of the Realm so much by Conqueâ—â— as on Conditions accordingly here 's mentiâ—â— made of one Grant The Occasion of Stephen's coming to the Crowâ— contrary to his own former Oath swore to Kiâ—â— Henry and in prejudice to Maud's Claim is Râ—corded by one Author to have been the Oath one Hugh Bâ—got sometime King Henry's Stewarâ— who swore that the Late King in his presence little before his Death chose this Stephen for 〈◊〉 Heir by reason that he had received some discoâ—tent at his Daughters hands Whereunto the 〈◊〉 giving easy Credence admitted him King 〈◊〉 Favour of the Londoners did doubtless at thâ— time conduâ—â— not a little to his advantage in pâ—â—ferring him an able Man before a weak Womaâ— For Stow's Annals inform us That he was receivâ—â— by the Londoners when he had been repulsed at â—ther Places certainly it redounded to his 〈◊〉 Benefit afterwards as hath been related before Another Addition of Strength might be his not imposing heavy Taxes upon the People which it may be increased their Love to him and made so many side with him As indeed we find upon his first Admission that he sware among other things before the Lords at Oxford to forgive his People the Tax of Danegelt Neither do I read of any Taxes that he raised upon the Commons It is affirmed positively in the Câ—llâ—ction of Wonders and Remarkable Passages that he raised none with which Stow likewise agrees So that a King 's needless laying of many heavy and grievous Taxes upon his People occasions him to lose much of their Love and his forbearing it when he hath Power in his hands unites his Subjects Hearts the faster to him But instead of Taxes we read of this Kings permission given to his Lords to build Castles or Fortresses upon their own Grounds Many whereof we find pulled down in the next King's time they having been the occasion of many Miseries in the Land and the ready means to foment Civil Wars therein which generally brings greater Damages to the Commonâ—lty than a few Impositions and Taxes can be presumed to do This King Stephen was twice Crowned but for what cause or for what intent is not so easily known whether it was that he thought his Imprisonment had diminished somewhat of his Royalty or else thinking by a second Coronation to â—lude the Force of the Oath made at the first I find not delivered Certain it is soon after my Author tells of his taking away a Castle from the Earl of Chester who before had appeared against him on Maud's side with a very considerable Strength but had been afterwards reconciled to the King But what is much more considerable we read not long after of the King 's new danger and ill Success and of his Party being weaken'd particularly by the loss of London For Duke Henry after King coming into England with a great Army after some small Success gets up to London and wins the Tower as much by Policy and fair Promiâ—es saith my Author as by Strength Then he had Opportunity enough to caress the Câ—tizens being so near them and it may be he got not the Tower without their Consert if not by their Affistance Hereby we find that he retrieved what his Mother's Haughtiness before had lost and so having got the City's Affection and Power he was in a fair way to obtain his Desires as he did not long after For we quickly read of Mediators and Treaties of Peace between these two Competitors which took Effect at last though the Interest and Policy of some hindered it for a time In Conclusion the King was fain to consent to the adopting the Duke his Heir so that he might Reign during his Life Which justly to perform the King being sworn with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the next place we hear of their riding up to London as if to bind the bargain it was requisite to ask the consent of that Honourable City whose Favour seems to have been of so great weight in those unsettled Times as to turn the Scales twice once in the King's behalf and erewhile on the Dukâ—'s Such was their Influence such their Power as to pull down and set up in a manner whom the Citizens pleased Happy was this Agreement to the Land by settling peace therein as beneficial likewise was it to the Duke it being a fair Step to the Throne whereon we find him mounted within a little time For not long after this Accord we hear of the King's Death Whether the Troubles of his Mind or Diseases of his Body brought him to his End vexation for the disappointment of his Designs in being after a sort compelled to adopt his Competitor his Enemy for his Son and Heir or Grief for the loss of London's Favour which helped to effect so great a Turn in his Affairs I shall not determine It might be one it might be the other or neither or all conjoyned that became the occasional Causes so to phrase it of his Death I like not to be very positive where I am not very certain Stephen's Death making thus way for Henry to ascend the English Throne he became one of the â—reatest Kings that ever ruled this Land for the Largeness and Extent of his Territories if we reckon the Inheritance he enjoyed from his Father the Land he held by the Title of his Mother the Dowry he had with his Wife and what he obâ—ained by the Success of his Arms Yet notwithâ—tanding all this he lived not free from Troubles â—nd intestine Broils which sprung much out of his â—wn Bowels So that the Glory of his Youth beâ—an somewhat to be eclipsed by the Misfortunes of â—is elder Years He Crowned his eldest Son liâ—ing King sometime before the middle of his â—eign to the end as one Author affirms that he â—ight have full Power and Authority to rule this â—and and People while his Father was busied in â—ther Countrys where some of his Lands lay This â—ight be one Reason but the King having learnt 〈◊〉 experience to his Mother's Loss and his own â—ost how easy it was for Stephen to attempt and â—ain the Crown being present on the Spot while â—â—e right Heir was far distant in the vacancy of the â—hrone may be supposed in his intent to have designed the hinderance of such an Intrusion for the future by Crowning the next Heir King while he himself lived I read that Stephen had some such design to have Crowned his Son King in his own days as he declared at a Parliament called at London An. Reg. 17 to have fixt the Crown the surer to his Posterity But the Bâ—shops refused the Deed Which I do not find they did so much out of Conscience or in Favour to Mâ—â—d's Title as by the Command forsooth of the Pope who in those days was very apt to be clapping his Fingers into almost everâ— ones Pye where he thought any good pickinâ— might be had This King Henry got but little by Crowning
London there passed an Inquest of Twelve Knights of Middlesex sworn upon a Jury between the Abbot of Westminster and the City for certain Priviledges the Citizens of London claimed within Westminster where by the said Jury it was found before the Chief Baron of the Kings Exchequer that the Sheriffs of London at those days might lawfully enter into the Town of Westminster and all other Tenements that the Abbot had within Middlesex and unto the Gate of the said Abby and there to make Summons and distrain for lack of Appearance all and every Tenant of the said Abbot 'T is not now adays only that the Londone's stand so strong for their Priviledges whatsoever some may think of it as if out of stubbornness and opposition Their Fore-Fathers were like-minded and stood up couragiously in defence of their just Rights and Liberties against Arbitrary Encroachers above Four Hundred years ago Anno 1262. After this the former Complaint of the Aliens and others was declared before the King and his Lords in the Parliament at Westminster This is the Term Fabian gives it but whether on the same account as he did before when he expounded a Parliament by a Council of Lords in the 43d Year pag. I am not so certain as positively to determine Here the Chronicle tell us it was at last sentenced but by what means and Inducements is not there set down that the Barons should restore all such Goods as they and their Company had taken from all Persons before that day as well to Aliens as other men both Spiritual and Temporal and also that such Menial Servants as should be daily in the Kings House and about his Person should be such as the King would choose and admit himself But the dissenting Barons utterly rejected these Articles whereupon the Fire of Dissention was again kindled between the King and those his Lords In the 47th Year by procurement of the Barons we are told that the Commons of London chose unto their Mayor for that Year Thomas Fiz Thomas Robert Moumphere and Robert de Suffolk were Sheriffs and without Counsel of the Aldermen swore him at Guild-Hall upon Simon and Jude's day and made no presentment of him the morrow following to the King nor to the Barons of the Exchequer as had been the custom For which we may easily