis casibus arroxpraelijs discors seditioni bus ipsa etiam pace saevum Hist 1. For they are much deceived who promise themselves quiet by meanes of a Tyrants death for as Iulius Caesar said Kingdomes never change them without great combustions and states suffer worser michiefes by not enduring insolent princes For howbeit both particulars and the publique also smarts because of this disorder yet the life of the Prince is the very soule and bond of the Republique Rege incolumi mens omnibus una est Amisso rapere fidem sayes the Poet. This case hath bin argued by diverse at large and the onely remedy is thus concluded on The treacle of this venim is prayer and not vengeance the people oppressed shal lift up their heart to God as did the Israelites when tyrannis'd over by Pharaoh for the cruelties of bad Princes come not to passe by chance and therefore is it necessary to have our recourse to God who sometimes for chastisement sometimes for try all permits them force to cure the peoples evill when as that of Kings requires the sword there is no man that will not say but that where the medicines mustbe stronger the more dangerous are the evills When a people is risen in tumult the follies which they commit are not so perillous nor is there such feare to be had of the present evill as of that which may befall it being possible some Tyrant may grow up in the midst of that confusion But during the time of mischievous Princes the contrary happens for the greatest feare is of the present evill and of the time to come there is hope men easily perswading themselves that his evill life may produce their liberty So that a man may see the difference between the one and the other the desperate feare of the one is of the present state of the other of the state into which it may fall The multitudes cruelties are exercis'd against those that they feare lest they should seize upon the common good The Princes against those that they feare lest they should seeke to recover their owne againe But the opinion against the people growes dayly for every one may freely speake evill of the people without feare even while they have the government in their hands A man speakes not evill of Princes but with many fears and jealousies Nor is it much out of purpose seeing the matter drawes me to it to argue in the Chapter following what Confederacies a man may best trust to either those that be made with a Republique or that are made with a Prince CHAP. LIX What Confederation or league is rather to be trusted either that which is made with a Republique or that is made with a Prince BEcause every day we have it that one Prince with another or one Republique with another make leagues and joyne friendship together and in like manner also confederacies are drawne and agreements made betweene a Republique and a Prince I thinke to examine which is the firmest league whereof a man should make surest account of either of that with a Republique or the other with a Prince And examining the whole I beleeve that in many cases they are alike and in some there is some difference and therefore that accords made by force shall not be truly kept thee neither by Prince nor commonwealth And I thinke that when feare comes upon them touching their state as well the one as the other rather then perish will breake their faith with thee and requite thee with unthankfulnesse Demetrius he that was ever termed the taker of cities had done exceeding much good to the Athenians it chanc'd afterwards that being routed by his enemies and seeking refuge in Athens as in a city that was his friend and much ingag'd to him he was not admitted into it Which griev'd him much more then the losse of his souldiers and army had done Pompey when his army was routed by Caesar in Thessaly fled into Egypt to Ptolomy who formerly had bin restor'd by him into his kingdome and was put to death by him Which things we see had the same occasions yet more humanity and lesse injury was us'd by the Republique then by the Prince Therefore where there is fear a man shal finde in effect the same faith And if there be any Commonwealth or Prince who to keepe their faith with thee expect while they ruine it may proceed also from the same occasion And as for a Prince it may well chance that he is allied to some powerfull Prince who though he then hath not the opportunity to defend him yet may he well hope that in time he may restore him into his state or else that having taken side with him as partisan he thinkes he cannot obtaine a faithfull and fair accord with his enemy Of this sort were those Princes of the Kingdome of Naples that tooke part with the French And for Republiques of this sort was Saguntum in Spaine which till it was ruin'd tooke part with the Romans and so was Florence for siding with the French in the yeare one thousand five hundred and twelve And I believe having summ'd up every thing that in these cases where the danger is urgent there is more assurance rather in the Republiques then in the Princes for though the Republiques were of the same minde and had the same intention as Princes had yet for that they move but slowly it will cause them to stay longer in resolving themselves then a Prince will and thereupon they will be longer a breaking their faith then he Confederacies are broken for profit Wherein Commonwealths are farre stricter in their observance of accords then Princes And we might bring many examples where even for a very small gaine a Prince hath broken his faith and where exceeding great advantages could not one whit move a Commonwealth as was the party Themistocles propounded to the Athenians to whom in an oration made them he said that he could advise them so that their country should gaine much advantage by it but them he might not tell it for feare of discovering it for by the discovery the opportunity of doing it would be taken away Whereupon the Athenians chose Aristides to whom he should communicate this secret and together with him consult upon it whom Themistocles shew'd how the whole navall army of all Greece was in their hands under their protection though intrusted them upon their faith so that it was in their power by the ruine thereof to make themselves Lords of all Greece
remove the army from place to place of which annoyance every one hath a feeling and so becomes enemie to thee as they are enemies I wis who are outraged by thee in their own houses whensoever they are able to do thee mischief Every way then is this guard unprofitable Besides he that is in a different Province as it is said should make himself Head and defender of his less powerfull neighbors and devise alwaies to weaken those that are more mighty therein and take care that upon no chance there enter not any foreiner as mighty as himself for it will alwaies come to pass that they shall be brought in by those that are discontented either upon ambition or fear as the Eâ—olians brought the Romans into Greece and they were brought into every countrey they came by the Natives and the course of the matter is that so soon as a powerfull Stranger enters a countrey all those that are the less powerfull there cleave to him provoked by an envy they beare him that is more mighty than they so that for these of the weaker sort he may easily gain them without any pains for presently all of them together very willingly make one lump with that he hath gotten He hath only to beware that these increase not their strengths nor their authorities and so he shall easily be able by his own forces and their assistances to take down those that are mighty and remain himself absolute arbitre of that Countrey And he that playes not well this part shall quickly lose what he hath gotten and while he holds it shall find therein a great many troubles and vexations The Romans in the Provinces they seiz'd on observed well these points sent colonies thither entertained the weaker sort without augmenting any thing their power abated the forces of those that were mighty and permitted not any powerfull forreiner to gain too much reputation there And I will content my self only with the countrey of Greece for example hereof The Achayans and Etolians were entertained by them the Macedons kingdome was brought low Antiochus was driven thence nor ever did the Achayans or Etolians deserts prevail so far for them that they would ever promise to enlarge their State nor the perswasions of Philip induce them ever to be his friends without bringing him lower nor yet could Antiocbus his power make them ever consent that he should hold any State in that countrey for the Romans did in these cases that which all judicious Princes ought to do who are not only to have regard unto all present michiefs but also to the future and to provide for those with all industry for by taking order for those when they are asarre off it is easie to prevent them but by delaying till they come near hand to thee the remedy comes too late for this malignity is grown incurable and it befalls this as the physicians say of the hectick feaver that in the beginning it is easily cur'd but hardly known but in the course of time not having been known in the beginning nor cured it becomes easie to know but hard to cure Even so falls it out in matters of State for by knowing it aloof off which is given only to a wise man to do the mischiefs that then spring up are quickly helped but when for not having been perceived they are suffered to increase so that every one sees them there is then no cure for them therefore the Romans seeing these inconvenients afâ—ar off alwaies prevented them and never sufferd them to follow for to escape a war because they knew that a war is not undertaken but deferred for anothers advantage therefore would they rather make a war with Philip and Antiochus in Greece to the end it should not afterwards be made with them in Italy though for that time they were able to avoid both the one and the other which they thought not good to do nor did they approve of that saying that is ordinarily in the mouthes of the Sages of our dayes to enjoy the benefits of the present time but that rather to take the benefit of their valor and wisdome for time drives forward every thing and may bring with it as well good as evil and evil as good But let us return to France and examine if any of the things prescribed have been done by them and we will speak of Lewis 〈◊〉 not of Charles as of whom by reason 〈…〉 he long possession he held in Italy we better knew the wayes he went and you shall see he did the clean contrary to what should have been done by him that would maintain a State of different Language and conditions King Lewis was brought into Italy by the Venetians ambition who would have gotten for their shares half the State of Lombardy I will not blame his comming or the course he took because he had a mind to begin to set a foot in Italy but having not any friends in the country all gates being barred against him by reason of King Charles his carriage there he was constrained to joyn friendship with those he could and this consideration well taken would have proved lucky to him when in the rest of his courses he had not committed any error The King then having conquered Lombardy recovered presently all that reputation that Charles had lost him Genua yeelded to him the Florentines became friends with him the Marquess of Mantua the the Duke of Ferrara the Bentivolti the Lady of Furli the Lord of Faenza Pesaro Rimino Camerino and Piombino the Lucâ—heses Pisans and Sieneses every one came and offered him friendship then might the Venetians consider the rashness of the course they had taken who only to get into their hands two Townes in Lombardy made the King Lord of two thirds in Italy Let any man now consider with how small difficulty could the King have maintained his reputation in Italy if he had followed these aforenamed rules and secured defended those his friends who because their number was great and they weak and fearful some of the Church and others of the Venetians were alwaies forced to hold with him and by their means he might easily have been able to secure himself against those that were mightiest but he was no sooner got into Milan than he took a quite wrong course by giving ayd to Pope Alexander to seize upon Romania and perceiv'd not that by this resolution he weakned himself ruining his own friends and those had cast themselves into his bosom making the Church puissant by adding to their Spiritual power whereby they gaind their authority and so much temporal estate And having once got out of the way he was constrained to go on forward insomuch as to stop Alexanders ambition and that he should not become Lord of all Tuscany of force he was to come into Italy and this sufficed him not to have made the Church mighty and taken away his own friends but for the desire he had to
it is almost impossible for those of this degree to be setled again by any accident those others although their order be not exact yet the beginning they have taken being good and like enough to prove better have a good possibility as may fall out to become perfect but sure it is ' will never be without danger for the multitude seldome agrees to a new law if it touch any change of government in the City unless the necessity of doing it be shew'd them by some extremity which never coming without danger it is like enough the Commonwealth may be sooner ruinâ—d then brought into good order Of which that of Florence gives sufficient proof which upon that accident of Arezo in the second year was anew orderd and by that of Pirato in the twelfth inbroyld again Intending then to treate what were the ordinances of the City of Rome and the accidents that brought it to perfection I say that some who have writ of Commonwealths will have it that there was one of these three kinds of States term'd by them a Principality another an Aristocracy and a third a Popular government and that they who lay the first grounds of rule and order in a City ought most to have regard to some one of these as it seems fittest to their purpose Some others and that following the opinion of many more wise think that there be six sorts of governments of which three are bad in extremity and three good in themselves but so easie to be corrupted that even they become pernicious Those which are good are the three aforesaid the bad are the other three which depend on these and every one of them in such sort resemble that which it apâ— preaches that they change suddenly from one into the other for the Principality easily becomes Tyranny that of the Nobility falls into the hands of some few and the Popular will as easily become tumultuous so that if he that lays the foundation of a Commonwealth ordaines in a City one of these three sorts it is but for a small continuance for it is beyond the power of any remedy to hinder that it slip not into its contrary for the resemblances which in this case there is between the vertue and the vice These differences of governments grew by chance among men for in the beginning of the World when the inhabitants were thin they were scatter'd abroad for a time like wild beasts afterwards man kind increasing they gather'd together and that they might be able better to defend themselves they began to cast their eyes upon him who had the most strength and courage among them and made him their head and obeyed him Hereupon began the discerning of things good and honest from bad and hurtful for seeing that if any one hurt his benefactour it caused hatred and pitty among men blaming the ungrateful and honouring the thankful and thinking withal that the same injuries might as well be done to themselves to avoid the like evil they betook them to make laws and to make punishments against the offenders Hence came the knowledge