and Countenance and Reputation to the World besides And have for that cause been commonly and necessarily used and practised In the Message of Viscount Montacute it was also contained that he should crave the Kings Counsell and Assistance accorâ—ing to Amity and good Intelligence upon a Discovery of certain pernicious Plots of the House of Guise to annoy this Realm by the way of Scotland whereunto the Kings Answer was so Dark and so cold as Nothing could be made of it Till he had made an Exposition of it himself by effects in the expresse Restraint of Munition to be carried out of the Low-Countries unto the Siege of Leith Because our Nation was to have supply thereof from thence So as in all the Negotiations that passed with that King still her Majesty received no satisfaction but more and more suspiâ—ious and Bad Tokens of evill affection Soon after when upon that Project which was disclosed before the King had resolved to disannull the Liberties and Priviledges unto his Subjects the Netherlands anciently belonging And to establish amongst them a Marshall Government which the People being very Wealthy And inhabiting Townes very strong and Defensible by Fortifications both of Nature and the Hand could not endure there followed the Defection and revolt of those Countries In which Action being the greatest of all those which have passed between Spain and England the Proceeding of her Majesty hath been so Just and mingled with so many Honourable Regards as Nothing doth so much clear and acquite her Majesty not only from Passion bâ—t also from all Dishonourable Pollicy For first at the beginning of the Troubles she did impart unto Him faithfull and sincere Advise of the Course that was to be taken for the quietting and appeasing them And expresly forewarned both himself and such as were in principall Charge in those Countries during the Warsâ— of the danger like to ensue if he held so heavy a Hand over that People leâ—â— they should cast themselves into the Arms of a Stranger But finding the Kings Mind so exulcerate as he rejâ—cted all Counsell that tended to Mild and Gracious proceeding her Majesty neverthelesse gave not over her Honourable Resolution which was if it were possible to reduce and reconcile those Countries unto the obedience of their Naturall Soveraign the King of Spain And if that mought not be yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a Ferrain Lord As namely unto the French with whom they much treated And amongst whom the Enterprise of Flanders was ever propounded as a Mene to unite their own Civill Dissensions Bâ—t patiently temporizing expected the good effect which Time mought breed And whensoever the States grew into Extremitieâ— of Despair and thereby ready to embrace the Offer of any Forrainer Then would her Majesty yield them some Relief of Moneyâ— or permit some Supply of Forces to go over unto them To the end to interrupt such violent Resolution And still continued to mediate unto the King some Just and Honourable Capitulations of Grace and Accord Such as whereby alwayes should have been preserved unto him such Interest and Authority as He in Iustice â—ould claim Or a Prince moderately minded would seek to have And this Course she held interchangeably seeking to mitigate the Wrath of the King and the Despair of the Countries Till such Time as after the Death of the Duke of Anjou Into whose Hands according to her Majesties prediction but against her good liking they had put themselves The Enemy pressing them the united Provinces were received into her Majesties Protection which was after such Time as the King of Spain had discovered himself not onely an Implacable Lord to them but also a proâ—essed Enemy unto her Majesty having actually invaded Ireland â—nd designed the Invasion of England For it is to be noted thaâ— the like Offers which were then made unto her Majesty had been made to her long before but as long as her Majesty conceived any Hope either of Making their Peace Or entertaining her own with Spain she would never hearken thereunto And yet now even at last her Majesty retained a singular and evident Proof to the World of her Justice and Moderation In that she refused the Inheritance and Soveraignty of those Goodly â—rovinces which by the States with much Instance was pressed upon her and being accepted would hâ—ve wrought greater Contentment and Satisfaction both to her People and theirs Being Countries for the Scite Wealth Commodity of Traffick Affection to our Nation Obedience of the Subjects well used most convenient to have been annexed to the Crown of England And withall one Charge Danger and Offence of Spain onely took upon her the Defence and Protection of their Liberties Which Liberties and Priviledges are of that Nature as they may justly esteem themselves but Conditionall Subjects to the King of Spain More justly then Aragon And may make her Majesty as justly esteem the ancient Confederacies and Treaties with Burgundy to be of Force rather with the People and Nation then with the Line of the Duke because it was never an Absolute Monarchy So as to summe up her Majesties Proceedings in this great Action they have but this That they have sought first to restore them to Spain Then to keep them from Strangers And never to purchase them to Her Self But during all that time the King of Spain kept one tenour in his Proceedings towards her