suppose the King was much discontented with the City Whereupon the King perceiving the City would take the Barons part having caused his Son to seise Windsor Castle by a Train early in a Morning a little before Christmas he rode thither from Westminster whither shortly after came also many of the Lords that were upon the King's party As fast likewise the Lords and Knights on the Earl of Leicester's side drew towards London so that on either part was much People assembled In the mean time some well disposed Mediators endeavouring a Concord between the King and his Lords it was finally agreed by both parties that all matters concerning the foresaid Articles of the Statutes and Ordinances made at Oxford and afterwards by the 12 Peers should be referred to the French King to judge which should be held and which not Upon this Agreement were Copies made of the said Statutes with Letters shewing the â—ffect of the former Agreement and sent unto Lewis the French King Over sails the King with his Sâ—n Edward and others of his Council on one side On the other were sent Sir Peter de Mountford and others as so many Sollicitors for their mutual Parties So that the Statutes were strongly argued before the French King by both sides In the end the French King Lewis calling before him both Parties on January the 24th and sitting in Judgment gave express Sentence that all and every of the said Statutes and Ordinances should be from that day forward utterly void and set at nought and all such Bonds and Promises that the King or any other had made for the maintenance of the same should be annulled and cancelled and the King and all others for any matter concerning those Statutes set at Liberty After this Sentence thus given the King returned into England and so to London February the 15th This King Lewis is named a Saint for that he was not I suppose so bad as other Princes too too commonly are or more probably for some deeds of his pleasing to the Popish Clergy as his sending to destroy the then accounted Heretical Albigenses his taking a Voyage once into the Holy Land and undertaking a second towards the same place at the Popes request For at that time the Holy War as 't is generally called was cried up in these Western parts of the World as a high piece of Devotion But whatever esteem Lewis had got in the World the Barons it seems continued not to have the same Veneration for him but were contrary wise much moved with his Sentence noting great Partiality in him thus to disannul all the foresaid Acts which were at first made in Parliament the King agreeing to them and had been variously confirmed by the Kings Grant his Oath and manifold Promises together with a solemn Curse denounced against such as would attempt in word and deed to break them It may be 't was the Fame of this King Lewis's Goodness that made the Barons consent to have him the Umpire as one concerned on neither party But what could be expected in the Case Could it be supposed that he a King would not favour his Brother King what he might rather than by confirming these Acts pretended so prejudicial to all Royal Prerogative give Example to his own Subjects to require the like at his hands or attempt to compel him thereto by force Had the Lords gotten an Umpire from among some disinterested Subjects of some other Land he perhaps would have adjusted the business wholly in their favour So hard had it been to have met with a just Arbitrator in the case who would not have declined to one or the other Party for fear nor favour King Henry having thus got a Verdict on his side and the Barons noting Partiality and therefore refusing to stand to the Judgment though the Chronicle intimates to us that they had promised assuredly to abide the French Kings Arbitration For King Lewis expresly excepting King John's Charter before granted the Barons persisted in defence of the Oxford Statutes as founded on that Charter What then remains but to commit all to the last Decision of the Sword and so the whole Arbitrement shall be cast more immediately into the hands of Providence Away from London go the Lords Westward into the Marches of Wales where drawing to them great Power they war upon the Lands and Castles of Sir Roger Mortimer to whose aid Edward the King's Son coming his People were distressed and he himself almost taken To redress these grievances a new Parliament was appointed at Oxford which Fabian says never came to effect Yet he mentions another Chronicle which affirms this Parliament
into Ireland Yet thither we hear of the Kings sending him oftentimes secret Messengers and comsorting him with many rich gifts and the next year we read of his being fetch'd home again to still the grudges springing up between the King and his Nobles and continue amity amongst them which prov'd but so much the more mischievous to the Realm For this exorbitant Favourite's power more and more encreasing he having the keeping of the Kings Treasure and Jewels convey'd many of them some of great value out of the Land and brought the King by means of his wanton Conditions to manifold Vices as Adultery and others whereupon by the Lords Counsel and Resolution taken at Lincoln he was shortly after exil'd into Flanders to the Kings great displeasure In comes Gaveston again though he had before abjur'd the Realm with this condition by the Barons added that if he were found again in any Lands subject to the King's dominions he should be taken as a Common Enemy and Condemned But being recall'd by the King he ventures on his favour and afterwards demeans himself worse and worse In so much that we read that he disdain'd the Lords of England and of them had many spiteful and slanderous words so that there 's the less wonder that the Queen and the whole Court were sorrowful because they saw the King as Stow words it not very sound so great was his Joy and Jollity for his receiving him in safety Whereupon the Lords of one mind saith my Author consented to put him to death which they soon after effected by taking the Castle wherein he was and so having him in their hands smote off his Head For this was the King grievously displeas'd with those Lords and vow'd we hear to revenge his Death so that after this he sought occasion against them to grieve and displease them If the foremention'd disorders with many before express'd by Authentick Writers to have fallen out under this King If Treachery Robberies Rapes Extortions Divisions Civil discords at home slights contempts and losses abroad and much blood-shed in Battels fought and lost both at home and abroad If murrain of Beasts and scarcity of Grain dearness of Victuals sickness and mortality of Men ravages and outrages of cruel insulting Enemies and almost a general desolation in several places of the Land be glories that can eternize a Man's memory to succeeding Generations I know not whether this Kings Name and Reign may ever be forgotten as long as England stands a fixt Island in the midst of the Ocean In the midst of these troubles and crosses you are not to suppose the City of London scap't free from partaking in the Common misery of the Land In the first of this King's Reign I find that he and his new Married Bride were received joyfully by the Citizens and so conveyed to Westminster but the times afterwards grew so cloudy and full of storms that I don't think they had over much reason to rejoyce more than the rest of their poor distressed fellow Subjects Yet Providence in good time delivered the City out of these troubles and with advantage too as may be observed and remark't in the end of this and beginning of the next Kings Reign Twice more particularly in this Kings Reign do we read of a breach made on the Cities Priviledges by constraining the Citizens at their own charges to raise and maintain a certain number of Soldiers and send them whether they were appointed but the last time it seems it was conditionally that it should not be made a President which possibly was to appease them when they refused to go out of the City to fight unless they might according to their liberties as Stow says return home again the same day before Sun-set For 't is plain how great soever their respect was towards their Soveraign that they had no great kindness for some about him And therefore when aid and assistance was requested of them against the Queen who with her Son Edward was newly Landed and pretended Reformation of abuses they made this plea or excuse as favouring rather Reformers than makers of Grievances yet with profession of due obedience and Honour to the King the Queen and their Son who was after his Father the Right and Lawful Heir to the Crown At the Parliament of Whitebands held in the twefth of this King whether the Barons came in Arms the Citizens were the Keepers of the Kings peace in the City a thousand of them well Armed by the Majors