of justice which was the occasion that when they were to chuse a Prince they sought not after him that was the lustiest but the wisest and justest But afterwards when they had their Prince by succession and not by election suddenly the heirs began to degenerate from their ancestors and forsaking vertuous actions they thought that Princes had nothing to do but to exceed others in luxurie and wantonness and in what belong'd to their pleasure so that the Prince beginning to be hated and because he was hated to fear and passing on beyond this fear to hurt hereon grew Tyranny Thence afterwards grew those violences conspiracies and treasons against Princes which were not undertaken by those that were fearful or weak but if any surpassed others in courage valour wealth and birth those were the actors not being able to indure the shameful life of that Prince The multitude then following the authority of those great ones took armes against the Prince and he being down they yeelded obedience to these as to their deliverers and they hating the name of one head alone fram'd a government of themselves and in the beginning in regard of the tyranny past carried themselves fairly according to the laws they had made preferring the publique good before their own advantage and in summe rul'd and maintain'd the state with exceeding diligence This government afterwards falling into the hands of their children who never knew the change of fortune nor had the experience of adversity not being content to live in a civil equality but abandoning themselves to covetousness ambition and ravishing of women so carried it that they ingross'd in the hands of some few the government that belong'd to the whole Nobility without any regard of the state in so much that it befell to them quickly as to the Tyrant For the multitude loathing their government serv'd it self of any one that had any design against these governours and so some there were quickly found that made head against them who with the aid of the people put them down And the remembrance of the Prince being yet fresh and of the wrongs they suffered under him having taken away this government of few and being unwilling to restore that of a Prince they chose the Popular which they so ordain'd that neither a few that were mighty nor one Prince alone should have any power there And because all states in the beginning are venerable this Popular state subsisted a while but not long especially when that generation was out that ordain'd it for suddenly they grew licentious not fearing private men nor publick Ministers so that every one living as he listed they daily did one another divers outrages and at length wereforc'd by necessity or by the perswasion of some good man for to avoid such insolency to change a new into a Principality and so from thence by degrees they grew exorbitant in their behaviour and upon the occasions aforesaid And this is the circle in which all states turning about have been and are governed but seldome do they returne into the self same governments for hardly any Commonwealth can be of so long durance as to undergoe so many changes and yet stand afoot but rather it comes to pass the state while it is in tumult counsell and force then alwaies failing becomes subject to some neighbouring government which is better order'd then it self but were it not for this a state were always capable of revolution into these sorts of government I say then that all these kinds are pernicious for the short continuance of the three which are good and the malignity of the other three which are bad Whereupon the sage Law-givers having perceived this defect avoiding each one by it self chose one that might partake of all esteeming that more sound and firme for the one guards the other being that in one and the same City there
to me seem to blame those things which were the first occasion of Romes liberty and that they think more of the stirs and noises which arose from those tumults then they regard the good effects they brought forth and that they consider not how there are two severall humours in every Republique that of the Commons and the other of the great-ones and how all the laws that are made in favor of liberty spring first from their disagreement as easily we may perceive it follow'd in Rome For from the Tarquins to the Gracchies more then 300. years the tumults of Rome seldome times caus'd banishment and very seldome blood Insomuch as no man can well deem these stirres hurtful nor say the Commonwealth was divided which in so long a time through her discord banish'd not above eight or ten Citizens and put very few to death nor yet condemn'd many in sums of money Neither can that be term'd with reason in any sort a disorderly Commonwealth whence we have so many rare examples of vertue for good examples proceed from good education a good education from good laws good laws from those tumults which many unadvisedly do condemn for whosoever shall examin the end thereof shall not find that they produc'd any banishment or violence in hinderance of the common good but laws ordinances in benefit of the publick liberty And if any man should alledge that the means were extravagant in a manner outragions To see the people together cry out against the Senate and the Senate against the people to run tumultuously through the streers to shut up their shops and the whole people of Rome to quit the town all which things fright even those that read them I say that every city ought to have its own waies whereby the people may vent their ambition especially those cities that in matters of importance wil availe themselves of their people among which Rome had this way that when the people would have a law made either they did some of the things forenamed or refus'd to have their names inrolled for the warres so that to quiet them there was a necessity in some sort to give them satisfaction And it is but seldom seen that the desires of free people tend to the hurt of liberty for they arise either from their oppression or from their suspicion they are falling into it And in case these opinions were false yet is there a meanes to rectifie them if some discreet Oratour in their assemblies perswade them of their error and the people as Tully says though of themselves ignorant yet are they of capacity to conceive the truth being told them by any man worthy of credit and do easily submit Wherefore we ought more sparingly to blame the Roman Government and consider the good effects issued from that Commonwealth which never proceeded but from good causes And for creating the Tribuns they deserve exceeding great praise for besides the giving to the people their share of Government they were ordain'd as guardians of the Roman liberty as it shall appear in the Chapter following CHAP. V. Whether the people or the nebiliry are the better Guardians of liberty and which have greater occasions of being tzmvltuous either they that strive to enlarge the state or they than endeavour but to maintain it THey who have judiciously laid the foundations of a Commonwealth have among other principal things ordain'd by them provided a safegard for liberty which as it is rightly plac'd so is it of long or shorter durance And because in every Republick there are the Nobility and the Commons question is made to which of these two more safely may be intrusted the Guard of liberty And among the Lacedemonians and in our times among the Venetians it hath been given to the Nobility but among the Romans it was committed to the peoples trust and therefore is it necessary to examine which of these two Common-wealths made the better choyce And if a man list to argue the case there want not arguments on both parts butif we look to the issue they had we should yeeld it to the Nobility because Sparta and Venice enjoy'd either of them their freedome longer then Rome And comming to argument I say first taking part with the Romans that they ought rather to be intrusted as guardians of any thing who are least desirous to usurpe it without doubt considering the designes of the nobility of the people we must needs confess they are very ambitious of rule these only desire not to be oppress'd and consequently affect the continuance of their freedome having less hope to usurpe it then the Nobility soâ— that the people being set as guardians of the Common liberty it is probable they are more careful of it and being themselves out of hope of it will never suffer that it fall into others hands On the other side he that argues for the Spartan and Venetian customes sayes that they who intrust it with them that are powerful doe two good things at once the one that they rather give a satisfaction to their ambition that having a greater part in the Common-wealth by holding this staffe in their hand they have greater reason to be contented the other is that they free the peoples unquiet minds from such a kinde of authority which is the occasion of infinite discords and offences in the Commonwealth and like enough to bring the Nobility to some desperation which in time may do much mischief and they give us Rome it self for an example hereof that when the Tribuns of the people had this authority in their hands they were not content to have one Consul to be a Plebeyan but would have both and thereupon they would have the Censor and the Pretour and all other dignities in the rule of the City nor was this enough but led on still with the same rage they began in after times to adore those men whom they saw fit to curbe the Nobility whereupon grew the power of Marius and the ruine of Rome and truly whosoever should sift this matter throughly the one and the other would much doubt which he should make choyce of for the guardians of liberty not knowing which sort of men is more hurtsull in a Commonwealth either that which desires to gain the honour it hath not or the other which endeavours to maintain what they have already got and at last whosoever shall examin the whole throughly will make this conclusion Either you reason of a Republick that aymes at such a dominion as Rome had or of one which seeks no farther then her own preservation In the firâ— case it is best to doe as Rome did and follow her footsteps In the second he may follow Venice and Sparta for those occasions as it shall be said in the Chapter following But to return to the point what kind of men are the more hurtful in a Republick either they that would enlarge the State or those that
of for the Senate was as desirous to understand as the people Whereunto Manlius answer'd not particularly but as by excuses said there was no need to tell them what they already knew so that the Dictator caus'd him to be put in prison Hereupon may we observe how extreamly pernicious and damageable are calumnies as well in free Cities as in any other kind of Government and therefore to repress them ought not any Law or Ordinance be spar'd that may serve to the purpose Neither can there be found any better expedient to extinguish them then to open many waies to accusations for as they do much help a Republick so calumnies hurt it and â—on the other part there is this difference that calumnies have no need of Testimonies nor of any particular incounter to prove them so that every one may be caluminated but not accus'd accusations being tied to certain particulars and circumstances to udemonstrate their truth Men are accus'd before Magistrates the People and Councells slander'd they are by calumnies as well in private as in publick And there slander is most in use where accusations are nor accustomed and where the Cities are loth to receive them Therefore every founder of a Republick ought so to order it that therein any Citizen may be accused without feare or suspect And this done and well observ'd he ought sharply to punish the slanderers who have no reason to complain when they are punish'd there being publick places to heare his accusations whom they in private would have slandered And where this part is not well order'd there alwaies follows much confusion for calumnies do provoke and not chastise the Citizens and those that are provok'd think to availe themselves rather by hating then fearing the things that are said against them This part as it is said was well order'd at Rome and alwaies ill in our City of Florence And as at Rome this order did much good so at Florence this disorder did much harme And whosoever reades the stories of this City shall see how many slanders have from time to time been devis'd against those Citizens who have been imployed in the most important affairs of it Of one they said he rob'd the common Treasury of another he fail'd of such an attempt being corrupted and of a third he ran into this or that inconvenient through ambition From whence proceeded that on every side grew hatred whereupon came division from division they came to factions from factions to ruine But had there been a meanes in Florence to accuse the Citizens and punish slanderers that infinite number of calumnies that afterward grew had never followed for those Citizens either condemned or assoild that they had been could never have hurt the City and would have been less accused then they were slander'd every one as I have said being not so readily able to accuse as to slander And among other things some Citizens have serv'd themselves of these calumnies as steps and helps to their ambitious ends who having to incounter powerful men opposed themselves as they listed and left nothing undone to work their intent for taking part with the people and confirming them in their evil opinion already conceived of these have made the people their own friends And though I could bring examples enough I will be content with this one The Florentine Army was in the field at Lucca commanded by John Guicchiard an able Captain Either his Government was so ill or the success prov'd so unlucky that he faild in taking the Town So that howsoever the case stood John was blam'd for it saying he had been bribed by the Luccheses which slander being favour'd by his Enemies brought John to extream despair And though to justifie himself he offer'd his submission to trial and imprisonment yet could he never wipe away that blur because in that Commonwealth there were not the meanes to do it whereupon grew much distast between Johns friends who were the greater part of the potent men and his Adversaries who were some that desir'd to make innovations in Florence Which matter upon these and otherlike occasions increased so that thereupon ensued the ruine of that Republique M. Capitolinus therefore was a slanderer and not an accuser and the Romans shewed directly in this case how slanderers ought to be punish'd For they ought to make them become accusers and when the accusation proves true either reward them or at least not punish them and when false punish them as Manlius CHAP. IX How needful it is that he who frames anew the Laws and laies new foundations of a Common wealth be alone without Companion or Competitor ANd perchance some will think that I have run too far within the Roman History not having made any mention yet of the founders of that Republick nor of the Laws which belong'd either to their Religion or their military discipline And therefore not willing to hold them longer in suspence who are desirous to understand somewhat in this case I say that many peradventure will think this a matter of evil example that the ordainer of a civil Government as was Romulus should first have taken his brothers life from him and after have consented to T. Tacius the Sabines death chosen by him his companion in the Kingdom judging hereby that his own Citizens might by Authority taken from their Prince for ambition or desire to rule endamage those that should oppose their power Whose opinion we should acknowledg true if we consider nor the end which induc'd him to commit this homicide And we may take this for a general rule that never or seldom it chances that any Republick or Kingdom is from the beginning well ordein'd or throughly new reformed of its old customs unless the disposing of it depend absolutely upon the will of one Nay rather there is a necessity of it that that one be absolute that appoints the manner how and by whose understanding all such ordination is regulated Wherefore a wise founder of a Republick who seeks not his own advantage but the publick good not to strengthen his own succession but seeks his Countries profit ought indeavor to get the power wholly into his own hands neither will any man of good judgment ever blame any extraordinary action he shall put in practice for the setling of a good Government in a Kingdom or framing sure foundations in a Commonwealth It holds well together though the act accuse him that the effect excuse him and when that is good as it prov'd to Romulus it will alwaies excuse him for he that uses violence to waste is blameable not he that uses it for redress and order And therefore ought he be so wise and virtuous that the Authority he hath possest himself of he leave not to descend hereditarily on another For men being more inclined to ill then good his successor may turne that to ambition which he manag'd vertuously Besides this though one be fit to ordein a thing yet
