as shall appeare by this discourse and nothing immodest or immoderate For if we consider these two together joyntly so many and so good that is their number and their worth we shall sinde none that can match them in both these put together There may be found of other names some as good but not so many And again though there be as many yet are they not so good This truth I have not heard impugned but it hath hitherto been imbraced without all contradiction even of calumnie it selfe I know not if without envie But let that monster eat her own heart and teare her owne bowels and that she may do so yet more we will give her further occasion to doe it by enlarging this comparative thus So many so good c of subjects race were never in Europe seen And yet farther In the world were never seen This is not any rhetoricall amplification or poeticall hyperbole but a positive and measured truth If any after he hath read and pondered their actions and paralleld them with those whose names any Historie hath transmitted to the knowledge of posterity If any man I say shall find after due search and straight judgement either in this our countrey or in this our Isle of Brittain or in this fourth part of the world Europe or throughout the whole Universe such valour to have continued in any one house or name that were Subjects and not Kings or Princes and to have been so hereditary to all of them and as if it had been intailed descending by succession from father to son and from brother to brother the successour still striving to out go his predecessour in that height of excellency and for so many generations Then let this saying be suspected as partiall or branded with an untruth Otherwayes be contented to bear witnesse to the truth or at least give others leave to do it and receive thou it as such without murmuring or impatiencie Now as they have surpassed all other names so if we compare them amongst themselves it will prove a hard and difficult judgement to determine who deserves the prize and hath been most excellent There â—…ath been twenty persons and moâ—… who have possest the chief houses and principall families of Douglas and Angus from William to go no higher who died in Berwick a prisoner besides those worthy branches the Lord of Niddisdaill Liddisdaill Galloway Ormond murray Balvain Dalkeith c. There is none almost whose life and the times afforded occasion of action but hath made himself singularly conspicuous by some notable exploit or other as is to be seen in their severall lives For the present we will onely take a generall view of them in grosse according to these heads 1. Antiquity which includes their originall 2. Nobilitie 3. Greatnesse 4. Valour And first we will consider them without any comparison in themselves simply and absolutely then we will compare them with others both within and without the Countrey and so I hope the truth of our assertion shall appear clear and evident unto the eyes of all those that will not obstinately shut their eyes against so bright shining a light To begin then with their Antiquity and Originall so far as we can learn and find either in History or Monument by evident or tradition which we will set down here in order of time as we have gathered and collected them 1. And first we have that tradition which is most ancient of all others in the dayes of Solvathius King of Scotland in the year 767. when Donald Bane usurped the title of King and had in a battell almost defeated the Kings army a certain Nobleman called afterward Sholto Douglas came in to their succour and overthrew the said Donald whom he slew in the field and scattered his army as is set down at length in his life 2. The second witnesse of their Antiquity and Originall is brought from beyond sea out of Italy in the family of the Scoti of Plaisance which is proved to have sprung from the Douglases at large in the life of William the fourth man of that name The time is in the dayes of Charlemaign in the year 779. or as our Writers 800. or 801. In the reign of Achaius King of Scotland 3. Our third witnesse is a publike Monument out of a Monastery which were the Registers of those times the Monastery of Icolmekill which tell that Malcolme Kenmore at the Parliament of Forfair in the yeare 1057. or 1061. did not advance to that dignity for they had the equivalent of it before but adorned with the new stile of Lord is some of the name of Douglas which stile was then first brought into this Countrey by imitation of other Nations 4. Our fourth witnesse is in the year 1133. The foundation of the Abbey of Lesmie Hagoe confirmed by King David wherein it is expresly bounded by the Barronie of Douglasdaile Now seeing this is but a confirmation the dotation must have gone before in some other Kings dayes 5. The fifth witnesse is in the dayes of King William Nephew to this David who began his reigne in the yeare 1163. He erected the towne of Aire into a free brough Royall and amongst the witnesses of their Charter are Alexander and William Douglasses 6. The sixth is a mortmain and dotation granted to the Bishop of Murray where the same names are inserted William and Alexander Douglasses for witnesses It is not certain whether these be the same that were witnesses in the former Charter of Aire but it is likeliest they were the same In what yeare of King Williams reigne this was we have not yet learned but he reigned till the year 1214. 7. The seaventh is the Indenture made between William Lord Douglas and Hugh Lord Abernethie in the dayes of King Alexander the third 1259. Some fourty five years after this last King William the particulars of this Indenture are set down in the life of the said William who is the ninth man of the name of Douglas 8. Eighthly we have also though much later in the dayes of King Robert Bruce and good Sir James Douglas mention made of two Douglasses besides Sir James one James Douglas of Lowden and Andrew Douglas in the publike rolls three rolls marked 1. 16. King Robert gives to James of Lowdon a confirmation of the lands of Calderclecre and Kinnaule and Carnewath To Andrew Douglas he gives Corsewell which was fallen into his hands by the forfeiture of the Earle of Winton or Wigton Now what these two were and whether or not they were in kinne to the Lords of Douglas we know not Onely I have heard it reported that the lands of Lowden were gotten from the Lords of Douglas and Calder-cleere is known to have been given off from their estate Now howbeit these two be not very ancient yet it may be gathered that the name of Douglas was ancient even then being propagated into so many branches which could not have been done of a sudden
related at large hereafter when we shall come to treat of the house of Douglas And so we see him very fortunate and honourable in his marriage in his purchases and in his children his honourable minde appeares in his deportment to his sister Uterine whom the Writers call Elconora de Bruce to whom he gives no lesse then the Baronie of Wester Calder in maritagium to her and her heires whatsoever with her husband Sir James Sandilands as the transumpt of the Charter beares extracted by James Douglas Lord Dalkeith 1420. April 4. The Charter it selfe is not dated but the giver is cleare Gulielmus Douglas Dominus loci ejusdem and Sir James his entaile doth cleare it in which he is called Earle of Douglas and Marre This Elionora Bruce had to her father Robert Bruce some call him Alexander son to Edward slaine in Ireland and Cousin Germane with K. Robert He was Earle of Carrict and after the death of Archbald Lord of Galloway he married his relict this Earles mother and had by her this Lady Elionora who as we have said was married to Sir James Sandilands In regard of this marriage and the Donation of these lands that house of Sandilands gave the coat of the house of Douglas a Heart and three mullets which none else hath besides him except those of the name of Douglas This Earle William was bred in France and as the manuscript beareth most part in the warres his first returne to Scotland was before the battell of Durham some few yeares which appears by the forenamed Charter given him by his uncle in the year 1342. Touching his actions after his return the first was a hard entry at the battell of Durham where the King made many Knights to stirre them up to fight valiantly and first he created William Lord Douglas an Earle In the morning being Warden he is sent to view the English Camp and engaged among them ere he was aware he had a number of his men slaine and himselfe also narrowly escaped In the battell being Leader of the Foreward he was taken and the King himselfe likewise with divers others But his successe after is more fortunate for the better understanding whereof let us remember the estate of affaires of the Countrey of Scotland at that time After King David Bruce was taken prisoner at the field of Durham the English repossessed themselves of the Merse Tivedale Liddesdale and Lawderdale so that their Marches were Cockburnspath and Sawtray and from that to Carnilops and the Corse-cave Balliol had gotten again his old inheritance in Galloway and wasted Annandale Nidisdale and Cliddisdale with fire and sword and had also with Percie overrun Lowthian neither could there be an army made up in Scotland to resist him for some few yeares so that Balliol behaved himselfe again as King but we heare that no obedience hee got by the good will of the people The Scots had chosen Robert Stuart who was King afterward to bee Governour in the Kings absence but no great action is recorded that hee was able to take in hand at such a time and in such estate of his Countrey The Earle of Douglas being ransomed or dismist the more easily for that they had the King in their power returned home Thereafter there fell out a matter very greatly to bee lamented that it should have fallen into the hands of so worthy a person the killing of the Lord of Liddesdale by the Earle let me never excuse such a fact I may well bee sory for it But I wonder at this that the Earle after his slaughter should have obtained his whole estate not onely that which hee did acquire for his owne vertue and valour in the Borders as Liddesdale with the Sherisship of Roxbrough or Tweddale but also those lands which hee had gotten by his wife as Dalkeith Newlands Kilbugho c. But being rightly considered it seemes not so strange for after the Lord of Liddesdale had slain Sir Alexander Ramsay the King apparantly hath never pardoned from his heart But being still incensed against him as may appeare in that action the King allowed or rather moved of Sir David Barcklay in taking and slaying Sir John Bullock a speciall friend of the Lord of Liddesdale and for ill will and spite of him say our Writers and that his anger being renewed and increased by the killing of Sir David Barcklay It is possible the King hath beene well pleased to heare and know of his ruine whereupon the Earle of Douglas there being none so able to do it as he being his Chief and kinsman having his owne particular grudge was incouraged to make him away and having done it hath obtained his lands the more easily Our Histories testifie that the house and name of Douglas was divided against it self pursuing each other for many yeares together with much bloudshed and all upon this occasion Belike the marriage of the Lord Liddesdales daughter to Sir James Douglas of Lowden Kincavell and Calder-cleere hath beene or should have been made in his owne time which hath moved the Douglas of Dalkeith Calder-cleere and them of Strabrock to make head against the Earle as those who did most resent that slaughter But at last the Earle as commonly remorse cometh after bloud repenting or at the intercession of friends gives the lands of Dalkeith Newlands and Kilbugho to Mary daughter to the Lord of Liddesdale by resignation in favour of her as is extant in our publick Register to regain the favour and dependance of his friends that were alienated from him retaining Liddesdale and his other Borderlands and Offices in his owne person for we finde in the Register James Douglas sonne to William Earle of Douglas and Marre stiled Lord of Liddesdale in a letter of pension of 200 marks sterling granted to him by King Robert the first of the Stuarts His first care was to deliver his own inheritance from the English bondage for which purpose having gathered together a company of his friends He recovered Douglasdale from them having slain and chased them every man out of it then encouraged with this successe the favour of his countrey people increasing towards him and greater companies drawing to him he expelled them also out of Attrick Forrest and Tueddale and the greater part of Tivedale At that time John Copland I know not whether it were hee that had taken King David at the battell of Durham or some other of that same name was Captain of the Castle of Roxbrough and seeing that the Earle of Douglas did so prevail against his countrey men gathered together a great company of them and went forth to oppose him but was quickly put to flight and constrained to retire to the said Castle again Thus having repressed and ejected the English out of those parts of Scotland he not contented therewith resolveth to invade them in their owne Countrey wherefore he accompanied with the Earle of March his owne father in law and
Douglas Thomas Dickson supposing he had beene hard at hand drew out his sword and ran upon them having none to second him but an other man so that oppressed with the multitude of his enemies he was beaten downe and slaine In the meane time Sir James being come the English that were in the Chancel kept off the Scots and having the advantage of the strait and narrow entrie defended themselves manfully But Sir James encouraging his men not so much by words as by deeds and good example and having slain the boldest resisters prevailed at last and entring the place slew some 26 of their number and tooke the rest about 10. or 12. persons intending by them to get the Castle upon composition or to enter with them when the gates should be opened to let them in but it needed not for they of the Castle were so secure that there was none left to keepe it save the porter and the cooke who knowing nothing of what had hapned at the Church which stood a large quarter of a mile from thence had left the gate wide open the porter standing without and the Cooke dressing the dinner within They entred without resistance and meat being ready and the cloth laid they shut the gates and tooke their refection at good leasure Now that he had gotten the Castle into his hands considering with himselfe as he was a man no lesse advised then valiant that it was hard for him to keep it the English being as yet the stronger in that Countrey who if they should besiege him he knew of no reliefe he thought better to carry away such things as be most easily transported gold silver and apparell with ammunition and armour whereof he had greatest use and need and to destroy the rest of the provision together with the Castle it selfe then to diminish the number of his followers for a garrison there where they could do no good And so he caused carrie the meale and malt and other cornes and graine into the Cellar and layd all together in one heape then he took the prisoners and slew them to revenge the death of his trustie and valiant servant Thomas Dickson mingling the victuals with their bloud and burying their carcasses in the heap of corne after that he struck out the heads of the barrells and puncheons and let the drink runne through all and then he cast the carkasses of dead horses and other carrion amongst it throwing the salt above all so to make altogether unusefull to the enemie and this Cellar is called yet the Douglas Lairder Last of all he set the house on fire and burnt all the timber and what else the fire could overcome leaving nothing but the scorched walls behind him And this seemes to be the first taking of the Castle of Douglas for it is supposed that he took it twice For this service and others done to Lord William his father Sir James gave unto Thomas Dickson the lands of Hisleside which hath beene given him before the Castle was taken as an encouragement to whet him on and not after for he was slaine in the Church which was both liberally and wisely done of him thus to hearten and draw men to his service by such a noble beginning The Castle being burnt Sir James retired and parting his men into divers companies so as they might be most secret he caused cure such as were wounded in the fight and he himselfe kept as close as he could waiting ever for an occasion to enterprise something against the enemie So soone as he was gone the Lord Clifford being advertised of what had happened came himselfe in person to Douglas and caused re-edifie and repair the Castle in a very short time unto which he also added a Tower which is yet called Harries Tower from him and so returned into England leaving one Thruswall to be Captain thereof Sir James his men being cured of their wounds and refreshed with rest he returned again to the King at what time he was ready to fight with Sir Aymore Valence the Lord of Lorne and Sir Thomas Randulph at Cumnock The King had not above 400. men so that being almost encompassed by the enemie ere he was aware he was forced to forsake the field having lost his Banner which was taken by Sir Thomas Randulph by which he got great credit with King Edward King Robert in his flight or retreat divided his men into three companies that went severall wayes that so the enemie being uncertaine in what company he himself were and not knowing which to pursue rathest he might the better escape When they were all come againe to the place of their rendezvous which the King had appointed when he divided them Sir James Douglas perswaded the King to set upon a company of the enemies who were very securely lying by themselves farre from the body of the Army without feare of any danger which the King did and having slaine 200. of them he scattered the rest After this Sir Aymore Valence being then Warden for King Edward in Scotland and residing himselfe at Bothwell sent Sir Philip Mowbray with a company of men about 100. into Coile and Cunninghame to keepe the Inhabitants in their obedience to England whereof when Sir James Douglas had notice and knowing the way by which they must go called Machanacks way he lay in a straight foord betweene two marishes called Ederfoord accompanied with some 40. choice men and there rising up of a sudden ere Sir Philip was aware they routed his men and chased himselfe who did escape very narrowly for he left his sword with them and fled alone to Kilmarnock and Kilwinnin the rest back to Bothwell This was before the battell of Lowdoun hill where both the King and Sir James were present at which they defeated Sir Aymore Valence and 3000. men they having onely 500. which Sir Aymore tooke so to heart that he retired himselfe into England where he gave over his charge of Warden and never returned into Scotland againe with any command except it were when the King came in person The English Chronicle sayes that the King discharged Sir Aymore who was Earle of Penbrooke and placed John de Britton in his office and made him Earle of Richmond These particulars I cannot ghesse why they should have beene omitted by our Writers being so remarkable defeats where diligence dexteritie and valour have beene used with wisedome and judgement However upon this withdrawing and departure of Sir Aymore Valence King Robert being rid of the greatest danger makes toward Innernesse leaving Sir James behinde him to recover such places as were still in the enemies hands He therefore getting him into Douglasdale did use this stratagem against Thruswall Captaine of the Castle of Douglas under the Lord Clifford hee caused some of his folkes drive away the cattell that fed neare unto the Castle and when the Captaine of the garrison followed to rescue gave order to his men to leave them and to flee
negligence disorder and confusion on the other side we may see carefulnesse diligence order and exhortation all possible meanes used both humane and divine wisedome joyned with religion and prayer and what pious formes were then in use They digged trenches and ditches which they covered with greene turfe for the horsemen to fall into and did knit together and twist as it were a net of crosse ropes to entangle the footmen which stratagems being seconded with true courage resolution and valour of the common souldiers and Commanders together with the device of those that were set to keep the baggage the sculs and grooms who made showes and musters as if they had beene another armie of their owne head without the direction of any were the chiefe meanes of the victorie For the first was the overthrow of the men at armes and barbed horses and the second the bane of the middle battell of the English who seeing this trap laid for them fled presently and turned their backs But above all these the principall and prime cause was even the Lord of hosts who guided all these and gave successe unto them Let no mortall man ever think other of any his enterprises or that any man however wise provident or valorous can use his wisedome providence or valour or whatever other vertue he hath to any purpose or succesfully unlesse it be given him in the very instant of using it A lesson much inculcat but little learned often approved by experience but seldome marked or soone forgotten at least little appearing by our practice and which doth produce no other effect but a superficiall acknowledgement and slender confession thereof But to returne to our Douglas though the King himselfe did thus escape his service yet out of all doubt he hath beene imployed against his subjects seeing our Historians doe tell us that after this battell there were divers incursions made into England for which they never stirred but sate quiet for 2. or 3. yeares howbeit there are no particulars set downe In the yeare 1316. King Robert Bruce went into Ireland to support his brother Edward Bruce made King of Ireland and King Edward of England thinking this a fit opportunity for him to be revenged on the Scots did levie a great Armie and came to the borders of Scotland hoping to doe some notable exploit now in the Kings absence But many things faile that are intended and princes as well as others may be disappointed of their purposes and frustrate of their hopes It seemes he had forgotten or not well considered what a Lieutenant he had left behinde him and how good a second Sir James had alwayes beene to his master the King But howbeit he knew it not perhaps or would not take any notice of him yet King Robert knew it full well and put such trust and confidence in his well knowne worth and sufficiencie that he durst go abroad out of his owne Kingdome and hazzard himselfe and the flower of the youth in Ireland concrediting the Countrey unto his care and conduct leaving him Governour in his absence and entailing the Crowne unto him next unto Thomas Randulph by making him Protectour of the young King during his minority if he himselfe should happen to die in that voyage as the blacke booke of Scone doth witnesse And indeed Sir James did not deceive the Kings expectation and trust neither did King Edward finde him asleepe but watchfull and diligent in his charge as became a good Governour for he raised an Army to give him battell and put both him and his people to flight slew three notable Captains with his owne hand Sir Edward Lillow a Gascoine Captaine of Berwick others call him Callock and say that he was slaine at the rescue of a bootie which he had taken in the Merse and Tivedale which narration agreeth with the Bruces booke which calls him Edmond de Callock The second was Sir Robert Nevill and the third a Nobleman whom they doe not name onely they say that Sir James slew him with his owne hand but the Bruces booke calls him John de Richmond and sayes he slew him in Jedward Forrest in the midst of his Armie Sir James having very few with him not above fiftie horse and some Archers in a strait Cleugh or Valley betweene two hills which he had of purpose taken as a place of advantage and tying together the young birk trees by their boughs in the way by which the English were to passe the horsemen being entangled in the thickets he set upon them and defeated them From hence it is that some think the Earls of Douglas and Angus have stakes rice in their Coat of Armes yet such points of Heraldrie are hard to interpret and give a reason for them This was the second peece of service that he did to King Edward himselfe say some others but others say that the King was not there in person but sent a great Army commanded by divers Captains with whom Sir James fought in three severall battells at three sundry times and slew all their Chiestains with most part of their companies Others againe affirme that in every one of those battels he slew the Commander with his owne hand in sight of both Armies the which whatsoever way it was the victorie was notable and glorious And thus did he governe in the Kings absence He had beene a good subject before when the King was present now we see how well he governes when he is absent and at his returne laying downe his authoritie and returning to his former subjection he proves as good a companion and colleague unto Thomas Randulph then made Earle of Murray with whom the King did joyne him for the prosecuting of the warres It is seldome found that these vertues are so happily linked together in one person abilitie to governe and willingnesse to be subordinate and obey excellencie of parts and patient enduring of an equall and companion I have often observed and admired it in these two the ground whereof seemes chiefly to have beene in Sir James his love and modestie as we observe in his carriage towards this man at Bannockburne that in all their joynt-services being equall in authority and both commanding in chiefe we never heare of any question controversie or debate of any grudging or heart-burning betweene them but find them ever agree and concurre without any dissention or variance with one heart and minde as if they had beene one man in all businesse whatsover Their first association after the Kings returne out of Ireland was when they went and burnt Northallerton and Burrowbrigs and spoyled Rippon where they spared the Church onely they caused those that fled thither to pay 5000. marks sterling to be free They burnt also Scarborough towne and hearing that the people had fled into the woods with their goods and cattell they went and searched them out and brought away a great bootie Then returning home by Skipton in Craven they spoyled the
credit with the Governour would have saved him and prevented such extremity unlesse he had proceeded so farre as to cast off the Earles sister whereof we heare nothing And even in that case seeing there is alwayes some hope of reconcilement between man and wife and therefore such fallings out are often born with in Princes upon that hope it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort however whether through his absence or negligence or that having small hope of amendment he would not meddle in it the Duke persists in his lewd wayes and growes rather worse then better Wee reade of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him as hee was bound by so neare alliance Neither do we heare how he carried himself toward the Earles sister his wife or whether shee had any children by him or not though they had been married at that time some foure or five yeares and hee was a man of twenty three or twenty foure years of age at the least having been eighteen when hee was enstalled Duke in the 1396. yeare which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers This is clear that neither party had any contentment or comfortable succes from this match which they so much affected brought to passe with so great trouble disquiet and mischiefe in the Kingdome a notable lesson for men to moderate their desires of any thing and not to seeke it over eagerly though it seem never so advantagious in respect of the uncertainty of the sequell and event of all humane things But to returne to our prisoner wee see him hurt defeated a captive but neither disgraced nor discouraged no nor any whit lesse esteemed of by his friends or enemies who indeed needed not to bee over proud of this victory which was obtained rather by the multitude of men then meer valour neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas for what they had received of them before however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses Douglas and Percie were matter rather of sharpning then discouraging and dejecting their spirits and bred not hatred but an higher though emulous esteem of each towards other This overthrow and losse of the Earle Douglas did not diminish but rather increase his praise and glory and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror It became also the occasion of shewing his worth in a more conspicuous and publike Theatre and on a more eminent subject and powerfull enemy for not long after the Earle of Northumberland whether for envie of King Henries good successe to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning or for that Henry usurped the Kingdome contrary to his oath and promise or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earle of March taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glendour by the said Owen or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him which hee had taken at West Nisbet and at Homildon of whom onely they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King or for what ever other cause the said Earle entered into league with Edmond Owen and some other Lords against the King with such confidence that they made a tripartite Indenture wherein they divided all England into three parts to each of them a third whereupon Percie esteeming highly of the Douglas valour having had good proofe thereof at Homildon offered if hee would take part with him in this enterprise and shew himself as yaliant on his side as hee had done against him that he should not onely be let goe without ransome but also if they prevailed he should have Berwick and a part of Northumberland for his reward Douglas who was no wayes slack to embrace any good occasion against England gladly accepted the condition and getting leave to come home returned again at the time appointed well accompanied with many of his friends and followers The leading of the vantguard was committed to him which place he discharged bravely and behaved himself so as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all mens confession for after the Scots who were led by him had made a fierce onset upon the Kings foreward conducted by the Earle of Stafford and forced them to give back having almost broken their ranks the King came to their aid with his fresh troupes and renewed the fight more fiercely then before Douglas and Percie perceiving the King to be there in person bent their whole forces towards him with such violence that if George Dumbarre Earle of March who had of late betaken himself to the Kings side had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place Douglas had certainly slain him for hee made so hard an onset on the Kings Standard that he bore all down before him and slew the Earle of Stafford with his owne hands who had been made Constable of England that same day as also three more who were apparelled like the King and when the K. restored the battell again and had broken the rankes of those that stood against him Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royall apparell hee said aloud in great choler and indignation where the Devil were all these Kings borne and withall running fiercely at him beat him from his horse and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt the Kings Standard-bearer and overthrew the Standard But the K. was rescued and mounted again by those that were about him especially by his owne sonne afterward Henrie the fifth and so escaped At last the victory fell to the Kings side who had behaved himself most valorously and is reckoned to have slain with his owne hands thirty six of the enemies So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him who did both by word and example encourage his Souldiers that they renewed the fight slew the Lord Percie and with him discomfited the whole Hoast The Earle Douglas was taken prisoner and brought to the King who would on no wise consent to have him put to death though divers perswaded him to it but commended his faithfulnesse to his friend and praised his valour which he honoured much in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds and sent him rich presents Some write that being asked by those of the Kings side why hee did joyne with such traitours against the King his reply was onely this It seemeth saith hee that the King is yet alive though divers Kings have been killed to day This answer being so full of resolution and courage and void of all fear did move the King to regard him so much the more They tell also that being hurt in his privie members when after the battell every man was reckoning his wounds and complaining hee said at last when hee had hard them all They sit full still that have a riven breike The speach continueth still in Scotland and is past into a Proverb which is