order watching by day and as many by night in divers Wards and at several Gates thereof under the inspection of two Aldermen with Officers assigned to Ride about every night to oversee them and the rest of the Citizens were enjoyned to have their Arms in readiness upon a very short warning for more surety And what pray now was the effect of all this but that the peace was kept the City guarded it and no disturbance hapned that I read of notwithstanding there was so great an Army then on foot Ill men were removed several things were ordained for the good of the Realm Transactions were carried on without violence or blood-shed the Parliament was peaceably dissolved and every one returned home in quietness safety and security But on the contrary afterwards in the later end of this Kings Reign when the Courtiers were much disgusted in the City by reason of many violences committed and much harsh dealing used by some towards their fellow Subjects in the time of their power under the wings of Authority and pretence of Law and Justice the Citizens were so far from keeping the King's peace as before that they soon shew'd openly their favour good will and kindness for the Queen who under the glozing pretence of reforming the ill Government was come into the Land with a considerable force of Soldiers and had sent to the Mayor and Commonalty for their aid help and assistance in carrying on this her pretended Reformation A work generally highly acceptable to all such as think themselves oppressed and glorious in the Eyes of the people but such is the misery fate and infelicity the frailty and imperfection incident to all sublunary attempts that it very seldom if ever fully answers the expectation of every one concern'd Neither was the Citizens affection to the Queen and her Party barely shewn in words and expressions but it went much farther and was publickly brought into Act by beheading such as they took to be the Queens enemies not so much as sparing the Bishop of Exeter himself a great man among the spiritualty who had been there left by the King to have the Rule of the City in his absence The occasion is said to have sprung from his stiff and peremptory demanding of the Keys of the City Gates by vertue of his Commission which highly exasperated the Commons against him and so much the more because as was the saying he had rais'd an Army to withstand the Queen a fault
City of London appears emulous of the Old Imperial City of Rome both in the Courage of the Women and valour of her men as if resolved not to yield to her Fame on any account in Glory and Merit nor come behind her in the Heroick Acts of either of the Sexes while one continues as potent in the Brittish World by the Spirit of the Citizens and influence of her Actions as the other once was famous for her Arms all over Europe Asia and Africa And who knows whitherto she may come in time as how far the Fates or rather Providence have decreed to advance her Was she so powerful so many Ages since what is she now since that she 's very much encreased in the Strength and Number of her Inhabitants and her private Buildings are reform'd from Wood and Earth into Brick and publick into Stone low humble Cottages into stately Edifices and who dares be so positive to aver that they may not in time be chang'd into Marble Hitherto have I treated the Reader with variety of Proofs and Evidences sufficiently I hope demonstrative of the Repute Fame Honour Glory and Renown Magnificence Grandeur Strength Power and Influence of this so Triumphant a City whose Approbation and Assistance hath setled Kings upon their Thrones and the dissatisfaction of whose Inhabitants hath sometimes left the way open to the ruine of Princes In the Examples and Instances whereof the Concurrence of her Citizens was for the most part general and universal at least so far as concern'd the Majority But now I shall produce an Instance and not easie perhaps to be parallell'd from either Divine or prophane Writings to shew how influential the bare shadow of her Name hath been in State-Affairs and how contributary to the transforming of a Subject into a King without any apparent assent of the Main Body of this ancient Corporation which I am so far from thinking a diminution of her Glory that I rather look upon it as here circumstantiated to be an Argument of the City's great Power Reputation and Esteem under this Consideration That if that aspiring Protector the bloody Duke of Gloucester better known by the Name of Crook-back'd Richard the Third could do so much by the shadow what might he not have done could he have but enjoyed the substance As in Divinity Circumstances make many an Action good or bad so in History the Design and Event not seldom ennobles or debases an Enterprize 'T is not so much the bare Act or thing done in this particular that is to make good my Assertion as the Deduction from the Consequences thereof whether real or designed which come now to be related in this manner following When that ambitious Crook-back'd Duke upon his Brother's Death had got his eldest Son and Heir and the rightful King into his hands and by treacherous Plots devis'd Crimes and false Calumniations taken away the Lives of those true and trusty Friends of the old King that were most likely to continue faithful to his young Son and Heir in his Minority and loyally stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes against the open Attempts or secret Designs of his Treacherous Uncle and thereby remov'd many of the Rubs out of the way to his aspir'd greatness His next Care was to get the Peoples Consent to the turning of his Ducal Corronet into a Regal Crown and their Concurrence to acknowledge him for their King whereas before he was but Protector But how should this be done A Pretence must be found to cajole them seeing that he had so little Equity and Justice on his side to confirm them to him The City of London was known to be powerful and populous and their Example was thought to do much with the rest of the Nation to make them if not approve at least connive at his Nephew's Deposition and his own Exaltation therefore the Citizens were to be Caress'd and their Approbation to be sought Whereupon he seeks for and procures Instruments fit for his turn that to honour his ambitious Desires stuck not openly to turn Renegado's to Truth Honesty and Loyalty so that they migh◠get Worldly Honour and Preferment thereby Among whom none of the less noted nor least useful are reckon'd the present Lord Mayor of London a Man of a proud Heart and highly desirous of Advancement how little soever he deserv'd it and two brazen-fac'd Sons of the Church both great Preachers of more Learning than Virtue of more Fame than Learning So useful hath the Pulpit in the Church been always thought to carry on Intreagues in the State The Contrivance was first to prepare the People and break the Matter at Paul's-Cross and then Motion it to the Citizens at Guild-hall to accomplish which and bring his purpose to perfection the Duke cared not so his dead Father were thought or call'd a Cuckold his Mother a Whore his Brethren Bastards and his Nephew illegitimate to the shame of the whole House of York such Fires of Ambition rul'd and rag'd in his Heart The flattering Clergy-men readily did their Parts in the Pulpit as far as they were able but with so ill success to the Duke's Cause and their own Reputation that he was wholly disappointed of the desir'd Acclamations and they lost their Credit and Estimation among the People ever after One lost his Life after his Sermon the other his Voice in the midst of his Preaching and so was forc'd to leave off and come down From Paul's Cross away go we the Tuesday following the Doctor 's Sermon to Guild-hall and there we find the Mayor upon the Hustings and all the Aldermen assembled about him and the Commons of the City gather'd before them To whom the Duke of Buckingham newly come thither attended with divers Lords and Knights from the Court makes a long and large Oration about the Grievances under the late King his many unnecessary Taxations great Severities and the looseness of his Life to cast dirt thus upon the late King's Government was thought then it seems an effectual Means to make way for this Popish Successor 〈◊〉 them of the Doctor 's Sermon and desires them to joyn with him and others in a Petition to the Duke to take upon him the Name and Office of a King hoping by his many Arguments and Perswasions with the volubility of his Tongue to obtain the Citizens Concurrence in a full Cry of of King Richard King Richard But they were it seems by the story very deaf of hearing on that Ear to his no little wonder and amazement Wherefore upon further consultation with the Mayor and others privy to the Design Buckingham resumes his Discourse and rehearses the same over again with a louder Voice as if the Citizens had not all heard or not well understood the meaning of his former Speech But neither did this move their Affections nor produce a Word in favour of the Motion from the Auditors Then Mr. Recorder by the Mayor's Advice was pitch'd upon to second