Majesty Breaking forth more and more into Injuries and Contempts Her Subjects trading into Spain have been many of them Burned Some cast into the Gallies Others have died in Prison without any other Crimes committed but upon Quarrells pickt upon them for ther Religion here at home Her Merchants at the Sack of Antwerpe were diverse of them spoyled and put to their Ransomesâ— though they could not be charged with any Part-taking Neither upon the Complaint of Doctor Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey could any Redresse be had A generall Arrest was made by the Duke of Alva of English mens both Goods and Persons upon pretence that certain Ships stayed in this Realm laden with Goods and Money of certain Merchants of Genoa belonged to that King which Money and Goods was afterwards to the uttermost value restored and payed back Whereas our Men were far from receiving the like Iustice on their side Doctor Man her Majesties Embassadour received during his Legation sundry Indignities himself being Removed out of Madrid and Lodged in a Village As they are accustomed to use the Embassadours of Moores His Sonn and Steward forced to assist at a Mass with Tapers in their Hands Besides sundry other Contumelies and Reproaches But the Spoyling or Damnifying of a Merchant Vexation of a Common Subject Dishonour of an Embassadour Were rather but Demonstrations of ill Disposition then Effects If they be compared with Actions of State Wherein He and his Ministers have sought the Overthrow of this Government As in the year 1569. when the Rebellion in the North part of
Happiness I rest A Letter to Sir George Carey in France upon sending him his Writing In Felicem Memoriam Elizabethae My very good Lord BEing asked the Question by this Bearer an old Servant of my Brother Anthony Bacons whether I would command him any thing into France And being at better leisure than I would in regard of Sickness I began to remember that neither your Business nor mine though great and continual can be upon an an exact account any just Occasion why so much good will as hath passed between us should be so much discontinued as hath been And therefore because one must begin I thought to provoke your Remembrance of me by a Letter And thinking to fit it with somewhat besides Salutations it came to my Minde that this last Summer Vacation by occasion of a Factious Book that endeavoured to verefy Misera â—emina The Addition of the Popes Bull upon Queen Elizabeth I did write a few Lines in her Memorial which I thought you would be pleased to read both for the Argument And because you were wont to bear Affection to my Penn. Verum ut aliud ex alio if it came handsomly to pass I would be glad the President de Thou who hath written an History as you know of that Fame and Diligence saw it Chiefly because I know not whether it may not serve him for some use in his Story wherein I would be glad he did right to the Truth and to the Memory of that Lady as I perceive by that he hath already written he is well enclined to doe I would be glad also it were some Occasion such as Absence may permit of some Acquaintance or mutual Noticeâ— between us For though he hath many wayes the precedence chiefly in worth yet this is common to us both that we serve our Soâ—eraigns in places of Law eminent And not our Selves onely but our Fathers did so before us And lastly that both of us love Learning and Liberal Sciences which was ever a Bond of Friendship in the greatest Distance of Places But of this I make no further Request than your Occasions and Respects to me unknown may further or limit My Principal Purpose being to salute you and to send you this Token Whereunto I will add my very kinde Commendations to my Lady And so commit you both to Gods Holy Protection A Letter to my Lord Mayour upon a Proceeding in a Private Cause MY very good Lord I did little expect when I left your Lordship last that there would have been a Proceeding against Mr. Barnard to his Overthrow Wherein I must confess my Self to be in a sort Accessary Because he relying upon me for Counsel I advised that Course which he followed Wherein now I begin to question my self whether in preserving my Respects unto your Lordship and the Rest I have not failed in the Duty of my Profession towards my Client For certainly if the words had been hainous and spoken in a malicious fashion and in some publick place and well proved And not a Prattle in a Tavern caught hold of by one who as I hear is a detected Sycophant Standish I mean yet I know not what could have been done more than to impose upon him a grievous Fine And to require the Levying of the same And to Take away his means of Life by his Disfranchisement And to commit him to a Defamed Prison during Christmass In Honour whereof the Prisoners in other Courts doe commonly of grace obtain some Enlargement This Rigor of Proceeding to tell your Lordship and the rest as my good Friends my Opinion plainly tendeth not to strengthen Authority which is best supported by Love and Fear intermixed But rather to make People discontented and Servile especially when such Punishment is inflicted for words not by Rule of Law but by a Iurisdiction of Discretion which would evermore be moderately used And I pray God whereas Mr. Recorder when I was with you did well and wisely put you in mind of the Admonitions you often received from my Lords that