thiefe and that notwithstanding the Kings earnest request for his life by letter A pitifull matter and greatly to be lamented and though he had some colour of justice yet it tasted not so much of justice as of malice no not of indifferency which would be injustice having eye to the due circumstances so much as of partiality joyned with contempt of the King and his equall request and so it was constructed and gave more just occasions to his enemies surmising and the increasing of the Kings indignation which by yeelding and remitting a little of his priviledges and showing respect to the Kings entreaty he might have mitigated in some measure and that without any danger he could have incurred by the said Lord Harries enmitie although he should have been his enemy and perhaps he might have regained him to his friendship by remitting the offence The other fact which ensued upon this not so unjust but made as odious as carrying the odiousnesse of the other with it was Macklalane Tutor of Bombee the chiefe of that name and one of the principall houses in Galloway falling at odds with a servant of the Earle Douglas had slain him and was therefore with his brother who was partaker of the slaughter apprehended and put in prison in the Trevie a strong house belonging to the Earle His friends made means to the Courtiers and by them to the King informing him that Douglas carried a spleene against the man more for being a friend a favourer and follower of the best side so they called their owne then for killing of the man wherefore they besought him that he would not suffer a Gentleman of his rank who was also a good man otherwise however that had fallen out in his hands to bee drawne not to judgement but to certain and destinate death before one who was both judge and party By this and such like information whereby the eares of Princes are deceived while men go about to withdraw their friends from due punishment they perswade the King to send for Bombee and take the triall and judgement of him in his own hands desiring the Earle Douglas that if he had any thing against him he should come and pursue him before the King Amongst the furtherers of this sute Patrick Gray of Fowls uncle to the Tutor was chiefe he was directed with the Commission as one that both would be earnest therein being so neare to the party and would also bee respected being some way in kinne to the Earle Douglas having notice of his Commission and perceiving thereby they meant no other thing but to defraud him of justice for killing of his servant which he thought he could not suffer with his honour that he might doe what hee had determined the more calmely and with the lesse offence as hee thought he courteously received the said Patrick Gray and intertained him with diverse purposes and caused the Tutor in the meane time to be tried by an Assise and being condemned to bee quickly conveyed a mile from thence to a place called Carling-work and there executed Afterward when Patrick Gray ignorant of what was done had delivered his Commission from the King he answered he was sory he was come too late and then told him what was done and desired him to excuse him to the King When he heard that and saw himselfe so deluded he presently in a great chafe and rage renounced all kindred and friendship and whatsoever band besides might seeme to tie him to the Earle vowing that from that time forth he should be his deadly enemy in all sort and by all means he could which the other little regarding dismissed him But however he little regarded it the French Proverb proveth true and is worthy to be regarded of all men That there is no little enemy for he had the power to be his death afterward with his owne hands and plotted it by his Counsell or set it forward being plotted and devised by others for being come to the King and relating the issue and effect of his message all was by him and the other Courtiers of the faction aggravated in the most haynous sort That the Kings commandments were contemned eluded and mocked That it was likely that the Earle Douglas was King That doubtlesse he aimed to be so yea hee behaved himselfe already as such That that was the meaning of his private conference with the King of England on that ground he gave licence to slay so many honest men to spoil and robbe That innocency now was contemned for brutishnesse faithfulnesse to the King punished for unfaithfulnesse That by the Kings indulgencie the common enemy was become insolent That it became him once to take upon him his place as King and do things by authority and by his power that then it would appeare who were friends who were foes These and such as these were the speeches of the Courtiers and interpretations of his actions such as it pleased them to make following their humour of faction or judgement But they neither considered the equitie that was done in punishing bloud by bloud nor the authority by which it was done for hee had authority and sufficient jurisdiction of old granted to him and given by former Kings to his Predecessours and their Heires for his service Neither did they observe what order and formality hee kept in his proceedings nor his honour interested in the revenging his servants death Neither what scorne to him it was on the other part if he had sent the party having thereby his priviledges infringed his servant slain and no satisfaction for it but to bee eluded by a Commission purchased by his enemies justice defrauded and the guiltie pulled out of his hands and by their credit with the King procuring him to hinder justice who should have beene the furtherer of it onely upon their particular private motion and by their factions inclining of his Majesty that way Upon these considerations what had beene more extraordinarily done would have beene excused by the same men in another then Douglas Now in him though done orderly it is thus traduced aggravated exaggerated amplified and named contempt of the King and affecting the Crowne Such is the misery when Princes are moved by parties to command or request things that are unjust there being perill and inconvenients either in obeying or refusing their requests receiving hurt and prejudice in their rights scorne of their adverse party or denying to offend whom they would fain serve and happy is that man that can steere aright betwixt these rocks Happy hee who falleth into the hands of such a Prince as measureth and moderateth his commands according to equitie or if they bee inique when it falleth out so for what Prince may not fall into such weaknesse who tempereth his passion and moderateth his minde in the just refusall thereof taking it in good part and accounteth not his authority contemned when an unjust command is refused by his Subjects Whether it were
on the displeasure of this fact or jealousie conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses it is hard to discerne but so it was that his enemies making use for their owne ends of the Kings credulous suspition prevailed so farre that they perswaded the King to resolve to make him away and seeing it could not bee done by open force in any sort it could bee done whereof when they had advised of all the meanes they could this they found to bee the most expedient way that hee should bee sent for to Court by faire promises and being come the King should enter into termes of quarrelling And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose should dispatch him So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction but such an one as was free from all suspition of bearing enmity to the Earle to addresse himselfe to a Gentleman who was Douglasses friend and to shew him how Creighton was retired to his owne house and that in his absence it were fit the Earle should take that good occasion to come and see the King with whom hee might bee assured to finde favour if hee would crave it humbly and this hee told as a great secret not to bee revealed but to his Lord and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice The Gentleman beleeving went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord but hee suspecting Creightons craft and having the murther of his Cousins before his eyes flatly refused to goe thither where he had so many enemies so potent and of so great credit and some of which had not long agoe lien in wait for his life unlesse hee saw assurance of his life and liberty Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court with promise of all freedome and with assurance under the broad Seal and to remove all feare doubt that he could conceive the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him subscribed with all their hands and sealed with all their seals with the greatest oathes and protestations interposed therein that could be and not onely so but every man wrote his owne particular letter apart assuring him of the Kings good will and further promising him that if it should so fall out that the King would be so disposed as to breake his faith and promise and to interprise any thing against his person life lands or liberty they should send him home safe neverthelesse What could hee seeke more at their hands Or what could hee devise more And who would have doubted after such assurances Yet that hee might not onely repose upon his enemies credit all his safety hee accompanieth himselfe for his honour and suretie with as many as might secure him and keepe him free from being in danger of any private mans forces So relying for the Kings part upon his safe Conduct and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith hee cometh to Stirling where the King was well attended and followed by his friends and servants but in a peaceable manner being come into the Kings presence after some sort of admonition to lead a more peaceable and orderly life hee seemed to pardon him what ever was past and kindely invited him to supper in the Castle After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together the King taketh him aside and leadeth him into an inner roome where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Gray of whom wee spake before how of his friend and Cousin hee was become his enemy for the execution of the Tutour of Bombee There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyall fidelity of his Predecessours came shortly to his owne indulgencie towards the whole Familie and towards himselfe in particular Then sharpely upbraiding him how oft hee had pardoned him and what insolencies hee had committed Douglas answered submissively and craved pardon for what hee had offended against himself in any sort saying his intention was not against him but against his enemies That as for others that would complaine hee was ready to satisfie them according to justice and at the Kings owne pleasure There rests yet one thing saith the King the League betwixt you and the Earle of Crawford and Rosse I will have you presently to quite it At that word the Earle was somewhat astonished at the first yet gathering his spirits again hee answered that for him hee knew nothing wherein that League could bee offensive to his Majesty seeing that all duetie to him was especially reserved The King replyed I will have you presently to breake the same Douglas answered that if hee would have him to doe so hee would bee pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen and then hee would doe it otherwise hee would bee accounted a faith breaker if having entered into friendship with them hee should forsake them not giving a reason why And therefore besought him to have patience The King replied in an angry manner speaking aloud If you will not breake it I will And with those words hee stabbed him in the breast with a dagger At the same instant Patrick Gray struck him on the head with a Pole-axe The rest that were attending at the doore hearing the noise entered and fell also upon him and to shew their affection to the King gave him every man his blow after hee was dead Thus died he by the hand of the King but by the practices of his enemies they being the choise movers and the king yeelding to their motions as if it had been his quarrell for so they made it seeme to him whereas indeed it was but their owne particular or if his it was but thus farre his that he tooke it on him as his espoused theirs as his owne and imbarked himselfe therein A common practice of Courtiers who have Princes eares what ever is contrary to their will is all against the King is all presumption is all high treason whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies what ever shew of service and affection they make and they whom they call his enemies farre more heartily affected to him They make the King alwayes wed their quarrells beare their errours and the whole hatred and envie of their enemies and oft times drawes him into great absurdities besides and contrary his owne naturall disposition to his great disgrace or diminishing his grace in the eyes of his Subjects not without great perill of his life and estate Happy the Prince that can rightly take up and rightly discerne the quarrells which are indeed his owne from those which others would have him thinke to bee his owne and so understandeth the disposition of his Subjects that hee account not all that is against his Courtiers is against him or all that is done by his Courtiers is done for him These Courtiers had gained this point of the King and by that mean had brought him to doe that hard fact against this man as his owne enemy as one aspiring to his Crowne
father the Earle of Ormond and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either the English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth
with him This was a magnanimous minde and a Princely say our writers not envious of the praise of the English though indeed it were not without a good policie For by that meane he had leasure to prosecute his French intentions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursions But we will not extenuate it he had indeed the better hand of it and at this time peace was more needfull for Scotland And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queens authoritie was so much the greater But it could not move the other party whereof the Lord Hume Chamberlain was Chief They shew their willingnesse to honour the Queen That appeared say they in this that contrary to the ancient custome of this Kingdome they had suffered and obeyed her authority whiles she her self kept her right by keeping her widow-hood Now that she had quit it by marrying why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left which the old laws would also have taken from her which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times far lesse now when such evils do threaten as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men This they pretended and touched the point that did annoy them The marrying of the Earle of Angus had made him too great already the continuing of her authority would make him farre greater This they can not endure especially the Chamberlain who was jealous of his greatnesse which he thought would impair and lessen his own already beginning to decline by the retiring and with-drawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses to whom they had wont to belong This point being once obtained that the Queen should governe no more the next was who then should be the man Here also was no lesse strife and contention The Chamberlains credit carried it away his own power his alliance the Earle of Arane being his brother in law the Earle of Lennox Aranes sisters son joyned to the Prelates a Faction ever French and then more than ever by the King of Englands shaking off the yoke of Rome especially the Archbishop of Glasgow a proud Prelate and ever factious By these men all Noblemen at home are despised and balked and the Office cast upon John called afterward Duke of Albanie Cousin-germane to the late King being then in France brought up in France and onely with the French tongue where his father was banished and forfeited and he himself not restored yet is he by them who had not so much power as to restore him in the minoritie of a King as had been proved in King James the second his time against the Earle of March restored in his minoritie ordained to be Governour of the King and whole Countrey Bent was the Chamberlain that way And so bent he was that he professed openly at the Convention that though they would all refuse yet he alone would bring him home and make him Governour A great word if he were not able to do it a great power if he were able It is interpreted ambition in him and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself and envying it to any other he took this course I cannot be of that minde He that had power to do so much for another had power to have done somewhat for himself At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others as it was customable when they could not agree upon any one man they divided it It is reported also for ceâ—… â—…at the Earle of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course went to him and naming him familiarly by his name Alexander said he what do you mean by this that man is a stranger to us and understandeth not our language no more than we do his He will work his own ends and who knoweth after what manner Whether or not to the Kings prejudice who is onely between him and the Crown Certainly he will never regard either of us whom he will rather seek to depresse than to advance Go to therefore let us agree amongst our selves Take you the government of the borders and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth and let me have the command on the other side A fair offer and a wise consideration which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him For the present he refused obstinately and as it may be thought fatally persisting in his former resolution Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the guiding of affairs but a doubting how to keep it if by chance any thwarting or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies they having no partie so great to counterpoize them For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equall the ballance as principall himself onely as accessarie not doubting of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home and the necessitie of his service which could never be lacking On this rather than the other ground as I take it he hath laid down his course But as well as he laid his grounds hereupon he built both his ruine before three years were come about and speedie repentance soon after the arrivall of his Governour Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albanie so called afterward is sent for arrives is made Earle of March Duke of Albanie which his father had been before but was forfeited and Governour untill the Kings ripe years The Lord Hume comes to him some say with a huge number 10000. horse to Dumbartan whereupon the Governour said he was too great to be a subject Others report that he came very privatly with his houshold onely some 24. horse in Kendall Green which was his Livery and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence minuit praesentia famam being a man of low stature and carrying no appearance of much stuff to be in him by his out-side However he was then welcomed and what faire and good countenance he got then it lasted not long John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemie on this occasion Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon Three divers pretended to the place by divers meanes Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to the Earle of Angus by the Queens admission Hepburne by the election of the Chapter Andrew Foreman by the Popes gift This Foreman was Abbat of Dumfermling and Aberbrothe Legat from the Pope and had gotten this to maintain his grandour or as a reward of his service The question was hard to decide All pretended
all to that end had so wrought the matter that there was no place left to any wholesome councell These two for strengthening of their party had sent to France and moved that King to send home Matthew Earle of Lennox a competitour and counterpoyse to the house of Hamilton He came being put in hope of the Queens marriage and to be made Governour but when he saw himself deluded and Beton preferred to the government in effect upon agreement of Arran and the Cardinall wherein Arran had renounced the controverted heads of Religion and addicted himself fully to the Queen and Cardinall to be ruled by them he forsook them and so did also the Governours chief friends leave him and turne to Lennox And now Lennox had made a strong party against the Governour and the Cardinall but at last he was drawn to come to a Parley with them first at Edinburgh and then at Linlithgow where finding that they intended to intrap him he fled in the night first to Glasgow then to the Castle of Dumbartan About this time the Hamiltons and Douglasses were reconciled and for further assurance of sincere and firm friendship Sir George Douglas and Alexander Cunninghame Master of Glencarne were given as pledges the one for his brother and the other for his father to the Governour Hamilton upon promise to be released within a few dayes but they were kept till the English Army came Angus himself also and the Lord Maxwell going to mediate a peace betwixt the Governour and Lennox a dutifull part of a Nobleman and of a good Patriot was retained and both sent out at a back-door at Glasgow to Hamilton while their followers did wait for them at the ordinary fore-gate of the Governours lodging Angus was sent afterward to the Black-Nesse and kept there a close prisoner Thus were both he and his brother in the hands of their enemies neither did their wisedome or experience the examples of their Predecessours or their own maximes and rules save them from being intrapped But who can keep himself from deceit What wisedome was ever able to do it we heard before in the Lord Hume Chamberlain how he was catched and therefore no wonder though the young Douglasses put to death in Edinburgh Castle were deceived It is wrong to impute it to want of fore-sight as these two who were at other times wary enough may witnesse They may thank God more than their own good guiding if they escape with life but that God doth worke it out where their wisedome failed He sends in the English Navie which was bound for Boloigne under the command of the Earle of Hartford Some sayes that they were so directed by King Henry to relieve the Earl and his brother some that it was to revenge the rejecting of his affinitie However it was the mean and occasion of their releasing For having landed at Leith unlooked for the Governour and Cardinall were forced to flee out of Edinburgh which they burnt being abandoned by them and the Citizens being most of them absent about their Traffick The Governour either required to do so by the Earle of Hartford who threatned to destroy more of the Countrey after the same manner if he refused or of his own motion so to regain their favour and service of their followers set them all at liberty Angus Maxwell Glencarne and Sir George Their wisedome saved them not from being catched but their worth releaseth them either in the judgement of King Henry if it were his request or in the estimation of their enemies if it came meerely of themselves who saw how steadable yea how necessary their favour was to them That which had brought them home if King James had lived procures their liberty from this Governour now when the King is dead Envie committed them true valour brings them out of prison So it is seen ere long for Lennox being forsaken by the French and his partners overthrowne by the Hamiltons he fled into England and was well received and entertained by King Henry who gave him also his sisters daughter by the Earle of Angus Lady Margaret Douglas to wife On her he begate Henry Lord Darneley who was married to Queen Mary of Scotland He sought to have married the Queen Dowager he is rejected but he fares better and comes to reigne in both the Realmes by his Posteritie Let men look on it and see the deepnesse of providence and learne not to distrust in whatsoever strait seeing the worst doth often occasion the best for even in exile being condemned and forfeited he was laying the foundation of this returne Of these dissentions at home the Forrein enemie takes advantage the K. of England sends an Armie to Scotland burnes Jedburgh and Kelso takes Coldinghame and fortifies the Abbay and steeple thereof Thither goes the Governour Hamilton with 8000. men in winter and batters the steeple one whole day and night all the Company standing all that while in Armes The next day he took horse and went to Dumbar with all the speed he could accompanied onely with a few of his most familiar friends without acquainting the Nobilitie or Armie with his departure What it was that moved him hereto is uncertain whether it were some rumour of the enemies approaching or that he feared lest his own Armie whom he had offended many wayes should have delivered him into the hands of the English This troubled them all so much the more because they knew not the reason of it Wherefore they began to advise what was next to be done Some thought it best that every man should go whither he would and leave the Ordnance a prey to the enemie Others thought it was better to charge them double and so to break them that they might not be usefull to the enemie Thus is the case brought to an exigent this is the place for the Earle of Angus to shew himself to be a Douglas of the right stamp So he doth he rejects both these wayes as dishonourable and exhorts them that they would not adde this grosse errour in Warre to their shamefull flight But when he could not perswade them either by reason or authoritie he cryes out aloud that they might all hear For my part saith he I had rather die honourably than live with shame though with never so much riches and ease Ye that are my friends and companions in armes do what you think best but I shall either bring home this Ordnance or shall not bring home my self alive and one and the same day shall end both my life and my honour Having spoken thus he commanded them to go on with the Ordnance and he with his Companie and some few moe that stayed with him for shame marched after to keep off the English that pursued them and so brought them safely to Dumbar Then turning him to the Master of the Ordnance Take them there to thee saith he better thus than either broken or left behinde
could be given to her without prejudice of the King This last was accepted the rest rejected Queen Mary in her Letters desired that the Judges might determine of her marriage with Bothwel and if it were found to be unlawfull that they would declare it to be null and pronounce her free from him To this they answered that they saw no reason of such haste He being absent and out of the Countrey beyond sea the laws allowed him threescore dayes after he was summoned at the shore and Peer of Leith before which time were expired the Judges could not give out any sentence But if she had such a minde to be rid of him her shortest cut were to write to the King of Denmark to execute him for his murder and Piracie The reason why they would not have her marriage with Bothwel dissolved was to hinder her matching with the Duke of Northfolk who would not adventure upon uncertainties he could not be sure so long as her marriage with Bothwel stood firm he being alive no legal divorcement had bin yet obtained So they thought by this dilator they would gain time time might work out some better effect than did appear for the present For the Regents friends in England had written to him That Northfolks Plot and the Queens was so laid so strong and cunningly conveighed that no power wit or wisedome was able to resist it yea though all the rest of Brittain would oppose it yet he remained steadfast and sent to the Queen of England one of his Domesticks to acquaint her with Queen Maries Petition and their answer But she not being satisfied with the Bearer Robert Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermling was sent to her from a Convention holden at Stirlin for the nonce About the very same time that he came to London the Duke of Northfolke was committed to the Tower the 11. of October and the conspiracie discovered the partie still remaining so strong that she not daring to meddle with Queen Mary was purposed to have sent her into Scotland by sea but things beginning to settle she altered that resolution Now in considence of this so strong a partie Secretary Metellane had taken himself to that side and stirred up all he could against the Regent He had so dealt with the Lord Hume and Grange Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh that he had brought them over to that party Hereupon he is sent for to Stirlin whither he came and brought along with him the Earle of Athole to intercede for him if need were There Thomas Crawford afterward Captain Crawford a follower of the Earle of Lennox accused him of being accessarie to the late Kings death whereupon he was committed to a close chamber in the Castle Sir James Balfoure one of his Complices was also sent for and the Convention were of opinion that both of them should be used as enemies to the King and guiltie of treason But the Regents lenitie marred all he pardoned Sir James and sent Metellane to Edinburgh to be kept by Alexander Hume of North-Berwick Grange counterfeiting the Regents hand brought a Warrant to Alexander to deliver Metellane to him which he did and so Grange carried him up to the Castle After this the Regent went to the Merse and spake with the Lord Hume whom he found to be alienate from the Kings side and inclined to the North-folcian Faction From thence he went to Jedburgh where Morton and others came to him He past with them to Hawick the 20. of October and from thence he rode through the whole Dales he riding on the Scottish side upon the Borders and a Company of Englishmen on the English side that they might not flee from one side to another nor any of them escape He lay two nights at Cannabee one at Copshae-holme two on the water of Milke and so came to Dumfreis In this circuite he constrained the Borderers to put in pledges and hostages to the number of 72. for keeping of the peace and good order whereby he gave great contentment to the whole Countrey and gained great reputation and admiration even of his very enemies He returned to Edinburgh before the 21. of November the day appointed for the triall and arraignment of Secretary Metellane There finding that he had assembled so many great men that were for him Hamilton Huntley Argyle and others he adjourned the arraignment and deferred the judgement That Faction was now become very powerfull many were fallen off from the Regent many had joyned themselves to the North folcians relying mainly on the Dukes power And although he were now committed yet the Faction held good and the plot went on The Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland with six thousand Foot and two thousand Horse came with displayed Banner to Durham and there burnt the Bible and Service-Book heard Masse in Darnton and besieged Bernard-Castle which was rendered upon composition But being pursued by the Earle of Warwick with an Army of twelve thousand and Sussex with another of seven thousand men they were forced to flee into Scotland about the 22. of December and put themselves into the hands of theeves that lived on the Scottish Border with whom they abode and lurked a while but not very long For Morton dealt with one Hector Arme-strang by Sir John Carmichael and got the Earle of Northumberland into his hands and delivered him to the Regent hee sent him to bee kept in Logh-leven a prisoner being an enemie no lesse to him and the Kings side than to Queen Elizabeth This made her give the better ear to Robert Pitcarne Ambassadour from the Regent and to desist from requesting any more that Queen Mary might be restored again to her former place and estate Shee declared also that she took that which the Regent had done very kindely in pacifying the Borders apprehending Northumberland and imprisoning of him pursuing Westmerland and his Faction as enemies his offering his best aid and assistance to her Captains and Governour of Berwick She promised to be ever mindefull of these his good offices and good-will shewed towards her and that she should be readie to aid him when he should need yea that he might use and command all the Forces in England as his own Thus by the over-throw of the English Rebels by the favour of the Queen of England and the love of his Countrey people at home the Regent was more strengthened and the Kings side became the more powerfull His adversaries therefore seeing no other remedie resolved to cut him off and make him away by treachery James Hamilton of Bothwell-hawke one whose life the Regent had spared before when he was taken prisoner in the field bearing arms against him under-took to kill him Wherefore having watched his opportunitie when the Regent was at Lithgow he placed himself in a house there by which the Regent was to passe as he rode out of the town and shot him with an Harquebuse out at a window the Bullet whereof
for it All this notwithstanding he desires to joyne with the Lords and offers to tie himself to their partie with the stictest bonds that could be devised Their case was the same with his all to be utterly undone unlesse some remedie were found their enemies were the same with his the guiders of Court neither should they onely bee overthrown but with them and through them the estate of Religion and of the whole Countrey This as it was spetious so was it most true and certain and which could not be denied But what society could be sure with the Earle of Gowrie so often changing If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit who could joyne with him Or if it were from feare what sure hold could they have of one so fearfull Even Angus himself whose nature was farre from distrusting could not but distrust and suspect him Onely his present case seemed to plead for his sincerity at this time which was such that he knew not where to shelter or secure himself but by joyning with them For he was charged to depart out of the Kingdome which was a token of no good will nay of true enmity with Court or certainly a deeper dissimulation than any man could conceive And as necessitie did force him to take part with them so were they also no lesse urged by necessitie to admit and receive him in respect of his great power friendship in those quarters The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee two Noblemen of great power and command were his sonnes-in-law Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends and he himself was Sheriffe of Perth and Provest of the Town Wherefore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water and he residing in the Castle of Brechin his brother the Earle of Marres house he sent one Master David Hume whom he trusted to conferre with him that hee might trie and sound his minde as narrowly as he could and report to him what hee found The Gentleman found him in words in countenance and in gesture greatly perplexed solicitous for his estate besides the affairs of the Countrey and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallerie where we were walking at that time which hee had but newly built and decored with Pictures he brake out into these words having first fetched a deep sigh Cousin sayes he Is there no remedie Et impius haec tam culta novalia milcs habebit Barbarus has segetes Whereupon he was perswaded of his upright meaning and at his returne perswaded the Earle of Angus thereof also So partly upon this assurance partly enforced by necessity there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence hee resolved to assume him into their fellowship and societie Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his minde which are incident to honest natures and loyall dispositions Hee considered that banding against Courtiers would be called and seem to be combining against Authority and the King for hee would take their part for the present so was he to force his will whom his heart carried him to honour But what should hee doe There was no other way that he could devise to secure their estates their houses themselves their Countrey and all honest men from oppression and ruine to preserve Religion which ought to be dear to all men and was dear to him nay even to save the King himself whose safetâ—…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdome and to deliver him and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies whose oppression and wickednesse did reflect upon him and redound to his dishonour For whatsoever they did was done in his name and said to be the Kings will and pleasure Their banishing of Noble-men and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men without difference or respect so that there was no honest man but stood in continuall fear of losing his life and estate all this was laid upon the King Their avarice was insatiable their malice cruell and their suspition unsatisfiable They stood not upon reason law or right any pretence which they never wanted served them for a warrant to seize mens persons or estates Their ordinary course was to summond a man super inquirendis and if he did compeir to commit him to a free or close prison if hee were afraid and did not compeir hee was found guiltie of rebellion denounced and his goods seized They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man by torturing his servants or himself to wring something out of him which might bee matter against him through impatiencie and the violence of the Rack At least hee should bee sure to bee vexed by re-examinations and with-drawn from his necessary affairs that so hee might bee constrained to buy his libertie and leave to stay at home with some portion of his land or a piece of money These doings of theirs though many knew that the King did not allow of them yet being coloured with his authoritie were apt to alienate and might in time produce that effect the mindes of the Subjects from their Prince as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects by their filling his ears with jealousies and by making vertue a cause of suspition and him that was vertuous in any eminent measure suspected and hated and on the contrary vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit and to over-rule all How could this bee obviated unlesse these men were removed And how could they be removed without controlling of the King And to contrary him though it were for his good and sasetie how ill would it be taken by him Invitum qui servat idem facit occidenti To save a man against his will is commonly rewarded with slender thanks Patriam parentes cogere etiamsi possis utile sit tamen importunum est To save a Prince against his will and to force him for his good how dangerous a point is it For they account it as their life to reigne and no reigning without absolutenesse unlesse they reigne at libertie without any controllment were it never so little But there was no remedie whoso undertakes any great enterprise must resolve to passe through some danger And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands bee held had Alexanders hands been held when he killed Clitus hee had not offered to kill himselfe nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him to make him digest his griefe for it If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers the Ministers had tried that way but with bad successe for they were accounted seditious and traiterous for their liberty and freedome therein Wherefore there was nothing remaining but to remove them at what ever rate and if his Majestie should take it ill for the present future obsequiousnesse would make it appeare that what they did was in love and humilitie and no wayes