Arms and forwardness of Service as if the City had been a Camp and they not Men of the Gown but all profess'd Soldiers which they perform'd to their great Cost but greater Commendation saith Sir Richard Baker But the greatest Inducement may be supposed to have been that they never appear'd prone to join with the King's Enemies of which he had good store abroad besides Domestick Troubles and private Insurrections at home especially towards the latter end of his Reign when he had taken away the Pope's Supremacy excluded his Authority and suppressed the Abbies and Monasteries the chief Fortresses and Pillars thereof either by force of an Act of Parliament or by vertue of the Resignations of their Governours either over-aw'd by fear or brib'd with Pensions Not long after which there were several Commotions in the Land which might have much shaken the Throne had the Citizens openly shew'd any inclination to joyn with these disturbers of the Kings rest and repose but they continuing quiet thâ—se troubles were quickly compos'd and so the foundation undesignedly doubtless was laid for a publick Reformation which was more vigorously carried on in the next Kings Reign though I hardly think it hath yet arriv'd to such perfection as to render it so compleat as might be piously desired Short was the Reign of this pious Prince Edward the sixth yet not so short but that it gave such an Addition of strength to the Protestant Religion by removing out of the way many of the Relicks of Popery and openly encouraging the Preaching of the Gospel that hitherto it could never be rooted out of the Land notwithstanding the damage it sustained under the next Successor a most violent and rigid Papist and the many secret Plots and practices of Popish Emissaries to undermine it and introduce Popery again into England prov'd upon them Thus was the outward face of Religion visibly chang'd in the City under this Religious King but yet her power we find not in the least diminished nor the esteem our great men had thereof of which we meet with an evident instance in History on account of the difference arisen between the potent Earl of Warwick and some of the Privy Council on the one hand and the Lord Protector Seymour the Kings Mâ—ternal Uncle on the other The Privy Counsellors having designs upon the Protector and withdrawing themselves from Court got to London with their attendance and taking possession of the Tower made it their business to secure the City to their side by sending for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to Ely house in Holborn where they were assembled and entertaining them with a long Oration about the ill government of the Protector and the many mischiefs that came thereby as they affirm'd upon the Kingdom attended with a request of their joynt assistance to help them to remove him wherein they were so successful that upon the arrival of two Letters almost at the same instant to the Common Council held at Guildhall one from the King and Lord Protector for a thousand of the City to be arm'd in defence of the Kings Person and the other from the Lords to have two thousand men to aid them with the same Plea for defence of the Kings Person and that the City should be well kept with Watches day and night the Citizens shew'd themselves so inclinable to the Lords that they arm'd an hundred horse men and four hundred foot men in defence of the City suitable to the motion of the Lords and sent no Assistance to the Protector though it had been desir'd in the Kings Name but rather suffered a Proclamation containing diverse Articles against him to be made in several Parts of the City and the Lords were entertain'd with a Dinner at one of the Sheriffs the eighth of October after they had been themselves in Person at Guildhall and on the tenth they din'd at the other Sheriffs after that by a Common Council the same day in Stows Computation five hundred men of the City had been granted to be ready on the next morning Evident marks signs and tokens doubtless which way the City bended and the event is a sufficient confirmation thereof For the next News we hear is the removal of the Protector from about the King and the sending him to the Tower within two or three days after where an humble Confession and Submission was his best security for that time by which he got his Liberty some time after and was sworn again a Privy Counsellor but no more a Protector Had the City sent him the Aid requâ—sted he would possibly have had little reason to have stood infear of the combined Lords or had but her Magistrates continued Neuters in the Case and not been so openly favourable to his Enemies he might perhaps have been able enough to have cop't with them with little or no bazard for he had raised much People about Hampton Court in the Kings Name and conveyed him to Windsor with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen But the Strength and Authority of the City was not to be contradicted much less opposed Thus the Protector lost his Place and well it might have been haply for the King and Nation if that had been all For his Enemies having remov'd him from his Protectorship and thereby gain'd the greater access of Power to themselves and the Principal of them the politick Earl of Warwick lately created Duke of Northumberland advanced in Title and Honour equal with and in Authority and Power above the highest whereby his aspiring thoughts were grown ripe to be put in execution they were resolv'd to have the other touch with him for his Life wherein they made use of the Cities Power to secure them for his Tryal by ordering every Housholder in London to take care of his own Family keep his house and have one ready in arms upon call for the day time and that by Night a sufficient Watch of substantial Housholders should be kept in every Ward So litte durst they attempt without ingaging the City therein and so frail and transitory had been their projecting designs had she refused But with her concurrence what could they not do So then at last tryed the late Protector was acquitted of Treason and condemned for Felony and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill much against the Kings Will the Constables of every Ward in London by vertue of a Precept directed from the Council to the Lord Mayor strictly charging the Citizens not to stir out of their houses before a prefixt hour for fear perhaps of a Rescue for 't was known he was well belov'd generally by the People and plainly evidenced when upon a mistake thinking him acquitted they gave so great a shout for joy that it was heard Stow tells us from Westminster-Hall to Long-Arce to the Lords astonishment So fell Sommerset by the malice of his Enemies and weakness of his Friends and we may easily believe 't was not design'd the King should be long liv'd
may observe so much difference in the different Relaters especially if it concerns divers Parties Authors too too often Writing partially in Favour of their own Side That London was in those Days of very considerable Strength we have much reason to believe since that by Help thereof chiefly Edmund was able to bear up so valiantly against the Fortunate Canutus whom most of the Lords especially oâ— the Spiritualty favoured 'T is certain enough in the Story that Canutus was not ignorant of the great Influence the City had then upon the Nation Affairs and therefore was as desirous to get it into his Power as Edmund was sure he had it at hiâ— Devotion For Canutus soon drew with his People to London and would have entered but waâ— hindered by the Citizens Then he would havâ— forc'd his Enemies but he was quickly compell'â— to withdraw and go else where Such valiant Resistance did the Citizens make against his Assault Another time he was drawing apace thitherward but King Edmund was as diligent in preventinâ— him and after a cruel Fight forc'd him to â—â—gone So eagerly did these two hardy Competâ—tors strive for the Possession of this Renowneâ— City in Particular as well as for the whole Kingdom in General The Possession and Favour of 〈◊〉 One is a good Step to the safe keeping of the Othe This also I presume was Canutus's Opinion 〈◊〉 History acquaints us with a Councel kept at Londoâ— by the same Canutus after Edmund Ironside's Deatâ— The Design whereof if we may Judge by the â—vent was to exclude the others Sons from all Claim and Pretensions to that Part and Share of the Kingdom that their Father once enjoyed quietly by mutual Consent and Agreement The very place might contribute somewhat to Canutus's Design though the Inhabitants should not be