those without question he would judge the ruine or scourge thereof were near at hand And because some are of opinion that the welfare of Italy depends upon the Church of Rome yet the contrary might rather be proved considering those that in the Church of Rome observe not the precepts they ought but rather adulterate the holy and Catholick Ordinances which were wont to be kept Moreover this comes to pass because the Church hath alwaies held and still holds this Country divided and truly never was any Province either united or happy unless it were wholly reduc'd to the obedience of one Commonwealth or Prince as it befel France and Spain And the cause that Italy is not in the same terms nor hath not one Republick or one Prince to govern it is only the Church for having inhabited there and held the â—eâ—â—mporal Government it hath never been so potent nor of such prowess that it could get the rest of Italy into its hands and become Lords thereof And on the other side it was never so weak that for fear of losing the temporal dominion it could not call in a powerfull friend to defend it against him that were grown too puissant in Italy as anciently it hath been seen by sundry experiences when by means of Charles the Great it drove out the Lombards who had as it were the absolute power of all Italy and when in our daies it took the Venetians power from them by the Frenchmens ayd and afterwards chased away the French by help of the Swisses Therefore the Church being not powerfull to subdue all Italy it self nor yet suffering any other to master it hath been the cause that it could never be brought to have but one head but hath alwaies been under more Princes and Lords whereupon is grown such a disunion and so much weakness that Italy hath been made asprey not only of powerfull Barbarians but of any the next assaylant For which we and other Italians are beholding to the Church none else And whosoever would readily see the truth by certain experience it were needfull he were of such power as to send the Court of Rome with the authority it hath in Italy to dwell in the Switzers Country who at this day are the only people that live for their Religion and military discipline as their ancestors did and he should find that in a short time the ill orders and customs of that Court would breed more disorder in that Country then any accident else could that should evergrow there CHAP. XIII In what manner the Romans avail'd themselves of their Religion in ordering the City in undertaking their designes and in stopping of tumulis I Think it not out of purpose to bring some example where in the Romans serv'd themselves of their Religion for the ordering of their City and the following of their enterprises And though many there are in T. Livius yet I will content my self with these The people of Rome having created their Tribunes of Consular power and except one all Plebeians and it falling out that year that there was pestilence and famine and certain other prodigies the Nobility of Rome took hold of this occasion at the Tribunes new creation to say that the Gods were angry because Rome had abus'd the Majesty of their Empire and that they had no other means to appease them then to reduce the election of the Tribunes to the former course Whence it came that the people frighted by this superstition made the Tribunes all of the Nobility The like was also in their Conquest of the Vejentes City that the Commanders of their Armies did serve themselves of the Religion to keep them in heart for any enterprise for that year the Albanilak being miraculously sweld and the Roman Soldiers weariâ—d with the long siege and intending to â—return to Rome the Romans found that Apollo and certain other Oracles told them that that year the Vejâ—ntes City should be taken that the water of the Albanlake should be pour'd out which thing made the soldiers endure the tediousnes of the war and the siege perswaded by the hope they had to take the Town and were contented to continue the enterprise so that Camillus being made Dictatour subdued the City after ten years siege And so the accustomed Religion help'd well both for the taking in of that Town and for the restitution of the Tribunship to the Nobility for without the ayde thereof the one or the other had hardly had their success And this other example I must also add to this purpose There were in Rome a great many tumults rais'd upon the occasion of Terentillus a Tribune he desiring to make a law for causes which hereafter we shall declare in their place Among the first remedies which the Nobility serv'd themselves of was the Religion whereof they made use two waies In the first they made the Sibill's books be searcht and answer as it were to the City that by means of civill discord they should hazzard the loss of their liberty that year which thing though the Tribunes had herein discover'd their subtilty yet it so frighted the people that it quite took off their eagerness in the pursuit The other way was that when Appius Herdonius with a great number of outlaws and slaves near upon four thousand men having possess'd themselves by right of the Capitoll so that it might be fear'd that if the Aequi or Volsci the Romans sworn enemies had approacht the Town they might have taken it the Tribunes not forbearing for all this to continue in their obstinacy and to enact the law made by Terentillus saying this assault of their feigned and not true one Puhlius Valerius a grave citizen and of good authority went out of the Senate and told them partly in friendly termes and partly in threatning the dangers in which the City stood and the unseasonableness of their demand and thereby brought the people to swear they would not forsake the Consuls command Whereupon the people being return'd to obedience recover'd the Capitoll by force But the Consul Publius Valerius being slain in this conflict there was forthwith another Consul made one Titus Quintius who to keep the people from idleness and to give no space to think again of Terentillus his law commanded them to go forth of Rome with him against the Volsci saying that by the oath they had taken not to abandon the Consul they were bound to follow him whereunto the Tribunes oppos'd saying that oath was made to the Consul now slain not to him Yet Titus Livius shews that the people in awfulness to their Religion world rather obey the Consulâ— than beleeve the Tribunes saying these words in favour of the ancient Religion Men did not then adaies so little reverence the Gods as now nor people wrest their oaths nor the laws to their own ends Whereby the Tribunes doubting then to lose their whole dignity agreed with the Consul to submit to his obedience
men would be stop'd on the top of the mountains CHAP. XXIIII Commonwealths well order'd appoint rewards and punishments for their people and never recompence the one with the other THE deserts of Horatius had been exceeding great having by his valour vanquish'd the Curiatij His offence was horrible having slain his sister Notwithstanding such a kind of homicide so much displeas'd the Romans that it brought them to dispute whether they should grant him his life though his merits were so great and so fresh Which thing to him that looks but superficially on it would seem an example of popular ingratitude Yet he that shall examin better and with more consideration inquire what the orders of Commonwealths ought to be shall rather blame that people for having absolv'd him then for having had a mind to condemn him And this is the reason For never any Republick in good ordrr eancell'd the faults of their citizens with their deserts But having ordain'd rewards for good service and punishments for desservice and having rewarded one when he had done well if afterwards he commit any offence they chastise him without any regard to his former merits And when these orders are strictly observ'd a city continues long free otherwise it would soone go to ruine For if a man growne into great reputation for some notable peece of service done to the state should take upon him the confidence that he could without danger of punishment commit any offence in a short time would he become so unreasonably insolent that the civill state could no longer consist It is very necessary if we would have punishment for offences fear'd alwayes to reward good deserts as it appeares they did at Rome And though the Republique be but poore and can bestow but little yet may the subject well content himselfe with that little for so even a small gift bestowd on any one for requitall of a good though great shall finde with him that receives it an honourable and thankfull acceptance The story of Horatius Cocles is very well knowne and that also of Mutius Scevola how the one bore up the enemies upon a bridge till it was cut off behinde him the other burnt his owne hand for having mistaken when he meant to have killed Porsena the Tuscan King To these for two such notable acts was given by the publilick two acres of ground to each of them And marke also the story of Manlius Capitolinus To him for having delivered the Capitoll from the French which were encamp'd before it they who together with him were within besieg'd gave him a small measure of flour which reward according to the then present fortune of Rome was large and of such a quality too that afterwards Manlius either moov'd by envy or his owne ill nature occasion'd a sedition in Rome and seeking to get the people of his faction was without any regard had of his good deserts thrown headlong downe from that Capitoll which he to his great renowne had formerly deliver'd CHAP. XXV Whosoever would reforme an ancient state in a free city let him retain at least the shadow of the old customes HE that hath a minde to reforme the state of a City to bring it into liking and the better with every ones satisfaction to maintaine it is forc'd to keep the forme or shadow of the ancient customes to the end the people perceive not the change of them though indeed they are quite new farr different from the fore-past For they generally satisfy themselves as well with that that seemes to be as that that is Nay rather are they many times more mov'd with appearances then truthes And for this cause the Romans knowing this necessity when first they lived free having in change of one King created two Consuls would not suffer them to have more then twelve Lictors because they should not outgo the number of those that attend on the King Moreover when the yearly sacrifice was made in Rome which could not be done without the presence of the King and the Romans willing that the people by the absence of a King should not find a lacke of any of the old ceremonies created a head of the said sacrifice whom they call'd the King Priest who yet was lower in degree then the high Priest So that this way the people was satisfied of that sacrifice and never had any occasion by any default in it to wish their Kings again restored And this they all ought to observe that would cancell the old manner of living in a city and reduce it to a new and free course For being these novelties somewhat moove mens mindes therefore thou shouldst do well to call thy wits about thee and work these alterations in the old mould as much as might be And if the magistrates both in number and authority and durance differ from the ancient at least let them keep the same name And this as I have said rather ought he to observe who meanes to take upon him an absolute authority which is call'd a Tyranny for he is to innovate every thing CHAP. XXVI A new Prince in a city or Province taken by him should make innovations in every thing WHosoever becomes Prince of a city or state and the rather when his forces are but weake to keep it and means not to hold it neither as a Kingdome nor as a regular Republique the best expedient he can find for the maintenance of that Principality is that he himself being a new Prince make every thing new in the state as it is ordinary in the cities to make new governments with new names with new jurisdictions with new men and to enrich the poore as David did when he came to the crowne That filled the hungry with good things and the rich sent empty away To build moreover new cities and to pull down some that are built to remove the inhabitants from one place to another and in some to leave nothing untoucht in that Province that there be neither degree order nor state nor wealth but he that possesses it acknowledges it from these And to take for paterne Philip of Macedon Alexanders father who by these means became of a little King Prince of all Greece And he that writes of him sayes that he chang'd his people from Province to Province as herds-men change their herds from pasture to pasture These courses are very cruel and against all Christian and humane manner of living And every man ought refuse to be a King and desire rather to live a private man then reigne so much to the ruine of mankind Yet he that will not use that first way of good if he will preserve himself must enter into this of evil But men take to certain middle wayes which are very naught for they know not how to be all good nor all evil as shall be shewed for example in the next chapter CHAP. XXVII It is very seldom that men know how to be altogether mischievous or altogether