defeated the rest would make a halt and not be so forward that the first successe is of great moment and might bring matters to a parley or such as craved audience of the King to get it that it was no hard matter to doe he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personall safety and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their owne lives especially but would be glad to have a faire excuse and occasion to abandon such an one in such a quarrell especially if he were invaded in the night the darknesse would excuse and take away their shame of flying It was argued of the other side that night conflicts were subject to hazard errour and mistaking as well on their owne side as the enemies and that it could not be performed without bloud and that perhaps of the most innocent whereas he himselfe whom they chiefly aimed at might escape neither would the defeat of these few bring successe to the cause the enemies forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh which would guard and defend them besides by so doing they should be involved in a crime and made obnoxious to the lawes which as yet they were free of that it were better to suffer the guiltie to goe unpunished for a while then to spill the bloud of the guiltlesse and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended their best was to retire and withdraw themselves with as great innocencie and modestie as they could having done hurt to no man This advice prevailed with them and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke but so soone as they were gone out of the towne of Stirling to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke the which they did accordingly leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custodie of David Hume of Argatie Being in Lanerick as they were refreshing themselves and baiting their horses word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach whereupon fearing that it was Colonell Stuart pursuing them they took horse and sent Archbald Douglas called the Constable because he had beene Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earle of Mortons time as hath beene shewed before to discover what they were Hee finding that it was Johnstoun who had beene sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords and was dismist upon their retreat from Stirling went familiarly to him fearing no harme so much the rather because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother But Johnstoun either fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers and he challenged thereof if he should let him goe or to get thankes and shew his forwardnesse to their service layes hold on him and carries him immediately backe to Edinburgh declaring what way he came into his hands and what way the Lords had taken delivering also Archbald their prisoner to be used at their pleasure not looking for such cruelty from them as he found For they partly to seale the justice of their cause by bloud partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers Johnstoun and Angus that being out of hope of reconciliation he might be necessitated to cleave to their side they thanke him in words for this his good office and hang Archbald The Earle of Angus and the rest that were with him being resolved to goe into England tooke their way through Tweddale toward Branxton from thence passing through east Tiviotdale they entred England on that hand Calso where the Earle Bothwell remained waâ—… not farre out of their way wherefore as they passed by it it being now night hee came forth to them secretly and had conference with them Thereafter as if hee had come to pursue them there was a counterfeit chase made and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile till they were on English ground The next day they came to Berwicke where they were received and remained a certaine space After their departure the King went to Stirling with his forces where the Castle was rendred by the Keepers who forced the Captain to yeeld it absolutely without condition of so much as their lives safe So hee and three more were executed by the Courtiers suggestion Here also the Earle of Gowrie was brought from Kenniel and arraigned of high Treason whereof being condemned by a Jurie hee was beheaded Neither did the forbearance of his friends to joyne with the Lords at Stirlin then in England procure him any favour whereas if they had joyned with them and so strengthened their party they might have terrified the Enemy and obtained better conditions for him Hee was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted were the fact at Ruthven and the late enterprise at Stirlin His speech was short hee answered to the first That he had a remission for it and to the second That there was no intention there against the King onely they had purposed to remove those wicked men who abused him and whose thirst of bloud hee wished that his death might quench But they cared little for his speeches and as little for his alliance his Countesse being a Stuart of the house of Methven toward whom and her children they shewed no respect at all but used them with all incompassionate rigour and crueltie For she coming to intreat for her self and her children in the time of the Parliament and having fallen down upon her knees before the King shee was troden under foot and left lying in a sound From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh and there kept a Parliament the two and twentieth day of May in which the Earle of Angus and Marre the late Earle of Gowrie and the Master of Glames with divers Barons and others their associats were forfeited the fact of Ruthven condemned the order of Church-government by Presbyteries Synodes and Generall Assemblies which had been received and publickly allowed in Scotland all men swearing and subscribing thereto and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of forraine reformed Churches and no small commendation of the King and Countrey forbidden and prohibited and termed unlawfull conventions And in place thereof the office of Bishops condemned by this Church as unlawfull as an invention of mans braine having no warrant of the word of God was reared up again and erected Also Master Robert Montgomerie who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office was now released and restored to his place There was strait inhibiting all men from speaking against these Acts against the Kings proceedings Counsellours or Courtiers under highest paines What shall the Ministers do here Shall they oppose That were to cast themselves into certain danger and to expose themselves to the crueltie of cruell men armed now with a colour of law Should they keep silence hear with patience that order blaspemed which they had approven received sworn to and the contrary which they had detested abominated condemned set
person the 24. of October These and many others and indeed the whole Countrey agreeing in this conclusion that Arran was to bee removed from the helme of governement which hee steerd so ill the Master of Gray was sent Ambassadour into England and had broken the businesse with the Lords concerning their returne and his removeall Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambassador with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy detected by Duntrethes deposition Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich to make answer to it The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learning they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain number of the Councellours of England deputed by the Queene to heare and judge of it Their owne innocencie the abilitie of the pleader and the favour of the Judges meeting together made them to be easily absolved notwithstanding that the Ambassadour did his best in framing and pressing his accusation to the full to discharge his Commission every way It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world and what masques and vizards men doe put on sometimes to cloake their designes With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassadour and with what strangenesse and aversation did he looke upon them One day as the Earle of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation he encountered the Ambassadour coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane ere he came near he espied him and knowing it was he hee called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassadour and he himselfe standing aloofe with cap in hand made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by The Ambassadour again acted his part finely remembring his place the person hee represented and the errand for which he was sent to be his accuser with a countenance which did beare anger and grief in it to see the Kings rebells hee turned away his face and would not so much as looke on that side of the street notwithstanding that hee both loved and honoured him in his heart and was even then laying the ground-work of his restitution Hee being gone home the plot went forward in Scotland England was no better affected toward Arran then his owne Countrey was they did altogether dislike of him and suspected his wayes they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begunne by Obignie and which had beene interrupted by his disgrace and discourting And yet they acted their part also bore faire countenance and correspondence with him and he with them but all was but dissimulation and like a stage play The Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick and Warden of the Marches on that hand paid him home in his owne coine and entertained a shew of friendship with him but no more Divers meetings they had upon the borders and many fair promises were made by Arran to keep back England from favouring or aiding the Lords That the King should bee at the Queens devotion that he should follow her advice in all things that hee should not marry without her consent and that hee should make a league with her offensive and defensive The Master of Gray Ambassadour had promised so much but when the English urged the performance of it it was a jeast to see their fine shifting The Master of Gray put it upon Arran Arran upon the Master of Gray and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing and therefore he was not tied to make it good they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens of the middle-marches that Sir Francis Russell sonne to the Earle of Bedford was killed whether by chance or of set purpose is uncertain This did alienate them from the Courtiers and joyned them to the Lords whom they knew to be honest true and trusty and therefore they wished well to them and helped forward their interprise endirectly all they could While matters were thus in working the Lords remained still at London and were lodged at a place appointed to them called long-ditch near Saint James Parke whither the banished Ministers resorted and kept continuall exercise of preaching praying and fasting on occasion in a private manner without ostentation or notice thereof in publicke being done within their lodging onely There was a motion made to the Counsell of England that there might be a particular Church allowed and allotted unto the Scots as the French Italians and Dutch have their Churches apart but it was not granted they being unwilling apparantly that being of one language our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appeare to the common people This grieved us greatly and especially Master James Lowson who partly for that partly because of a letter written to him from the towne of Edinburgh in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a desertion and did renounce him for their Pastour calling him a Wolfe who had fled without just cause and had joyned himselfe with rebells and such other calumnies as Bishop Adamson had endited and caused the Provest and towne Counsell signe he sickned and died being much lamented both of English Scots and all that knew and were acquainted with him Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church yet the Lievetenant of the Tower being acquainted with some of our Ministers he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower which is a priviledged place and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops and many of the people came thither to heare them Amongst other exercises Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latine upon the old Testament beginning at Genesis which were much frequented and the Earle of Angus was a diligent Auditour and a painfull repeater of them for his owne use and contentment But now the negotiation of their returne being farre advanced and come even to the maturitie and full ripenesse Angus Marre the Master of Glames with a few on waiters take post from London and came with all expedition to the Borders They had composed their differences with the Lord Maxwell and the Lord Hamilton and so all were to joyne in the common businesse with one heart and hand as one man Before Angus came from London he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort You have now knowne by M. John Colvill as I think that wee stay here only till wee receive nâ—…w advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden in name of the rest of our friends that should joyne with us in that Countrey after the receit whereof we mean not to stay but immediatly to come down wherefore be ye not unready seeing others will be forward enough as we beleeve At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three dayes in which space I mean to speak with some principals and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose
After my departing from Linlithgow I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlâ—…sly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Post script THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne sister sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie
but our Douglases were both maximi Imperatores nec minus strenui bellatores wise Commandars and hardy fighters and warriers they had both good heads and good hearts and hands In the beginning ere Rome came to its greatnesse it is said of the first Captains Decorum erat tum ipsis ducibus capescere pugnam That it was no disparagement but honourable for the Leaders themselves to fight with their own hand None were more ready and forward to fight then the Douglasses onely Wallace is thought to have gone beyond any of them But he is but one and that singular and extraordinary without any second at least of his own name and our comparison stands between name and name where the number is as well to be remembred as the worth So many so valorous of one surname is that which we have undertaken to prove Besides none of the Douglasses did ever encounter with Wallace to try who was the better man and if we parrallell their actions done apart what act of Wallace can be produced more admirable then that of Archbald Tineman at the battell of Shrewsburie where with his own hand he slew Blunt the King of Englands Standard-bearer and three more who were apparelled like Kings and at last unhorst the King himself whom he had also slain if he had not been rescued by his sonne Henry the fifth In an English manuscript I have seen it thus expressed And there with fiery courage he assails Three all as Kings adornd in royall wayes And each successive after other quails Still wondering whence so many Kings did rise Till doubting lest his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse known and yet known every where c. It is written also of William Lord of Niddisdail that he was exceeding both stout and strong beyond any that lived in his dayes so that whomsoever he strook but once with mace sword or speare he needed never to double his stroke eveblow carried death with it Also James slaine at Otterburne his personall valour and strength is very highly extolled by the writers of these times who besides that he had the better of Percie in their duell at Newcastle he himselfe was the chiefe cause of the victorie that got the honour of the day at Otterburn where he lost himselfe but wan the field by his own personall valour They tell how he fought with a huge iron mace that was heavier then any ordinary man of those dayes could weild and more then two or three of such as now live Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus We might adde unto these Archbald Bell the Cat Earle of Angus who in a duell with Spence cut off his thigh through bone and all at a blow and divers others as Archbald of Kilspindie whom King James the fifth called alwayes his gray steel for his valour and ability of body but these shall suffice here for a taste of their valour But we will not content our selves with a generall and absolute commendation we will also descend to the comparative which we desire may be as farre from envie as we hope it shall be found neere to truth To begin then first at home there is no subjects race in this Countrey that can match them in these of which we have spoken Antiquity Nobility Greatnesse and Valour or worth in these I say joyntly that is there is none so Ancient and withall so Noble Great and Valorous No name is or ever was in this Countrey of which there can be reckoned so many and so worthy for so stands our comparison The Grahames are very Ancient in the dayes of Ferguse the second anno 424. and very Noble but have never attained to that degree of Greatnesse as the Douglasses have done The Hayes also are a very old and honourable name in the reigne of Kenneth the third anno 976. but not so ancient as our Douglasses by two hundred yeares for they began in the reigne of Solvathius anno 767. These two Hayes and Douglasses doe agree in this that they are as the Grahames also are naturall Scots borne but there is great odds betweene them other wayes For the Hayes have not reached to that pitch of greatnesse either in degree or estimation and account of men by many stages as the Douglasses have attained Other names which now are great are nothing so ancient and besides are come from other Countreyes such as Hammiltouns Gordons Campbels The Campbels from France and the other two out of England The Hammiltouns came in King Robert Bruces time the Gordons in Mackolme Kenmores The Murrayes are more ancient and before all these yet they are strangers and not of the first bloud of the Scots and there was but one of them great and remarkable who was Governour of Scotland few or none Nobilitated till of late but none of all those names comes neere that number of Nobles and Worthies by lineall or laterall descent and as it were of hereditarie vertuous succession and race of men which we finde of the Douglasses There have beene some great and worthy of other names but if they enter into comparison they will be found rari nantes in gurgite vasto but few one or two eminent of a name or of the chiefe house it will also appeare that their honours most of them have flowed more from their Princes favour then their owne great deserving or great service against the enemie The Cummins were the most numbrous and powerfull of any that ever were in Scotland before or since as some of our Writers say yet their greatnesse hath rather beene in lands and possessions or friends then in deeds of armes and prowesse of Chivalrie having done little or nothing of note and worthy of renowne John Cummin indeed fought three battels at Roseline in one day against the English in which we finde nothing reported of his personall valour whereas the Douglasses did ever shew themselves in person to be singularly valorous Besides he was but one man the rest are buried in silence and there is nothing to be found of them all though all their actions were put together that deserves to be compared with the deeds of any one man amongst many of the Douglasses Moreover as there was no great action in them they were scarce good Patriots using their power to the disadvantage of their Countrey and the opposing of the Liberties thereof in King Robert Bruces dayes rather then for the good and standing of the Kingdome which the Douglasses did ever We finde also that they were not very carefull to keepe their promises and thought the breach of their words and faith so it were for their advantage a point of good wisedome and policy a foule and base quality and which is ever incident to meane and
that it was not fit to increase the number they resolved to take one from them in the place of which in memory of it they put a white or argent bar which beginning at the right hand is drawn along and ends at the left for if it had begun at the left and ended at the right hand it had been Ghibelline The field which was given by the Emperour Henry the fourth together with a Pelican for the crest which is the Crest of the Scoti onely who carry it at this houre and the field of the whole Family generally I have thought good to make this short digression that your Lordship might have some knowledge wherfore this change was made in our coat your Lordship should do me a singular favour if you would be pleased to write unto me of the receit of this Tree in the armes of which the Coronet is wanting because the Crest is the place where it should be and to honour me with your letters which you may send to my noble Captain the Duke of Nivers and so they shall come safe to me for which favour I shall be particularly obliged to your Lordship So kissing your Lordships hands together with thèse of your brethren and children I pray the Lord to blesse you with all happinesse and prosperity Paris 8. May 1622. Your Lordships humble servant and Cousen Mark Antonio Scoto Counte d'Agazano This Tree was received by the Earle of Angus who did also send to him the Tree of the house of Douglas Now besides all this which we have said the Evidents and Monuments Charters and Writs of priviledge of their house do witnesse the same for in the priviledges granted to them by the Emperour Henry the fourth and Sigismond as also by Giovanni Maria Duke of Millain the surname of Douglas is expresly inserted with the titles of Earles given to three severall persons of that house first Francisco created Conte de vigolino Giovanni his brother Conte d'Agazano by the said Duke and to Alberto expressely intituled Conte de Douglas Vigolino by Sigismond the Emperour Now after all this I hope we may justly say with John Leslie Bishop of Rosse Unde certissimâ conjecturâ assequimur illam perantiquam familâ—…am quibus Scoti cognomen confirmabit jam usus loquendi Placentiae florentem ex nobilissimâ nostrorum Duglassiorum comitum prosapiâ oriundam fuisse that the Scoti in Plaisance are come of the Douglasses in Scotland And thus much for William the second sonne to Hugh the first and grandchilde to Sholto Of William the first Lord created Lord of Douglas at the Parliament of Forsaire NOw to return home again to the Scotish Douglasses we finde that King Malcolme Kenmore in a Parliament held at Forfair in Angus in the yeare 1057. as the manuscript Major and Buchanan have it but according to Boctius 1061. did create many Earles Barons or Lords and Knights amongst whom there is Gulielmus a Douglas who was made a Barron the words are these Malcolmus Scotorum Rex 86 tus Sconae coronatus anno 1061. Inde Forfarum generale indixit Concilium volens ut Primones quod antea non fuerat aliarum more gentium à praedis suis cognomina caperent quosdam vero etiam comites vulgo Earles quosdam Barones vulg Lords alios Milites aut Equites Auratos vulgo martiall Knights creavit Makduffum Fifae Thanum Fifae Comitem Patritium Dumbarum Marchiarum comitem alios quoque viros praestantes Montethiae Atholiae Marriae Cathanesiae Rossiae Angusiae dixit comites Johannem Soules Davidem Dardier ab Abernethie Simonem a Tueddell Gulielmum a Douglas Gillespium Cameron Davidem Briechen Hugonem a Caldella Barones cum diversis aliis Equites Auratos perplures pauci vero Thani relicti In English thus Malcolme the 86t. King of Scots being crowned at Scone in the year 1061 conveened a Parliament at Forfaire where according to the custome of other Nations he ordained that Noblemen should have their titles to be distinguished by their possessions and lands which had not been the custome of this Countrey in former times And so he created some Countes or Earles others Barons or Lords and others Cavalliers or Martiall Knights he made Mackdusse Earle of Fife who had been Thane of Fife Pà trick Dumbarre Earle of Marche he made also others of the Nobility Earles of Monteeth Athole Marre Murray Cathnes Rosse Anguse John Souls David Dardier of Abernethie Simon of Tweddale William of Douglas Gilespie Cameron David Briechen Hugh of Calder were made Barons or Lords others more he knighted likewise a great many so that few Thanes were left This note of these very words were extracted out of the Register and Monuments of Icolmekill and sent to George Buchanan when he was in writing his history of Scotland whereof John Read Buchanans servitour and amanuensis having reserved a copy did communicate it to diverse afterward Now here this William being ranked amongst the Nobility who were chosen out to receive these new honours could be no mean man but in all likelyhood the chief and principall of that name and so the eldest descended of Sholto and his sonne Hugh the first and his grandchilde Hugh the second by lineall succession This is al we have of him save that it is a received generall report and tradition that his two sons John and William were Knights at the same Parliament which is an argument that he hath been a man of good esteem and eminent place Of John the second Lord of Douglas WIlliam did leave behind him two sonnes John and William both Knights The eldest was Sir John of Douglasburn which is a parcell of ground and mannour lying betwixt Ettrick forrest and Peebles The other was William of Glendinning which is about the upmost parts of West-Teviotdale neere to Ewesdale Now whether this John did succeed to his father in the Lordship as being his eldest son and heire who was designed during his fathers life time onely by the title of Douglasburn or whether he had an elder brother and so both he and Sir William were but cadets of the house of Douglas we cannot affirm But thus much they say that these two brothers were men of great power and authority and very worthy and valiant gentlemen They affirm also that Sir William of Glendinning had two sonnes Alexander and William of whom are descended those of Cressewall Strabrock Pompherston Pittendrigh and Calder-Cleer Of William the second of that name and third Lord of Douglas WE have but little mention of this man onely in a Charter granted to the town of Aire by King David first sonne to King Malcolme Kenmore he is inserted a witnesse without any other title or designation Then Gulielmus de Douglas William of Douglas This Charter was given the 25. or 27. yeare of his Reigne the yeare of God 1151. two yeares before his death which was 1153. Of Archbald the fourth Lord of Douglas and first of that name THere is as little mention made of
Towne and after burnt it without resistance This was in the yeare 1318. in May. The next was in the year following 1319. when King Edward having gathered an army lay before Berwick These two entred England as farre as Milton which is within 12. miles of York where the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour made head against them in which conflict there were foure thousand English slain amongst whom was the Major of Yorke and a thousand drowned in the water of Swail and if the night had not come in too soon the battell being joyned in the afternoon few or none of them had escaped as it is thought It is called the battell of Milton or Swail or the white battell because there were a number of Priests slain at it belike they have been apparelled in their surplices Hollinshed in his Chronicle of England relateth the manner how it was done He sayes that as the English men passed over the water of Swale the Scots set fire upon certain stacks of hay the smoke whereof was so huge that the English might not see where the Scots lay And when the English were once gotten over the water the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battell in fashion like to a shield eagerly assailing their enemies who were easily beaten down and discomfited Many were drowned by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English and the bridge so that the English fled betwixt that wing of the Scots and the main battell which had compassed about the English on the one side as the wing did upon the other The King of England informed of this overthrow brake up his siege incontinently and returned to Yorke and the Scots home into their Countrey of Scotland Their third expedition was that same yeare at Hallowtide when the Northern borders of England had gotten in their cornes and their barns were well stuffed with grain which was their provision for the whole yeare They entred England and burnt Gilsland tooke divers prisoners and drave away all the cattell they could finde Then they went to Brough under Stanmoore and returned by Westmooreland and Cumberland with great booty and spoil none offering to make head against them The fourth was in the yeare 1322. when the King of England grieved with these invasions having complained to the Pope had purchased a Legate to be sent into Scotland to admonish King Robert to desist from further disquieting the Realme of England and because he would not obey he with Sir James Douglas and Thomas Randulph were accursed by the two Cardinalls the Archbishop of Canterbury and York and all the Priests in England every day thrice at Masse These two Sir James Douglas and Randulph some say the King himself following the Legate at the heels as it were entred England little regarding their cursings and wasted the Countrey to the Redcrosse and coming to Darlington at the feast of Epiphanie stayed there a while for gathering of booty and destroying the Countrey The Lord Douglas on the one hand and the Lord Stuart of Scotland on the other the one going towards Hartelpool and Caveland and the other towards Richmond The inhabitants of Richmond-shire having no Captains to defend them gave a great summe of money as at other times they had done to have their Countrey saved from fire and spoil These adventurers stayed 15. dayes in England and returned without battell It is said that the Knights of the North came to the Duke of Lancaster then lying at Pomphret and offered to go into the field with him against the Scots but he refused whether by reason of the discord between him and K. Edward or for some other occasion I know not At this time it is that the King gives to Sir James Douglas a bounding Charter of Douglasdale dated apud Bervicum super Tuedam anno Regni nostri decimo quinto which is either the yeare 1320. or 1322. the first of April It bears Jacobo de Douglas filio haeredi Gulielmi Douglas militis which decides the question of his age and his brother Hughes who outlived Sir James 12. or 13. years and calls himself his heire as shall be showne It hath also this clause Volumus insuper c. wee will also and grant for us and our heires that the said James and his heires shall have the said lands free ab omnibus prisiis petitionibus quibuscunque ita quod nullus ministrorum nostrorum in aliquo se intromittat infra dictas divisas nisi tantum de articulis specialiter ad coronam nostram pertinentibus To return King Edward conceived such discontent and was so grieved at this so wasting of his Kingdome that he gave order to levie an army of 100000. to enter Scotland at Lammas whereof K. Robert being advertised entred England neare to Carlile and burnt some towns which belonged to King Edwards own inheritance spoyled the Monastery of Holme where his fathers corps were interred Hither the Earle of Murray and Sir James Douglas came to him with another army whereupon marching further Southward they came to Preston in Andernesse and burnt all that towne also except the Colledge of the Minorites This was fourescore miles within England from the Borders of Scotland Then they returned with their prisoners and booty to Carlile where they stayed some fourteen dayes wasting and destroying all about with fire and sword and so they returned into Scotland on Saint James day having remained within England three weeks and three dayes without any opposition or resistance They were not long at home when K. Edward entred into Scotland with his army and passed to Edinburgh but for want of victualls which were conveyed out of the way of purpose by King Roberts command and direction he was forced to make a retreat and goe home the way he came having discharged his choller with what he could meet with in his return But hee was quickly followed by the two Colleagues Sir James and Randulph who entred England burnt North Allerton with other townes and villages as farre as Yorke and overtaking the King at the Abbey of Biland gave him battell and defeated him There was taken John Britton Earle of Richmond who had also the Earledome of Lancaster he being ransomed for a great summe of money passed over into France where he remained and never came back again into England The English Chronicle to excuse this defeat layes the blame hereof upon Andrew Barkeley Earle of Carlile whom they say Sir James Douglas corrupted with money upon which pretext Barkeley was executed suffering good Gentleman to cover other mens faults It doth me good to heare Master John Major answer the English Writers in his round and substantiall manner It is but a dream saith he and spoken without all likelihood for neither were the Scots ever so flush and well stored with moneyes as to corrupt the English neither was that the custome of good Sir James Douglas a valiant