brought to give their Assent in open and express Words 'T was done at London a pat Answer to such as durst seem to dislike the Kings Proceedings What Dare you question what was done in the Capital City of the Realm A pretty Fellow indeed to murmur at those Actions which the Citizens of the Head City the Metropolis of the Nation did not openly dislike nor disavow It is observable in the Time of this Canutus that in the Contest between Him and the English King Edmund the Spiritual Lords especially were his Favourers and sided with him A remarkable Instance of Temporizers among the Chief of the Clergy and that they do not always stick to that Rule of Birth-right which they so much applaud when they think it may turn to their Secular Advantage but like other poor simple ignorant Souls among the Laicks can be content sometimes to squint aside upon the more prevalent Object of prosperous Might and Power and leave that which they are pleas'd to call Right as forsaken and forlorn for the sake of their Temporal Concerns Here was on the One side Edmund Ironside the Eldest Son as far as I can perceive by the Story of Egelred putting in for the Crown as his Birth-right and lawful Inheritance but under the Preâ—udice of a weak Fathers unprosperous Reign and his own Strength small in appearance and of little Ability in Humane likelihood to defend such as would adhere to him On the Other side stands a Strong and Fortunate Competitor his Arms in his Hands a numerous Attendance of Victorious Soldiers waiting on him most part of the Country under his Subjection and prosperous Success attending much upon his Banners though a Stranger an Enemy by Inheritance a Dane one that could pretend no other Title to the Crown that we hear off but what his Predecessors did owe to the Sword and he could make good by the same Claim Yet to this more powersul Pretender with a long Sword in his hand do these Time-serving-Priests chuse to joyn themselves against an Old Friend by Birth a Native an English Man with a better Title according to their own Doctrine at some Time but shorter Sword as was them thought before sufficient Tryal had been made But now I think on 't they have like Passions and Infirmities with other Men and do mind Secular Interests of their Own as well as Others at the same time that they endeavour to bring the Vulgar into a belief of a Commission they say they have receiv'd from an Higher Power and so pretend to greater Sanctity True it is said They had before time sworn Fealty to Canutus's Father A finâ— delicate way to defeat another's Right Eitheâ— they had before sworn Allegiance to Egelred Edmund's Father or they had not If they had whaâ— became of their Loyalty here to forswear Thaâ— and swear anew to a Stranger an Enemy-King and after persist in the latter Oath in prejudice 〈◊〉 the Former persevering in giving away whâ—â— was none of their own to bestow they having aâ— ready by their first Oath sworn away themselvâ—â— to another If they had not how came they 〈◊〉 readily to swear Fealty to their Native-King's prâ—fessed Enemy Did they well herein or ill If well what then becomes of that darling Doctrine of Primo-geniture and of Mens Right of Inheriting by the Law of Nature not to be cut off forsooth under even the freest Constitution of Government by any Humane Law whatsoever though never so many urgent Inconveniencies be clearly foreseen threatning the utter overthrow of the Nations Fundamental Rights If ill what made them continue therein when they had so seasonable an Opportunity of retrieving themselves by acknowledging bewailing and forsaking their former Error But it may be they knew not how to escape the Imputation of Perjury Nay rather did they not lack Will more than Power to return to their English Sovereign from that more Fortunate Outlandish Prince to whom these wiley Priests had addicted and devoted themselves Had they Will they knew not it may be how to disentangle themselves out of the Snare of those Bonds wherewith they had once bound themselves and wanted the Face openly to break them without some Fig-leaf Cover or other to hide themselves under the Shadow thereof They had not it may be hear'd of or not well observed the plausible fine-spun Pretences that had been used before in the World neither had they cunning enough to find out those more Politick Shifts the Wit of after-Ages have either since invented or much improv'd Be they either the Popes Infallible Power as some call it of absolving Subjects from their Allegiance or the nice distinguishing between the Matter and Form of an Oath The Default of â—ome pretended necessary Circumstances in making or the Train of ill Consequences suggested â—pon the keeping the Oath or Impossibility of its Observation after taking it slily insinuated The picking a starting Hole out of some general Term or dubious Interpretation of a Word Or the yet neater way of bribing a great Company a considerable Number many Thousands of Men out of a Common Stock with good Places and Honourable Preferments by publick Subscriptions to
he had lately made to the Pope'â— Ambitious desires and pretensions It was after this Reconciliation that we read in Stow of the Barons coming to St. Edmundsbury and producing the Charter oâ— King Henry the first which they had received oâ— the Archbishop Stephen However let the occasional Causes of making anâ— confirming this grand Charter of our English Libeâ—ties be what they will whatever were the grounds oâ— the Barons desiring or the motives of the King 's granting it Upon what Foundation soever so it be sound at the bottom stand these Pacts and Compacts between the King and his Subjects For my part I know no reason why Princes and Great men should not think it their Duty to keep their words firm and inviolable as well as persons of meaner rank and quality 'T was a Romish Cardinal an Italian a Papist living long in the French Government from whom I have heard come the Doctrine of not being a slave to ones word As the Duty so I believe it the Interest of Governours to be just and firm to their Promises otherwise it is a Question how long the people under them will continue firm to theirs when they think they have a convenient opportunity to break them Fear may do much but Conscience I fancy will do but little in this Case to keep the one Party fixt and firm to his Bargain when the other values not to perform the Conditions of their mutual Compact Such as love to talk of nothing but Conquerours and Conquests captivating and inslaving men to Arbitrary Powers as if at feud and defiance with all mankind but themselves and their own Party if my Advice may be taken they would do wisely to stifle such harsh unpleasing Doctrines in their own breasts and not openly produce them in publick view to all without distinction lest one bold confident brazen-fac'd felâ—ow or other should start up out of the Vulgar Herd and ask them why the people would not have as good a Title to their Power when they had got the upper hand as those Princes who claim only by Conquest A Question that at first view would seem very plausible to many if well stated without the previous consideration of Oaths Promises and Compacts As for the consequences that some may fancy hid in the belly of it â—ike the Armed Grecians in the Trojan Horse look they to them who find themselves concern'd on either side It 's well enough known what a large tract of ground the French King hath seis'd in the Spanish Netherlands within these few years and brought the People of those Provinces under his own Subjection by force That his title to those lands at first was none of the best is plain enough to such as know his Pretensions As for that shadow of claim which might be fancied to accrue to him by his Queen the late Spanish Kings Daughter that it is clear done 〈◊〉 as far as words and writings could go is manifeâ—â— by the Printed Articles of the Pyrenaean Treâ—â— The best Title I find he had to those Countries 〈◊〉 the Spanish Kings weakness to defend those Subjeâ—â— himself together it may be with some unwillingness let them look to the payment of as great an Army 〈◊〉 was thought needful for their defence out of thâ— own Mony by their own Officers He was made pâ—â—haps to fear lest the Soldiers should have been 〈◊〉 at the Devotion of such as paid them than at his 〈◊〉 rais'd them though he appointed such a 〈◊〉 such Officers and such Soldiers as he thought fit 〈◊〉 had had the sole ordering of them at his own 〈◊〉 and pleasure in all other things but naming the pâ—â—masâ—eâ—s Or rather was it not his prime Councellâ—â— the Spaniards loathness to lose the many pickiâ—â— they glean'd out of their Offices in those Countâ—â— by defrauding the Soldiers of their appointed 〈◊〉 and so cheating both King and Country 〈◊〉 good is much bandied up and down among 〈◊〉 words but in truth and reality private