returne from thence to Rome through Tuscany sent a confident of his into Florence to aske passage for himselfe with his army Hereupon they consulted at Florence how to manage this businesse nor did any one advise them to grant it him Wherein they followed not the course the Romans tooke for the Duke being exceedingly well armed and the Florentines in a manner disarmed that they could not hinder his passage it had bin much more for their honour if it had seem'd that he had passd with their licence rather then by force for there it was wholly their disgrace which had bin in part lesse if they had carried it otherwise But the worst condition these weak Republiques have is to take to no resolution so that what party soever they take they take it perforce and if any good be done them it is forc'd upon them for which they owe no thankes to their owne wisdome I will give two other examples that happen'd in our dayes in the state of our city In the yeare 1500 when Lewi the 12 of France had recover'd Milan being desirous to put Pisa into our hands for the summe of 50000 ducats which the Florentines had promis'd him after such restitution he sent his army commanded by the Lord Beaumont towards Pisa in whom although he were a French man yet the Florentines repos'd much trust This army and Captaine came on betweene Cascina and Pisa to assaile the walls where staying some daies to give order for the siege there came some Deputies of Pisa to Beavmont who offer'd to yeeld up the city to the French army with these conditions that upon the Kings word he should promise not to give them into the Florentines hands till after foure monthes which termes were utterly resus'd by the Florentines whereupon ensued that after a while they left the siege with disgrace Nor was that accord refus'd for other reason then because they doubted of the Kings word although such was the weaknes of their counsell that they were forc'd to put themselves into his protection though they trusted him not nor in the meane while did they consider that the King could easier deliver Pisa into their hands having gotten possession of it than promise hee would deliver that which hee had not yet in his power wherein if hee had fayl'd it had bin easy to discover the Kings intention and so have spar'd their cost In such sort that it had bin a great deal more to their advantage had they agreed that Beaumont should have taken it upon any promise as it was seene afterwards by experience in the yeare 1502. when upon the rebellion of Arezzo the Lord Jubalt was sent by the King of France with succours to the Florentines Who being come neare to Arezzo began to treate agreement with the towne which upon certaine termes would have yeelded as before the Pisans but were againe refused by the Florentines Which Jubalt perceiving and thinking that the Florentines did little understand themselves hee began to practise an agreement with them by himself without admitting the commissaries into the party so that hee concluded a peace of his owne head and thereupon entred Arezzo with his owne people shewing the Florentines they were fooles and understood not the affaires of the world and if they desir'd to have Arezzo in their hands they should let the King know of it who could more easily deliver it them having his people already in the towne then if they were without before the walls In Florence they forbare not to rayle upon and blame the said Jubalt till they understood that if Beaumont had bin like Jubalt they should have had Pisa as well as Arezzo And thus to returne to our purpose Republiques which will not come to resolution seldome make any party much to their advantage unlesse they are forc't thereupon because their weaknesse will never suffer them to determine where there is any doubt and unlesse that doubt bee cancell'd by a neessitie that violently thrusts them forward they remaine always in suspence CHAP. XXXIX The same accidents are seene to befall severall peoples THIS is easily knowne by any one that considers things present and things long past that in all Cities and all peoples there are now the same desires and the same humours there were alwayes So that it is very easy for him that examines with diligence the things that are past to foresee the future in any Commonwealth and to serve himself of those remedies which were in use among the auncients or not finding of those which were us'd to devise new for the resemblance these accidents have with the auncient But because these considerations are neglected or not understood by the Reader or if understood not knowne to him that governs it followes that continually in all successions of ages the same offeeces happen The Citie of Florence after 94 yeares having lost a part of their dominions as Pisa and other Townes was forc't to make warre against those that held them And because hee that had them in his hands was of great power it came it passe that they were at great expence in the warrs without good successe From these great expences they proceeded with impositions to grieve the people and from those grievances came the peoples murmurings and complaints And for that this warre was order'd by a Magistracie of tenne Citizens who were call'd the Councell of tenne for the warre they were malic't by the whole body of the Citie as the Authours of the warre and the expences of the same and they began to pâ—rswade themselves that by taking away that Magistracie they should end their wars so that having to make new they would not supply the places but rather suffering that Magistracie to expire they referr'd their imployments all to the Senate Which resolution was so hurtfull that not onely it ended not the warre as the generality was perswaded but those men being put out of the imployment who guided it with understanding there followed such confusion that besides Pisa they lost Arezzo and many other places in so much that the people perceiving their errour and that the feaver occasion'd the mischiefe and not the Physitian they created anew the Magistracie of tenne The selfe same humour grew up in Rome against the name of the Consuls for the people seeing one warre arise from another giving them no rest where they ought to have attributed it wholly to their neighbours ambition who dâ—sir'd to suppresse them they imputed it rather to the ambition of the nobilitie who not being able in Rome to chastise the people protected by the Tribunitiall power indeavour'd to draw them our of Rome under the Consuls and there to oppresse them where they had no assistance And hereupon they thought it necessary to take away the Consuls or so to limit their power that they should have no authority over the people neither at home nor abroad The first that assaâ—d to put that law in practise was one
with Hannibal was made a Captain over some certain number of slaves whom the Romans for want of men had put into armes ordained specially a capital punishment for any that should object to any of them their servitude so hurtful a matter as it is said was it thought by the Romans to set men at nought and reproach them with any disgrace for there is nothing so much incenses men to rage or breeds more hatred in them whether it be spoken in earnest or in jeast Bitter taunts when they have too great a mingle of truth with them leave behind them a very distastfull remembrance CHAP. XXVII Prudent Princes and Commonwealths ought to be contented with the victory for oftentimes when that suffices them not they lose it THE using of disgracefull words against the enemy proceeds most commonly from an insolencie which either the victory or a false hope of victory incites thee to which false hope causes men to erre not only in their sayings but in their doings also for this hope when it enters into mens breasts makes them go beyond the point and many times lose the opportunity of having a certain good hoping to attain unto a better uncertain good and because this is a matter worthy consideration men often deceiving themselves to the dammage of their State I am of advice to shew it particularly by ancient examples and modern being it cannot so distinctly be prov'd by reasons Hannibal after he had defeated the Romans at Canna sent his Agents to Carthage to give them notice of the victory and to demand new supplies It was argued in the Senate what was fit to be done Hanno an old man and a discreet Citizen of Carthage advised to use this victory wisely and make peace with the Romans being that now they might have it upon reasonable termes having gained a battell and that they should not go about to seek for it after a battell lost for it should be the Carthaginians design to shew the Romans that they were able to deal with them and having gotten a victory they should take a care not to lose it for hope of a greater This course was not taken but afterwards the Senate of Carthage understood that this was very good counsell when the occasion was lost When Alexander the Great had conquer'd all the Levant the Commonwealth of Tyre famous in those daies and puissant by reason that their City was seated in the water as Venice is seeing Alexanders greatness sent Ambassadors to him to tell him that they would become his faithfull servans and yeeld him what obedience he should desire but that they would not admit either him or his soldiers into their Town Whereat Alexander disdaining that any one City should shut her gates against him seeing he had forc'd all others open throughout the whole world would not accept their conditions but rejected them and forthwith sent his army thither That Town stood in the water and was well provided with victualls and other munition fit for defence so that Alexander after four moneths spent considering that one City took away all that time from his glory which many other great conquests never did and therefore determined to try an agreement and to grant what they of themselves had asked But they of Tyre being grown insolent hereupon not only refused the conditions but slew those that came to treat with them Whereupon Alexander all enraged at this affront so stronly assaulted the Town that he took it destroy'd it and slew or made slaves all the men therein A Spanish Army came upon the Florentines Territories to restore the Medici into Florence and to lay some taxes upon the Town being hired hereunto by some Citizens inhabiting therein who put them in hopes that as soon as they should set foot in their Country they would take armes in favour of them they comming into the plain and none of these discovering themselves to be for them because they had want of victualls tryed to make an agreement whereupon the Florentines grown proud would not accept of any upon which occasion followed the loss of Prato and the ruine of that State Therefore Princes cannot commit a greater error when they are assail'd in case the assailants are far more puissant then they then to refuse all termes of agreement especially when they are proffer'd them for never will such poor ones be offerd wherein is not in a good measure comprised his good that accepts them and some part of his victory Wherefore the Tyrians should have satisfied themselves that Alexander accepted those conditions he had formerly refused and their victory had been great enough when with their armes in hand they had made so mighty a Prince as he to yeeld to their demands It should have sufficed the Florentines also and they had gotten a good victory too if the Spanish army gave way to any of their desires though they had not fulfilled all of them for that armies design was to change the State of Florence to take away her devotion to France and to draw some monies from her When of these three the people had yeelded to two which were the last and had gotten themselves but one which was the preservation of their state they within had each of them gained some honour and satisfaction nor should the people have troubled themselves for the other two things one remaining to them nor should they have offered sing they had been sure of a certain victory to hazard it at fortunes discretion trying even the extremity thereof which never any wise man will endanger himself in unless it be upon necessity Hanniball being departed out of Italy where he had been very glorious for sixteen years recalled by his own country men the Carthaginians to releive his native Country found Asdruball and Siphax defeated the Kingdome of Numidia lost and Carthage restrain'd within the compass of her own walls which had no other refuge but him and his army and knowing that was his Countries last hopes he would not hazard it till he had first made trial of all other remedies nor was he asham'd to ask peace judging that if there was any way to save his Country it was by that and not by war which being refused him though he had been sure to lose he would not faile to fight thinking that it might fall out so that possible it was for him to overcome and if lose it he must lose it gloriously And if Hanniball who was so valorous a captain and had his army intire did require peace before he would hazard the battell when he perceived that in losing it his country would be subdued what should another of less valor and experience then he do But men run into this error by not knowing how to limit their hopes so that grounded on their own vast conceits without weighing their strengths they are utterly ruin'd CHAP. XXVIII How dangerous a thing it is for a Republick or Prince not to revenge an injury
within his dominions because his men are not so well disciplin'd in the wars as to keep the enemy from entring into the heart of their Country Whence it proceeds that to keep the enemy off he allows some provision of moneys to those Princes or people that border upon his Country And thereupon those States make some resistance upon the confines only which when the enemy hath past they have no kind of remedy left and they perceive not that this their manner of proceeding is quite contrary to all good order for the heart and the vital parts of a body are to be arm'd and not the extremities thereof for it can live without those but if these be hurt it dyes but these States keep the heart disarm'd and arme their hands and feet What this disorder hath done at Florence hath been and is daily seen for when any Army posses the frontiers and enters near to the heart of the Country there is no further remedy Wee saw not long since the same proof of the Venetians and had not their City been begirt by the waters we should have seen an end of it Wee have not so often seen this tryal in France because it is so great a Kingdom that it hath few enemies mightier than it nevertheless when the English invaded that Country in the year 1513. the whole Country quak'd and the King himself and every one thought that one defeat alone would have been sufficient to lose him the State The contraty befell the Romans for the nearer the enemy approached to Rome the more able he found the City to make resistance And it was evident when Hannibal came into Italy that after three defeats and the slaughters of so many Captains and soldiers they were not only able to sustain the enemy but to vanquish him All this proceeded from that they had well armd the heart and made small account of the extremities for the foundation of their State was the people of Rome and the Latins and the other Townes their allyes in Italy and their Colonies from whence they drew so many Soldiers that with them they were able to fight with and keep in awe the whole world And that this is true it appears by the question Hanno the Carthaginian put to Hannibals agents after that great overthrow at Canna who having exceedingly magnified Hannibals great acts were asked by Hanno whether any of the Komans were yet come to demand peace or if any Town of the Latins or any of their Colonies had yet rebelld against the Roman and they denying the one and the other Hanno reply'd Then is the warr yet as intire as it was at first We see therefore by this discourse and what wee have otherwhere said what difference there is between the proceedings of Republicks now adayes and those of the ancients Wee see also hereupon every day exceeding great losses and wonderfull great conquests for where men are but of small valour and resolution fortune shews much power and because shee is alwaies various therefore do Common-wealths and States change often and will alwaies change till at length some one stand up who is so much a lover of antiquitie as to regulate her that she take not occasion to shew at every turne of the Sun how great her power is CHAP. XXXI How dangerons a thing it is to give credit to men that are banished out of their Country MEthinks it is not out of purpose to treat among these other discourses how dangerous a thing it is to trust those that are