Warriour who did what he did not with gold but with another mettell sharpe steele The Earle of Carlile also died without confessing any such thing Some write that King Robert was there in person but it is more likely that he was not but sent these two of whom we have spoken however if he were there these two were with him At this battell Sir James tooke three French Knights Robert Bartrame William Bartarhome Elye Anyallage with their vallats for whose relief the K. of France requested K. Robert and hee willing to pleasure him transacted with Sir James to give him for their ransome foure thousand markes starling for payment of a part of which summe the K. giveth to him the next yeare appearently Indictamenta Latrociniorum Ministrationem corundem in omnibus infra omnes terras suas subscriptas Scilicet infra 1. Baroniam de Douglas 2. Forrestiam nostram de Selkirk de qua est officiarius noster 3. Constabularium de Lauderio 4. Forrestiam de Jedworth cum Benjedworth 5. Baroniam de Batherewle 6. Boroniam de Wester-Calder 7. Baroniam de Stabilgorthane 8. Raroniam de Romanok Then in generall Et infra suas terras quascunque infra regnum nostrum cum pertinentibus quas de nobis tenet in capite Then followes the Privelledge Etsi aliqui de hominibus suis infra praedictas terras fucrint judicati per Justitiarium nostrum volumus quod dictus Jacobus haeredes sui eorum ministri habeant Liberationem liberam eorundem ministrationem salvis nobis haeredibus nostris omnibus aliis particulis ad homicidium coronam nostram pertinentibus Tenenda habenda praedicta indictamenta cum administratione corundem cum omnibus libertatibus commoditatibus ad praedicta indictamenta administrationem eorundem pertinentibus praefata Jacobo haeredibus suis in feuda haereditate in perpetuum de nobis haeredibus nostris Volumus insuper concedimus pro nobis haeredibus nostris quod praefatus Jacobus haeredes sui eorum homines infra praedictas terras manentes Libri sint instituâ—…m de sectis curiae de omnibus terris supradictis de Wardis castrorum nec non de omnibus presis talliagiis curiagiis captionibus quibuscunque ad opus nostrum haeredum nostrorum salvo tantum communi auxilio pro defensione regni nostri contingente Et ut praesens charta robur firmitatis obtineat in perpetuum manum ejusdem Jacobi annulo cum quodam lapidâ—… qui dicitur Emeraudus eidem Jacobo haeredibus suis nomine Sasinae in memoriale permansuro in futurum ex manu nostra personaliter invectimus Apud Bervicum super Twedam octava die mensis Novembris anno regni nostri nono decimo anno Domini 1325. Then there is a precept directed to Bernard Abbot of Arbrothock Chancellour to cause make a Charter thereof under the broad seal and deliver it to the said James This I thought good to set down in the owne words because of the singularity in that it is the promise of a King fulfilled to his subject not for any proper debt or money disburst but for the ransome of prisoners 2 It is singular also in respect of the thing given Inditements Immunities Liberties and Priviledges 3. The forme and manner of it is not ordinary to hold in feudo and inheritance without any duty or reddendo as they speake 4 And last of all the manner of infestment and seasing not by earth and stone but by putting a ring on his finger with the Kings owne hand and thereby infefting both himself and his heires as it should seem in this one action without reiterating All which things how our Lawyers will allow of considering their formalities and what their opinion will be of the validitie hereof I know not but we finde here plaine and square dealing and honourable meaning whatsoever the subtilties and quirks of Law be we see an upright and loving Prince a liberall and bountifull King willing to honour a princely loyall subject This and the former Charter given foure yeares before and such others as may be thought to have beene given after to corroborate or increase perhaps these freedomes and priviledges is it whereunto Archbald the fourth and his successors have leaned and trusted to in contemning Crighton and Levingston at what time they told them they would preserve their owne rights and priviledges and not suffer them to be infringed And this also hath beene the ground upon which the Bailies of William the eighth Earle he being himselfe in Italie would not suffer the Kings Officers to meddle with these priviledged things in his bounds which men that know not their immunities particularly account treason and rebellion and so their enemies did terme it to incense the King against them This battell at Biland was the last piece of service that Sir James did to Edward Carnarvan who having found fortune so froward to him in chance of warre against the Scots was thereby taught to doubt the triall thereof any further and therefore he sued for peace which was concluded at Newcastle to last for certaine yeares In this time of peace although all occasion of Warlike action was cut off yet Sir James was not idle but did good offices for his King and Countrey K. Robert did esteeme so well of him and had so good opinion of his prudencie and fidelitie and did so confide in his love that he entrusted and employed him in the greatest businesse that ever he could have to doe which concerned no lesse than the settling of his Crowne and his title to the kingdome which Sir James performed dexterously and happily For being sent into France to John Balliol of Hercourte to procure his resigning all title and right to the Crowne in King Roberts favour he sailed into Normandie and having declared his Commission and delivered his message he found Balliol very tractable contrary to all mens expectation for he plainly and ingeniously confessed that he had been deservedly rejected and debouted being no wise usefull nor profitable for the good of Scotland He said like wise that it was Gods especiall and favourable providence that had advanced K. Robert thereunto and therefore he did not repine nor grudge to see the Kingdome in the hands of his Cousin by whose high vertue singular felicity and great travell it was restored to the ancient liberty splendour and magnificence but rather rejoyced thereat And chiefly for that they by whom he was deceived did not injoy the hoped fruits of their fraud And calling together his friends and kinsmen in presence of them all hee did freely resigne unto Robert and to his heires all right and title that he or any from or by him had or might have to the Crown of Scotland renouncing all interest and claim whatsoever that could be alledged or pretended for any cause or consideration from the beginning of the world unto
turned on all hands to the disadvantage of Scotland even upon both the Marches For the Lord of Liddisdale was taken prisoner on the West hand he having the charge of that quarter and Murray the Governour on the middle March was taken likewise at the Castle of Roxburgh by pursuing the victorie too farre on the bridge and so excluded from his owne King Edward took openly upon him the protection of Balliol having caused him to sweare homage to him and so with a great Army both of his owne subjects and forreiners came in person and sate downe before Berwick and besieged it both by sea and land Hereupon the Nobility of Scotland choose Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway to be Governour and Generall of the Army advising him to enter England and to spoile it with fire and sword so to force K. Edward to rise from before Berwick and leave the siege And this whilest he was about to have done he is advertised from within the Towne that Sir Alexander Seaton Governour thereof had made a paction with K. Edward to render the Towne if he were not succoured by the Scots before the first of August next and for performance thereof had given him his sonne and heire in pledge and hostage Hereupon the Lord Governour changeth his purpose fearing the losse of the Towne and against the opinion of the wisest of his Armie marcheth directly towards Berwick and the third day after he set forth he came within the sight both of his friends and foes Before this King Edward besides Thomas Seaton who was given him in pledge had taken also Alexander Seaton another son of the Governour of Berwick whilest at a sally out of the Towne he followed upon the enemy too eagerly and had now both the brothers in his power the one a pledge the other a prisoner He therefore seeing now that the Towne was like to be relieved sent to the Captaine certifying him plainly that unlesse he did render the towne forthwith into his hands both his sons should be hanged immediately upon a gibbet in sight of the Towne before his eyes The Captaine returned him answer that the dayes of Truce were not yet expired and therefore desired him either to keep the covenant he had made or else deliver the Hostages and be at his advantage When the King could not prevaile with him nor breake him off his resolute constancie to which his vertuous and generous Lady did also notably encourage him he was as good as his word and performed indeed what he had threatned against the law of Nations and against all humanitie hanging them up almost in the very sight of their Parents who bore it patiently and constantly for the good of their Countrey and thought their childrens lives well bestowed in that regard onely that they might not be beholders of so heavie a spectacle they retired themselves to their chamber apart This strange tyrannicall barbarous and monstrous fact is suppressed in the Histories of England and buried in silence not unwisely it being capable neither of defence nor excuse and yet is contrary to the lawes of Histories and the duty of an Historian who ought according to the oath of witnesses to tell all the truth and nothing but the truth seeing where the truth is either adulterated or suppressed the life of History is lost which consists in particular circumstances truly related Neither do I see how this same King in the end of his life can pertinently and justly be called courteous and gentile after such a fact whereof few the like have fallen into the hands of the cruellest Tyrants that ever were recorded in story And for my part I think certainly that it is not possible that one who is of a nature truly gentile and courteous should commit and be guilty of so foule a crime It is a perpetuall blot and unexcusable and such as no wit can wash away So it is still and so let it ever be branded and detested So it was by our Governour the Lord of Galloway and so much did it move him and so farre stirre up his noble indignation that he thought he could never be exonered with credit without avenging of it or spending his life in the quarrell and so being resolved to fight he would never give eare to any counsell on the contrary nor alter his determination for any difficulty that could be proposed And now K. Edward after that unpleasant spectacle detested even by the English themselves had drawne up his Army and taken a hill to the west of Berwick called Halidoun hill a place very advantageous for him and the Scottish Army did stand over against them in battell aray The Governour commanded to march up the hill and to invade the English where they stood altogether against the counsell of the best advised who both before considering the inequalities of the Armies both in number they being but few in respect of the English and in experience being for the most part young and raw souldiers not yet trained had disswaded him from fighting any at all and now seeing the odds and inequality of ground would gladly have opposed themselves thereunto But all was in vaine he was so incensed with that so detestable fact that boiling with anger and desiring of revenge and trusting to the goodnesse of his cause and to the forwardnesse of his Armie who being inflamed in the like anger upon the same occasion were very desirous to joyne battell esteeming that their earnestnesse of minde would supply their want of skill and overcome all other difficulties and thinking in himself that if having bin a spectator of that vile and cruell murther he should turne his backe without fighting it would be accounted cowardise he prosecuted his resolution and commanded to march forward which was accordingly performed They were first to descend and go down from a little hill on which they stood then through a valley and so to climbe up another hill so steepe that one man may as Major saith keepe downe foure such is the scituation thereof on the west side Wherefore the Scots ere they could come to stroakes were almost overwhelmed with shot and stones when they were come up being quite out of breath and charged from the higher ground they were borne downe with violence and slaine Some write that the first joyning of the battell was at the foot of the hill upon more even ground but that the English gave somewhat back towards the side and ascent of the hill and having gotten that advantage of the rising of the hill made a fierce onset upon the Scots who pursued them too rashly supposing the English had fled by which meane they were utterly overthrowne There died of the Scots in this battell 10000. others say 14000. the English writers say 30000. A rare hoast amongst the Scots though the Countrey had not been divided in it selfe and there were but few more then 30000. when they overthrew the King of England with his
good time shee was compassed about and so slain The Duke of Guelder their Captain having yeelded was courteously and honourably used his stuffe and baggage was restored to him and himself set free The reason of this was because Randulph Earle of Murray having been bred in France knew that the French King did affect him and therefore to gratifie him he shewed him this favour to let him go without any other hurt or dammage onely he made him sweare hee should never aid the English again against the Scots This same Author sayes that this was not the Duke of Guelders but the Earle of Namurs called Guy contrary to all our Writers who with one consent affirme that it was And if it were Guy of Namurs he had alwayes been an enemy and received greater courtesie then enemies deserve and more favour then was expedient for the Countrey Nay Randulph was not content to dismisse him free onely but would needs for his safety accompany him to England in which journey they were suddenly set upon by the Lord Percie and the Englized Scots who had dressed an ambuscado for them and there Randulph was taken and the Lord Liddesdale hurt in the leg The Governour was carried to the two Edwards that lay before Perth which towne was thereupon soone after rendred unto him Upon this successe of the usurpers faction Athole very glad of what had falne out accounting the prize now wonne and following forth his fraudulent pollicie revolted again to the usurping Kings thinking it safest to side with the stronger and did now clearly show how worthy he was of that favour bestowed on him by Robert Stuart who at the Convention at Perth had appeared on his side against the Lord Liddesdale And not onely did Cummin come in to them but undertakes also the government of Scotland once more as Lieutenant for the English promising to root out all these of the contrary part that should stand out and would not acknowledge their authoritie The King of England partly for lack of victuals which were put out of the way by the Governour partly because of his journey into France which he was then projecting returned into his owne Countrey and took along with him Balliol who had the name of a King but was indeed a very slave to another mans affection for a vain and empty title a just reward for his foolish trusting to a stranger in prejudice of his Countrey Athole being willing to doe what hee had said to the Edwards that he might approve his service and fidelity unto them whereby hee proved also false to his lawfull King and late benefactours his so friendly enemies who had not onely pardoned him so lately and saved his life but trusted him so far and committed so much to him left no kind of crueltie unpractised that he could against his Countrey so far as that almost the whole Nobilitie relented and became slack and remisse against him or did yeeld unto him having forgotten their duty But behold the reward of such wisedom and the due fruit of such seed as he had sown a fruit that is often reaped of such seed if men would beleeve observe it though the present appearance the first buds and blossomes of things do blinde their eyes make them choose that which should not be chosen which is unacceptable to man and not past over by God as is seen in this man before the yeare be fully expired For Robert Stuart being sick and Randulph a prisoner there were left but three Noble men who stuck fast and were faithfull to their King and Countrey These were William Lord Liddesdale Patrick Earle of March and Andrew Murray who had been Governour They were so constant that no promises could corrupt their fidelitie nor no threatning nor danger could quail their courage so as to bow their hearts to any English servitude Some adde unto these the Earle of Rosse and William Lord Keith These did greatly hate his unnaturall dealing against his Countrey and treachery against his promise and crueltie joyned withall three things ever odious and hatefull to honest minds Wherefore understanding that hee lay at the siege of the Castell of Kildrummie they levied such companies and number of men as they could get and marched towards him Cummin being advertised hereof raiseth the siege and meeteth them in the fields within the Forrest of Kilblane There they fought it very hardly and Cummin being more in number had overthrown them as it is thought but that John Craig Captain of Kildrummie issuing forth with three hundreth fresh men restored the battell which was almost lost and gave them an undoubted victory which when Cummin perceived being conscious of his owne ill deserving that he might not fall into his enemies hands alive he rushed into the midst of the battell and so was slain Sir Robert Minyeis fled to the Castle of Kenmure saith Boetius who saith also that Alexander Gordon was he that flew Athole but others attribute it to the Lord Liddesdale himself who for that cause and for the slaughter of Sir Thomas Minyeis it may be they mean Sir Robert at the Castle of Lochindors in the Sheriffe-Sheriffedome of Bamfe was rewarded with the Earledome of Athole and is so stiled in the resignation by which hee surrenders it again some foure yeares after to wit 1341 the 16 of February in favour of Robert Stuart Great Stuart of Scotland whereof the evident is yet extant in the Register There died in this battell besides Athole Walter Braid and Robert Cummin and a great number of others both Gentlemen and Commons Sir Thomas Cummin was taken prisoner and the next day being the 1. of January he was beheaded They were not above 1000. or as some write 500. choice men against 3000. yet the event was as wee have said favourable to the just and right cause This battell was fought the last of December 1337. By this blink of fair weather in such a storme of forrain assaults things were again somewhat changed and the Brucians encouraged wherefore that they might have some face of a settled estate and government they choose Andrew Murray Regent as hee had been before his captivitie He went into the North and in the mean time the Lord of Liddesdale with a company of chosen men passeth over into Fysse and besieged the Castle of Saint Andrews Falkland and Luchers all which he tooke in with small difficulty by his wisedome and manhood though they were strongly manned and well fortified and furnished with munition and victuall Major referreth this to the time after the Governour came backe out of the North. After this he returned into Lowthian to his old haunt in Pentland-hills to wait his time and watch the English that say in Edinburgh Castle that hee might slip no occasion of troubling and molesting them At last this occasion did happen the Towne being full stuft with a great number of Souldiers both English and Scots There was a scottish man
amongst them of a stout stomack named Robert Phanderghest whose lot was â—…allen to be on that side but his heart was with the other party and hee carried no great good will to the English This being perceived he was the worse entreated by them so that one day his head was broken by the Marshall Thomas Kneveton whereat taking indignation hee sought all means to bee avenged thereof and so brought it to passe that he shortly after slew him and to avoid the danger of punishment fled to the Lord Liddesdale whom having informed of the negligence that was growne amongst the English he perswaded him to take advantage of their sloath he nothing slack in a businesse of that nature went secretly in the night to the Towne and slew foure hundreth of them in their sleep and drunkennesse before they could make any resistance About this time Murray the Regent dieth after he had brought back all the Northerne parts of Scotland to his Princes obedience excepting Perth a great losse for his Countrey and hee greatly regrated But no losse is without some gain Robert Stuart had now recovered his health who was the other Governour and as some write hee assumed the Lord Liddesdale for his collegue whether that were so or not and what ever his place and name was hee was a notable adjunct to Robert Stuart and under his authority performed much good service and profitable to King and Countrey with great hazard of his life by receiving of many wounds while he did assail and vanquish greater numbers with far fewer So that by his prowesse and singular valour hee reduced Tivedale Niddesdale Annandale and Cliddesdale except the Hermitage to the Kings obedience having expulsed from thence all the English These lands and strengths were lost again after the battell of Durham and recovered again the second time by VVilliam the first Earle of Douglas which wee have inserted here lest men inconsiderately should confound and mistake the one VVilliam for the other By these doings his name came to bee spred throughout the whole Island insomuch that Henry Lancaster Earle of Darbie hearing thereof and being himself a valiant man and desirous of glory provoked him to fight with him hand to hand on horseback but at their first encounter the Lord of Liddesdale his hand was so sore wounded with his owne speare which brake hard at his hand that hee was not able to prosecute the combate whereupon it was delayed Major maketh mention of his justing and joyneth Alexander Ramsay with him at Berwick hee telleth also of one Patrick Grahame who being provoked and challenged by an English man into the field told him he was content but wished him to dine well for hee would send him to suppe in Paradise which hee also did hereupon hee condemns these justs and duels in time of peace so that it should seeme there have been some peace or truce But wee heare not of any I doe rather thinke there hath been some assurance at that time That same yeare the King of England sent a very valiant Knight named Sir Thomas Barcklay into Scotland with a great power of men to assist their faction Robert Stuart and the Lord Liddesdale goe against him and gave him battell at Blackburne where the Lord of Liddesdale fought so eagerly that all his men being slain he and Robert Stuart having onely three left with them continued still fighting and defended themselves till night which being come on by favour thereof they escaped and saved themselves by flight It was not long ere he recompensed this losse by the defeating of John Stirline and his company This Stirline with five hundreth men assailed the Lord Liddesdale at unawares at a place called Cragens having but fourtie in his company as he was journeying without any feare or suspicion of an enemy This did put him into a great feare at first but he recollecting himselfe out of that sudden affrightment fought so valiantly that hee defeated Stirline slew fiftie of his men and tooke fouretie prisoners Afterward the English that lay at Creighton made divers onsets and incursions upon him in one of which he was runne through the body with a speare and was thereby disabled to doe any service for a season So soone as he was recovered being accompanied with twenty men onely he set upon sixty English at a place called The blacke Shaw and having wisely taken the advantage of the ground which was fitter for foot then horsemen he slew and took them every one In the same year 1338. the 24. of December or as others the 2. of November he set upon the convoy of the English that were carrying vivers to the Castle of Hermitage as they were in Melrosse or neare to it and defeated them but not without great slaughter of his owne men and so having got the victuals he went and besieged the Castle of Hermitage tooke it and did victuall it with the same victuall which he had taken at Melrosse He vanquished also Lawrence Vauch alias Rolland Vauch a very valiant man with a great company of Englishmen And in the yeare following 1339 he fought five times in one day with Lawrence or William Abernethie a Leader under Balliol and having beene put to the worse foure times saith Hollinshed Boetius five times at the sixth time vanquished him and slew all his men and took himselfe prisoner and thereafter presented him to Robert Stuart who sent him to the Castle of Dumbartan For these and such other exploits atchieved by him he was highly esteemed of all men and got the name which is commonly used of him The flowre of Chivalrie He was after this sent Ambassadour into France to informe King David of the estate of the Realme and to conferre with him about weighty matters being either chosen for his worth or only sent by Robert Stuart as his Collegue and so fittest for that employment While he was there he obtained pardon of the K. of France and peace for one Hugh Hambell a famous Pirate During his absence in France Robert Stuart had laid siege to St. Johnstoun in the yeare 1339. and had divided his Army into foure squadrons under foure chiefe Captaines each Captaine commanding a part of which he himselfe was one the Earle of March another William Earle of Rosse the third and Magnus Mowbray Lord of Cliddesdale the fourth It was divers times assaulted but they were repulsed with losse it being valiantly defended by the English that were within They had lien at it ten weekes without doing any good and were now almost quite out of hope to take it so that they began to thinke of leaving off when in the very meane time the Lord Liddesdale arrives on Tay having brought with him out of France Hambell the Pyrate with five ships well furnished with men munition and weapons These men the Lord Liddesdale had hired in France of purpose for this businesse amongst them were two Knights of the
wisely and earnestly disswaded him and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home and before all things to settle them For the Earle of Rosse had slain the Lord of the Isles whereby a great party of the Kings army was diminished the Lord of the Isles men lying back for want of a head and so the Lord Rosse and his men for feare of punishment So did also many others that lay neare them retire and go home fearing least they should suffer in their absence by their neighbourhood to those disagreeing Lords and be some way endamaged wherefore they thought good to provide in time the best they could against all perrills that might happen For this cause hee councelled the King first to settle peace amongst his owne subjects before he enterprised a forraign war that peace being settled and his army united he might the more strongly and with better successe invade England But the King contemning his good and wholsome counsell his French friendship prevailing more with him then either his owne good or the good of his Countrey hee raised an army wherewith hee entred England and was encountred by the English at Durham where the Scots were defeated King David Bruce taken prisoner and with him beside others VVilliam Earle of Douglas and the Lord of Liddesdale who were shortly after ransomed or dismissed so much the more easily for that they had the King and so cared the lesse for others This sell out in the yeare 1346. October the 17. as hath been said While the Lord Liddesdale is a prisoner amongst his enemies he forgetteth not his friends at home Sir David Barcklay had slain one John Douglas brother to Sir VVilliam and father to Sir James of Dalkeith say our Writers beside Horsewood but they should say rather brother to Sir William for there Sir William is the same Lord of Liddesdale of whom wee now speake sonne naturall to good Sir James neither was John Douglas slain in Horsewood but in Kinrosher by Loch-leven This Barcklay also had taken Sir John Bullock at the Kings command and put him in prison in Lindores where hee died of hunger almost in the same sort that Sir Alexander Ramsay died The Writers lay the blame on the Nobilitie that envied so worthy a man and accused him salsely to the King of unsaithfulnesse but they tell not in what point They themselves call him a worthy Chaplain of great wisedome singular prudencie and eloquence beyond any in his time who had been Chamberlain to Edward Balliol Treasurer to the rest of the Englishmen in Scotland and lastly Chamberlain to King David and amongst the chief of his Counsellers reputed as another Chussay Neverthelesse thus was he delated and taken away having done divers good offices in the Common-wealth and being very necessary unto it The Lord of Liddesdale had drawne him from the English faction to King Davids party and he had used him in good services whereof hee was not forgetfull ever remaining one of his speciall friends This giveth men matter of suspition that his death was for ill will to the Lord of Liddesdale by the King incensed against him never digesting in heart the death of Sir Alexander Ramsay whereby the King is blamed as counseller or follower thereof and that Sir David Barcklay enemy to him did execute it willingly or did procure the Kings command thereto The taking of the Castle of Edinburgh in the yeare 1341. by the Lord of Liddesdale was plotted by Sir John Bullock say the Writers who in quicknesse of wit and sharpnesse of invention past all men in his dayes In revenge of this Liddesdale causeth slay Sir David Barcklay by the hands of Sir John Saint Michaell say they but they should have said Carmichaell in Aberdene A just fact but not justly done the matter was good the forme ill being besides and against all order but who could wait for order in so disordered a Countrey when should hee by order of law have obtained justice his Prince being in captivitie his duetie to his friends defendeth the fact the estate of the Countrey excuseth the forme God looketh not so upon things hee had before as wee heard slain Sir Alexander Ramsay he must not want his owne share but who durst doe it The avenger of bloud finds the means Such is the estate of man what can they lean to on earth ere he do not pay that debt of bloud the Earle of Douglas shall exact it his Chief his Cousin and to adde that also his owne sonne in Baptisme as the Lord Liddesdale was to the Earle of Douglas for the black book of Scone calleth him his spirituall father and thus it came to passe The Lord of Liddesdale being at his pastime hunting in Attrick Forrest is beset by William Earle of Douglas and such as hee had ordained for that purpose and there assailed wounded and slain beside Galsewood in the yeare 1353. upon a jealousie that the Earle had conceived of him with his Lady as the report goeth for so sayes the old song The Countesse of Douglas out of her Boure she came And londly there that she did call It is for the Lord of Liddesdale That I let all these teares downe fall The song also declareth how shee did write her love letters to Liddisdale to disswade him from that hunting It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men and his owne killing at Galsewood and how hee was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk a mile from Selkirk and was buried within the Abbacie of Melrosse The cause pretended or the cause of this slaughter is by our Writers alledged to be the killing of this Alexander Ramsay and Sir David Barklay and some other grudges and so the Earle said himself as they say and so it was indeed if we looke unto God but who doth beleeve him that it was on his part no Writers no report no opinion of men doth beleeve it not untill this day They lay the cause on his ambition on his envie of Liddesdales honour and jealousie of his greatnesse Reason swaies to the same side and brings great if not necessary arguments for what had hee to doe with Alexander Ramsay that he should for his sake dippe his hands in his owne bloud farre lesse for Sir David Barcklay on whom he himself should have taken avengement if the Lord Liddesdale had not done it this John Douglas whom Barcklay slew being so neare to himselfe but something must bee said to colour things But this will not colour this blemish though in a faire body indeed as we shall see hereafter Doth ambition spring from a great minde Doth envie of vertue jealousie of hatred Let noble hearts eschew them it is the basest thought that can fall into a mans mind Right minds love vertue even in strangers even in enemies generous minds strive to do better not to hinder such as do well It is a strange maxime and ill grounded a wicked
made use of his helpe to agree vvith him on better termes and easier conditions as vvee see they did agree at last It vvas for no common good of the Countrey no nor for any good vvill to the Earle vvhat could he doe then vvhy should hee have meddled vvith them they say to have met vvith him in his ovvne craft and to have used the one of them to overthrovv the other that so both might have been overturned Will men never leave these things such false tricks such bastard and spurious vvisedome and shall vve not thinke there is another vvay besides it there is a true honest vvisedome that honest men may keepe vvithout fashood or any point or tincture thereof vvithout deceiving any even the deceivers What other ansvver did his request deserve vvas it not fit that such crafty companions vvho had abused the Countrey should heare the naked truth out of a Noblemans mouth Should such a Nobleman have glosed with such as they were flattered and dissembled and strooke cream in their mouth Nay it is a part of punishment to wickednesse even to heare the owne name given to it And it is very fit it should have it So that his answer cannot be justly taxed but commended as true just magnanimous and such as became his place house and birth without fraud or dissimulation calling as the Macedonian did a spade a spade vice by the owne name which as he did here so perhaps had hee done before when hee spake of the government in the late Kings time whereby it would appeare that such was his naturall disposition far from all frivolous flattery or dissimulation either toward King or others Indeed now these are crept in and accounted wisedome to the prejudice of the ancient true generositie of these great spirits farre better and farre more worthy to bee adorned with the full and due praise then to bee obliquely taxed and nipped by halfe words as not being wisely and profitably enough spoken when there can be no just blame laid upon them Neither ought it to be thought unprofitably said or dangerously seeing out of all question the same courage and magnanimity that moved him to speake the truth made him also now to despise their persons contemne their spleen and slightly account of any power they had to doe him any harme for all their joyning together Neither is there any appearance but that hee did it out of a right weighing of his owne and their power and not out of any arrogancie or idle confidence And certainly any indifferent man can thinke no lesse and that they durst not attempt any thing against him or his successour after him but after a most treacherous manner as ever any was since the world stood So that there was not any want of wisedome in this speech nor in this same point of profit or harme His death followed not long after in the yeare 1438. at Rastalrigge of a burning feaver very opportunely in a good time say our Writers and so it was indeed for them and such as they were who had now better opportunity to prey upon the Common-wealth and spoil and use it for their best advantage But it was unseasonably for the house of Douglas which was left in the hands of a youth without experience and therefore uncircumspect yea untimely for the Nobility who became a prey to the avarice and ambition of these two and untimely for the Countrey in that these two were now left free from the feare of him they stood most in awe of and who might most have repressed their attempts and bridled their appetites This thing onely I can account worthy of reproofe in him that he suffered Annandale to overcome the adjacent Countreyes and did not hinder them from wronging the innocent people hee should not have thought that it did not belong to him to hinder them because he was no Magistrate This if he had done and kept justice within himself it would have gotten him both favour and honour and might have brought contempt upon the Governours that could not keep peace in a more tractable and peaceable Countrey nor amongst themselves for how excellent a thing is it by good means to seeke honour It would have taken away the occasion of the Calumnies of his enemies who yet did much worse themselves he was otherwise a valiant wise man a lover of his Countrey and of a free plain good and generous nature his generous disposition appeareth in his brave demeanour towards the Lord Kennedie There being something wherein the Lord Kennedie had wronged and offended him he conceived such high indignation thereat that hee published his desire of revenge to be such that whosoever would bring the Lord Kennedies head should have the lands of Stuarton This offer proceeded from so powerfull a man and knowne to bee a man that would keepe his promise the Lord Kennedie hearing of it fearing hee could hardly long escape his hands resolved by way of prevention to be himselfe the presenter of his owne head unto him and accordingly keeping his owne intention close to himselfe hee came privately to Wigton where finding the Earle Douglas at his devotion in Saint Ninians Church a place famous in those dayes for the frequent resort of Pilgrimes thither immediately after divine Service offered his head to the Earle as one who had deserved the promised reward and did crave it The Earle seeing the resolution and confident assurance of the man who had put himselfe in his power and mercy forgave him all former faults made him his friend and withall gave him the reward he had promised disponing to him and his heires the lands of Stuarton which his successiours the Earles of Cassils doe peaceably enjoy to this day He was buried in the Church of Douglas called Saint Brides Church with this inscription Hic jacet Dominus Archbaldus Douglas Dux Turoniae comes de Douglas Longe-ville Dominus Gallovidiae Wigton Annandiae Locum tenens Regis Scotiae Obiit 26. die Mensis Junii Anno Domini millesimo quadringentisimo tricesimo octavo Of William slain in Edinburgh Castle the sixth William the sixth Earle of Douglas and third Duke of Turrain c. UNto Archbald Earle of Wigton succeeded his sonne William a youth of no great age of an high spirit and of a sweet tractable and meeke disposition And therefore we cannot but detest and execrate the wickednesse and treachery of his enemies who did so unworthily cut off such a sprig in the very budding from whose blossomes none could but have expected passing good fruit to the great good of the common-wealth and Kingdome if malice and envie had suffered it to come to maturity Let us notwithstanding rest contented with his change begunne in his father by warding and displacing from the roome of his Predecessours from mannaging of affaires in the Kingdome prosecuted against him in his life time and now followed forth against his son This vicissitude which befell this