interest that which most oversways As for the rest of 〈◊〉 French Kings pretences that he makes use of thâ— for meer colours is evident by the novel inventioâ— Dependencies If need be we doubt not but 〈◊〉 Hamball passing over the rugged Alps with his 〈◊〉 my he can either find a way or make one be it 〈◊〉 such a one as his Manifestâ— at the beginning of late Wars with the Dutch tells us of viz. his 〈◊〉 Glory One of the truest pretensions I believe of Now put the Case and suppose that the Inhâ—â—â—tants of these late subdued Countries brought 〈◊〉 the French Kings Subjection by the force of Arms and all former right and title to them 〈◊〉 relinquish'd by their ancient Prince the King Spain in his late Treaties should one time or other â—y some unexpected unseen unthought of accident â—et such power into their hands as to break off these â—rench Chains of Slavery beat the French Kings Ofâ—â—cers and Soldiers out of their Country and keep 〈◊〉 at a Bay by the strength of their Arms the â—uestion would be among our Politick Casuists wheâ—â—er they would not have as good right and Title to â—â—ace the Government of their Country in what â—â—nds they pleased as the French King now hath in â—â—tual possession My meaning is of such who shall 〈◊〉 have pass'd away themselves by Oaths Coveâ—â—nts and Compacts That they sit down quietly â—â—der the French Government and do not publickly â—â—pose is but a silent argument a negative proof at 〈◊〉 They do not openly declare their dissent 〈◊〉 they assent and consent is such a conclusion that 〈◊〉 not well and cleverly follow from the premises â—hat such as are for the present French interest may â—firm let them likewise well prove but methinks 〈◊〉 English men should not be over-ready to disclaim 〈◊〉 Netherlands right when they call to mind that in â—â—een Elizabeths days our Governours thought good defend the poor distressed Provinces against the â—yrannical Arbitrary pretences of the Spanish King 〈◊〉 contrary to their ancient priviledges would have â—â—duc'd them all by force to Popery and Slavery to â—â—pose which their Neighbours especially England powerfully assisted them that the Spaniard was 〈◊〉 at last to declare he would treat with them as â—â—th free States before he could get a treaty of peace 〈◊〉 them Such as break ancient Covenants and 〈◊〉 the first stone had need stand upon safe and sure â—ound least they find too many stones flying about 〈◊〉 Ears before the end of the fray We moreoâ—â—â— have found the Spaniards within these few years coming into the assistance of these same new 〈◊〉 once his old Subjects against the French Kings Poâ—er ready in a manner to over-run them We 〈◊〉 have heard likewise of publick Addresses in behalf 〈◊〉 the same side made of late to our present King 〈◊〉 esteem'd the general Consent of the Nation After King John had granted the grand 〈◊〉 to his Lords and every one was departed peaceabâ—â—
much like that which I find in a modern Author thus Englished BY the Authority of God Omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghâ—st and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blâ—ssed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all other Apostles and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God We excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our â—oly Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or Counsel by crossiâ—g in part or in whole those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any Statutes Ordinances thing against them or any thing therein contained which have brought in any Customs to the contrary or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in and all Writers of such Oâ—dinances or Councils or Executioners and all such as shâ— presume to judge according to such Ordinances All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are or at any time shall be knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur thâ— Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the saâ—â— if being admonished they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Seaâ— Thus far the words of the Curse Nor was the maâ—ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes and the Bishops in their Vestments with buâ—â—ing Tapers in their Hands standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read and signed all throwing down their Tapeâ—â— extinguished and smoaking cry out So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence and go against this Curse 〈◊〉 extinct and have no better savour than these Snuffs 〈◊〉 then the King having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast said with a loud voice So 〈◊〉 me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faitâ—fully as I am a man as I am a Christian as I am Knight and as I am a King crowned and anointed But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force When as 〈…〉 known that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome who pretended to dispense even with the Almigâ—ty's Laws whose Power was at that time openly prâ—fessed to be believed sufficient by the â—â—nerality of Eâ—rope to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenantâ— and from whom Dispensations more than a good maâ— might be had for Money The confirmation of the foâ—mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament For we read of a Tax called Scutage that â—s 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England then granted to the King which extended to a large summ of Money viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more For upon occasion of this large Tax I find the number of the Knights Fees in England at those days in possesâ—ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above Upon supposition that â—he Clergy paid nothing it is said that the Tax would â—ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. whereâ—y we may guess what a deal of the Land even almost â—ne half was then belonging to the Clergy Devotion as the times went then brought forth Riches and the Daughter since devoured the Mother Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls and commandâ—ng a Folk-moot to be assembled according to the forâ—er Ordinances made asked license of the Commonalâ—y of the City to pass the Sea and promised there in â—resence of a great multitude of People that he would â—e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the â—outh of Sir Hugh Bygot Chief-Justice and to mainâ—ain their Liberties unhurt whereupon the People for â—y made an exceeding shout Observe here the turn of â—hings the Courtiers seem to have sought not long time â—â—nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City by a Folk-â—oot of the Commons Now the King to prevent the â—ffect of ill mens advice hath bound himself to ask their â—ave before he goes out of the Land for a season E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to â—â—rve for a property to destroy their own Cities Liberâ—â—es Now the conservation of the whole Nations welâ—â—re is put into their hands What greater Evidence can â—e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power â—nd Influence than to find the Citizens entrusted by â—ing Lords and Commons with so high a charge We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant as the Kinâ— could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'â— of them was to prevent the Evil and Mischief thâ—â— might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counselloâ— who might be persuading the King at every turn to gâ— out of the Realm he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends though to the Peoples oppressioâ— in his absence What trouble affliction and oppressioâ— the land suffered under this Kings Uncle Richard thâ— first 's Imprisonment at the Hands of the Kings Officeâ—â— who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity on pretence of raising Money for the Kings Râ—demption I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself where I have related somwhat of thâ— charge of the Kings Ransom than stay to repeat it ovâ—â— again A fuller description the curious may meet wiâ—â— in Neubrigensis l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly therâ—of Some I believe may have observed in these unsettlâ—â— times that they have fared much better and more eâ—sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Suâ—jects who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of thâ— Kings presâ—nce than such who being many scores â—â— may be Hundreds of Miles distant have liv'd so â—â— phrase it in the shadow I know not but 〈◊〉 â—resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army Certâ—in enough it is by the History that 〈◊〉 this Kinâ— Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom 〈…〉 ways in France that Dissention arose'â— Englaâ—d between the Kings Son Edward and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucestâ—r which might have immediately brougâ—â— no small trouble to the Land had not there been greâ—â— endeavours used to prevent it wherein this Honourabâ—â— City shew'd much of her