banished out of their Country these being matters that every day are practis'd by those that are Rulers of States especially seeing it may be prov'd by a memorable example out of T. Livius in his history though this thing be out of his purpose quite When Alexander the Great passed into Asia with his Army Alexander of Epirus his kinsman uncle came with certain troopes into Italy being cald upon by some outlawd Lucans who put him in hope that by their means he might become master of that whole Country Whereupon it came to pass that he being come into Italy upon their word and assurance was slain by them their Citizens having promisd them their return into their Country if they slew him Therefore should it be consider'd how vain their words and promises are who are banished their Countries for in regard of their word it is to be thought that whensoever by other means than thine they can be restord to their Country they will forsake thee and cleave to others notwithstanding all the promises they have made thee And this is the reason why there is no hold to their word because so extream is their desire to return to to their native homes that naturally they beleeve many things that are false and some things out of their own cunning they adde so that between what they think and what they say they think they put thee in such hopes that grounding thereupon thou art brought to a vain expence or to undertake somwhat that proves thy destruction I will satisfie my self with the aforesaid example of Alexander and only this other of Themistocles the Athenian who being outlawd fled to Darius in Asia where he promised him so much when he should invade Greece that Darius undertook the enterprise But Themistocles not being able to make good his promises either for shame or fear of punishment poisoned himself And if Themistocles a rare man committed this error what should we think but that they do much more erre who because of their less vertue will suffer themselves to be more violently drawn by their own passions and desires And therefore a Prince ought to proceed very slowly in undertakings upon the relation of exil'd men for otherwise he suffers either great shame or dammage by them And because it seldom comes to pass that Towns and Countries are taken by stealth or by intelligence that any one hath in them methinks it is not much out of purpose to treate thereof in the Chapter following adding thereunto by how many waies the Romans got them CHAP. XXXII How many waies the Romans used to make themselves masters of townes THe Romans applying themselves all to the war did evermore make it with all advantage possible as well for the expence as for every thing else belonging thereto From hence it proceeded that they were alwaies aware of taking of townes by long sieges thinking it a matter of great charges and incommodity that surpasses far the profit their conquest thereof can bring And for this cause they though it more for their own advantage to take a town any way else then by siege Whereupon in such great and so many wars we have very few examples of sieges made by them The waies then whereby they got their townes were either by conquest or yeilding And this conquest was either by force or open violence or by force mingled with fraud Open violence was either by assault without beating the
walls which was to beleagure a town round with an army for they environd it and combatted it on all parts and many times it prov'd so luckily to them that in one assault they took a town though a very vast one as when Scipio took new Carthage in Spain Or when this assault served not they betook them to break down the walls with their rams and oher their warlike engines or else by some mine or vault they made whereby they enter'd the City by which way the took the City of Veium or to make themselves equal in height with those that defended the walls they made towres of wood or cast up mountains of earth which leaned upon the wall on the outside whereby they might get to the hight of it Against these assaults they that defended the towns in the first case in regard of their being besing'd round rannne a more sudden hazard and had more doubtfull remedies for having need in every place of many defendants perchance either those that they had were not so many as could supply every place or change often to refresh them or if they could they were not all of equal courage to make resistance and in case the skirmish had inclin'd in any part all had bin lost Therefore it came to pass as I said that this way lit many times on good success But when it succeeded not at first they did not much more try that way because it was dangerous for the army for the City being able for so long a space to defend it self the army could not but grow weak and hardly be able to withstand any fally of the enemies from within and besides the soldiers disorder'd and wearied themselves hereby yet notwithstanding for once and that on the sudden they assayld that way As for the breaking down of the walls they made resistance as they do now adayes with new reparations and against their mines they made countermines and thereby they oppos'd their enemies either with their armes in hand or with other engines among others this was one they fill'd divers vessels with feathers and set fire on them which being thus kindled they put into the Mine so that by the smoke and stink thereof the enemy was hindred of entring thereinto and if they assailâ—d them with towers of wood they sought to fire them And for the mounts of earth they commonly broke open the wall underneath whereupon the mount did lean drawing thence the earth into the town whereby they without did raise their mount so that however they brought the earth without being that they within carried it away the mount came to no great matter These waies of assailing cannot be continued long for they must either rise from the siege and seek by other means to make an end of the war as Seipio did when being entred into Affricke he assaulted Vtica but could not take it he rose thence with his whole camp and sought how to overthrow the Carthaginian armies or else they must turne again to the siege as they did at Veium Capua Carthage and Ierusalem and other like townes which they took by siege As for conquest by force and fraud as it befel Palepolis it chanced that the Romans by treating with the inhabitants took some towne But by his assailing the Romans and others tried many but prevail'd in few the reason is because every small impediment breakes the designe and impediments easily happen for either the conspiracie is discover'd before it takes effect and without much difficultie it is discovered as well through their infidelity to whom it is communicated as by the difficulty to put it in practise being they are to agreee with enemies with whom they cannot parly but under some other colour But in case the conspiracy be not disclosed in the ordering of it there arise multitudes of difficulties in putting it in execution for if either thou commest before the time appointed or after all is spoiled if any false alarme be given as was that of the geese in the Capitol if any usual order be broken every little error or affright taken spoiles the designe Hereunto may be added the darkness of the night which often puts in fear the rather those that undertake such perilous things And the greater part of those men that are brought upon such enterprises being unexperienced in the scituation the countrey and the places whether they areled become astonished disheartned and confused upon every small accident shall happen And every shadow is of force to make them run away Nor ever was there any more happy in thefe fraudulent night plots then Aratus Sicioneus who was as base and cowardly in any action by day as he was of worth and spirit in these by night Which we may well think was rather through some hidden vertue wherewith he was endowed then because there was naturally required in them the more good luck Many of these waies are put in practice few of them come to trial and very few take effect Touching the gaining of townes by yeelding they yeeld either of good will or by force this willingness arises either upon some forrain necessity which compels them to fly unto thy protection as Capua did unto the Romans or through a desire to be wel governed being allur'd by the good government that Prince holds among them that have given themselves into his hands as the Rodians the Massilians and other like cities did that gave themselves unto the Romans Touching surrendring up upon force proceeds either from a long siege as is formerly said or from a continual oppression of incursions pillagings and other hard usages which when a city desires to be freed from she yeelds her self Of all those said ways the Romans practised this last more then foure hundred and fifty years to weary out their neighbors with routs and incursions and by gaining credit with them by gaining credit with them by means of agreements made as we have said otherwhere and upon that way they alwaies grounded though they tryd all but in the other they found things either dangerous or unprofitable For in a siege there is length of time and expences in forcible assault doubt and danger and in conspiracies uncertainty And they saw that by the defeat of an enemies army sometimes they got a Kingdom in one day and to take by siege a town that was obstinate it cost them many years CHAP. XXXIII How the Romans gave the Commanders of their armies free and large Commissions I Think it fit for him that by reading of Livies story would make advantage thereof wel to consider all the waies of the people and Senate of Romes proceedings and among other things that merite consideration his is one to see with what authority they sent forth their Consuls Dictators Commanders of armies which we see was very great and the Senate reserved thing else to themselves but a power to make new wars and to confirme peace but they referred every
the dangers belonging to the practise thereof and oftentimes the others also or rather have they all had good success and I think every one that is wise should endeavor to carry the matter thus I will content my self to produce only two examples Nelematus not being able to indure the tyranny of Aristorimus Tyrant of Epirus assembled together in his house many of his friends and kinsfolke and having encourag'd them to set their Country at liberty some of them requir'd time to be advised and prepared whereupon Nelematus causd his servants to shut the doors and told those he had cald together That they should either swear presently to do this or if not he would deliver them all prisoners to Aristotimus whereby all of them being mov'd swore and so without more delay went and put in execution what Nelematus had orderd One of the Magi having by treachery seisd upon the kingdom of Persia Orthanus a great man had notice thereof and found out the deceit and thereupon conferd with six other Princes of that State saying he was now underraking to vindicate the Kingdom from the Tyranny of that Magician and when some of them demanded time Darius rose up one of the six that was cald by Orthanus and said Either wee will all now go and execute this or else I will go and accuse you all so rising all by consent and not giving any one time to repent himself they happily effected what they desir'd Like unto these two examples also is the course the Aetolians took to put Nabis the Spartan Tyrant to death who sent Alessamenes a Citizen of theirs with 300 horse and 1000 foot to Nabis under colour of giving him ayd the secret they communicated to Alessamenes only the others that were with him they charged to obey him in whatsoever matter it were under pain of banishment This man went into Sparta never communicating his Commission to any till just he was to put it in execution whereupon it fell out that he slew him They then by these means escap'd the dangers that accompany the plotting and ordering of Conspiracies and whoever shall do as they did shall alwaies be sure to escape them And that every one also is able so to do I will shew by the example of Piso alledged before Piso was a very great man and of much esteem and very familiar with Nero on whom we much rely'd And Nero went oftentimes to banquet with him in his gardens Piso therefore might have procur'd himself friends of spirit and courage and willing too to put such a thing in execution being a matter easie for any great man to compass and when he had had Nero in his gardens then communicated the business to them and with fit words perswaded them to it so that they could not have had time to refuse and impossible had it bin but that it must have taken effect And if we shall examine all the others we have mentiond we shall find very few could have bin otherwise carried But men that ordinarily do not well weigh the actions of the world often commit very great errors and the greater in those actions that have something of extraordiry in them as this The matter then is never to be communicated but upon necessity or even at the very acting of it and yet if thou wilt communicate it let that be but unto one of whom thou hast had long experience or that therein is interested upon the same reasons thou art It is easier to find one man of that condition than many and thereby also is less danger Moreover when he should deceive thee there were some means left yet to desend thee which could not be where the conspirators are many for it is the saying of a wise man that with one alone a man may speak any thing for one man I is as good as another mans No provided that nothing be given by thee under thine own hand-writing And of writing any thing a man shouldbe as wary as of a perilous rock for nothing convicts thee sooner than thine own hand Plautianus having a mind to skill Severus the Emperor Antonius his son committed the execution of it to Saturninus a Tribune who purposing to accuse and not obey him yet doubting when he should come to the tryal Plautianus would be beleev'd before him asked him a note under his hand that might give him assurance of his Commission which Plautianus blinded with ambition gave him whereupon it follow'd that he was accus'd and convicted by the Tribune without which and certain other tokens Plautianus had carried it clear against him so boldly he deny'd it Therefore when one only accuses there may be some remedy especially in case thou beest not convicted by any writing of thiue or countermarks whereof a man should be well aware In Pisoes conspiracie there was a woman called Epicaris which formerly had bin one of Neroes Mistresses who thinking it would serve well to purpose to joyn with the conspirators one that was a Captain of some galleys which Nero kept for his safeguard opened to him the conspiracie but not who were the conspirators whereupon that Captain contrary to his word given accus'd her before Nero but such was her boldness in denying it that Nero was astonish'd thereat condemned her not There are then in communicating the matter to one alone two dangers the one that the party go not voluntarily to accuse thee alledging some proof against thee the other that he detect thee not constraind and forc't thereunto by torture having been apprehended upon some conjecture or suspition had of him but in either of these two dangers there is some remedy being that in the one it may be deny'd by saying the party did it out of hatred he bore thee and in the other by alledging that the extremity of torture compell'd him to utter any thing though false It is wisdome then to make no man privy to such a secret but rather to order it conformably to the above alledged examples or in case thou revealst it not to exceed one where though there be somwhat more danger yet is there much less than when it is discoverd to divers Near unto this course is when a necessity constrains thee to do that to the Prince which thou seest he would do unto thee which necessity is so excessive that it gives thee leisure only to provide for thy security This necessity brings the business ordinarily to a good end and to prove it two examples shall suffice mee Cammodus the Emperor did use Lettus and Elettus Captains of his guard among his familiar and principal friends and Martia among his chief Concubines and Mistresses but because sometime he had been reprehended by them for some things done whereby he had disgrac'd his person and the Empire he resolve'd to put them to death and writ in a list the names of Martia Lettus and Eletius and some others who the night following he meant should die and so put