you should bridle unruly Tongues That those kind of Speeches and Rumours whereunto those Admonitions doe referr which are concerning the State and Honour thereof doe not pass too licentiously in the City unpunished while these Words which concern your particular are so straightly enquired into and punished with such Extremiy But these Things your own wisdom first or last will best represent unto you My writing unto you at this time is to the end that howsoever I doe take it somewhat unkindly that my Mediation prevailed no more yet I might preserve that further Respect that I am willing to use unto such a State in delivering my Opinion unto you freely before I would be of Counsel or move any thing that should cross your Proceedings which notwithstanding in case my Client can receive no Relief at your hands I must and will doe Continuing nevertheless in other Things my wonted good Affection to your Selves and your Occasions A Letter to my Lord Treasurer Salisbury upon a New-years Tide It may please your good Lordship I Would Entreat the New year to answâ—r for the Old in my humble Thanks to your Lordship Both for many your Favours and chiefly that upon the Occasion of Mr. Atturneys Infirmity I found your Lordship even as I could wish This doth encrease a desire in me to express my Thankfull minde to your Lordship Hoping that though I finde Age and Decayes grow upon me yet I may have a Flash or two of Spirit left to doe you Service And I doe protest before God without Complement or any light Vanity of Minde that if I knew in what Course of Life to doe you best Service I would take it and make my Thoughts which now fly to many Pieces to be reduced to that Center But all this is no more than I am which is not much But yet the Entire of him that is c. A Letter to his Majesty concerning Peachams Cause January 21. 1614. It may please your Excellent Majesty IT grieveth me exceedingly that your Majesty should be so much troubled with this Matter of Peacham whose Raging Devil seemeth to be turn'd into a Dumb Devil But although we are driven to make our way through Questions which I wish were otherwise yet I hope well the End will be good But then every Man must put too his Helping Hand For else I must say to your Majesty in this and the like Cases as St. Paul said to the Centurion when some of the Mariners had an Eye to the Cock-boat Except these stay in the Ship ye cannot be safe I finde in my Lords great and worthy Care of the Business And for my part I hold my Opinion and am strengthned in it by some Records that I have found God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King touching Peachams Cause January 27. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty THis Day
Thus having performed that which Duty binds me to I commend you to Gods best preservation Your most devoted and bounden Servant A Letter from the Kings Atturney General to the Master of the Horse upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount August 5. 1616. SIR I send you the Bill â—or his Majestiâ—s Signature reformed according to his Majesties Amendments both in the two places which I assure you were both altered with great Judgement And in the Third place which his Majesty termed a Question onely But he is an idle Body that thinks his Majesty asks an idle Question And therefore his Majesties Questions are to be answered by Taking away the Cause of the Question and not by Replying For the Name his Majesties Will is a Law in those things And to speak Truth it is a well-sounding and Noble Name both here and abroad And being your proper Name I will take it for a good Sign that you shall give Honour to your Dignity and not your Dignity to you Therefore I have made it Viscount Villiers And for your Baronry I will keep it for an Earldom For though the other had been more orderly yet that is as usual and both alike good in Law For Ropers place I would have it by all means dispatched And therefore I marvail it lingreth It were no good manners to take the Business out of my Lord Treasurers hands And therefore I purpose to write to his Lordship if I hear not from him first by Mr. Deckom But if I hear of any Delay you will give me leave especially since the King named me to deal with Sir Iohn Roper my Self For neither I nor my Lord Treasurer can deserve any great thanks of you in this Business considering the King hath spoken to Sir Iohn Roper and he hath promised And besides the thing it self is so reasonable as it ought to be as soon done as said I am now gotten into the Countrey to my House where I have some little Liberty to think of that I would think of and not of that which other Men Hourly break my Head withall as it was at London Upon this you may conclude that most of my Thoughts are of his Majesty And then you cannot be farr off God ever keep you and prosper you I rest alwayes Your true and most devoted Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers upon the Sending his Patent of Viscount Villiers to be Signed August 12. 