of the Castle and Lodged by his Assignment except these five Persons viz. Tâ—â—mas Fizt Thomas Mayor Michael Tony Steven Bukkerâ—â— Thomas Pywellyson and John Dâ—flete These five 〈◊〉 the King given to his Son Edward at whose coâ—mandment they remained in the said Tower long â—â—ter notwithstanding the King 's safe Conduct to 〈◊〉 before made What became then of the King's worâ— But who durst oppose a waking Lyons The 〈◊〉 Hunter in the fable lik't not to deal roughly wiâ—â— him till his long Teeth were broken out and his 〈◊〉 cut off When upon the bruit of Queen Mary'◠〈◊〉 with Child King Philip of Spain her Husband 〈◊〉 to be chosen the Childs Guardian if the 〈◊〉 should Decease and offered the Parliament great â—â—surances and Bonds of Security for his redelivery 〈◊〉 the Kingdom at the appointed time that Gentlemâ—â— shew'd himself no Fool who when the assurancâ— were likely to find acceptance stood up and inqâ—â—â—ed who should 〈◊〉 the Bond And the Parliameâ—â— enough approv'd him when they immedintly theâ—â— upon rejected the King's specious offers 'T is very dâ—â—advantagious and often injurious to the Weak to 〈◊〉 making of bargains with the more Powerful who 〈◊〉 strong enough to break their Promises and Covenaâ—â— with Impunity or keep them but e'en as they pleasâ— When the tydings of the usage of the Mayor and thâ— rest at Windsor came to London whereas many 〈◊〉 fear had absented themselves before upon this newâ— many more convey'd away themselves and their good secretly into diverse parts of England so that many of them are said never to have return'd after In the 49th Year November the 6th We find thaâ— the King came to Westminster and shortly after gave to diverse of his Houshold-Servants near about sixty Houses and Housholds within the City so that the Owners were compell'd to redeem their Houses and Housholds with all the goods in them or else to depart and suffer such Persons to enter to whom thâ—â—nd Houses were given This grant is said to have â—â—â—ended likewise to all the Lands Tenements Gooâ—◠〈◊〉 Chattels which the said Citizens had in any other â—â—â—ces of England Riches have often made Persons 〈◊〉 singled out for offendors while the poor Man â—â— the mean time scapes free few envying him his Poveâ—ty After this was 〈◊〉 Constable of the Tower â—â—de Custos or Guardian of the City who chose 〈◊〉 Adrian and Walter Hervy Citizens to be Bayliffs 〈◊〉 him and to him to be accountable to the King's 〈◊〉 Then took the King pledges of the best Men's 〈◊〉 of the City that 〈◊〉 peace should be surely kept 〈◊〉 thâ— same These were put into the Tower â—nd 〈◊〉 kept at their Parents cost Shortly after 〈…〉 Labour and Sâ—it made the foresaid Londoners â—â— the keeping of the Bayliff of the Castle of Windsor 〈◊〉 deliver'd and came to London except 〈…〉 viz. Richard Bonaventure Symon De'Hadâ—stâ—k William De Kent and William De Glocester who with 〈◊〉 other five afore excepted were still kept in the Towâ—r of Windsor Then dayly Suit and Labour waâ— made to the King to have his Gracious Favour and â—o know his Pleasure what fine he would have of the City for their Transgressions and Displeasure by them â—o him done The former Transactions seem to beaâ— a Tendency hereunto The Citizens were prevail'd upon to resign up themselves their Lives and Goods into the King's hands submitting all to his Mercy that a good large fine might be the easier levied of them and the Nation the better made to beleive that the City was well dealt with for paying no more when as the King might have seiz'd upon all they having surrendred in a manner wholly upon discretion To what else tend the many preparatives before rehears'd but to make this bitter Pill go down 〈◊〉 smoother and quieter with them The Book â—â—quaiâ—ts â—â— that the King asked 40000l and 〈◊〉 stood at â—0000 Marks I But the City alledged 〈◊〉 themselves that the poor Commons of the City 〈◊〉 of many were gone away were the Trespassers 〈◊〉 that the best of the City by these riotous Persoâ— were robid and spoilâ—â— and had lost a great part oâ— their Substance in this 〈◊〉 some time by the Râ—vers of the Sea as the Wardens of the five Ports and others For these and many other considerations 〈◊〉 Citizens besought the King of his most Gracious 〈◊〉 your and Pity to take of them as they might â—ear This matter thus depending the King departâ—◠〈◊〉 Westminister to Northampton having a little 〈◊〉 his departure Ordain'd Sir John Lynd and Mâ— John 〈◊〉 Clerk to be Guardians of the City and Towâ—â— they â—eing nam'd in the King 's Writing 〈…〉 Steward 's of the City Upon the Day after thâ— King was gone these Two Stewards sent for Twâ—â—ty Four of the most notable Men of the City anâ— warned them to appear the Day following before thâ— King's Councel at Westminster At their appearaâ—â—â— it was shown unto them by Sir Roger Leyborn that tâ—â— King's mind was That they should have the Rule oâ— the City in his absence under the foresaid Seneschaâ—â— and for to see good Rule kept in the City they should be sworn there before his Councel They were there upon sworn and countermanded unto the City The City's fine was inagitation till about Christmas 〈…〉 End was made with the King by such friends aâ— the City had about him for the Sum of 20000 Marks for all transgressions and offences by them before done some Persons excepted whom the King had giv'n to his Son Edward being those afore nam'd kept in the Tower of Windsor For the payment of this Sum at Days by agreement set where Sir 〈…〉 and Mr. Robert Wareyn Clerk assign'd to take 〈…〉 After Surety by them receiv'd and sent to 〈◊〉 King at Northampton the King sent immediately 〈◊〉 to thâ— Citizens a Charter under his Broad 〈…〉 may be seen in Eabian my Author in these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 needless to make many comments 〈…〉 upon this affair Through the whole it is â—â—â—ifest that the City was of considerable Power and 〈◊〉 so that the King thought not good to exaspeâ—â—â— the Citizens too much least evil should have 〈◊〉 of it To make a Bridge of Gold for a flying 〈◊〉 is no mean Policy Doubtless it was well 〈…〉 Court that they us'd not the 〈◊〉 violence 〈…〉 Baron's Party was not wholy destroyed as yet in 〈◊〉 hand though it was very much crush'd How 〈◊〉 the whole City joyn'd therewith might haâ—e 〈…〉 pois'd if not turn'd the Scales had shâ— been 〈◊〉 â—arâ—hly dealt with I rather crave leave to 〈…〉 the Readers consideration than hastily presume 〈…〉 'T is certain enough that within less than 〈◊〉 Years the Cause was in great likelihood to have 〈◊〉 reviv'd to purpose had not convenient course 〈◊〉 taken to â—ush it a sleep again without rashly â—â—â—ceeding to the highest extremities as you may find 〈◊〉 the sequel of the History After the aforesaid 〈◊〉 was receiv'd by
of standing up vigorously in their own defence against the forreign Enemy may be prov'd out of the sâ—me Author from the great numbers of armed men by the Nobles brought to the Parliament then at London and the Lord Chancellors calling men of Arms out of almost every part of the Realm to the Marches about London to beat back the Frenchmen with their King had they come Let this therefore serve to disprove the Annalists suggestions out of his own mouth and shew the Nobles care for the Cities safeguard in drawing such forces thitherward and their hopes of considerable assistance from the City to help them in the Common cause of self-preservation But suppose without granting it that there were some sparks of fear amongst them 't is questionable whether they did not spring from the mistrust of their principal Magistrates not out of any diffidence and distrust of their own strength or dread of a Foreign Enemies power and puissance For to me 't is an Argument that the Major of London this year look't Courtward since that we read of an endeavour to ingage him in such an horrid design as hath been before spoken of to destroy the principals of the opposite party at a private Supper in London Certainly the King would not have utter'd a syllable of an intreague of this importance to so powerful a Magistrate as my Author affirms he did had there not been hopes of prevailing on him in Reverence at least to the Kings word and desire But upon the Tryal it seems he prov'd himself an honester man in that point whatever his principles and inclinations otherwise were than his Predecessor whom we read of as deeply concern'd in that Plot. Much about this time 't is likewise that a Modern writer tells us that the Londoners incur'd much obloquy for that having before been Pardoned by the King of some Crimes laid to their charge but what nor when