Armie because each of these thought the enemy had been victour and therefore they each withdrew themselves without any regard that they left their Campes in prey to the Enemy It fell out that Tempanius who was there with the remainder of the Roman Army retiring too learned by certain wounded soldiers of the Equi that their Captaines were gone and had abandoned their quarters upon which news he went into the Roman quarters and saved them but sacked those of the Equi and so returned victorious to Rome which victory as wee see consists only in who hath notice of the enemies disorder Where we should consider that it may often come to pass that the two Armies which are in front one against another may be both in the like disorder and suffer the same wants and that after remaines vanquisher that first comes to knowledge of the others necessities And hereof I will give a domestick and moderne example In the year one thousand four-hundred ninty eight when the Florentines had a great Army about Pisa and beleaguerd the Town very strongly whereof the Venetians having undetaken the protection and notseeing any otherway to save it resolved to divert the war by assayling the territories of Florence on the other side wherefore with a strong Army they entred by the vally of Lamona and seised upon the Village of Marradi and besieged the Fortress of Castiglione which is upon the hill above Which the Florentines perceiving resolved to succour Marradi and yet not lessen their forces which they had about Pisa so that having levied new foot and appointed new horse they sent them that way whose Commanders were Jacobus Quartus of Appian Lord of Piombin and Count Rinuccius of Marcian These then being come to the hills above Marradi the enemies lest beleaguering Marradi and betook themselves to the Village where these two Armies being infront one against the other for some daies both suffered much for the scarcity of provisions and other necessaries and neither daring to set upon the other nor either knowing the others wants both at once resolved over night to raise their Campes the morning following and retire the Venetian toward Berzighella and Faenza the other toward Casaglia and Mugello the morning then come and each Campe having begun to send away their carriages by chance a woman parted from the Bourg of Marradi and came towards the Florentine Campe being secure enough from wrong because of her old age and poverty desirous belike to see some of her friends in that Campe by whom the Florentine Captains understanding of the Venetian Camps departure upon this news grew a little more couragious and having changed their purpose as if they had dislodged their enemies went out and took their quarters and writ to Florence they had repulsed and vanquished them Which victory proceeded from nothing else than from having first had notice of their enemies departure which notice had it been given on the other side would have wrought the same effect against ours CHAP. XIX Whether in the government of a multitude mildness or severity be of greater availe THe Commonwealth of Rome was in a combustion because of the differences between the Nobles and the Commons nevertheless as occasion of wars was offered them they sent forth with their Armies Quintius and Appius Claudius Appius because he was cruell and rough in commanding was ill obeyed by those that followed him so that almost quite broken he fled from his charge Quintius by using a mild and gentle behaviour towards his soldiers found them very obedient and returned with victory Whereupon it seems that to governe a multitude it is better to be courteous then insolent compassionate rather then cruel Notwithstanding Cornelius Tacitus with whom many other writers agree in a saying of his concludes the contrary where he saies To rule a multitude severity is of more force then mildness And devising with my self how each of these opinions may be made good I say either thou art to governe men that ordinarily are thy companions or that are alwaies in subjection to thee When they are thy companions severity or rigour cannot fully be us'd against them according as Cornelius argues and because the common people of Rome had equal power in the Roman government with the Nobility he that became Prince among them for a time could not rule them with roughness and rigor And many time it was evident that the Roman Commanders did more good that got the good wills of their soldiers and held but a gentle hand over them then those that by rough handling kept them in a slavish aw of them unless they were accompani'd with extraordinary endowments as was Manlius Tarquatus But he that commands over subjects whereof Cornelius discourses to the end they grow not insolent and by reason of thy two great mildness tread thee not under foot ought rather betake himself to rigor then gentleness But this a so is not to exceed moderation for fear of incurring hatred for it never turns to any Princes advantage to gain the peoples hate The way to avoid it is to lay no hands on the subjects estates for of blood when rapine is not the covert cause there no Prince is thirsty unless forc'd thereto which seldome he is but where rapine is mixt this necessity comes alwaies upon them nor ever want they occasion nor desire to shed blood as in another treaty to this purpose is discours'd at large Quintius was more praise worthy then Appius and yet the saying of Cornelius limited as it ought to be but not in the case observ'd by Appius deserves approbation And because we have spoken of severity and mildness methinks it is not more then needs to shew how one action of humanity was of more force with the Falisci then many violent acts of hostility CHAP. XX. One example of humanity prevail'd more with the Falisci then all the force of Rome could CAmillus with the Army being set down before the Faliscies Town and besieging it a Pedagogue that taught the children of the cheifest men of the City thinking to gratify Camillus and the people of Rome under colour of exercise going forth with them out of the Town brought them all into the Campe before Camillus where having presented them he said that by means of them the Town would forth with be deliver'd into his hands Which present was not only not accepted by â—amillus but having caus'd the Pedagogue to be strip'd and his hands bound behind him and given to each one of those children a rod in his hand caus'd him to be whip'd back again by them with many stripes into the Town Which when they of the Town understood Camillus his humanity and integrity so much pleasd them that not desiring longer to defend themselves they resolv'd to render up the Town to him Where it is to be considered by this true example how much more a curteous and charitable act works in mens minds then any one
and courage assayle the very heart of their Armie For a true valour a good discpline and an assurance taken from so many victories cannot be extinguished by matters of small moment nor does any vain matter affright them nor one disorder hurt them as we saw it for two Manlij being Consuls against the Volsei by reason that they had rashly sent part of their Army to forrage it followed that both they that were gone and those that staid behind were besieged from which danger not the wisedome of the Consuls but the Souldiers own valour freed them where T. Livius says these words The Souldiers valour even without a Commander was thought firme and constant I will not let pass one terme us'd by Fabius being newly entred with his Army into Tuscany to make them confident deeming such a confidence to be the more necessary now that he had brought them into a new Country and to fight with new enemies who speaking to his souldiers before the fight and having told them many reasons whereupon they might hope for the victory said that he could also tell them certain good things and where they might plainly see the victory but that it was dangerous to disclose them Which course as it was discreetly us'd so deserves it it to be followed CHAP. XXXIV What fame report or opinion causes the people to begin to cast their favours upon a Citizen and whether a Prince or a people do bestow their Magistracies with better judgement OTherwhere we said that T. Manlius who afterwards was termed Torquatus sav'd L. Manlius his Father from an acccusation which M. Pomponions Tribune of the people had made against him And however the manner of saving him was somewhat violent and extraordinary yet that filial piety towards his Father was so acceptable to the generall that it was not only not blamed but when Tribune were to be appointed over the Legions T. Manlius was chosen in the second place Upon which success I beleeve it fit to consider what way the people take to give their judgements upon men in distributing of their charge that thereby we may see whether that be true which we formerly concluded that the people is a better distributer than a Prince I say then that the people in their distribution follows the report that goes of one by publick voyce and fame when they know him not otherwise by his ordinary behaviour or by presumption or opinion conceived of him Which two things have been caused either by the Fathers of such who for that they have been great personages and of ability in the Cities it is thought their sons should be like them untill by their actions the contrary be found Or else it is caused by the courses such a one takes of whom we speak the best courses and waies that can be held are to keep company with grave men well dispos'd and such as by every one are reputed wise And because there cannot be a greater marke or discovery of a man then by the company he frequents without question he that uses good company gaines a good name for it is impossible but that he shall much resemble them Or indeed this publick reputation is gotten by some extraordinary and notable exploit however private that hath proved in thy hands very honorable And of all these three things which in the beginning gain any one a good reputation nothing gives if more amply then this last for that first of parents and fathers is so deceitfull that men advance therein very leisurely and that is presently quite spent when it is not accompanied by the the proper vertue of him that is to be censured The second way which makes thee be known by the company thou usest is better then the first but is much inferior to the third for untill thou hast given evidence of thy self by some worthy exploir thy repute is wholly grounded upon opinion which is very easily cancelled But that third being begun and grounded upon thy workes gives thee at first such renown that needs must it be that afterwards thou commit many acts contrary thereunto if thou wouldst disannul it Therefore ought those men that spring up in a Common-wealth take this course and indeavour by some extraordinary act to begin their rise Which many at Rome did in their youths either by publishing of a law furthering the common good or by accusing some potent Citizen as a breaker of the laws by doing such like notable things and unwonted whereof men should have occasion to speak afterwards Neither are such like things needfull only to begin ones reputation but they are as necessary for the maintenance and advancement of it And to do this a man had need to renew them again as Manlius did during his whole life for when he had defended his father so vertuously and beyond the ordinary strain and by this action taken his first degree of reputation after some years he fought with that Frenchman and took from him that chain of gold which gave him the name of Torquatus nor stay'd he upon this but afterwards in riper years he put his son to death for having fought without his allowance however he had vanquished his enemy Which three actions gave him a greater name and throughout all ages make him more famous then ever any triumph or victory did wherewith he was adorn'd as much as any other Roman And the reason is because in those victories Manlius had very many like him but in these particulars he had either very few or none Scipio the elder got not greater glory by all his triumphs then that action of defending his father upon the Tesin gained him in his youth and that other when after the defeate at Canna couragiously with his sword drawn he made many young Romans swear they would never abandon Italy as already then among them it was resolv'd which two actions were the beginnings of his reputation which made him a way to his triumphs of Spain and Africa which opinion of him was also increased when he sent back the daughter to her Father and the wife to her husband in Spain This manner of proceeding is not alone needful for those Citizens that would gain reputation whereby to attain the dignities in their Commonwealth but is also necessary for Princes to maintain their credits in their Principalities for nothing gives them so great esteem as to yeeld some rare examples of themselves by some deed or pithy saving agreeable with the common good which may evidently prove the Prince either magnanimous or liberall or just and that he is such a one that his life may serve for a patterne and his wise sayings may be used by his subjects as proverbs But to returne whereat we began this discourse I say ' that the people when they begin to confer any dignity upon one of their Citizens grounding upon any of those reasons before alledged take no ill ground but when afterwards the frequent examples of one mans