estates had placed at the rudder of the Common-wealth that he would labour to transmit his so great Patrimony acquired by the vertue of his Ancestours and with spending of their bloud to his Posterity even so as he had received it that hee would be carefull to keepe the name of Douglas which was no lesse illustrious and renowned for their faithfulnesse then their deeds of armes not onely from the foule blot of treason but even from all stain of suspition or aspersion thereof that hee himselfe would abstain and cause his men to abstaine from wronging the poore people that hee would put from about him theeves and robbers finally that in time to come he would set himselfe to maintaine justice that if hee had offended any thing in times past it might be imputed not to his naturall disposition but to ill counsell and that infirmity of his youth penitency would be admitted and accepted as innocency Venemous Viper that could hide so deadly poyson under so faire showes unworthy tongue unlesse to be cut out for example to all ages Let not the Poets bee thought fabulous who have transformed men into beasts loe a beast composed of many beasts a Lion a Tiger for cruelty of heart a Waspe a Spider a Viper for spight malicious poysonablenesse a Foxe and Camelion for falsehood and doublenesse a Cockatrice and Crokodile and whatsoever nature hath brought forth that is deceitfull and hurtfull a sweet singing Ciren enchanting the outward sences to the destruction of the listner so much the more odious that it was in the shape of a man and the more detestable that it durst so pollute the image of God so abuse the glory of man the speech of the tongue therefore given him beyond the beast that he might imploy it well to informe aright to speake truth and to do good to others The honest heart of the hearer that knew what he spake was right and intended to follow so good counsell taketh all in good part beleeveth the speech for the truthes sake the man for his speeches sake And who could have done otherwayes who would not have thought that he who knew so well what was right would have had some regard to doe right shall we account it childishnesse that he accounted so of them and suffered him to be so deceived nay hee could not keep himselfe undeceived Good men and wise men have often been deceived both in sacred and prophane Histories We must not impute it to childishnesse in Abner that Joab stabbed him under trust but esteeme it vile treachery in Joab of whom David sayes Hce dieth not as a foole dieth howbeit his hands were not bound but as a good man falleth before a wicked man that is by treason which no man can eschew It is said that his friends seeing so extraordinary entertainment so faire language above measure so humble behaviour and withall so many messages at every step almost betwixt the Governour and the Chancellour tooke some suspition of ill meaning and that there arose first a still murmure through the whole company thereafter some began to admonish him that if he would persist to goe on he would send back his brother David being mindefull of a precept of his fathers That they should not come both together into one place where themselves were not masters lest they should endanger their whole family at once The unwary youth unwary indeed but what warinesse could he have poore innocent and very well inclined even angry with his friends stayed those murmures by a plain commandment and assured his friends thus That he knew well it was a perpetuall pest of great houses that they had ever about them some men that were impatient of peace who made gain of the perils travels and miseries of their Lords and Patriarkes and because in peace they were restrained by the bridle of the law they were ever stirring up strife and sedition that in troubled times they might have greater scope and liberty to their wickednesse As for himself hee reposed more upon the known wisedome and prudencie of the Governor and Chancellour then to give eare to their suspicious surmises This speech thus uttered testifying both an acknowledging of the evill past and a resolution to amend was it not sufficient to have purged whatsoever errour had been or might have been thought to have escaped him before And certainly it would if these men had regarded Justice or the good of the Common-wealth and had desired to reclaim him from his errours and winne him to his Countrey But his so full confidence thus reposing on their credit was it not enough to have tied them to have kept their credit If there had been any spark of humanity or nature of man left in them and if they had not beene worse then savage beasts Trust deserveth that we should prove worthy of that trust and credit procures keeping of credit where all humane nature is not extinct and even simplicity deserveth favour and pitie Neither can a man that is not altogether given over and hath not sold himselfe to wickednes choose but favour it and have compassion of it yea though he had been otherwise disposed in the beginning it would even move any mans heart that were indeed a man and not changed into a beast to favour and commiserate and would have tamed and calmed any former discontentment and have wrung from them any evill intention which they might perhaps have conceived before However this noble youth goeth on in the innocency of his heart and that the more quickely to cut off all occasion of such speeches and with his brother and with a few other principall friends goeth directly to the Castle being led as it were and drawne by a fatall destiny and both enter and so come in the power of those their deadly enemies and fained friends At the very instant comes the Governour as was before appointed betwixt them to play his part of the Tragedy that both might bee alike embarked in the action and beare the envie of so ugly a fact that the weight thereof might not lie on one alone yet to play out their treacherous parts they welcome him most courteously set him to dinner with the King at the same table feast him royally intertain him chearfully and that for a long time At last about the end of dinner they compasse him about with armed men and cause present a bulls head before him on the boord the bulls head was in those dayes a token of death say our Histories but how it hath come in use so to bee taken and signifie neither doe they nor any else tell us neither is it to be found that I remember any where in any History save in this one place neither can wee conjecture what affinity it can have therewith unlesse to exprobrate grossenesse according to the French and our owne reproaching dull and grosse wits by calling him Calves-head teste de Veau but not Bulls head So that by
of Scotland towards England c. Hee died the 24. day of March in the yeare 1443. His Wives is thus Here lies the Lady Beatrix Sinclair daughter of Henry Lord of the Isles Lord Sinclair Countesse of Douglas and Evendale Lady Galloway Their Children These are the children betwixt the said Lord and Lady 1 Lord William his eldest sonne and heire to the said Lord James who succeeded to all the foresaids lands 2 James the second sonne Master of Douglas 3 Archbald the third sonne Earle of Murray 4 Hugh the fourth sonne Earle of Ormund 5 John the fifth sonne Lord of Balvenie 6 Henry the sixth sonne Margarer wife to the Lord of Dalkeith Beatrix wife to the Lord Aubignie Jenet wife to the Lord of Biggar and Cumbernald Elizabeth Douglas was the fourth daughter Jacobus Crassus Duglasii crassique mihi cognomina soli Conveniunt O quam nomina juncta male James the grosse To be a Douglas and be grosse withall You shall not finde another 'mongst them all Of William stain in Stirling Castle the seventh William and eighth Earle of Douglas the sixteenth Lord and fifth Duke of Turrain c. UNto James succeeded his sonne William a man of another mettall and resembling more his Grandfather and Cousin who was put to death in Edinburgh Castle then his father who did remember and imitate more his Cousins diligence then his fathers negligence for hee endeavoured by all means to entertaine and augment the grandure of the house by bonds friendship and dependances retaining renewing and increasing them and therefore his marriage of his Cousin Beatrix is attributed to him and is thought to be his owne doing and not his fathers Upon his first coming to be Earle his first care was to establish some certain order for his affaires for which purpose hee conveened his whole friends at Dumfreis made choice of his Counsellours createth his Officers for his rents and casualties and settleth a constant order in his house Great was that house as hath been said and doubtlesse it was nothing diminished by him but rather increased by the accession of his fathers estate which he had ere he was Earle and his wife which being added unto the old Patrimony of the house made it to surpasse all others that were but Subjects for it had beene ever growing from hand to hand since the time of Lord James slain in Spaine continually who had the Lordship of Douglas onely at the first To it was added the Lordship of Galloway by Archbald slain at Halidoun-hill By Archbald the Grimme the Lordship of Bothwell By Archbald the third called Tine-man the Dutchie of Turrain and Lordship of Longe-ville Annandale and the Earledome of Wigton by Archbald the fourth and now the Lordship of Abercorn by Grosse James So that his revenue hath beene huge at this time as appeares also by the ranke hee ever carried as second in the Kingdome His dependance and following may bee judged by these his Lordships and estate and for his other friendship there were divers houses of the Douglasses as Angus Morton Drumlanrigge By his alliance he had Aubigny and the Lord Fleming of Cumbernauld who had married his sister By his mother the Earle of Orknay by his wife at Beatrix the house of Crawford of which her mother was a daughter beside the old friendship that was ever betwixt them And this may be seen by History who list to observe it whereof more may be found by a more accurate disquisition Thus enriched thus waited on thus followed thus served thus underpropped and sustained by wealth friendship dependance alliance and kindred his power and greatnesse was such as was not matched under the Prince by any in this Kingdome But here is the maleheure the Principalls of his owne name Angus and Morton assisted him not but divided themselves from him and either were not his friends or even became enemies as wee shall heare hereafter What the occasion thereof was is not directly mentioned some thinke it was the discontentment they had conceived at his marriage either because they accounted it unlawfull or because some of them would have had her to themselves which is the more likely or in respect of their kindred with the King who was indeed induced though not yet to think hardly of him or out of emulation of his greatnesse as an hinderance to their growth which was Bishop Kennedies opinion to his brother the Earle of Angus and so it falleth out often where a decay is to come upon a house it first divides from and within it selfe yet that was but an insensible point at this time his owne greatnesse being such as would scarce suffer him to finde the losse standing as it were not by any friendship but meerely of himselfe and upon his bottome At the very first when hee entred to the Earledome he entred also as hereditary to the enmitie of the two grand guiders of the time Levingston and Creighton with whom the hatred tooke beginning in his Uncles time and was thereafter traiterously and cruelly prosecuted by them on his two Cousins it continued though coldly in his fathers time and was now quickned and revived by himselfe They would needs lay the blame of whatsoever disorder happened in the Countrey upon him not onely of what fell out in the borders where hee commanded and might command indeed but even in the Highlands also that which John Gorme of Athole did who fought with the Laird of Ruthven and would have rescued a thiefe out of his hands being apprehended by him as Sheriffe if hee had not beene defeated and thirtie of his men slain by Ruthven they would have it to bee thought that the Earle Douglas forsooth had an hand in it But it is well that our Writers say it was but thought so and thought it had beene said so by his enemies there is no necessitie to beleeve it was so for they had done him more wrong and dealt more treacherously with him then to make such a report for me it soundeth not in my eares that it had so long a foote or that John Gorme could not doe such a thing without the Earle of Douglas or that the Earle Douglas would meddle with such a matter This I thinke that in his owne bounds he would suffer none to acknowledge the Governours which was his Uncles course as we heard seeing he was himselfe to bee answerable for them It was his fathers way also though more coldly according to his naturall disposition as may bee gathered of that which is said that he repressed not theeves though he entertained them not which is as much as to say as he was not Authour or occasion of their theft yet he being no Magistrate himselfe and others having taken the government upon them he would let them beare the weight of their owne charge in executing thereof and would not help them therein by restraining any And that so much the rather because having murthered his Nephew he could not with credit
truth and falshood so that there is great attentivenesse required to distinguish betwixt them yet if we will attend to them it may be they be discerned Let us then consider the particulars and what particulars we find in any of those to be true let us acknowledge it what is not so let us reject as false and reckon amongst those that are but amplified and augmented for envie After which rule we shall finde in effect the last three to be those which are most true 1. The riches 2. The number 3. The puissance of the house and name of Douglas And yet not simple true as they set them downe for they amplifie them also to stirre envie unlesse we interpret it favourably for not all the riches of the Countrey nor all the honour was in their hands though there were more in theirs then in any others at that time yet there hath been more both riches and honours in the hands of some other before for the Cummines are accounted to have been greater and that their power was beyond the Kings power it was false their power being but a dependant and subordinate and could not be supposed to have been so great so united though they were of one name as was seen afterward And however we find it was thought so of before in the first Earles time yet he never used it to the Kings prejudice after that he was informed of his right which was now out of question but these carry no fault in them The rest which carry fault in them the first two avarice and tyranny are to be tried by the effects the third taking to himselfe the Noblemens Patrimony by law and besides law what he did by law take from them was not theirs what besides law we heare of no instance given There is a fact may seem so in the Earledome of Murray which he tooke not to himselfe but to his brother Neither was that the Patrimony but the Title and Dignity of which we have spoken already and it was but a small peece of matter The fourth and fifth his killing and robbing by theeves and his dependers invading of other mens Patrimonies are of the same quality for we heare of no instance bearing any wrong Neither of the sixth and seventh advancing of new men wrongfully or killing of men for free speeches And truely raising of new men and mean men was the thing that he and all his house did ever dislike very much and was the ground of their discord with the Levingstons and with Creighton And I hope no man will call his brother a new man So that to be short when we have sifted them all we see nothing but falsehood and calumnies and aggravations to move envie which makes it no truth for a truth augmented or diminished is no longer truth though otherwise it were true in substance Wherefore leaving these speeches as the speeches of his enemies that is to say for Calumnies as they are called and as they are indeed wee will come to that which is of greater weight and followes in the Authours owne name Animus per se insolens hee was of an insolent minde of himselfe saith one which being the judgement of one of the most learned and judicious Writers I will not contest but leave it in the middle and soberly crave to have it weighed that wee may see whether there bee any necessitie to make us thinke so or not for it is Historicall onely which I must thinke hee hath found in fact as he hath had leisure and perused his Histories of which we are scarce to wit that he grew by successe to that impotency of commanding his affections that he had his eares closed from the free admonitions of his friends Nothing is more pernicious nor is there a more certain prognostick of ruine to follow then when men are so puft up with the opinion of their owne wisedome that they disdain and contemne to heare and to weigh the judgement of others Yet this that followes is an extreame high degree of it that men might not dissemble their minds in silence to hold their peace at those things which they could not approve was not sure nor safe for them which ought to be safe for all men to say nothing and keep their minds to themselves and God which no other man no not a mans selfe can command altogether He is obedient that obeyes in the rest The minde is his that made it and can search it over which no man should usurp The cause of all this ill followes the aboundance of flatterers and giving eare to them a naturall but a pestiferous fault naturall to all great men and small in their owne kinde men are given to delight in what they beleeve and to beleeve easily most good of themselves whom they love most of any and for aboundance of flatterers who wants them Diogenes said he had his owne Parasites the mouse was if men failed yea men never fail and perhaps failed not him hee whom all the world flattered King Alexander did he not flatter Diogenes what was his speech to him but a flattery both of himself and Diogenes or else anerrour concerning them both when he said If I were not Alexander I would be Diogenes So common is it so naturall is it but notwithstanding it is hurtfull and to be avoyded and the more carefully to be taken heed of the more common and the more naturall it is he hath the fairest of the play that is most wary of it and accounts it his greatest perfection to know his imperfection and he is most accomplished that best knowes his defects and wishes for helps and knowes he hath need of them Out of doubt these were enough to bring down more then one Earle of Douglas as for that which is further said of him His old enemies were drawne to law to plead their cause before the same man both judge and party of whom many were spoyled of their goods some of their lives some to eschew the in just judgement tooke voluntary exile unto them and that which is said of their dependers they overshot themselves carelesse of all judgements because none could contend with them in judgement To all sort of licentiousnesse robbing and stealing holy things profane things and slaying them they could get their hands over neither keeped they any bridle or measure in their wickednesse Of all this concerning his dependers being so generally and almost hyperbolically conceived I could wish among so many that there had been some instance set downe that we might the better have knowne it and discerned it This I am sure cannot be without hyperbole that they did commit some gratuit wickednesse that is such as was for no good to them nor profit and without gain pleasure or profit having no cause in the world for them but onely to keep their hands in ure of wickednesse lest being disaccustomed from ill some honest thought might come into their minde that might tame
interessed that such kinde of justice best became him his enemies at Court tooke hold of it aggravating it to the King an insolent fact against law and custome and however Colvill had deserved it which they could not deny yet it was a perillous example prejudiciall to all order and to the King to whom the punishing of such things belonged So that the King became highly offended therewith Hereupon the Earle Douglas partly to give place to his Princes anger partly upon some remorse as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter but as his enemies did interpret it to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations Before hee tooke his journey having a care of his house and being out of hope to have children of his owne as having been seaven or eight yeare married without children he procured his second brother James to be received by the King and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen such as the Lord Hamiltoun Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant and Forbesse also Calder Urwhart Cambell Fraiser Lawders of Crumartie Philorth and Basse Knights with many other Gentlemen of great account Hee went first to Flanders and from thence by land to Paris where he was honourably received by the King of France whom some call Lewis the eleaventh but it must needs be Charles the seaventh who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge and his Grandfather at divers times and at last for spending his life for him at Vernoile was not yet worne out of Charles his memory in regard whereof and for the place he carried and the publick League between the Countreyes he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome which was filled with the expectation of his coming He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George a young man who was there at Schooles and of whom there was great expectation but he died by the way to his great griefe he is said by the manuscript to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome Buchannan also saith it perhaps following the manuscript but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript in the life of their father to have beene Bishop of Dunkell and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission after his brother who had no children For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren worthy men should have been preferred before them while he was but yet a childe at school While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage his enemies slept not at home but taking the opportunitie of his absence did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man to complaine to the King alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglas dale and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge for the actions perhaps of his dependers and clients or at least for such things as his Lord had neither commanded neither happely heard of Siminton looking for no equitie at their hands who moved such a citation choosed not to come into judgement suffering things to passe rather for non-compeirance than to compeire not knowing the state of things nor how to answer having neither knowledge of them by himselfe nor direction nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort and called it contumacie and what grievous name they could devise So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King and telling the King that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie and despised by every base fellow That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort That by impunitie new doores were opened to new misdoers with such other speeches in the most vehement maner they could to have dipped the King in bloud and cut off all hope as farre as in them lay of reconcilement betwixt them But he not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike and taken impression in his minde was not moved with their speeches in that high nature but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods but not to meddle with any mans bloud wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers But hee who could neither answer without information nor satisfie without direction humbly besought his Majestie that since he had not information and could not answer being but a servant and unacquainted with businesse seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents but onely commander of his servants it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned whom he expected within few moneths who he doubted not both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint and satisfie sufficiently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man This seemed most reasonable that the Earle himselfe should be heard first and not condemned unheard and in his absence and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay Wherefore the King condescended to it and yet not withstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas being Chancellor for the time to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas to satisfie Complainers therewith but it was to no purpose for hee was eluded and almost mocked by the tenants He alledged and reported to the King that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond that he was so frustrate for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence and he greatly disdained that Orkney being so neare of bloud and alliance to them should have undertaken that charge The King irritated herewith as a contempt of his authoritie caused Heraulds to be directed or Pursevants to summon all
Douglas and howbeit he came somewhat short of that huge greatnesse and puissance of the former yet was he nothing inferiour in place of authority in credit and account in action and employment as we said in the beginning Nothing was done but by him and under his shadow Bishop Kennedie had the greatest vogue he upheld the Bishop by his power and by him men did come to finde favour and did seek to have credit We will set down two examples for all the rest but those remarkeable and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been The one is of our own Nation the other of a Forrainer The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithfull franke and forward friend for the Earle Douglas so long as he was a friend to himself by any action He leaving himself Hamilton also lest him I mean seeing the Earle had lost that so fair occasion if not to cast the Dice for the Crown as the Lord Hamilton said to him yet to cast the Dice for the victory and to give or take conditions of peace which he had at Abercorne being moe in number than the King the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this that same night He was received by the King but not greatly credited for he was committed to Rosselin a Castle then of the Earle of Orkneyes and afterwards say our writers freinds interceding for him he was released out of prison and received into most inward friendship Thus farre they go but what friends these were or how the friendship was made they do not tell The Earle of Angus evidents tell us and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office For whether before to move him to intercede for him or after in token of thankfulnesse though it be most likely it was after because it is done at Tantallon which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin he giveth to this Earle George a memorable remembrance He I say being a noble man and a notable active man besides gives him his bond of service or Manreid and that in ample forme and submisse terms excepting none but the King and Queen And that I may not seeme to speak without a warrant in so great a matter scarce to be beleeved of some and that I do rather amplifie things than set down the naked truth I will set down the very words of the band as it is extant in the hands of the Earle of Angus which now is copied word by word that every man may judge of it as he thinks good Be it knowne to all men by thir present Letters me James Lord Hamilton c. to be comen and by these presents to become Man of speciall service and retinue for all the dayes of my life-time to an high and mighty Lord George Earle of Angus Lord Douglas and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland foregainst England Before and against all them that live or die may mine allegeance to our soveraigne Lord the King and my band of service to our soveraigne Lady the Queen Mary now present allanerly out-tane Promising all and sundry dutifull points in bands of retinue contained to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid as eâ—…eirs for all the said time In witnesse of the which thing I have gard set my seale At Tantallon the 13. day of the moneth of May the year of our Lord 1457 c. It hath been no small matter nor small authoritie of him to whom it is given that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand or expected to receive some I take it that he hath procured his libertie and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of to be of the Kings inward friends I suppose also that kinred hath been of some moment to move him to it The reason of my conjecture is because we have heard before that Elizabeth sister to Margaret Countesse of Marre and Angus and Grandmother to this Earle George was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow as some call him by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her and the Earle of Angus and he Cousins twice removed or fourths in kin as we speak But this I referre to them that have the monuments of that House However what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof than what is here done to the House of Angus Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it It is but folly to think so Houses have their beginning and grouth Mine to day thine to morrow This same Lord Hamilton by these beginnings within a few years 17. or 18. at most shall lay such grounds of greatnesse as shall lift his House above any subjects to the very top of all so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posteritie and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governour Let us remember the changes of the world and the vicissitudes of Fortune and let every man bear with patience and hear with calmnesse either what he is now or what he was before And this for the first domestick witnesse of honour and authoritie credit and greatnesse of the House of Angus in this mans person The other amongst Forrainers was greater which is this The King of England Henry the sixth being overthrowne and put out of his Kingdome and Countrey of England by the Duke of York Edward the fourth he and his son and his Queen being come into Scotland for refuge he indents with George Earle of Angus for his assistance to help to restore him to his Kingdome and bindes himself to give unto George Earle of Angus and his heires Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber worth 2000. Marks sterling of yearly rent 2. That he should erect it in a Dutchie and infeâ—…t the said Earle therein in as free Knight-service as any Land in England and that the Earle and his heires should be Dukes thereof 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England it should be lawfull for the said Earle to repaire to England to his Dutchie or to Court or where he pleased with an hundred horse in train 4. And that if there happened to be warre betwixt the Countreyes it should be lawfull for him to send 24 armed men who should be under the King of England his protection to gather and up-lift for his use the rents and revenues of the said Dutchie 5. That it should be lawfull for him during the warres between the two Countreyes to serve the King of Scotland which should no wayes prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands neither should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England or any
right and reason Gawin Douglas had gotten possession of the Castle and had put servants into it but the Priour was stronger about the town and findes a mean to thrust them out Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed He workes wisely having been born under the Lord Hume he flees to him as his Patron agrees with him as a friend and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David He doth his turne proclaimeth his Bull but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point to take composition the Bishoprick of Murray and 3000. crownes by year and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions So he agrees with Foreman but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume and despites him with such malice because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse and aspiring that he thought there was no way to secure himself and his Government but by ridding the Countrey of them both Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him and finding by his neglectfull carriage and cold entertainment the little good-will he bare him repenting too late his forwardnesse in his election and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him though he had contemned his counsell yet now seeing no other remedie went to him and the Queen his wife condemning his fact and regrating the present estate of the King and Countrey and advised them to flie into England with the young King When the Governour had notice of this consultation he used such diligence and expedition that coming to Stirlin unlooked for he surprized the Queen and removing her and the Douglasses from about the King he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ercskin and other three Noblemen Hereupon the Queen and Angus as also the Lord Hume and his brother William with-drew themselves into England and the Governour upon their departure sent Ambassadours to King Henry to clear himself that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him or leave their Countrey He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction in such wayes that they beleeving and desiring to live at home returned all of them save onely the Queen who being then near the time of her childe-birth remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas Then assoon as she was able to endure travell she went to London where she was kindly welcomed and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry and her sister Mary Queen of France and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions and new causes of distrust arising dayly could not be quieted by their return nor the Queens absence neither could he think himself bound by promises Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to Angus was committed to prison John Lord Drummond his Grandfather or mothers brother David Panetier Secretarie to the late King were likewise laid fast Alexander Lord Hume and his brother William were executed their goods confiscat their lands forfeited and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh called the Nether-Bow Being thus rid of the Chamberlain he did much fear the Earle of Angus whom he left to governe in his absence for he went into France but joyned with him the Earles of Arran Argyle Huntley the Archbishop of S. Andrews and Glasgow together with a Frenchman named Antonius Darsius commonly known by the title of Sieur de la Beaute To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar the Shires of Lowthian and the Merse where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn occasionally in the year 1517. the 18. of September For this Sir David was out-lawed his house seized and Sir George Douglas Angus brother suspected to be accessarie imprisoned in Garvet Castle they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it though falsely because Sir David had married their sister Alison Not long after this there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt the Earle of Angus and the Earle of Arrane There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest the Earle of Angus his Lands but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and priviledge of doing justice and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste not for any particular relation or because he thought his right was good but onely in opposition to Angus whom he hated inwardly What the cause of his hatred was we hear not and they had been good friends before Arrans base sonne James Hamilton as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him killed five or six of his company took thirty men and horses and pursued himself so near that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie This fact was imputed to Angus on whom Summervale did for the most part depend men thinking that it was done by his direction But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles that man had ever a particular feude with the Hamiltons But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces if he had suspected any ill meaning from them or known any such deserving in himself Besides they having so just cause they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfaction of the Earle by order of law if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it and not have taken this violent course Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext Hereupon however in the year 1520. the 27. of April a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie the Earle of Angus his uncle or Consin-German rather was Provest the Hamiltons refused to come thither alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town where he was Provest Archbald to cut off their excuse and that he might not hinder publick businesse laid down his office voluntarily and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh Then they came to the City and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended and weakly guarded his friends not being yet conveened they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier-Winde this Beton was also Chancellour and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus alledging that his power was so