committed I find not by him mentioned they were ready to comply with his dâ—sires and a Jury of them being Impannell'd indited some Lords of many Crimes objected against them But this also is to be imputed to the Magistrates influence and power in calling out men fit for the purpose and not to the whole body of the Citizens For we read just after that when the Mayor thought to have rais'd them against the contesting Lords they resolutely refus'd and absolutely rejected the Motion as is before related So that 't was not having the Mayor at their Beck nor the Power they thought they had among the high Sheriffs of the Counties to procure such men return'd up to serve in Parliament as were nominated by the King and his Council that could shelter the guilty favourites at Cour from the censure of that August Assembly well known afterwards by the name of the Parliament that wrought wonders For on the very first day thereof all the Judges but one were Arrested as they sat in their places question'd for their extrajudicial opinions and Arbitrary actings and severely punish'd by Banishment and Confiscation of their Estates The Lord Chief Justice Tresilian lost his Life at Tyburn and the rest my Author says had all dyed had it not been for the Queens intercession As the Judges were thus brought under the Lash of those Laws which before they had so much abus'd to humour Arbitrary mens designs the better thereby to secure to themselves their own Stations and Offices of Judicature so the Patrons themselves and reputed promoters of these Arbitrary and illegal Actings were reduc't into the same Predicament Several of the chief were impeach'd of no less than High Treason in open Parliament the absent for ever banish'd and many of them in hold either Hang'd or Beheaded upon Tower-hil or at Tyburn notwithstanding they had been ere while Men of Name Power and Authority and in great favour at Court but just before So uncertain is the State of Mortality and so slippery is walking in high places But amongst all those who fell under the stroak of an angry Deity and so shamefully lost their lives by the hands of Justice most memorable is the fate that befel Sir Nicholas Brember Grocer late Lord Mayor of London who for many oppressions and seditions by him caus'd in the City was Beheaded as Stow informs us the Morrow after the Execution of the Lord Chief Justice Tresilian and which is more remarkable with the same Ax he had before prepared for others of his fellow Citizens So just is Providence to suffer the wicked to be insnared by the devices of their own hearts and to fall headlong into the Pit they had dig'd for others Stow tells us the King had oft-times made him Mayor of London against the mind of the Citizens But in Fabian who methinks being once Sheriff of this Honourable City should know best what had been formerly Transacted in that City of whose good order Policy and Government he hath expresly Treated in his Chronicle I don't find but that he was Elected and Chosen Possibly there might be an order made at Court Present the King and sent into the City to further and promote his Election which by the one might be esteem'd an imposing him on the City while the other only took notice of the meeting of the Citizens in order to an Election without relating how the matter was carried or whether he came in fairly by a Majority or else by a strong hand through the working of Court Favourites who influencing the Judges might make that pass for Law which was contrary thereto let the difference of voices be never so great on the other side So have I heard of a place where it was carried by thirteen against twenty one and when the business came to be scan'd over anew it was adjudg'd by vote against the Majority But this was rather the effect of Greatness and Power overruling than the result of Equity and Justice dividing to every one his right That this Man when Mayor met with great opposition from the most eminent of the Citizens I presume concludable from his Resentments and what is in plain words delivered of him by the Annalist how that whilst he was in the full Authority of his Mayoralty he caus'd a Common pair of Stocks in every Ward and a Common Ax to be made to behead all such as should be against him and had Indited eight thousand and more of the best and greatest of the City so resolv'd was he to carry on the design right or wrong to please his Masters and Abettors What kind of principled Man he was we may easily guess as from the aforementioned passages so from the Historians Relations before hinted of him as being deeply concern'd in the Plot before intimated to assassinate the contesting Lords and also afterwards one of the Chief Men that had a hand in laying the Ambuscade spoken of above unwilling the King as he swore to intrap them who upon promise of safe conduct confirm'd by the Oaths of
dearly belov'd Liberties when they might with greater ease and as effectually gently walk them down as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion The City petition'd and address'd and she was follow'd by the Country She waited a while with patience and the secluded Members that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine for almost twelve years space were restor'd in peace and quietness though under some few Obligations And so there was again the face of a House of Commons Being restor'd they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after to make way for another assâ—mbly call'd a Parliament though some thought in thâ—se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony It being most certain that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act as long as the King liv'd Yet notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death the next Assembly Stylo Communi Parliament would not barely stick to either of these ways but thought good likewise themselves by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd Whether or no they thought that the bare Act of a single house of Commons without King and Lords could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act made by King Lords and Commons joyntly and so rejected it as really insignificant in its self though made use of for the time and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it lest thence in time no body knows when occasion might be taken to argue that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made and so by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity I pretend not to determine For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact not a Reader of Law Cases Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader that that Assembly though call'd without the Kings Writ yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament thought it fitting and convenient to declare and enact that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory is fully dissolved and determined They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City Whose publick Reception and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him worthy themselves and that glorious day which they had so long expected and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten For which I have a passage or two more to produce besides what hath been already brought For the first out of the supplement to Baker I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter To his Trusty and well belov'd the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him and the Encouragement and good Example â—hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City to the Renewal of their Charter Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council who immediately upon the reading of them ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return and Judiciously Wise as well as Loyal to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all For the City of London as being the first the richest and most Honourable and the Seat of Kings for many ages might Judge it self oblig'd as the Supplementer insinuates in point of duty and Reputation to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side certain enough it is that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable and Meritorious to the highest degree For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned whither the King his two Brothers the Lords of the Privy Council the two Houses of Parliament and the chief Officers of State were conducted July the fifth 1660. in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies with excellent Musick and whatever else could be thought on or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto General Monk appear'd and London concur'd and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd a face of the Ancient Government restor'd a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War or