them ruines them in case these who as it is said are thus on a sudden clambred up to be Princes are not of that worth and vertue as to know how to prepare themselves to maintain that which chance hath cast into their bosoms and can afterwards lay those foundations which others have cast before they were Princes For the one and the other of these wayes about the attaining to be a Prince by Vertue or by Fortune I will alledge you two examples which have been in the dayes of our memory These were Francis Sforza and Caesar Borgia Francis by just means and with a great deal of vertue of a private man got to be Duke of Millan and that which with much pains he had gaind he kept with sma 〈…〉 do On the other side Caesar Borgia commonly termed Duke Valentine got his state by his Fathers fortune and with the same lost it however that for his own part no pains was spar'd nor any thing omitted which by a discreet and valorus man ought to have been done to fasten his roots in those Estates which others armes or fortune had bestowed on him for as it was formerly said he that lays not the foundations first yet might be able by means of his extraordinary vertues to lay them afterwards however it be with the great trouble of the architect and danger of the edifice If therefore we consider all the Dukes progresses we may perceive how great foundations he had cast for his future power which I judge a matter not superflnous to run over because I should not well know what better rules I might give to a new Prince than the pattern of his actions and however the courses he toook availd him not yet was it not his fault but it proceeded from an extraordinary and extream malignity of fortune Pope Alexander the sixt desiring to make the Duke his son a great man had a great many difficulties present and future first he saw no way there was whereby he might be able to make him Lord of any State that was not the Churches and if he turnd to take that from the Church he knew that the Duke of Milan and the Venetians would never agree to it for Faenza and Riminum were under the Venetians protection Moreover he saw that the armes of Italy and those whereof in particular he might have been able to make some use were in their hands who ought to fear the Popes greatness and therefore could not any wayes rely upon them being all in the Orsins and Colonies hands and those of their faction It was necessary then that those matters thus appointed by them should be disturbed and the States of Italy disordered to be able safely to master part of them which he then sound easie to do seeing the Venetians upon three considerations had us'd the means to bring the French men back again into Italy which he not only did not withstand but furthered with a resolution of King Lewis his ancient marriage The King then past into Italy with the Venetians ayd and Alexanders consent nor was he sooner arrived in Milan than the Pope had soldiers from him for the service of Romania which was quickly yeelded up to him upon the reputation of the Kings forces The Duke then having made himself master of Romania and beaten the Colonies desiring to hold it and proceed for ward two things hindered him the one his own soldiers which he thought were not true to him the other the French mens good wills that is to say he feared that the Princes soldiers whereof he had served himself would fail him and not only hinder his conquest but take from him what he had gotten and that the King also would serve him the same turn He had experience of the Orsini upon an occasion when after the taking of Faenza he assaulted Bolonia to which assault he saw them go very cold And touching the King he discovered his mind when having taken the Dutchy of Vrbin he invaded Tuscany from which action the King made him retire whereupon the Duke resolved to depend no more upon fortune and other mens armes And the first thing he did was to weaken the Orsini and Colonnies factions in Rome for he gain'd all their adherents that were gentlemen giving them large allowances and honoring them according to their qualities with charges and governments so that in a few months the good will they bare to the parties was quite extinguisht and wholly bent to the Duke After this he waited an occasion to root out the Orsini having before dispers'd those of the family of Colonnia which fell out well to his hand and he us'd it better For the Orsini being too late aware that the Dukes and the Churches greatness was their destruction held a Council together in a dwelling house of theirs in the country adjoyning to Perusia From thence grew the rebellion of Vrbin and the troubles of Romania and many other dangers befell the Duke which he overcame all with the help of the French and having regained his reputation trusting neither France nor any forrein forces to the end he might not be put to make trial of them again he betook himself to his sleghts and he knew so well to disguise his intention that the Orsins by the mediation of Paul Orsine were reconciled to him to whom the Duke was no way wanting in all manner of courtesies whereby to bring them into security giving them rich garments money and horses til their own simplicities led them all to to Sinigcllia into his hands These heads being then pluck'd off and their partisans made his friends the Duke had laid very good foundations to build his own greatness on having in his power all Romania with the Dutchy of Vrbin and gained the hearts of those people by beginning to give them some relish of their well being And because this part is worthy to be taken notice of and to be imitated by others I will not let it escape The Duke when he had taken Romania finding it had been under the hands of poor Lords-who had rather pillag'd their subjects than chastis'd or amended them giving them more cause of discord than of peace and union so that the whole countrey was fraught with robberies quarrels and other sorts of insolencies thought the best way to reduce them to termes of pacification and obedience to a Princely power was to give them some good government and therefore he set over them one Remiro D' Orco a cruel hasty man to whom he gave an absolute power This man in a very short time setled peace and union amongst them with very great reputation Afterwards the Duke thought such excessive authority serv'd not so well to his purpose and doubting it would grow odious he erected a civil Iudicature in the midst of the countrey where one excellent Iudge did Preside and thither every City sent their Advocate and because he knew the rigors past had bred some hatred against him
neutrality and most commonly go to ruine but when a Prince discovers himself strongly in favor of a party if he to whom thou cleavest overcomes however that he be puissant and thou remainest at his disposing he is oblig'd to thee and there is a contract of friendship made and men are never so openly dishonest as with such a notorious example of dishonesty to oppress thee Besides victories are never so prosperous that the conqueror is like neglect all respects and especially of justice But if he to whom thou stickst loses thou art received by him and while he is able he aydes thee and so thou becomest partner of a fortune that may arise again the second case when they that enter into the lists together are of such quality that thou needest not fear him that vanquisheth so much the more is it discretion in thee to stick to him for thou goest to ruine one with his assistance who ought to do the best he could to save him if he were well advised and he overcomming is left at thy discretion and it is unpossible but with thy ayd he must overcome And here it is to be noted that a Prince should be well aware never to joyn with any one more powerfull than himself to offend another unless upon necessity as formerly is said For when he overcomes thou art left at his discretion and Princes ought avoid as much as they are able to stand at anothers discretion The Venetians took part with France against the Duke of Milan and yet could have avoided that partaking from which proceeded their ruine But when it cannot be avoyded as in befel the Florentines when the Pope and the King of Spain went both with their armies to Lombardy there the Prince ought to side with them for the reasons aforesaid Nor let any State think they are able to make such sure parties but rather that they are all doubtfull for in the order of things we find it alwaies that whensoever a man seeks to avoid one inconvenient he incurs another But the principal point of judgement is in discerning between the qualities of inconvenients and not taking the bad for the good Moreover a Prince ought to shew himself a lover of vertue and that he honors those that excel in every Art Afterwards ought he encourage his Citizens whereby they may be enabled quickly to exercise their faculties as well in merchandise and husbandry as in any other kind of traffick to the end that no man forbear to adorne and cultivate his possessions for fear that he be despoyled of them or any other to open the commerce upon the danger of heavy impositions but rather to provide rewards for those that shall set these matters afoot or for any one else that shall any way amplifie his City or State Besides he ought in the fit times of the year entertain the people with Feasts and Maskes and because every City is devided into Companies and arts and Tribes he ought to take special notice of those bodies and some times afford them a meeting and give them some proof of his humanity and magnificence yet withall holding firme the majestie of his State for this must never fail in any case CHAP. XXII Touching Princes Secretaries IT is no small importance to a Prince the choyce he makes of servants being ordinarily good or bad as his wisdome is And first conjecture one gives of a great man and of his understanding is upon the sight of his followers and servants he hath about him when they prove able and faithful and then may he alwaies be reputed wise because he hath known how to discern those that are able and to keep them true to him But when they are otherwise there can be no good conjecture made of him for the first error he commits is in this choyce There was no man that had any knowledge of Antony of Vanafro the servant of Pandulfus Petrucci Prince of Siena who did not esteem Pandulfus for a very discreet man having him for his servant And because there are three kinds of understandings the one that is advised by it self the other that understands when it is informed by another the third that neither is advised by it self nor by the demonstration of another the first is best the second is good and the last quite unprofitable Therefore it was of necessity that if Pandulfus attaind not the first degree yet he got to the second for whenever any one hath the judgement to discerne between the good and the evil that any one does and sayes however that he hath not his invention from himself yet still comes he to take notice of the good or evil actions of that servant and those he cherishes and these he suppresses insomuch that the servant finding no means to deceive his master keeps himself upright and honest But how a Prince may throughly understand his servant here is the way that never fails When thou seest the servant study more for his own advantage than thine and that in all his actions he searches most after his own profit this man thus qualified shall never prove good servant nor canst thou ever relie upon him for he that holds the Sterne of the State in hand ought never call home his cares to his own particular but give himself wholly over to his Princes service nor ever put him in minde of any thing not appertaining to him And on the other side the Prince to keep him good to him ought to take a care for his servant honoring him enriching and obliging him to him giving him part both of dignities and offices to the end that the many honors and much wealth bestowed on him may restrain his desires from other honors and other wealth and that those many charges cause him to fear changes that may fall knowing he is not able to stand without his master And when both the Princes and the servants are thus disposed they may rely the one upon the other when otherwise the end will ever prove hurtfull for the one as well as for the other CHAP. XXIII That Flatterers are to be avoyded I Will not omit one principle of great inportance being an errour from which Princes with much difficulty defend themselves unlesse they be very discreet and make a very good choice and this is concerning flatterors whereof all writings are full and that because men please themselves so much in their own things and therein cozen themselves that very hardly can they escape this pestilence and desiring to escape it there is danger of falling into contempt for there is no other way to be secure from flattery but to let men know that they displease thee not in telling thee truth but when every one hath this leave thou losest thy reverence Therefore ought a wise Prince take a third course making choyce of some understanding men in his State and give only to them a free liberty of speaking to him the truth and touching those things
matters to himself and so shall he gaine double glory to have given a beginning to a new Principality adornd and strengthnd it with good lawes good arms good friends and good examples as he shall have double shame that is born a Prince and by reason of his small discretion hath lost it And if we shall consider those Lords that in Italy have lost their States in our dayes as the King of Naples the Duke of Milan and others first we shall find in them a common defect touching their armes for the reasons which have been above discoursd at length Afterwards we shall see some of them that either shall have had the people for their enemies or be it they had the people to friend could never know how to assure themselves of the great ones for without such defects as these States are not lost which have so many nerves that they are able to maintaine an army in the feld Philip of Macedon not the father of Alexander the Great but he that was vanquished by Titus Quintius had not much State in regard of the greatnesse of the Romanes and of Greece that assail'd him neverthelesse in that he was a warlike man and knew how to entertaine the people and assure himself of the Nobles for many yeares he made the warre good against them and though at last some town perhaps were taken from him yet the Kingdome remaind in his hands still Wherefore these our Princes who for many yeares had continued in their Principalities for having afterwards lost them let them not blame Fortune but their own sloth because they never having thought during the time of quiet that they could suffer a change which is the common fault of men while faire weather losts not to provide for the tempest when afterwards mischiefes came upon them thought rather upon flying from them than upon their defence and hop'd that the people weary of the vanquishers insolence would recall them which course when the others faile is good but very ill is it to leave the other remedies for that for a man wou'd never go to fall beleeving another would come to take him up which may either not come to passe or if it does it is not for thy security because that defence of his is vile and depends nor upon thee but those defences only are good certaine and durable which depend upon thy owne selfe and thy owne vertues CHAP. XXV How great power Fortune hath in humane affaires and what meanes there is to resist it IT is not unknown unto me how that many have held opinion and still hold it that the affaires of the world are so governd by fortune and by God that men by their wisdome cannot amend or alter them or rather that there is no remedy for them and hereupon they would think that it were of no availe to take much paines in any thing but leave all to be governd by chance This opinion hath gain'd the more credit in our dayes by reason of the great alteration of things which we have of late seen and do every day see beyond all humane conjecture upon which I sometimes thinking am in some paret inclind to their opinion neverthelesse not to extingush quite our owne free will I think it may be true that Fortune is the mistrisse of one halfe of our actions but yet that she lets us have rule of the other half or little lesse And I liken her to a precipitous torrent which when it rages over-flows the plaines overthrowes the trees and buildings removes the earth from one side and laies it on another every one flyes before it every one yeelds to the fury thereof as unable to withstand it and yet however it be thus when the times are calmer men are able to make provision against these excesses with banks and fences so that afterwards when it swels again it shall all passe smoothly along within its channell or else the violence thereof shall not prove so licentious and hurtfull In like manner befals it us with fortune which there shewes her power where vertue is not ordeind to resist her and thither turnes she all her forces where she perceives that no provisions nor resistances are made to uphold her And if you shall consider Italy which is the seat of these changes