he could not go to him and leave them strong behinde him having the Douglasses before him There were slain with him the Laird of Howstoun and the Master of Glencarne was sore wounded and hardly saved by the Earle of Angus whose Cousin he was brother and sisters children as is said above After the Battell those that had born arms against the King were enquired after and summoned to compeere in judgement but some of them compounded for money some became dependers to the house of Angus some to the Earle of Arran The obstinate were pursued by Law such as the Earle of Cassils who alledged for himself that he had the Kings Letter to show for his warrant to do what he had done whereupon they desisted from further processe against him which I see no ground why they should have done upon a private Letter and as little reason is there why they could not charge him with the hurting or slaying of some man seeing he was in the Battel It should seem they would not have been so malicious vehement against men as our writers give out or not so pregnant in the inventing of crimes and quarrells as men are now a dayes Cassills was slain by the Sheriffe of Aire his friends a little after at the instigation of Arrans bastard who had killed Lennox at Linlithgow because he stood to justifie himself and refused to become a depender of the house of Arran His son betook himself to the protection of the Douglasses came to Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie who was then Thesaurer to the King and was kindely received by him and lovingly entreated as one who for his noble birth and towardlinesse he intended to make his son-in-law Now the Earle of Angus knowing well that Archbishop Beton was one of the chief stirrers up of the Earle of Lennox in this enterprise against him remembring also how he had before stirred up Arran in the same manner and his assisting of him at Edinburgh and many other times goes now to S. Andrews takes the Castle by force and pillageth it but could not apprehend the Fox himself who fled from hole to hole and linked secretly amongst his friends The Queen also lest she should come into her husbands hands kept her self hid and solitarie These escaped their search After this he went to the Border where he caused the principall of every Name to give pledges and hostages for their good behaviour and keeping of good order And first he went into Liddisdale with an army where they came and yeelded themselves to him and the rest of the Borderers followed their example And now had the Earle of Angus settled all things in all appearance His enemies were overcome on the East hand at Melrosse on the West at Lithgow the Earle of Lennox was dead and his Faction dispersed and broken the Queens authoritie dashed and Bishop Beton beaten out of the cock-pit both put to save themselves by hiding all-husht and under hatches no partie no faction no men to make head against him An estate highly esteemed greatly affected and mueh sought for by men But as in our bodies fulnesse of health hath the own danger so in our estates too great prosperitie and ease are the fore-runners of change which as experience doth teach is even then at the doores when there is least appearance otherwise It fell out just so now while the Douglasses were thus secure of all danger knowing too well and leaning too much to their own strength no partie to take the King from them no place strong enough to keep him in when he were taken nor to keep them out no meanes to effect either the one or the other and threupon grew slothfull in attending him are often abroad about their businesse he findes first the place then the means to escape then the party to maintaine it and at last to over-throw them The Queen his mother had the Castle of Stirlin as a part of her dowrie which while she for fear of the Douglasses hides her self was left emptie and waste and yet not seized on by them who were neither so greedie as men would have them to appear by so much neither so circumspect as wise men should have been to secure themselves knowing the fitnesse of the place for such a purpose the disposition of the owner and the inclination of the King toward themselves Now her fear being somewhat abated and the coasts being clear of them the Queens servants returned thither and furnished it more for show than sufficient resistance of any Force The King making wisely choice of it knowing there was no other place so strong pretending the conveniencie of hunting even to her transacts secretly with her and gives her Methwen in exchange for it with other Lands about Methwen no lesse convenient and profitable for her And so he had gotten his first point a place of retreat The meanes how to retire were easie which was the next He was in Falkland which was not far from Stirlin in a countrey not subject to the Douglasses nor near their forces and power Angus and Sir George his brother are both absent about affairs of the Countrey and none of theirs we hear of that were to attend the King or few and negligent they were as men are wont when they are secure So he goeth from Falkland to Stirlin in the night with a few of his familiar servants as secretly as he could Having gained these two points of them by their errour there rested the third without which these errours had been no errours to them nor advantage to him they had been of no effect nor importance that was a partie to maintain the retreat This is the main point and their main errour the cause and the ground of the other two errours that made them slothfull in seizing that house in attending the King because they laid their ground there could be no partie in Scotland And Buchanan writes concerning the Earle Bothwels refusall to be Lieutenant against them that he saw them a little before to be such as all the rest of Scotland were not able to match them But they took not heed nor considered that then the King was with them However his minde was against them he was in their custodie and power and if any had been ill-affected to them he could be no warrant to any Faction having no assurance of his life which was at their disposing and therefore he could not be a Head to any These considerations being of no small consequence as the event now proves for he is no sooner gone from them than he findes a partie against them now that he could be a Head to a partie He writes for many of the Nobilitie they come all to him others upon the first news of his retiring came without staying till they were sent for So that he quickly found himself free and out of danger to be forced Then by their advice he causeth make a Proclamation that the
Mewtas with 600. Musketiers and Jamboas a Spaniard with 1000. horse with Carabins The Reer was conducted by the Lord Dacres to whom was joyned Sir Richard Manners with 600. light horsemen The men at Arms and demilances were commanded by the Lord Gray The Scottish Army was also tripartite of which Angus had the Vaunt-guard to whom were joyned Coile Carrict and Cunningham with Stirlin-shire and Stratherne to the number of 10000. in all The like number was with the Governour in the middle Ward and as many with the Earle Huntley in the Reer The English had resolved on a fair retreat toward Berwick thinking it not fit to hazzard a battell upon such disadvantage in the number of men and not being able to stay without fighting for want of vivers which they could not bring in out of the Countrey by forraging in regard of the neernesse of the enemy In the mean time they perceive Angus with the Vantguard coming marching up the hill against them He made no great haste at the first knowing they could not stay long thinking it better to assaile them in their retreat But the Governour sent him word to advance and yet for all that he marched but leisurely till he sent to him again and commanded him to mend his pace assuring him that he and Huntley should be hard at his hand to support him Then he marched so fast that the English beholding them from the hill beleeved they had been all on horseback Wherefore the Lord Gray wàs sent with his men at Arms and demilances on barbed horses to stay them and if he could to break their Ranks The Scots were close joyned together as their manner is and carried long speares not unlike the Macedonian Phalanx Angus encourages them exhorts them to fight manfully adviseth them to kill the horses by pricking them in the belly for they were armed in the Counter These men said he shall be our prey if ye do so They followed his counsell charged the enemy fiercely and kept their Ranks so whole and close that 200. of the English were brought to the ground and killed the rest retired to their companies The Protectour commands the Lord Gray to charge again but he answered that he might as well command him to runne against the walls of Boloigne for it was as impossible to break through the Scots Ranks as to break through a Brick-wall Hereupon the Protectour resolved either to retire or flee as they could called for some Scots in his army who knew the wayes to be their guides One of these was named Thomas Lorraine a Tenant to the Laird of Red-brayes in the Merse of whom many have often heard this report The Earl of Warwick adviseth to try another way he causeth Jamboas the Spaniard with his Carabins to set upon them in flanke Hereupon they lest they should break their Phalanx turned softly toward him from the right ascending of the hill which way they were in before The Governour with his mid battell seeing them declining from the straight way which led to the enemy and which they had been in before supposed they had fled and so brake their own Ranks and fled first themselves Huntley with his Reer followed the Governours example and fled likewise The Vaunt-guard thus destitute of all support was overthrown and most of them all killed The English Ships had greatly annoyed the Scots Reer with shot from the Sea for there was one Galley and two Pinnaces that came so near to the Shore that they reached the enemy with their Ordnance and Lochinvarre was slain by one of their shots This the Governour and Huntley alledged for their not coming to succour the Vaunt-guard after the first charge because their men chiefly the High-landers refused to go with them being so troubled from the Ships There were slain in this battell a great number and those of the Flowre of the Scottish Nobility amongst whom were the Masters of Ereskine Grahame Methvane Oglevie Levingston and Rosse the Lords Fleming Glencarne the Lairds of Lochleven and Sir George Hume of Wedderburne The Earle Angus his brother Sir George and Glenbarvie were commanded to keep themselves on horseback and ride about the companies to exhort them and keep them in order It was so much the more easie for them to flee yet Glenbarvie was hardly pursued for the space of foure miles being taken for the Earle of Angus because he rode on a py-bald horse that was known to be the Earles Angus himself escaped and came that night to Calder very heavie and sorrowfull for the losse of the battell and of his friends Many fled to the Castle of Dalkeeth amongst whom was James Douglas Earle of Morton afterward Regent of Scotland and David Hume of Wedderburne brother to Sir George Hume that was slain in the field The Castle was besieged by the English and defended a while but wanting provision of victuall for such a number of men as had fled thither and having no hope of any relief to come to them against a victorious Army it was rendered and these fore-named made prisoners The Earle of Angus complained heavily that he had been thus abandoned by the Governour and Huntley and laid the blame on them of the losse of the day and of his so many dear kinsmen ând friends especially to the Queen-mother whom he went to visit at Stirlin She seemed to be much grieved therewith but was thought not to be discontented that the Hamiltons had suffered this disgrace and their pride and authoritie was thus abated which made for the setting forward of her project which was to wring the Government out of their hands and winde in her self into that place as also to bring in the Frenchmen under the pretext that the Countrey was not able to maintain the warre against the English who had fortified Insh-Keith Saint Columbs Insh in Forth Broghtie on Tay Hadington on Tine at Lawder and Roxburgh built Forts and taken the Castles of Hume and Fascastle The French were sent for and came into Scotland at her request these places were all regained by their assistance the young Queen Mary was conveighed into France to be married to the Daulphine Francis the second afterward Then the Queen-Mother dealt with the Governour to demit his place which he did at last and she was substitute into it as her daughters Deputie having Monsieur D'Oselle a Frenchman for her Counsellour and adviser in all affaires This was done in a Parliament in the year 1555. the 10. of April All this while we hear nothing of the Earle of Angus save at the siege of Hadington where when the wals were battered and made assaultable by a sufficient breach the French who were there refusing to enter the breach because they being far from home they could not easily repaire their losse of men the Earle of Angus moved with indignation hereat left them and went to Tantallon to remain there And again when Monsieur de Termes
sayes he that ye were for I was afraid you would not have been half angry nor have fought half eagerly there being so many Humes on the other side Besides his wisedome and brotherly affection the Earle of Angus is also reported to have had a great dexteritie in conciliating mens favour There was no man whom he would not winne with his courtesie and affabilitie no man but he would take notice of him and pretended to know either himself or his father or his Grandfather or some of his friends whom he would praise unto them and tell what honest men they had been and what good service they had done in such and such a place at such and such times Of which they relate this instance how being in Edinburgh talking in the Tolbooth with the Lord Drummond there came a friend to Drummond and took him aside to speak with him a little When the Gentleman had ended and was going away Angus takes him kindly by the hand and spake familiarly to him as if he had been of his acquaintance After he was gone my Lord Drummond asked Angus whether he knew the Gentleman or not he answered that he knew him not at all and had never so much as seen him before How comes it then sayes Drummond that ye spake so familiarly to him He answered I saw he was a friend of yours and your friends are my friends And besides this doth gain mens hearts If I were now in danger or had to do yonder man would assist one and take my part Archibaldus Secundus Quam praestans animi ju venis formâque decorus Et fuerim tantis tunc quoque dignus avis Testis erit thalamo quae me dignata Superbo Nympha parâ—…ns Regis silia sponsa soror Consiliis promptumque manu Teviotia laudat Quae stratas acies vidit Ivere tuas Atque tuas Latone loquetur nos quoque sortos Esca lothi dextra hac me meruisse mori Quin jam victor eram ni Prorex Gordoniusque Sive metus trepidasuasit abire fuga Seu dolus aut error liquissent turpiter hostem Dum premo qui fugiens jam mihi terga dabat Summus at hinc mihi surgit quod sanguine Creti Sint nostro reges terra Britanna tui Archbald the second Earle of that name How lovely was my shape how sweet a grace Dwelt in my looks how like the Douglas race How gallant was my minde what hopes were had Of my fresh youth witnesse the Royall bed Of her who had been daughter sister wife To three brave Kings how my ensuing life Made good these hopes how wise my projects were Ivers and Laiton vanquish'd witnesse beare Pinkie beheld my strength there had I gain'd The field but Huntley and the Regent stain'd Their honour fear or errour made them flee Ev'n when I wonne ground of the Enemie Yet do not these such height of honour bring As t' have been Grandsire to Great Brittains King Of David the eighth Earle of Angus And of his father George called Sir George of Pittendrigh TO Archbald the second dying without heires male of his own body his brother Sir George of Pittendrigh should have succeeded if he had out-lived him wherefore we will speak a word of him He got the Lands of Pittendrigh by marriage His children by the heire of Pittendrigh whose name was Douglas also were David who succeeded to the Earledome of Angus and James Earle of Morton and Regent of Scotland This James got the Earledome of Morton by marrying the third daughter to the Earle of Morton who was Douglas also and so was made Earle by provision Her other two sisters were married before one to the Lord Hamilton Governour and the other to the Lord Maxwell He had also a naturall son called George of Park-head because he married the heire of Park-head in Douglas she was also Douglas to name of whom he begat James afterward Lord Torthorall by marriage likewise and Sir George of Mordington He had also a naturall daughter by the Lady Dundas in her husbands time called Elizabeth who was married to Smeton Richeson Of this Sir George we have spoken above in his brothers life and how he died before his brother His son David married Elizabeth Hamilton daughter to John Hamilton of Samilston called John of Cliddisdale brother German to Duke Hamilton who was Governour She bare to him one onely son called Archbald and two daughters Margaret first Lady Balcleugh then Countesse of Bothwell and Elizabeth Lady Maxwell His wife after his death married the Laird of Whitelaw and had before been married to the Laird of Johnston This David lived not long was little above a year Earle of Angus neither hear we of any of his actions being somewhat sickly and infirme of body He died in Cockburnspeth in the year 1558. The ninth Earle of Angus Archbald the third and of his Uncle and Tutour James Douglas Earle of Morton TO David succeeded his son Archbald a childe not above two years old His Tutour and Guardian was James Douglas Earle of Morton his Uncle and mother to David Wherefore it is no wayes out of our way or impertinent for our History but rather necessary and most requisite that we should first speak of him being a branch and a brother of the house of Angus and in effect Earle of Angus as well as Morton though under the name of Tutour or Guardian Of his marriage we have told before how he was married to Douglas his wife and daughter to the Earle of Morton She bare to him divers children ten as is reported but none of them lived long but died all young ere they came to perfect age She her self became distracted of her wits and would not company with her husband alledging he was not her husband but that he was Master Archbald Douglas who was brother to William Douglas of Whittinghame that her husband was dead and that Master Archbald Douglas had killed him She was kept and entertained by him as became her place and had her residence at Tantallon but he being deprived of her Company loosed the rains to others and begat three naturall Children 1. James whose mother was one High in Dalkeeth who was made Captain of Black-Nesse Castle Priour of Plusquardain and afterwards became Laird of Spot by marrying the heir thereof Anna Hume onely daughter to George Hume of Spot 2. His second son was Archbald whom he provided to the estate of Pittindreigh which belonged to his father Sir George 3. The third son was named Master George Douglas who was lame of his feet Thus much his Children Touching himself during his childe-hood and youth he lived obscurely and lurked for fear of the King James the fifth who had banished his Father and Uncle caused burn his Ant the Lady Glames and had professedly set himself against the whole name of Douglas utterly to ruine and extirpate them We do not hear that his elder brother David did thus hide himself or if
he did it hath not been so observed of him but of this James it is certainly known that all the time of his fathers banishment and exile he lurked under the borrowed name of James the Greeve or James Innesse First with his Cousin of Glenbarvie afterward for fear of being discovered with so near a Kinsman with some Gentleman in the more Northern parts of Scotland And as he bore the name so did he also execute the office of a Greeve and over-seer of the Lands and Rents the Corne and Cattell of him with whom he lived Neither was this howsoever mean imployment without great use as nothing else in providence ever is if it be rightly observed It fitted him for those weighty matters which afterward he was to meddle in and schooled him for that charge in which he was to be employed ere long For by this meane he became acquainted with the humours and disposition of the vulgar and inferiour sort of the common people which knowledge is usefull and necessary to greatest Governours that so they may know how to deale with them and manage them according as they shall have occasion He attainâ—…lso hereby such skill in husbandrie and such perfection in oeconomy and thriftinesse that having acquired a habite of frugalitie he not onely repaired the decayed and shattered Estates of these two Earledomes Angus and Morton but also helped to recover and augment the revenues of the Crown and Kingdome more than any other Regent So long as his uncle father and brother were alive we do not hear any thing of him neither is there any mention at all made of him save that in the year 1547. as hath been said after the battell at Muscleburgh he yeelded up to the English his Castle of Dalkeeth together with himself their prisoner and was by them carried into England being then about seven and twenty years of age or thereby How long he stayed there we cannot affirme but it should seeme he remained there certaine years for during that time he learned the Estate of that Countrey together with the English tongue and tone which he did ever thereafter much delight to use At his return after the death of his brother David he being Tutour and Guardian to his Nephew Archbald Earle of Angus finding both his own and his pupils Estate greatly burdened with debt he lived privately and retired for a while with a very small retinue of his domesticks onely neither going to Court nor intermedling with any publick affairs to avoid the charges which otherwise he must have undergone Wherfore his first care was to reduce these two Earledomes to their former integritie by frugall parsimonie in the beginning not to lavish out the remainder by untimely magnificence esteeming wisely that means money are the sinews not onely of Warre but also of all civill and politick actions Now besides the burden that was on the Lands his Nephews title to the Earledome of Angus was questionable For if the entailement were not very strong as it seems it was not Lady Margaret Douglas Countesse of Lennox had the better right and was before him she being sole heir of Line to Archbald that married the Queen and so inheritrix of Angus It is true she lived in England with her husband Lennox who was banished but who knew how soon he might be recalled and restored Wherefore to prevent that danger and to strengthen his Nephew and himself against their attempts hee contracts him to Monsieur D'Osels daughter that by his means and friendship he being a French man he might have the Queens favour and good-will to uphold him against their claims But this contract took no effect for she was married afterward to Monsieur D'Aubespine and Angus to others as wee shall hear in his life After that he had thus settled his affairs at home he began to come abroad and to have a hand in publick businesse In the year 1559. he with Duke Hamilton do mediate a truce between the Queen-Mother and the Lords from the 24. of July untill the 10. of January Some Writers say that he assisted and sided with the Queen but it should seem that they have mis-taken the matter for not long after he joyned openly with those that were against her and the French Faction and is now reckoned among the Noblemen that sent to the Queen of England for her aide and assistance These were the Duke of Chattelraut James Stuart brother to the young Queen afterward Earle of Murray the Earle of Arran son to the Duke Argyle Glencairne Rothes Sutherland Monteth Huntley Caithnesse Arrol Marshal Montrose Cassils Eglinton The Lords Ruthven Oglebye Ereskin Drummond Hume Rosse Creighton Levingston Sommervale the whole Nobilitie almost Their cause and their company being so good Morton could not but take part with them The common liberty of their Countrey against the French and Religion was no lesse dear to him than it was to them In matter of Religion he was so forward that the Book of Discipline being compiled by some appointed for that purpose though divers refused to approve of it and to set to their hands yet he did it with the first received it willingly Wherefore these two then which there is nothing dearer unto men being in danger he was forced in a manner to lend his helping hand for their defence pro aris focis as the common saying is And that the rather for that he saw there was no hope of peace seeing the truce which he had procured till the 10. of January was not kept For before the middle of September Monsieur La Croque being sent out of France to certifie the Queen of the new Forces which were in levying for her aide under the leading of Marquesse D'Elbeufe her brother she began to fortifie Leith with those French which were already in the Countrey Not long after arrived Octavian a French Colonel with 1000. men and immediatly followed him at the heeles La Brosse Knight of the Cockle with 2000. more The next spring came also the Count Marquesse of the house of Luxemberg afterward Duke D'Estamps with 1000. foot and some horse These all remained and abode in Leith which they had fortified but the Queen to secure her own Person retired to the Castle of Edinburgh though the Captain thereof the Lord Ereskin were on the contrary part The Nobilitie assembling themselves at Dalkeeth Castle which belonged to Morton hard by Edinburgh from thence do write to her desiring that she would dismisse the French who were forrainers and set open the Town of Leith that the Natives might have free recourse and commerce thither When they could not obtain these things at her hands the English to the number of seven or eight thousand being already entred into Scotland they sate down before Leith the 4. of April 1560. About the eight of June the Queen-Mother dying in the Castle of Edinburgh a peace was concluded the Town of Leith was
Belfoure whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof and who had been his intimate friend and privie to all his secrets But upon some distaste or distrust Bothwell had sought to put him out of the place which he finding had made himself full Master thereof and he was now entred in termes of agreement and capitulation with the Lords to put it into their hands but had not yet concluded and transacted with them There were in the City at this time of the other party John Hamilton Bishop of S. Andrews the Earle of Huntley and the Bishop of Rosse John Lesly These when they heard that the Lords were come into the Citie came forth into the Street hoping the Citizens would assist them and help them to expell the Lords but when they saw that few or none did resort to them they fled to the Castle where they were received the Captain thereof not having as yet agreed with the Lords and some few dayes after were let out at a posterne and so escaped In the mean time the Queen had sent abroad to assemble her forces There came to her out of Lowthian the Lords Seton Yester and Borthwick small Barons Waughton Basse and Ormeston Out of the Merse Sir David Hume of Wedderburne with his Uncle Blackader notwithstanding their Chief the Lord Hume and his Cousin German Morton were on the other side Besides these they had 200. hired Souldiers under the leading of Captain Anstrudder mounting in all to 2000. and 500. with these they set forward from Dumbar with intention to go to Leith that so they might be nearer the enemy and lose no opportunity of taking advantage of them A wrong course and ill advised Whereas if they had but stayed a space in the Castle of Dumbar the Lords not having sufficient forces to assault them there nor Ordnance or any other necessary provision for a seige had been constrained to disperse themselves and retire home to their own houses Which if they had done they might easily have been overthrown being separated and scattered before they could have joyned their forces again But there is a directour of all things who had not ordained that Bothwell should prosper in his wayes which fell out also by his own temeritie and the counsel of Master Edmond Hay his Lawyer who is said to have advised him thus alledging that the Lords neither would nor durst abide their coming but would presently flee upon the first noise of their approach and that if they did but once shew themselves in the fields the Commons would all come flocking to them But it fell out clean contrary for neither did the people concurre with them because they hated Bothwell and the Lords having once taken Arms were enforced by necessity to fight for their own safety Their number was about some 2000. most part Gentlemen of good quality and ranke of the which the chief were Morton Marre Athole Glencairne Montrose the Lords Hume Lindsay Ruthven Semple and Sanwhere Small Barons Cesford Drumlenrigge Tillebardine Grange They had no Artillerie neither any Musketiers save a few from Edinburgh They caused to be drawn on their ensignes the late King lying dead and his young son the Prince James sitting on his knees with his hands heaved up to Heaven with this Motto Judge and revenge my cause O LORD While they were in Edinburgh word was brought to them about midnight that the Queen and Bothwell were come to Seton and Salt-Preston within six miles of them Whereupon they made haste and having armed went speedily toward Muscleburgh lest the enemie should seize the Bridge and Foords of the River which was within two miles of Preston So having passed it without disturbance a little after the Sun-rising finding that the enemy did not stirre they took their refreshment and broke their fast at leasure Not long after those whom they had sent before to currie the fields and to give notice what the enemie was about having perceived a few horsemen without the village drove them back again but not daring to follow them for fear of some ambuscade could learne nothing else save that the enemie was ready to march Hereupon the Lords also began to set forward toward them and being now without the Towne of Muscleburgh they perceived the enemy ranged in order of battell all along Carburie hill ready to encounter them The hill was steep and the ascent difficult on that side wherefore they turned a little to the right hand where they might with more ease and lesse disadvantage ascend the hill being there much plainer and the ground more levell This deceived the enemy who seeing them turn aside supposed they had fled to Dalketh which belonged to Morton and lay on that hand But they being come where they would have been set their men in order having the Sun on their backs and in the face of the enemie which was no small advantage for the day was exceeding hot being the fifth of June 1567. besides the Townes-men of Dalkeeth did furnish them sufficiently with drink together with other villages that lay on that hand But on Bothwels side it was not so there was no such alacrity and readinesse in the people to supply them no foresight in themselves to provide no chearfulnesse in the Army but most of them wavering between their duty to the Queen and their suspicion of Bothwels guiltinesse Yet did they not offer to forsake her neither would they have done it for anything we hear of if Bothwell durst have stood to it But his self-accusing conscience struck his minde with such terrour and dread that knowing what he had deserved he judged other mens mindes to be accordingly affected toward him and seeing head made against him beyond his expectation he began to doubt of the fidelity of those that were come to take part with him Especially he distrusted Sir David Hume of Wedderburne in regard of his friendship and Kinred with the Lord Hume and Earle of Morton Wherefore he moved the Queen to ask him whether he would abide constantly by her and performe his part faithfully He answered freely that he was come to serve her as his Soveraigne out of duty and in sincerity which he would do to the utmost of his power against whomsoever without respect of whatsoever friendship or kindred with any Blackader said the like and added withall speaking to Bothwell I wish my Lord you stay as well by it as we shall That which made them the more to fear Sir David was because a servant of his as he went to drink at a well not farre from the enemie was taken and brought to Morton who hearing whose man he was dismissed him and bade him tell his Master from him That if he were the man he should be he alone might put an end to that dayes work which is like enough he might have done if either he would have revolted to the Lords or forsaken Bothwell and gone home The rest of the Nobles and