1616. SIR I have sent you now your Patent of Creation of Lord Blechley of Blechly and of Viscount Villiers Blechley is your own And I liked the sound of the Name better than Whaddon But the Name will be hid for you will be called Viscount Villiers I have put them both in a Patent after the manner of the Patent of Arms where Baronries are joyned But the chief Reason was because I would avoid double Prefaces which had not been fit Nevertheless Ceremony of Roabing and otherwise must be double And now because I am in the Country I will send you some of my Country Fruits which with me are good Meditations which when I am in the Citty are choaked with Business After that the King shall have watred your new Dignities with his Bounty of the Lands which he intends you And that some other things concerning your means which are now likewise in Intention shall be setled upon you I doe not see but you may think your private Fortunes established And therefore it is now time that you should refer your Actions chiefly to the Good of your Soveraign and your Country It is the life of an Oxe or a Beast alwaies to eat and never to exercise But Men are born especially Christian Men not to cramm in their Fortunes but to exercise their Vertues And yet the other have been the unworthy and â—ometimes the unlucky humour of great Persons in our Times Neither will your further Fortune be the further off For assure your self that Fortune is of a womans Nature that will sooner follow you by slighting than by too much Wooing And in this Dedication of your Self to the Publick I recommend unto you principally that which I think was never done since I was born And which not done hath bred almost a Wilderness and Solitude in the Kings Service which is that you countenance and encourage and advance able and vertuous Men in all Kindes Degrees and Professions For in the time of some late great Counsellours when they bare the Sway able Men were by design and of purpose suppressed And though now since Choice goeth better both in Church and Commonwealâ—h yet Money and Turn-Serving and Cunning Canvises and Importunity prevail too much And in places of Moment rather make Able and Honest Men yours than advance those that are otherwise because they are yours As for Cunning and Corrupt Men you must I know sometimes use them but keep them at a distance And let it appear that you make use of them rather than that they lead you Above all depend wholly next to God upon the King And be ruled as hitherto you have been by his Instructions For that 's best for your Self For the Kings Care and Thoughts concerning you are according to the Thoughts of a great King whereas your Thoughts coâ—cerning your Self are and ought to be according to the Thoughts of a Modest Man But let me not weary you The Summe is that you think Goodness the best part of Greatness And that you remember whence your Rising comes and make return accordingly God ever keep you A Letter to the King touching Sir George Villiers Patent for Baron of Blechley and Viscount Villiers August 12. 1616. It may please your most excellent Majesty I Have sent Sir George Villiers Patent drawn again containing also a Baronry The Name Blechley which is his own And to my Thinking soundeth better than Whaddon I have included both in one Patent to avoid a double Preface and as hath been used in the Patents of Earls of like nature Nevertheless the Ceremony of Roabing and otherwise is to be double as is also used in like case of Earls It resteth that I express unto your Majesty my great Joy in your Honouring and Advancing this Gentleman whom to describe not with Colours but with true Lines I may say this Your Majesty certainly hath found out and chosen a safe Nature a capable Man and honest Will Generous and Noble Affections and a Courage well lodged And one that I know loveth your Majesty unfeignedly And admireth you as much as is in a Man to admire his Sâ—veraign upon Earth Onely your Majesties School wherein he hath already so well profited as in this Entrance upon the Stage being the Time of greatest Danger he hath not committed any manifest Errour will add Perfection to your Majesties comfort and the great Contentment of your People God ever preserve and prosper your Majesty I rest in all Humbleness Your Majesties most bounden and most devoted Subject and Servant A Letter
thus besides expectation It stirred up and awaked in divers of his Majesties worthy Servants and Subjects of the Clergy the Nobility the Court and others here neaâ— at hand an Affection loving and cheerfull To present the King some with Plate some with Money as a Freewill offering A Thing that God Almighty loves A Cheerfull Givâ—r what an Evill Eye doth I know not And my Lords let me speak it plainly unto you God forbid any Body should be so wretched as to think that the Obligation of Love and Duty from the Subject to the King should be Joynt and not severall No my Lords it is both The Subject petitioneth to the King in Parliament He Petitioneth likewise out of Parliament The King on the other side gives Graces to the Subjects in Parliament He gives them likewise and poureth them upon his People out of Parliament And so no doubt the Subject may give to the King in Parliament and out of Parliament It is true the Parliament is Intercursus Magnus The great Intercourse and main Current of Graces and Donatives from the King to the People from the People to the King But Parliaments are held but at certain times Whereas the Passages are alwayes open for Particulars Even as you see great Rivers have their Tides But particular Springs and Fountains run continually To proceed therefore As the Occasion which was the failing of Supply by Parliament did awake the Love and Benevolence of those that were