and that which hath given them their motions you shall see it to be a plaine field without any trench or bank which had it been fenc'd with convenienent vertue as was Germany Spain or France this inundation would never heave causd these great alterations it hath or else would it not have reach'd to us and this shall suffice to have said touching the opposing of fortune in generall But restraining my selfe more to particulars I say that to day we see a Prince prosper and flourish and to morrow utterly go to ruine not seeing that he hath alterd any condition or quality which I beleeve arises first from the causes which we have long fince run over that is because that Prince that relies wholly upon fortune runnes as her wheele turnes I beleeve also that he proves the fortunate man whose manner of proceeding meets with the quality of the time and so likewise he unfortunate from whose course of proceeding the times differ for we see that men in the things that induce them to the end which every one propounds to himselfe as glory and riches proceed therein diversly some with respects others more bold and rashly one with violence and the other with cunning the one with patience th' other with its contrary and every one by severall wayes may attaine thereto we see also two veby respective and wary men the one come to his purpose and th' other not and in like maner two equally prosper taking divers course the one being wary the other headstrong which proceeds from nothing else but from the quality of the times which agree or not with their proceedings From hence arises that which I said that two working diversly produce the same effects two equaly working the one attains his end the other not Hereupon also depends the alteration of the good for if to one that behaves himself with warinesse and patience times and affaires turne so favourably that the carriage of his businesse prove well he prospers but if the times and affaires chance he is ruind because he changes not his manner of proceeding not is there any man so wise that can frame himselfe hereunto as well because he cannot go out of the way from that whereunto Nature inclines him as also for that one having alwayes prosperd walking such a way cannot be perswaded to leave it and therefore the respective and wary man when it is fit time for him to use violence and force knows not how to put it in practice whereupon he is ruind but if he could change hi disposition with the times and the affaires he should not change his fortune Pope Julius the second proceeded in all his actions
with very great violence and found the times and things so conformable to that his manner of proceeding that in all of them he had happy successe Consider the first exploit he did at Bolonia even while John Bentivolio lived the Venetians were not well contented therewith the King of Spain likewise with the French had treated of that enterprises and nowithstanding al this he stirrd up by his own rage and fiercenesse personally undertook that expedition which action of his put in suspence and stopt Spaine and the Venetians those for feare and the others for desire to recover the Kingdome of Naples and on the other part drew after him the King of France for that King seeing him already in motion and desiring to hold him his friend whereby to humble the Venetians thought he could no way deny him his souldiers without doing him an open injury Julius then effected that with his violent and heady motion which no other Pope with all humane wisdome could ever have done for it he had expected to part from Rome with his conclusions settled and all his affaires ordered before hand as any other Pope would have done he had never brought it to passe For the King of France would have devised a thousand excuses and others would have put him in as many feares I will let passe his other actions for all of them were alike and all of them prov'd lucky to him and the brevity of his life never sufferd him to feele the contrary for had he litt upon such times afterwards that it had been necessary for him to proceed with respects there had been his utter ruine for he would never have left those wayes to which he had been naturally inclind I conclude then fortune varying and men continuing still obstinate to their own wayes prove happy while these accord together and as they disagree prove unhappy and I think it true that it is better to be heady than wary because Fortune is a mistresse and it is necessary to keep her in obedience to ruffle and force her and we see that she suffers her self rather to be masterd by those than by others that proceed coldly And therefore as a mistresse shee is a friend to young men because they are lesse respective more rough and command her with more boldnesse I have considered the 25 Chapter as representing me a full view of humane policy and cunning yet me thinks it cannot satisfie a Christian in the causes of the good and bad successe of things The life of man is like a game at Tables skill availes much I grant but that 's not all play thy game well but that will not winne the chance thou throwest must accord with thy play Examine this play never so surely play never so probably unlesse the chance thoucastest lead thee forward to advantage all hazards are losses and thy sure play leaves thee in the lurch The sum of this is set down in Ecclesiastes chap 9. v. 11. The race is not to the swift nor the battell to the strong neither yet bread to the wise nor yet riches to men of understanding nor yet favour to men of skill but time and chance hapeneth to them all Our cunning Author for all his exact rules he delivere in his books could not fence against the despight of Fortune as he complaines in his Epistle to this booke Nor that great example of policy Duke Valentine whome cur Author commends to Princes for his crafts-master could so ruffle or force his mistresse Fortune that he could keep her in obedience Man can contribute no more to his actions that vertue and wisdome but the successe depends upon a power above Surely there is the finger of god or as Prov. 16. v. 33. The lot is cast into the lap but the whole disposing thereof is of the Lord. It was nor Josephs wisdome made all things thrive under his hand but because the Lord was with him that which he did the Lord made it to prosper Gen 39. Surely this is a blessing proceeding from the divine providence which beyond humane capacity so cooperateth with the causes as that their effects prove answerable and sometimes that we may know there is something above the ordinary causes the success returns with such a supereminency of worth that it far exceeds the vertue of the ordinary causes CHAP. XXVI An Exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarians HAving then weigh'd all things above discours'd and devising with my self whether at this present in Italy the time might serve to honor a new Prince whether there were matter that might minister occasion to a wise and valorous Prince to introduce such a forme that might do honor to him and good to the whole generality of the people in the countrey me thinks so many things concurre in favor of a new Prince that I know not whether there were ever any time more proper for this purpose And if as I said it was necessary desiring to see Moses his vertue that the children of Israel should be inthrald in Aegypt and to have experience of the magnanimity of Cyrus his mind that the Persians should be oppress'd by the Medes and to set forth the excellency of Theseus that the Athenians should be dispersed so at this present now we are desirous to know the valor of an Italian spirit it were necessary Italy should be reduc'd to the same termes it is now in and were in more slavery than the Hebrews were more subject than the Persians more scatterd than the Athenians without head without order battered pillaged rent asunder overrun and had undergone all kind of destruction And however even in these later dayes we have had some kind of shew of hope in some one whereby we might have conjectur'd that he had been ordained for the deliverance hereof yet it prov'd afterwards that in the very height of all his actions he was curb'd by fortune insomuch that this poore countrey remaining as it were without life attends still for him that shall heal her wounds give an end to all those pillagings and sackings of Lombardy to those robberies and taxations of the Kingdome and of Tuscany and heal them of their soars now this long time gangren'd We see how she makes her prayers to God that he send some one to redeem her from these Barbarous cruelties and insolencies We see her also wholly ready and disposed to follow any colours provided there be any one take them up Nor do we see at this present that she can look for other than your Illustrious Family to become Cheiftain of this deliverance which hath now by its own vertue and Fortune been so much exalted and favored by God and the Church whereof it now holds the Principality and this shall not be very hard for you to do if you shall call to mind the former actions and lives of those that are above named And though those men were very rare and admirable yet were they men and every one
able to right himself upon his enemies yet thought he it the more safe and profitable way to beguile them and for all this not to stop the treaty for peace and this matter was so far labored in that he made a peace with them and assured to them their old pays gave them four thousand Duckats in hand promised not to molest the Bentivolii and made alliance with John and moreover that he could not constrain any of them to come in person to him more than he thought good himself On the other side they promised to restore unto him the Dutchy of Vrbiu and all the other places taken by them and to serve him in any expedition he should undertake nor without his permission to war with any one or take pay of any one This accord being made Guidubaldo Duke of Vrbin sled again to Venice having first caused all the fortresses of that State to be demolished for relying upon the people he would not that those sorts which he thought he could not defend should fall into the enemies hands whereby to bridle his friends But Duke Valentine having made this agreement and divided all his troops throughout all Romania with the Frenchmen at armes at the end of November departed from Imola and from thence went to Cesena where he abode many dayes to contriye with those that were sent by the Vitelli and the Orsini who were ready then with their forces in the Dutchy of Vrbin what action they should then anew enter in but not concluding any thing Oliverotto of Fermo was sent to offer him that if he would adventure an â—expedition against Tuscany they were at his service in case he would not they would be ready to serve him against Sinigallia to whom the Duke answered that in Tuscany he would not make any war because the Florentines were his friends but he was well content they should goe to Sinigallia whence it came to pass that not long after advice was brought that the town was yeelded to them but the Fort would not for the Governor would render it to the Duke in person and to none else and thereupon they perswad'd him to comebefore it the Duke thought this occasion very good and that it would not any way skare them being he was called by them and not going of himself and the more to secure them he dismis'd all his French forces which returned thence into Lombardy save only a hundred lances of Mounsieur Candiâ—les his kinsman and parting about the middle of December from Cesena he went thence to Fano where withall his wiles and craft he could he perswaded the Vitelli and the Orsini to expect him at Sinigallia shewing them that such strangenesse would make their accord to be neither faithfull nor durable and that he was a man that desird he might availe himselfe both of the forces and advice of his friends and however Vitellozzo was very unwilling and that his brothers death had taught him that he should not offend a Prince and afterwards trust him neverthelesse being wrought to it by Paulo Orfino who had been corrupted by the Duke with gifts and faire promises he agreed to attend him whereupon the Duke before the 30 day of December 1502 that he was to goe from Fano communicated his purpose to eight of his cheife confidents among whom were Don Michael and the Lord of Enna who was afterwards Cardinal and gave them charge that presently as soone as Vitellozzo Paulo Orsino the Duke of Gravina and Oliverotto had met them each two of them should get one of them between them consigning each one by name to certaine two who should traine them along even into Sinigallia nor suffer them to part till they had brought them to the Dukes lodging and that they were there taken He afterwards tooke order that all his Horse and Foot which were better than two thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot should be in the morning at breake of day upon the Metaure a River some five miles from Fano where they should attend him being then the last day of Deucmber pon the Metaure with those troops he causd some two hundred Horse to go before him afterwards the Foot mov'd and after them himselfe in person with the rest of his men at armes Fano and Sinigallia are two Cities of the Matches seituate upon the bank of the Adriatick Sea fifteen miles distant the one from the other So that he who goes towards Sinigallia hath the Mountaines on his right hand the feet whereof sometimes are so bounded by the Sea that between them and the water there remaines but a very small distance and where they are most extended there is not above two miles distance The City of Sinigallia from the foot of these Mountaines is not much further than a bow-shot and from the Sea not above a mile distant along the side hereof runs alittle river which washeth that part of the wals which is toward Fano looking towards the high way so that till it come neare unto Sinigallia it runs for a good part of the way along the Mountaines and being come neare up to the river that passes alongst by Sinigallia it turnes upon the left hand alongst the banke thereof So that running on for the space of a bow-shot it reaches to a bridge which passes that river and stands in front with the gate that enters into Sinigallia not by a right line but athwart before the gate there is a bourg of houses with a broad place before them which the bank of the river shoulders upon one side So that the Vitelli and Orsini having given order to attend the Duke and personally to honour him the better to give way to his men they retir'd their own into certaine Castles some six miles from Sinigallia and had left only Oliverotto in Sinigallia with his band which was some thousand Foot and a hundred and fifty Horse which were lodg'd in the bourg before nam'd Things being thus ordered Duke Valentine came thence towards Sinigallia when the first head of the Horse troops came up to the bridge they pass'd it not but making stand they turnd their horse the one part towards the river the other to the open field and so left a way in the midst whereby the infantry passd which without stop entred the Town Vitellozzo Paulo and the Duke of Gravina upon their mules accompanied with a few horse went to meet the Duke Vitellozzo disarmed having a cloak all lined with green being exceeding melancholy as presaging his own death near at hand caused a certain admiration of himself in all the valor of the man being well known and the fortune he had passd and it is said that when he left his soldiers to come into Sinigallia there to meet the Duke that he did in a manner take his last leave of them to his Captains he recommended his house and the welfare thereof and admonishd his Nephews that they should not so much mind the great