saved and the Earle Bothwell sailed to Denmark There being examined what he was and whence he came when he did not answer clearly and distinctly he was cast into prison and having lien there ten years at last he died mad The 15. of December a Parliament was held at Edinburgh where most part of the Nobilitie were present and amongst others the Earle of Huntley which when the Queen heard of she said Bothwell might as well have been there as he meaning that they were both alike guiltie In this Parliament the Queens resignation of the Crown the Kings Coronation and Murrays Regencie were confirmed their Fact was approved that had taken the Queen at Carburie and William Douglas was authorized to keep her still in the Castle of Logh-leven Things being thus settled the Regent being acknowledged of all and his authoritie ratified Religion established the fear of Bothwel removed they seemed to be in great suretie yet were they never lesse sure for these very things which seemed to make them strong and sure were the causes of change for many did envie the Regent some hated Religion and others there were that being rid of Bothwell applied themselves to the Queen whom only out of hatred to Bothwell they had forsaken Of the last sort was Secretary Metellane of the second Tillebardin who had also some particular against the Regent which Writers do not specifie The Hamiltons were of the first Rank who thought themselves injured by him and esteemed his Office due to them together with Argyle whose mother and Huntley whose wife was of the house of Hamilton These had some hopes from France where Beton Archbishop of Glasgow lay as Lieger for the Queen and fed them with faire promises of men and money Yet they carried things very closely and made shew of friendship to those of the Kings side till such time as the Queen escaped out of Logh-leven by the means of George Douglas brother to William of Loghleven and to the Regent also by his mother This George had corrupted a naturall brother of his who was often trusted by William with the Keyes of the Castle One day William being at dinner this man desired the Keyes of him as he had done divers times before to let out the Queens waiting Gentlewoman and having gotten them he let out the Queen her self in her Gentlewomans apparell and masked He also went out with her and having locked the Gates threw the Keyes into the Lake and rowed the Queen over in the Boat to the Lake side where George and Tillibarne were staying for her with nine horse onely Our Writers say it was without the mothers knowledge but others affirme that she had a hand in it being moved with pity and commiseration to see her Princesse in such estate and upon the Queens promise to preferre her sonne George and pardon her other friends that were on her contrary faction amongst which we hear no mention of Murray Morton also was leâ—…t out onely it was agreed upon that his forfeiture should not prejudice their right to the Earledome of Morton This fell out the second day of May 1568. She went that night to Nidderie where by the way the Lord Seton and John Hamilton of Orbiston did meet her and the next day they went to Hamilton with 500. horse The Regent was then at Glasgow keeping of justice Courts When these news were brought to him some counselled him to go to Stirlin where the King was and where he would be the stronger But William Douglas of Drumlenrig not having the patience to stay till it came to his turne to speak and before his opinion was asked If you do so my Lord sayes he I will get me straight to the Queen as Boyde hath done For Boyde indeed was gone to her with intention as he would have made them beleeve to play Husha's part for he wrote back to Morton by his sonne that he would be more steadable and do them better service being with her than if he should remain with them There is a Proverb a foot backward a mile backward a mile a million and so never forward Whereby is signified that there is much moment in the beginnings and first efforts and great danger in recoiling and letting slip the present opportunitie So thought Drumlenrig and the Lord Semple also was of his minde Morton did confirme their opinion and reduced at large how necessary it was for them to stay still in Glasgow shewing that it was their best to make all the haste they could that their safetie did consist in celeritie in regard that so soon as it were known that she was at libertie the opinion of her authoritie and name of a Queen would daily draw more and more followers to her especially seeing the most remote parts of the Kingdome were most affectionated to her service We are enough here said he together with the Towns men who being enemies to the Hamiltons we need not doubt of their fidelittie to keep this place and make it good against them The Cunninghames and Semples potent families are hard at hand and so is the Lennox the Kings own patrimonie Neither is Douglas-dale very farre off nor Stirlin-Shire and the Earle of Marres Forces These will suffice to oppose the enemie till such time as our friends that dwell further off be advertised Mortons judgement was respected and his opinion followed whereupon messengers were immediatly dispatched and sent into Lowthian and the Merse and other parts which lay farre off to give them notice of their danger and of their intentions and to desire them to make all the haste that possibly they could to come to their aid and assistance The first that came was the Lord Hume with 600. horse the ninth of May upon his arrivall they intended to go directly to Hamilton and dare the enemie and force him to fight But that same night ere morning word was brought them that they were gathering their forces and mustering their men to take the fields for having gotten together 6000. men and knowing by certain intelligence that they were not above 4000 with the Regent confiding in their number they purposed to carry the Queen to the castle of Dumbartan where she remaining in a place of safety they might manage and prosecute the warre according to their pleasure and either use expedition therein or draw it out at length and linger as they should see cause and finde it most for their advantage The Regent ghessing what their aime was led also his armie forth into Glasgow-Moore supposing they would have gone that way but when he saw them on the South side of the river of Clide he made haste and crossed the river at the Bridge and Foords to be before them in their way I have heard it reported by those that live there about that the Queens Souldiers did essay to passe the river and come to that side where the Regent was but one or two of the foremost
being slain by his men the rest refused to go on with such hazard and disadvantage and therefore they took the way of Rutherglem which leads to Dumbartan The Regent perceiving their intent commanded the horsemen to hye them quickly to Langside Hill which they did and the rest of the Army followed them so fast as that they were all got thither before the enemie understood their meaning Two things made for the Regents advantage one was Argyles sicknesse who being overtaken with a sudden fit of an Epilepsie or Apoplexie the Army halted and thereby gave the Regent time to choose his ground though he came a further way about The other was their confidence in their number and despising of the small number of their enemies who were indeed fewer than they yet were they moe than they were aware of For having marched over hils and dales they never had a full view of them to know their number aright and perfectly When they came within a little of the hill perceiving that it was already taken by the Regent they retired to another little hil just over against it where they drew up their Companies and put their men in order Argyle was Lieutenant and led the Rere-ward With him there was the Earles of Cassils Eglinton and Rothuse the Lords Seton Somervaile Yester Borthwick Sanwhere Boyde and Rosse with divers Gentlemen of good quality The Vant-guard was committed to Claude Hamilton of Pasley sonne to the Duke and Sir James Hamilton of Evendale consisting most of Hamiltons together with their friends and followers James Stuart of Castleton and Arthur Hamilton of Mirrinton were Commanders of the Musketiers which were some 300. The Lord Harris commanded the horsemen which were most part Borderers dependers and servants to his brother the Lord Maxwell The Regent did likewise divide his men in two battels the Vant-guard was conducted by Morton with whom were the Lord Hume and Semple The Regent himself was in the Reer and with him Marre Glencairne Monteith the Lord Ruthven Ochletree and Kirkart with the small Barons of the Lennox and the Citizens of Glasgow The horsemen were committed to William Douglas of Drumlenrig and Alexander Hume of Manderston and John Carmichell of Carmichell They were inferiour in horse and therefore upon the first encounter they retired and fell back to the footmen who made out to succour them and drave back the enemies horse by the means of the High-Landers especially who bestowed a flight of arrowes amongst them and so galled them that they could no longer endure it The Queens Vant-guard coming to joyn battell with the Vant-guard of the enemy marched through a narrow Lane near unto which the Regents shot were placed in the Yards Gardens and Orchards of the Village of Langside so conveniently that they being at covert did annoy the enemie and shoot at them as at a mark without any danger or hurt to themselves In this Lane many were slain before they could get through and having passed it they were assaulted by Morton very fiercely with Pikes and Speares and other long Weapons on both sides of the Lane They fought very eagerly a while in so much that when their long Weapons were broken being so close together that they could not draw their Swords they fell to it with Daggers and Stones and and what so came readiest to hand In the midst and heat of the fight Mackfarlane with his High-Landers fled out of the last Ranks of the Regents Companies as our Writers say but indeed it was from this wing where they were placed as I have heard it of those that were present The Lord Lindsay who stood next to him in the Regents own battell when he saw them go away Let them go saith he and be not afraid I shall supply their place and withall stepping forward with his Company charged the enemy afresh Their long Weapons being broken and themselves well nigh overcome before they were not able to sustaine a new impression but turned their backs and fled The Regent and his Squadron stood still and kept their Ranks and places till they saw that the victory was clearly theirs and that the enemy did flee disorderly then they also brake their order and followed the chase in the which moe were killed than in the fight and that most part by the High-Landers who seeing that their side had the day returned and made great slaughter to make amends for their former fleeing There were many wounded and many taken but 300. slain who had been many moe had not the Regent sent horsemen throughout all quarters with command to spare the fleers There were taken of note The Lord Seton and Rosse Sir James Hamilton the Sheriff of Aire and Linlithgow with others On the Victors side one man onely slain John Balonie of Preston in the Merse a servant of Mortons few hurt the Lord Hume with a stone on the face very ill and Andrew Stuart Lord Ochletree by the Lord Harris The Queen who stood as a spectatour about a mile off seeing the field lost fled away with the Lord Harris and his horsemen For after he was repulsed by the Regents Vant-guard and the High-Landers he went to her and stayed by her From thence she fled to England suspecting the Lord Harris his fidelitie Some do reckon amongst the causes of this victory a contention which fell out between John Stuart and Arthur Hamilton two Captains of the Queens Musquetiers who that morning before they set out strove for precedencie and the matter being referred to the Queens decision she adjudged it to Stuart for the names sake and because he had been sometime Captain of her Guard Hamilton took this so ill that when they came neare to the enemie he cryed out aloud Where are now these Stuarts that did contest for the first place let him now come and take it The other hearing him answered presently And so I will neither shalt thou nor any Hamilton in Scotland set his foot before me to day whereupon they rushed forward unadvisedly and were followed as inconsiderately by Claude Hamilton of Pasley with the Vantguard which was the occasion of their disconfiture The battell was fought the 13. of May eleven dayes after the Queen came out of Logh-leven The Regent returned to Glasgow and after publick thanksgiving for the victorie and mutuall congratulation the rest of the day was spent in taking order with the prisoners Morton sought to have had the Lord Seton in his keeping but he was withstood by Andrew Ker of Fadunside whose prisoner he was whether out of fear of hard dealing towards him or lest he should lose his thanks in saving of him wherefore Morton modestly desisted The day after they went into Cliddesdale and cast down Draphan and some Houses that belonged to the Hamiltons Afterward there was a day appointed for a Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh for staying of which the other faction did use all possible means They caused rumours to be spread
Israel who when they sinned against him he chastised them when they repented he forgave them and though they sinned again and were corrected again yet when they cryed to him again he forgave them again he hoped so of himself that God would forgive him also He shewed them a Book he had about him which had been sent to him by the Lady Ormeston when hee was first committed which he had read and made good use of it it was M. Bradfords Meditation of Death hee caused M. Balcanquell to read a passage or two of it which he had chiefly noted and as he read Morton discoursed thereof to his own comfort and their great satisfaction and contentment He professed that now he heard with other eares and read with another minde and sense than he had done in former times This Book he sent back to the Lady by Master James Lowson with many thanks acknowledging he had been bettered by it When break-fast was brought in he desired them to take part with him spake very chearfully to them telling them what a difference there was betwixt a man troubled with cares and him that is resolved and free from them The last night said he before I came to my triall I could not sleep nor take rest for thinking how to make my defences but all this night I sleeped very sound having nothing to trouble me but to make my peace with God After noon M. James Lowson M. John Davison and divers others of the Ministerie came to him There he embraced M. John Davison and said to him You wrote a Book for which I was angry with you but I never meant any ill to you forgive me M. Davison was so moved here with that he could not refrain from weeping Then he repeated again before them the same things which we have set down before The Ministery hearing that the King was otherwayes informed of his Confession than was true sent John Durie David Ferguson and John Brand to his Majesty who informed him rightly and related things as they were They being returned his Keeper William Stuart as I take it brother to Arran required him to come forth to go to the place of execution To whom he said They have troubled mee much to day with worldly businesse wherefore I supposed they would have given me this nights leisure to have thought of things which concerne my soul But his Keeper replied I think they will delay no longer for all things are ready If it be so said Morton so am I too I thank my God And so after a prayer made by one of the Ministers he went down the stairs without any farther stay The Earle of Arran met him by the way and brought him back to the chamber again willing him to stay till his Confession were set down in writing that hee might signe it with his own hand But he and the Ministers that were present with him entreated that he might not be any more troubled with that matter seeing they had all heard it sufficiently Then Arran desired that he would forgive him for what he had done seeing he had no particular against him He answered that it was not time to remember quarrels he forgave him and all others as he desired they would forgive him So he went to the Scaffold very resolutely and repeated the same things in audience of the people which he had spoken before in private He added moreover The King sayes he shall this day lose a good servant who dieth professing the Gospell taught now in Scotland and though I have not walked worthy of that profession as by the grace of God I should have done if I had lived longer to the hazarding of my Life Lands and all yet am I perswaded of Gods mercie in Jesus Christ. And here I charge you all to continue therein and to maintaine the same to the uttermost of your power and God shall blesse you otberwayes you shall not escape his punishment Then while the prayer was conceived by Master James Lowson he fell down all along flat on his face during which he uttered great signes of being mightily moved which he expressed in his sighes and groanes which many of the beholders saw evidently did not proceed from fear but from the spirit of grace working powerfully in his heart Prayer being ended he stood up and his friends came to take their leave of him and after he had bidden them farewell he saluted the Ministers and took them all severally by the hand and bade them farewell in the Lord. After all was done he went without fear or dismayednesse and laid his neck upon the block crying continually that happie song Lord Jesus receive my spirit till the axe of the Maiden which he himself had caused make after the patterne which he had seen in Halifax in Yorkshire falling upon his neck put an end to his life and that note together His body was carried to the Tolbooth and buried secretly in the night in the Gray-friers his head was affixed on the Gate of the City Thus he died the 2. of June 1581. proudly said his enemies and Romane-like as he had lived constantly patiently humbly and Christian-like said the Pastors who were beholders and eare and eye-witnesses of all he said and did These outward motions being so like to other are hardly discerned but by a skilfull and unpartiall eye Wherefore the judgement and testimony of the Pastors deserves best credit they being best able to distinguish nature from grace and being freest from prejudice and partiality His enemies censure may justly bee suspected as coming from that same disposition which moved them to plot and work his death And certainly if we observe and consider his whole carriage and discourse during the time of his imprisonment and at the very point of his execution he must be voide of all charity that doth not judge the best of his confession profession and Christian disposition So that it seems to be more than humane hatred and enmity to be thus affected toward an enemie after his death to kill him again by an uncharitable construction of his devotions and piety towards his God Livor post fata quiescit Envie ceaseth after death and so let it do toward him If a man would see a pattern of one exercised in all the changes vicissitudes of fortune who had gone through tried all the estates and conditions of humane life let him cast his eye and look upon our Earl of Morton in his child-hood in his riper years manly estate and in his old age in peace and in warre in private and publick employments In every thing he took in hand in every estate and condition he acquit himself with credit honour and even admiration When he was a serving-man he was industrious carefull and faithfull when he came to an estate and was a Nobleman he behaved himself as if he had been bred such from his infancie In Court he acted the Courtier
neare the King He had upon the first surmising of an alteration come from Edinburgh with a company of some fourescore horse but hearing that the Earle of Marre was at Kinrosse in his way hee sent his company with his brothers Robert and Henrie and he himselfe with one or two taking a byway came to have slipt into the Kings presence before they had beene aware of him But Gowrie being advertised hereof met him at the gate and had straightwayes killed him if George Authenlecke sometime servitour to Morton had not held his hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed him His two brothers with their company were defeated by the Earle of Marre of which Robert was wounded also and taken prisoner There joyned with Marre and Ruthven openly Thomas Lion Master of Glames Lawrence Lord Oliphant together with Sir Lewis Ballandine of Achnowle Justice-Clerke and others Before Marre came the Guard made some difficultie to admit them and grant them entrance into the Kings chamber for they serving for pay and being put in and commanded by Arran when they heard what had happened to their Captaine made an offer to resist and not to suffer any man to come neare the King unlesse hee should signifie his pleasure to be such Sir Lewis Ballandine conceiving great indignation hereat asked at master David Hume who by chance was come thither and stood next to him if he had a pistoll about him which he gave him but withall said to him Be not too hastie to shoot let them alone you shall find that their fury will soone fall lacking their Captaine and a head and that they will give way when once they see the Nobility approach And so they did indeed for the Earle of Marre being come and the rest joyning with him they shranke away and gave place When they came to the King they shewed him the necessity of doing what they had done in regard of the violence of Arrane and their feare and suspition of the Duke of Lennox That there was no other way to remove the generall discontent of his Subjects and to prevent the dangers which would follow thereupon to himselfe and his Crowne then by removing of these men from about him whose unjust actions and violent oppressions reflected upon his Majesty to the great prejudice of his honour and estate as also to the great disadvantage of Religion and the good of his people The King assented to what they said either because he thought it to be the true or rather as appeared afterward that he might seeme to approve of that which hee could not resist So they goe to Perth then to Stirling where their Proclamations were set forth the one containing the Kings Declaration concerning what was done at Ruthven that it was for his service and acceptable to him In the other the Duke of Lennox was commanded to depart out of the Realme of Scotland before the 24. of September There was a third also by which the Chamberlain Aires were discharged to be kept The Earle of Angus had a little before these things come down from the Court of England to Berwick in expectation of this change and now having notice given him by these Noblemen of what had passed he stayed a while in the towne and thereafter came into Scotland yet did he not goe directly to Court but came to Cumledge in the Merse a house within eight miles of Berwick which belonged to Archbald Authenleck a follower of his Uncle Morton and lay next adjacent to his Barony of Boncle There he remained till Master Bowes and Master Cary Embassadours from the Queen of England came into Scotland the 11 of September and did by their intercession obtain of the King that hee might be assoyled from that crime of Rebellion which his enemies had put upon him because he had not obeyed their charges given out in the Kings name to come to Court which was indeed to come into their power Neither did he presently after hee was relaxed come neare the King untill he had assurance that the King was very well contented and desirous that he should come to him but stayed some five weekes expecting his full and free consent therein that his return might bee such as could not be excepted against The King delayed him a while that hee might be beholding to him for this favour and he was contented to stay so long that the King might see he was willing to receive it at his hands as a favour and that by so doing he might fully remove all hard construction that his Majesty could make of his withdrawing into England He had presence of the King the 20. of October about two moneths after he came home in the Palace of Haly-rood-house where hee was kindly and lovingly received to the great contentment of all men and with great commendation of his modesty for that hee had patiently waited for his Princes pleasure so long a time and had not abruptly rusht into his sight which many would and he might have done easily had he pleased to have made that use of the times and opportunitie which was offered but his disposition was not that way set he was truely of a milde disposition abhorring all turbulencie every way towardly inclining to peace and to all submission toward his Prince Now being thus returned gladly would hee have lived in quietnesse and injoyed the Kings favour still as he had it at this time and willingly would he have served him as a faithfull and loyall Subject according as he had been pleased to have imployed him without further stirring or meddling with any thing or any person Neither as I thinke did the world ever know or bring forth a more calme and quiet spirit voyd of ambition and covetousnesse as also of all envie and malice to any creature which are the chiefe causes of restlesse and tumultuous practices He was also mindfull of Mortons counsell at his death who advised him to doe so and being alreadie in so honourable a place first of the Nobilitie he had little or nothing else to desire or hope for if hee could have been assured to possesse his owne in peace But finding the Countrey divided the dregs of the old faction that stood for the Queen still working underhand and by it the Romish party labouring to undermine the true reformed Religion and such as had been instruments to establish it upon whose ruine these new men by their new courses did indeavour to build their preferment so that none could with surety live in any honourable place as a good Patriot but behoved to take part with them that stood for Religion and undergoe the like hazard as they did Besides these Noblemen had in very deed wrought out and made way for his returne from exile by removing of those who were as common enemies to all honest men so more particularly his especiall enemies having been authours of his Uncles death and who had seized
Douglas of Cavers Gentleman of his horses So he passed the Carne-Mont with great celerity and haste the rest of his houshold following after by easie journeyes Great was the care his worthy friend the Constable had of him and many wayes did hee labour to keepe him from melancholy and to divert his thoughts from too much dwelling upon his present hard condition there was no kinde of sport or game which he did not afford him with all the varietie he could devise to entertain him and to cheare him up till the court envying even this small contentment to him commanded the Constable also to goe off the Countrey yet was hee never destitute of friends such was the sweetnesse of his disposition and of such power and force was it that it wonne the hearts of all the Gentlemen in those quarters to him such as the Innesses Dumbarres Hayes and others who did all strive who should shew most affection toward him by inviting him to their houses and feasting him by turnes and using of him with all courtesie and respect so that hee could not have beene more honoured and regarded amongst his dearest friends and nearest kinsfolkes Nay such was their love to him that hearing some surmises of no great good will borne to him by Huntley they of their own accord came to him and forbade him to bee afraid of him for they would spend their lives in his defence and for his safetie if the Earle of Huntley should attempt any thing against him Wherefore it was thought that they being thus affected he durst not adventure to execute any Court plot against him which he wanted no good will to do and otherwayes would have done Yet was this the place of the Kingdome where all Huntleyes power and friendship lay very neare at hand and where Angus had least acquaintance and fewest friends all of them being meere strangers to him without any other bond of obligation or tie of relation but what his vertue and worth had gained in that short time of his being amongst them and conversing with them The Courtiers at this time were at no small contest and variance with the Ministers chiefly with Master James Lowson Master Walter Balcanquell John Durie Ministers at Edinburgh and Master Andrew Melvin Principall of the new Colledge of Saint Andrewes and Professour of Divinity there The occasion was this they had at a Generall Assembly approved the fact of Ruthven by the Kings especiall commandement and now being desired by the Courtiers to condemne it they refused to doe it Both sides alledged the Kings authority the Courtiers pleading that such was his will now and the Ministers that it was not such then The Courtiers said that he was a captive then and the Ministers replyed that perhaps he was so now that they saw not any thralling of him then and that it might as well be alledged hereafter that he was a captive now as it was alledged now that hee was a captive then As for the particular quarrels of either side they said they knew them not but one thing they knew that they were as good men as Noble as worthie as well affected to his Majestie who were with him then as those were who were about him now that they were as free from all suspition of unsoundnesse in Religion nay much freer the others being at least suspected In which regard they could not retract what they had done and could not but allow of their fact who had removed from the King men that were not altogether free of suspition What private ends or aimes they had was unknown to them as also they were ignorant what the respects were which they now had both pretended the Kings will but they were sure of this point that the removing of suspected men was a good office and made for his well being and that the instruments thereof were instruments of a good work whatsoever were their intentions Thus most of them spake Others expressed themselves more harshly saying that wicked men were removed and such as were enemies to the Church to the Countrey and to the Nobility who sought their own preferment with the overthrow of all that they might be built upon the ruines of all these These speeches were very unsavourie to the Earle of Arran to the Colonell Stuart and the Prior of Pitten-weeme It rubbed upon them and by consequent as they would have it appeare reflected upon the King Wherefore they called it sedition and stirring up of dissention betwixt the King and his Subjects So they informe the King and by their Information animate him against them Wherefore John Dury behooved to be removed from Edinburgh to Monrosse Master James Lowson and Master Walter Balcanquell were rebuked onely Master Walters Text was treason against the Courtiers and spake too much though hee had said nothing It was that passage of Ecclesiastes I saw Princes walking on foot and servants riding on horse-back that is Great and worthie men displaced and base men set up in their room to which doctrine hee added an admonition that they should look to themselves when the cup of their iniquitie should bee full Master Andrew Melvin was dilated to the King and Councell by one William Stuart that he had said in a Sermon of his That the King was unlawfully called to the Kingdome but he craved that seeing he was accused of wrong doctrine that hee might bee tried by a Generall or Synodall Assembly who are the proper judges of doctrine delivered from the Pulpit It was answered that he should have no other than the King and Councell who ordained him to enter himself prisoner in Black-Nesse Whereupon hee fearing and informed that Colonell Stuart and Arran had no good meaning toward him fled secretly to Berwick Before his departure hee drew up his Apologie of which it will not be amisse to set down the summe as a testimony of his innocencie and equity of his cause as also of the violence and iniquity of those times that so it may appear more evidently what just grounds and reasons the Noblemen had to labour to have things redressed and such enormous insolencies repressed First He protested solemnly before God and his Angels that he never uttered either in that Sermon or in any other any one word which might import any disgrace or slander of his Soveraigne the Kings Majestie but had ever exhorted all men to yeeld him all reverence and obedience that hee had ever and still did acknowledge him his lawfull Prince and supreame Governour in civill matters that he had ever and even then prayed for his preservation and prosperity Secondly that his desire to bee tried by a Synod of the Church did not proceed from any intention to call his Majesties authority in question but onely because they were appointed to bee the ordinary judges of any thing delivered in preaching In primâ instantiâ He alledged for this a plaine Act of Parliament and a conference betwixt certain Lords
out of any treasonable or malicious intention or out of arrogancy pride or presumption The French Proverbe taketh place Il faut passer par la there was no other way besides no audience no accesse could bee had to him by any other means So they conclude to joyne their pains and to partake of the perill The way resolved upon was to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces there to supplicate the King and to make their declaration to the Countrey to intimate their grievances and desires with all respect to his Majestie and with all evidence and plainnesse against the Courtiers For this end the Earle of Marre and Master of Glams should bee sent for and first finde meanes to take in the Castle of Stirling an easie taske for the Earle of Marre to performe having his friends lying near to it and the Towne devoted to his service then the Earle of Gowrie should goe thither who lay nearest to it together with the Earle of Athole the Lord Oglebie the Drummonds and the Murrayes Next to him the Earle of Angus from Brechin to whom his friends would repaire out of the South parts the Merse Liddesdale and other parts The Earle Bothwell my Lord Lindsay and diverse others of the Nobilitie were also on the party and had promised to joyne with them Being once Conveened and having the affection of the Ministerie and Burrowes they hoped to bee strong enough against these new mens owne power assisted onely by their particular friends If the Kings name were used against them there behoved to bee a Convention of the Nobilitie and Barons who would heare the Cause judge impartially and informe the King truely without slattery or feare of the courtiers whom they hated neither could they doubt of his equitie and tractablenesse when hee should understand how things were So the businesse should end without bloud and have a good and happy issue And if the worst should come yet were it better to die noblely in the field then to bee hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Executioner Thus did they propose but God did dispose of things otherwayes Men know not the Councell and secrets of the Almightie whose determination doth onely stand and come to passe He had not ordained that they should execute their designs nor that they should die in the quarrel it was to be done by another way and at another time the cup of their iniquitie was not yet full against whom they tooke armes Wherefore they were disappointed at this time which fell out thus The Earle of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Countrey within fifteen dayes Hee shifted and delayed this affrighted the Courtiers or gave them occasion to seeme affraid and to put the King into a feare and suspition that there was some enterprise in hand against him whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keepe a watch about the Pallace Gowrie made shew as if hee had intended to obey the charge contrary to the advice of his associates and that they might beleeve that his intention was reall hee goeth to Dundie causeth provide a ship and make all things ready so that the Courtiers were not more affraid that hee would stay then his Partners were that hee would hoise saile and bee gone Especially the Earle of Angus distrusted him and was jealous of his dissimulation being uncertaine whether it were with the Court or with them that hee did thus dissemble At last having trifled out the time till mid Aprill Colonell William Stuart came to Dundie and having a small company with him setteth upon him at unawares and made him save himselfe in his lodging Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships which lay in the Haven being aided by the Townesmen to whom hee had brought a Commission and warrant from the King hee began to batter the house whereupon it was rendered and the Earle taken prisoner By chance as this was in doing a servant of the Earle of Angus coming from Dalkeith by Dundie and having seene all that had happened made haste and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night where hee gave his Lord notice of what hee had seen Hee arose presently being much moved therewith and sending for the Gentleman whom hee had imployed to trie his minde before made a heavie moane bewailing the overthrow of their cause and of themselves Then hee asked his opinion what hee thought of it and first told his owne that hee thought it could bee nothing else but deceit and collâ—…sion which hee had ever feared and was now evident that his going to Dundie contrary to his advise had no other end but this and that his lingering proceeded from the same ground For said hee how could the Colonell undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men if hee had not himselfe beene willing to bee taken If hee doubted or distrusted the towne of Dundie why did hee commit himselfe to them or come in their power Why did hee not stay at Perth where hee was out of all danger till the time appointed were come Doubtlesse hee hath betrayed us all and hath collâ—…ded to suffer himselfe to bee taken so to colour his unfaithfull dealing with us It was answered that hee could not approve his coming to Dundie which hee ever disliked and had laboured to disswade him from it but could not prevaile yet it seemed a hard construction to thinke that hee came thither of purpose to act a sained apprehending that his slownesse and lingering was well knowne to bee his naturall disposition being another Fabius Cunctator in that point which hee had often found by former experience and often contested with him for it But to thinke him false in such a degree or to imagine him to bee so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers with a crime lying on him though but counterfeited it was such a point that for his owne part his opinion was that he durst not do it lest they should make use of it for his ruine and convert a colluded crime into a true dittie and so worke his death But this could not satisfie the Earle of Angus but still hee kept his opinion that there was no realitie in that act of Gowries apprehending And hee was the more confirmed therein when he heard that the Colonell carried Gowry to the houses of his owne especiall friends such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes whose sonne offered to set him at liberty and to take him out of the Colonels hands and to goe with him himselfe which hee refused to doe Angus passed the rest of that night in great solicitude and feare lest hee himselfe should bee assailed and taken after the same manner which had beene no hard matter to performe hee having but a small family and the Castle not being furnished with Armes the Earle of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers and that whole Countrey being