at hand to give So it was apprehended and thought fit by my Lords of the Councell to make a proof whether the occasion and Example both would not awake those in the Country of the better sort to follow Whereupon their Lordships devised and directed Letters unto the Sheriffs and Iustices which declared what was done here above and wished that the Country might be moved especially Men of value Now My Lords I beseech you give me favour and attention to set forth and observe unto you five Points I will number them because other Men may note them And I will but touch them because they shall not be drowned or lost in discourse which I hold worthy the observation for the Honour of the State and Confusion of Slanders Whereby it will appear most evidently What care was taken that that which was then done might not have the effect no nor the shew no nor so much as the shadow of a Tax And that it was so far from breeding or bringing in any ill president or Example As contrary wise it is a Corrective that doth correct and allay the Harshness and Danger of former Examples The first is That what was done was done immediately after such a Parliament as made generall Profession to give and was interrupted by Accideâ—t So as you may truly and justly esteem it Tanquà m Posthuma Proles Parliamenti As an After Child of the Parliament And in pursuit in some small measure of the firm Intent of a Parliament past You may take it also if you will as an Advance or Provisionall Help untill a Future Parliawent Or as a Gratification simply without any Relation to a Parliament you can no wayes take it amisse The Second is That it wrought upon Example As a Thing not devised Or projected Or required No nor so much as recommended untill many that were never moved nor dealt with Ex mero motu had freely and frankly sent in their presents So that the Letters were rather like Letters of Newes what was done aâ— London then otherwise And we know Exempla ducunâ— non traâ—unt Examples they do but Lead they do not Draw nor Drive The Third is Thâ—t it was not done by Commission under the Great Seal A Thing warranted by a Multitude of Presidents both ancient and of late time as you shall hear anon And no doubt warranted by Law So that the Commissions be of that Stile and Tenour as that they be to move and not to levy But this was done by Letters of the Councell and no higher Hand or Form The Fouâ—th iâ— That these Letters had no manner of Shew of any Binding Act of State For they contaiâ—â— not any speciall Frame of Direction how the Businesse should be Mannaged But were written as upon trust Leaving the matter wholy to the Industry and Confidence of those in the Country So that it was an absque Compoto Such a form of Letter as no Man could fitly be called to accompt upon The Fift and last Point is That the whole Carriage of â—he Business had no Circumstance compulsory There was no Proportion Or Rate â—et down not so much as by way of a Wish There was no Menace of any that should deny No Reproof of any that did deny No certifying of the Names of any that had denied Indeed if Men could not content themselves to deny but that they must censure and inveigh Nor to excuse themselves but they must accuse the State that is anoâ—her Case But I say for Denying no Man was apprehended no nor noted So that I verily think that there is none so subtill a Disputer in the Controversie of Liberum Arbitrium that can with all his Distinctions fasten or carp upon the Act but that there was Free Will in it I conclude therefore My Lords that this was a True and pure Benevolence Not an Imposition called a Benevelence which the Statute speaks of As you shall hear by one of my Fellows There is a great Difference I tell you though Pilate would not see it between Rex Iudaeorum and se dâ—cens Regem Iudaeorum And there is a great difference between a Benevolence and an Exaction called a Benevolence which the Duke of Buckingham speaks of in his Oration to the Citty And defineth it to be not what the Subject of his good will would give but what the King of his good will would take But this I say was a Benevolence wherein every man had a Princes Prerogative A Negative Voyce And this word Excuse moy was a Plea peremptory And therefore I do wonder how Mr. I. S. could foul or trouble so clear a Fountain Certainly it was but his own Bitterness and unsound Humours Now to the particular Charge Amongst other Countries these Letters of the Lords came to the Iustices of D shire Who signified the Contents thereof And gave Directions and Appointments for meetings concerning the Business to severall Towns Places within that County And amongst the rest notice was given unto the Town of A The Majour of A conceiving that this Mr. I. S. being a Principall Person and a Dweller in that Town was a Man likely to give both money and good Example Dealt with him to know his mind He intending as it seems to play prizes would give no Answer to the Majour in private but would take Time The next day then being an Appointment of the Iustices to meet he takes occasion or pretends occasion to be absent because he would bring his Papers upon the Stage And