things grow worse had now at last being driven thereto by necessity called to minde what duty conscience God and the station wherein God had placed them did crave of them which was to endeavour that wicked Counsellours namely James Stuart called Earle of Arran chiefe Authour of all the mischiefe might be removed from about his Majestie after such a manner as they could best doe it And since no accesse was free and no man durst or would undertake to present their supplications to the King which contained a true information of his owne estate of the State of the Church and Countrey together with theirs therefore they had conveened in Arms not intending any hurt to their Prince whom they ever had honoured and still did honour and whose welfare was their chiefe end and aime or to wrong any good subject but for defence of their owne persons untill they should inform his Majestie of that which concerned him and belonged to them to remonstrate unto him either in his owne presence or by a publick Proclamation that so it might come to his eares which otherwise these wicked Counsellours did and would hinder him from hearing and that so it might come to the knowledge of all men and move the hearts of such as had true honest and courageous hearts to concurre with them in that so honourable and necessary a worke Wherefore they exhorted all men that they would not through fearfulnesse or a vaine opinion of obedience to the pretended command of a Prince who then was best obeyed when God was obeyed and wickednesse punished who did then truly reigne when wicked Councell was removed withdraw themselvs by lurking abandon the common good in hope to provide for their own particular safety which was not possible for them to doe at any time or in any case much lesse under such a man could there be any security for any good and honest man he being so violent proud tyrannicall unjust and such a profane mocker of Religion who would not be tied to or guided by any law or reason but was carried away by his owne appetite and ambition and who was more fit to be the executioner of a bloudy Nero then a Counsellour to such a just and Christian Prince farre lesse to be sole Ruler and Commander of the Kingdome under the shadow of his Majesties authority having so abused and polluted his name who was so honoured in his cradle and admired through the world for his hopefulnesse and great expectation of all princely vertues Whoso truly loued him ought to concurre and lend their aid to plucke him out of the jawes of these worse then wilde beasts that so his estate kingdome honour and person both in soule and body might be preserved This was the summe and straine of their Declarations and Letters sent abroad to move men to joyne with them in this businesse but all was in vaine for despaire of doing any good at this time had so possessed the hearts of all men that even the best affected did choose to sit still and lie quiet The Earle of Gowries apprehending had so astonished them and the incertaintie how to construe it did so amaze them that all his friends who should have made up a great part of their forces as Athole and others absenting themselves others fainted and held off Even Sir George Hume of Wedderburne a man both zealously affected to the cause and entirely loving the Actors Marre and Angus as being tied to them by bloud alliance and particular intimatenesse of friendship though he were acquainted with their proceedings from time to time and being prisoner in the Castle of Downe in Monteeth might easily have escaped from thence and come to them to Stirlin yet did he avoid all medling therein and would neither receive nor send message concerning that matter yea they themselves were contented that he should doe so in that generall desertion having gained nothing by their Declaration and Remonstrance save the publishing of their Apologie which was not necessary to friends whose approbation they had already and wrought nothing upon others For though the King had a copie thereof delivered into his own hand which they greatly desired that thereby he might know the naked truth of things and be truly informed of the Courtiers carriage and behaviour yet did it produce no effect to purpose neither did they make any use thereof that was known either to informe and perswade the King of the things contained therein or to reforme themselves Wherefore now their whole thoughts ranne onely upon this how to come off their lives safe and reserve themselves to a better and more convenient time so incertaine is the event of all humane enterprises The Courtiers failed not to make contrary Proclamations in the Kings name the bare shew whereof though there were but very few that favoured them or their proceedings in their heart was of such force that men conveened thereupon out of all quarters It was made in the strictest forme commanding all that were able to beare Armes from sixteene yeares of age to sixtie to assemble themselves and to bring with them provision of victuall for thirty dayes to march whither the King should be pleased to direct them Hereupon Franâ—…is Stuart Earle of Bothwell came with his forces to Edinburgh where the King was but he being brother-in-law to the Earle of Angus having married his sister the Courtiers did not like of his company and so he was commanded to returne home againe to his house He was indeed of the Lords faction and so were many others who obeyed the Kings proclamation who if they had had hearts and heads were enow of themselves to have taken order with the Courtiers But being dasht with feare of they knew not what if they had considered aright they looked upon one another and so were forced to guard those men whom they could have wished to be hanged The Town of Edinburgh were commanded to reach out 500. Musketiers which they did and this was the Courtiers greatest strength yet consisting of the vulgar and such as had no obligation to binde their fidelitie to them and if they had seen the Nobilitie Gentry go about to take them in hand would not have made great opposition nor have hazarded themselves for the Courtiers safety in all likelihood However Colonell William Stuart is sent with 500. men to Fawlkirke whereupon the Lords at Stirling went to a consultation to see what were best for them to doe They had not with them above 300. men which were their owne proper followers yet being resolute willing forward and active Gentlemen it was thought fittest by some to assaile him and to punish his boldnesse and audacitie for taking such charge upon him being but a meane Gentleman to invade and come against the Nobility Disdaine anger and courage seemed to approve of this resolution that so his malapertnesse might be chastised and dashed Neither were it without good use for if he were once
out of his own inclination or being directed so to do for reasons of State or for both hee so inclining and the State of England making use of that his inclination that by him they might understand and make use of the mysteries of the Court of Scotland and such as guided it But our Courtiers being rid of the fear of the Lords so near neighbourhood did the freelier vent themselves and discover their wayes and by discovering bewray their wickednesse and disgrace themselves As they went to New-castle they visited by the way Lord John Hamilton and Claud of Paslay his brother at Widdrington the place of their abode There had been some variance betwixt them but now being all involved in the same case of banishment it was to no purpose to entertain and keep in the sparkle of discord and therefore they were reconciled Being come to New-castle they stayed there a while not so much to enterprise any thing from thence upon any ground they had laid already as to wait for any occasion that should be offered Here did the Earle of Angus his kindenesse and bountifull disposition toward all men plainly shew it self For hearing that the Ministers were come to Berwick hee caused a Letter to bee written and sent to them from them all in common and hee himselfe wrote particularly to them besides and caused the rest of the Nobilitie to write also their private Letters wherein many arguments were used to perswade them to come to them Especially hee wrote very earnestly to Master James Lowson and Master James Carmichael not neglecting any of the rest fitting his argument according to his acquaintance and relation and according to the persons of the men pretending some such cause and necessitie of their coming as hee thought would bee most effectuall to move them but the true cause which moved him to send for them was because hee thought they all stood in need of supply in necessaries Besides hee caused one that was with him whom hee knew to bee very intimate with Master James Lowson to write to him for the same effect and to tell him that hee longed to see him and when Master James excused himselfe alledging that hee behooved to stay at Berwick because hee expected some things from Scotland hee would not accept of his excuse nor of the interpretation thereof that hee meant of Books that were to bee sent to him but caused returne him answer that hee took it ill that hee should think to lack any thing where hee was Wherefore hee entreated him to make haste to come to him by doing of which hee should do him a singular pleasure Hee dealt even so with others also and sought pretences to put curtesies upon them David Ereskin Abbot of Drieburgh being an exceeding honest modest and shamefast man and who had ever been readier to give than to take from any and Angus fearing that hee would not out of his bashfulnesse take any curtesie directly from him found out this way to fasten it upon him Hee pretended that hee had some Tithes of Lands in Tweddale which belonged to his Abbacie of Drieburgh for which hee did owe him some arrearage duties and meales which hee would needes pay him and under that colour gave him what he listed to take without acquittance The Ministers were for a long time wholly maintained by him and he extended his liberalitie not onely to supply their necessities but even to furnish them with what Bookes they desired to buy And indeed there was no man that wanted in that company who did not taste of his bountie At last when all was gone for it could not last alwayes hee said to one with whom hee was pleased to bee familiar with a chearfull countenance Now it is gone and fare it well I never looked that it should have done so much good Meaning that being acquired by more rigorous exacting than either hee himselfe could allow of or the common people took well by the Earle of Morton in his Regencie for this was his treasure at least that part of it which came to his hands hee doubted whether it should have had such a blessing as to have done so much good to so many honest men Neither was this lavishnesse in him or superfluous waste so to bestow it in regard that their English allowance was spare enough and oftentimes very slowly furnished unto them So that having occasion to use moneyes and not knowing from whom to borrow any hee was forced to employ one of his followers to borrow from Master Archbald Douglas on his owne credit for my Lord himselfe would not be beholding to him nor use him so familiarly two hundred pounds Sterling which hee lent very courteously upon the Gentleman 's owne Bond knowing well enough that it was for my Lords use This was repayed to him when their allowance came in While they remained at New-castle Master John Colvill was sent to attend at Court about their affaires partly because of his acquaintance there with Secretary Walsinghame and others partly by the advice of the Master of Glames whose opinion and recommendation the rest did much respect He fed them with hopes and upon occasion of the preparing and rigging forth the Queenes Navie hee did insinuate by his Letters as if there had been some intention to have sent it into Scotland for their behoof which some did beleeve But they could not perswade the Earle of Angus of it he esteemed it but a dream as it was indeed no other When that hope was vanished and there was no ppearance of any thing to be done of a sudden one whom he was pleased to use familiarly seeing no great use of his remaining there told him that he had a desire to go to London being loath to spend that time idlely that there he might the better advance his private studies and exercises as in a place more fit for bettering himselfe therein Hee most willingly and lovingly consented to the motion not onely to satisfie his desire herein but having a reserved intention to imploy him in their common businesse as occasion should serve or at least in his own particular to his particular friends which purpose he concealed then but shewed it afterward Hee had almost over difliked Master John Colvill and did many times in private complaine That hee could not finde that sinceritie in him which hee wished and which he said was seldome to bee found in any such as hee was who had left the Function of the Ministerie to follow the Court and worldly businesse And for him in particular he said hee was a busie man thrusting himselfe into all affairs and who sought onely his particular ends in doing of publick businesse without sinceritie or uprightnesse which sayes hee when it is wanting I know not what goodnesse can bee in him and if it bee not to bee found in the world as they say it is not I know not what can bee in the world but miserie For mine
conformable to it and the very same in substance and effect having the selfesame reasons and narration onely it ought to bee amplified with admonitions and exhortations which are not proper nor pertinent for a Bond. And I beleeve no man can shew mee what inconvenience can follow upon the prolixitie of a Bond unlesse it bee the greater pains of the Writer which is recompensed with this great advantage that being drawne up at large it needeth no other Expositour or Pleader for it but doth expound and justifie it selfe And your Lordship knoweth what great necessitie and neede there is of this circumspection in this case that the very band it selfe be an exposition and justification of it selfe into whose hands soever it shall happen to come For its owne interpretation of it selfe cannot be rejected when no other will be admitted to expound it For this purpose let them that please reade and consider the Memorials of France of the Low-Countreyes and of Germany in the beginning of their Reformation they shall see that the tenour of all these bands containes ample declarations of the causes wherefore and the reasons moving them to joyne themselves together in that kinde of association as also for what end they did it so that no Declaration can bee more large But I did declare my opinion to your Lordship in the like matter long agoe and I doubt not but if it shall please your Lordship to weigh and consider it you shall easily finde how necessary it is for many respects that into whatsoever band you enter it be cleare and particular Whereas it pleases your Lordship to write that if you can finde a fit occasion whereof you also have some hope you will cause employ me here and withall you adde That none should refuse to further the businesse all they can I am not so ignorant or forgetfull of my duty as either directly or indirectly to refuse that service or any other your Lordship shall be pleased to command mee But I see there are divers others who seeme to be so diligent that my paines will not be very needfull as I doubt not but your Lordship knowes sufficiently When it pleases them at any time in halfe words and darke speeches like parables obscurely to signifie ought to me of the State of businesse they appeare and seeme to mee so deepe and profound mysteries as I can no wayes understand or know what to make of them Wherefore I am very well contented that I am free of them and to be a beholder of all leaving the managing thereof to those who know these obscure grounds better and like better of them then it may bee I should doe in regard of their deepnesse I had rather employ my time upon other thoughts farre more pleasing to mee where dutie rightly considered calls mee not from them then businesse of that nature They are not desirous of any companion or copartner in their travels nor am I desirous to encroach upon their labours or the labours of any man or to bereave him of the fruit of his paines and industry by intruding my selfe thereupon and to bee a sharer with him in the good successe of his endeavours if they shall happen to bee successefull And as little am I willing if there be no appearance of the prospering of it to take the worke out of their hands which is perhaps marred already or to enter in at the broad side upon grounds already laid by them with this State wherewith I have not beene as yet so throughly acquainted as were needfull for one to prosecute their worke dexterously and to purpose However I doe not speake this to prejudge your Lordship or that I meane to shunne any burden you shall bee pleased to lay upon mee and I am able to undergoe whatever it be but onely to tell my minde freely that I had rather if it were in my choice your Lordship would employ me in any particular of your owne which might give me occasion to visit master Secretary for your Lordship knows how ill I can trouble any man without an errand and if upon that occasion he should happen to speake of the publicke businesse I should manage the opportunity the best I could However my dutifull service ever remembred to your Lordship in what I can in this mind and disposition which your Lordship knows and leaving you and all to be rightly managed by that God who certainly can and assuredly will manage all things rightly in whom I rejoyce alwayes to see your Lordship so depend I rest in him c. The other Letter the onely extant of many was written long after from London also but to Norwich whither he was then come from Newcastle It is dated the 20. of March following in the yeare 1584. Please your Lordship SInce the writing of my other the Earle of Lancaster hath beene most part from Court at his owne house On Saturday hee returned and I attended all that day and the next day till 12. of the clocke but in vaine At last when he came to Westminster I got speech of him with great difficulty in the Councell chamber by the meanes of one master Baptist one of his chiefe Gentlemen who professeth to love your Lordship entirely I delivered your Lordships Letter to him and declared the credit it was courteously received with many loving words concerning your Lordship That in that and all other things he would doe for your Lordship what lay in his power that his affection to your Lordship was no whit changed but remained the same that it was of old and that it should appeare he was no lesse carefull of you then he had beene before I went after that to Sir Pâ—…ilip Sidney who so soone as he saw me of his owne accord before I spake to him told me That he had not beene unmindfull of your Lordships businesse that he had spoken of it to Leicester and the Secretarie and that he would not forget it but doe in it all that could be done I wrote to your Lordship before what cold hopes I had to speed herein and the cause thereof Now I am put in better hope by divers That your Lordship shall be licensed to come up and that the Ambassadour will insist against you concerning which matter I shall shew your Lordship farther God willing at meeting He is gone this day to Court upon occasion of Letters which hee received on Saturday at night what they beare I have not yet learned Onely I heare no word of any alteration or stirring in Scotland as it was reported save that in the generall there is an universall feare and envie at Court amongst themselves and in the Countrey every where of every man against his neighbour However it bee if I bee not mistaken this motion of your Lordships comming up hither is occasioned by these last Letters and yet it is said even by some of their favourers that they thinke verily that your Lordship hath great wrong done unto
This State will not seeme openly to know our designes but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes for so it is promised Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content having been of late ill used by that State in killing Sir Francis but not as having any command so to do If matters go on we minde to enter on both hands Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders Angus â—…nd Marre at the East with such as will joyne with them there Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person howbeit it was written all with his own hand But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them Angus Marre and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights Thither came the Lord Hume Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and others of their friends and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh where they made their coming known and professed their intentions Upon the report hereof Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get and came to Peebles but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks as the Earle of Gowrie nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin and therefore he retired in due time to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming They took their journey toward Hamilton and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell and so altogether marched to Fawkirk They caused publish Declarations every where containing their intentions and justifying their proceedings which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland written by Holinshed an English-man who pleaseth may read it there The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin when they fled to England onely such things were added thereto as had fallen out since then in the time of their abode there As namely First The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie Secondly The executing imprisoning banishing by wrested Lawes the worthiest most ancient and the most faithfull to GOD and the King both Noblemen and Barons Thirdly Acts and Proclamations published inhibiting Presbyteries other exercises priviledges and immunities allowed by Parliament or practised and permitted by laudable custome of the Church without which purity of Doctrine the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue Fourthly compelling forcing the most learned and most religious men and such as were of most entire life conversation of most sincere conscience to forsake their Countrey or inhibiting them to preach and defrauding them of their Stipend by violence Fifthly the entertaining of Jesuites and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent Sixthly obdurate Papists having place in Session and honest men removed an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion Seventhly the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows contrary to their priviledges which were neither free of the Townes nor fit to discharge the place in their persons Eighthly the secret practices of James Stuart and the Colonell to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England very happily into open hostility having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction a point confessed by divers her Rebels executed in England and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell a man noble in birth honourable by vertue zealous in Religion of great expectation and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men notwithstanding that they had made shew of the contrary for certaine moneths and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her The conclusion was Wee command and charge in our Soveraigne Lords name as his born Counsellours who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare honour and reputation for which we have our Lands and Inheritances all and sundry his subjects to further and assist this our godly enterprise to concurre with us and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion his Majesties welfare and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme It contained also certification That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary yea that did not take plaine and open part with them should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours James and William Stuarts and enemies to Religion to his Majestie and Authoritie and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes and should bee used as such in body and goods Commanding all Justices and Magistrates as well the Lords of the Session as others Sheriffes and whatsoever inferiour Judges to administer justice for the furtherance hereof as they would answer upon their allegeance and highest perils with the like certification to them also if they failed herein They staid at Fawlkirke that night being the second day of November and kept strong watch being within five miles of the enemy It was observed with great disdain that the Lord Maxwel who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch and so the choyce of the watch-word gave it Saint Andrew as smelling of his superstitious disposition and which was a blemish and contradiction in a manner to their declaration wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion But it was rather privately grudged at than publickly reproved On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin as from the King to the Earle Bothwell whereby he was desired to forsake that Company and either come to the King or returne to his own house which he pleased This was a trick to divide them and which did so work upon him that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him and partly by his authoritie being a man greatly respected detained him and fixed his wavering minde he had forsaken them altogether not without great danger to have weakned the hands and hearts of the rest by such an untimely example On such moments many times do even the greatest businesse depend But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands That rub being removed they march forward and about the going down of the Sunne they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin and were seen from the Castle wall of friends and foes They lodged there-about as they could till near the dawning of the day and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall without sound of Drumme or Trumpet they came to their Camp and Colours The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus First one of the Commanders with a few Companies was directed to go and make shew as
to loathe them and to bee loathed of them and so take away that great expectation men had of his Religion and their love to him for it I would separate and divide him from such and such from him then bring him to a neutralitie in Religion then to countenance men of contrary Religion then stirre suspicions on each side then alienation would follow and what not But as I am out of my poore affection toward his Majestie I doe wish that these occasions were taken away I wish I say that your Lordship see to it as you would have things right and out of that minde you spake of which was that you have the honour to bee nearer in kinne to him then to any King that can come after him howbeit your Lordship is in the same degree of kindred with the next apparent my Lord Hammiltouns children But you desire no change I know and that it may continue in the present race as I am perswaded that Hammiltoun himselfe hath no other minde yet the matter is worthy your Lordships consideration so much the more as ye have had experience how farre evill company about him hath had power alreadie to make things goe on I leave it and rest as having no part or particular save onely to wish well and to follow as your Lordship goes before In the meane time I have also here a note of a sheet of paper or two concerning the abuses in the Church and Common-wealth sent to me by master James Melvin to be I know imparted to your Lordship you may lay it by you and reade it when you have leasure for your remembrance This hee tooke and having read a little of it with a deepe sigh which expressed the inward passion of his heart God knowes my part sayes hee I shall neglect nothing that is possible for mee to doe and would to God the King knew my heart how I am affected to his welfare and would give eare to mee But c. Many times was hee most earnestly dealt with to take more upon him to frequent the Court more and to make his residence at it especially by Sir Lewis Ballandine His pretext was the common cause and the good of it but it proceeded from a particular betwixt him and master John Metellane then Secretarie who had crossed him in some suite hee had concerning Orkney and drawne the halfe of it to his owne use For which cause hee endeavoured to employ the same Gentleman to have perswaded my Lord to that purpose but he knowing both my Lords inabilitie of body and aversenesse of minde told him sincerely and plainly which way my Lord was inclined and that his disposition was not to be drawn by any man farther then he thought fit out of his owne discourse of reason And for his owne part hee was to follow his Lordship and not to goe before him or prescribe him what he should doe Sir Lewis grieved very much hereat having beene familiar with him of old and complained to his friends that the Earle of Angus was too slow and that he had one with him that was as slow as himselfe Not long after the infirmitie of his body increasing and his strength and health decreasing he was seldome able to come to Court and could not stay long at it when he did come I finde in a note of those times that at the Parliament holden in Edinburgh 1587. in June there was some dispute betwixt the Earle of Angus and Master of Glames But I remember no such thing neither doe I know how there could bee any publicke dissention either in this or any other thing howbeit they differed in judgement concerning the guiding of State affaires yet I see not how that could come to any publicke contention His associates propounded to him to accept the Office of Chancellour which had beene vacant ever since the removing of James Stuart This hee did familiarly impart to the former Gentleman and asked his opinion therein Hee answered plainly That it was indeed the most fit place for him as being the most honourable Office in the Kingdome by which he might doe most good offices to his Countrey in Councell Session and elsewhere and that by that occasion it brought great dependance and many followers That it had beene before in the hands of his Predecessours as of Earle Archbald the first called Bell the Cat and of late in the Earle of Mortons before he was Regent Hee answered that it required skill in the lawes and more learning then hee had It was replied that in very deed much learning was not absolutely necessary that it was not knowne what learning Archbald the first had and it is not likely that hee had much But it was well knowne that the Earle of Morton had very little or none at all to speake of not so much in the Latine tongue as he himselfe had and yet hee had discharged the Office with credit A naturall judgement to conceive and resume the question and the reasons of each side is more needfull in a Chancellour then learning his part being properly to doe that whereas the decision seldome hangs upon his vote Or if it come to that learning does not alwayes the turne knowledge of the customes of the Countrey is more requisite and is onely required in Councell As for the Session businesse the President does commonly supply the Chancellours roome Besides seeing that ordinarily the question is not ended at the first hearing what is difficult may be advised and tossed by whom your Lordship pleaseth before the next hearing And although you finde not that full sufficiencie for the present which you could wish yet time and custome will bring experience and experience beget knowledge And this is said to have beene observed of the Earle of Morton that having beene rude enough at first he became afterward very skilfull and as able and sufficient as any man in the Kingdome and therefore your Lordship needs not to distrust or diffide your selfe in the like case Well saies my Lord I know not what dexteritie either of them hath had and as for the Earle of Morton though he wanted letters yet hee was of a singular judgement and rare wisedome scarce to be matched by any in this age But for my owne part as I yet thinke neither am I able for the present to discharge it neither doe I thinke it fit to enter into an Office before I have learned what belongs to it neither can I digest to doe it by others seeing I ought to doe it my selfe yet I shall advise The conclusion was he rejected it and thereupon it was given to Secretarie Metellane to his associates great griefe he having ever been a man of a contrary faction and disposition in all businesse of the Common weale Hee accepted of the Office of Lieutenant on the Borders willingly being more sutable to his disposition and his proper element as we speake and he professed that he delighted as