and Banks Some Things that were conceived to be in some Proclamations Commissions and Pattents as Overflowes have been by his Wisedom and Care reduced whereby no doubt the Main Channell of his Prerogative is so much the stronger For evermore Overflowes do hurt the Channell As for Administration of Iustice between Party and Party I pray observe these points There is no Newes of Great Seal or Signet that flies abroad for Countenance or Delay of Causes Protections rarely granted and only upon great Ground or by Consent My Lords here of the Councell and the King himself meddle not as hath been used in former times with Matters of Meum and Tuum except they have apparent mixture with Matters of Estate but leave them to the Kings Courts of Law or Equity And for Mercy and Grace without which there is no standing before Iustice we see the King now hath raigned 12. years in his White Robe without almost any Aspâ—rsionâ— of the Crimsâ—n Die of â—lood There sits my Lord Hobâ—rt â—hat served Atâ—urney seven years I served with him We were so happy as there passed not through our hands any one Arraignment for Treason And but one for any Capitall Offence which was that of the Lord Sanquier The Noblest piece of Iustice one of them that ever came â—orth in any Kings Times As for Penall Lawes which lie as Snares upon the Subjects And which were as a Nemo seit to King Henry 7. It yeelds a Revenue that will scarce pay for the Parchment of the Kings Records at Wâ—stminster And lastly for Peace we see manifestly his Majesty bears some Resemblance of that great Name A Prince of Peace He haâ—h preserved his Subjects during his Raign in Peace both within and wiâ—hout For the Peace with States abroad We have it usque ad Satietatem And for Peace in the Lawyers phrase which count Trespasses and Forces and Riots to be Contra pacem Leâ— me give your Lordships this Token or Tast That this Court where they should appear had never lesse to do And certainly there is no better Sign of Omnia benè then when this Court is in a Still But my Lords this is a Sea of Matter And therefore I must give it over and conclude That there was never King raigned in this Nation that did better keep Covenant in preserving the Liberties and procuring the Good of his People So that I must needs say for the Subjects of England O Fortunatos nimium sua si bona nôrint As no doubt they do both know and acknowledge it Whatsoever a few turbulent Discoursers may through the Lenity of the time take Boldness to speak And as for this particular touching the Benevolence wherein Mr. I.S. doth assign this breach of Covenant I leave it to others to tell you what the King may do Or what other Kings have done But I have told you what our King and my Lords have done Which I say and say again is so far from introducing a new President As it doth rather correct and mollifie and qualifie former presidents Now Mr. I. S. let me tell you your fault in few words For that I am perswaded you see it already Though I wooe no Mans Repentance But I shall as much as in me is cherish it where I find it Your Offence hath three parts knit together Your Slander Your Menace and Your Comparison For your Slander it is no lesse then that the King is perjured in his Coronation Oath No greater Offence then Perjury No greater Oath then that of a Coronation I leave it It is too great to aggravate Your Menace that if there were a Bulling-broke or I cannot tell what there were Matter for him is a very seditious Passage You know well that howsoever Henry the fourths Act by a secret Providence of God prevailed yet it was but an Vsurpation And if it were possible for such a one to be this day wherewith it seemes your Dreames are troubled I do not doubt his End would be upon the Block And that he would sooner have the Ravens sit upon his Head at London Bridge then the Crown at Westminster And it is not your interlacing of your God forbid that will salve these seditious Speeches Neither could it be a Fore-warning because the Matter was past and not revocable But a very Stirring up and Incensing of the People If I should say to you for Example if these times were like some former times of King H. 8 Or some other times which God forbid Mr. I. S it would cost you your life I am sure you would not think this to be a gentle warning but rather that I incensed the Court against you And for your Comparison with R. the 2. I see you follow the Example of them that brought him upon the Stage and into Print in Queen Elizabeths time A most prudent and admirable Queen But let me entreat you that when â—ou will speak of Queen Elizabeth or King Iames you would compare them to K. H. the 7th or K. Ed. 1. Or some other Paralels to which they are like And this I would wish both you and all to take heed of How you speak seditious Matterâ— in Parables or by Tropes or Examples There is a thing in an Indictment called an Innuendo You must beware how you becken or make Signs upon the King in a Dangerous sense But I will contain my self and Press this no further I may hold you for Turbulent or Presumptuous but I hope you are not Disloyall You are graciously and mercifully dealt with And therefore having now oâ—ened to my Lords and as I think to your own Heart and Conscience the principall part of your Offence which concerns the King I leave the rest which concerns the Law Parliament and the Subjects that have given to Mr. Serjeants and Mr. Sollicitour The Charge of Owen indicted of High Treason in the Kings Bench by Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall THe Treason wherewiâ—h this Man standeth Charged is for the Kind and Nature of it Ancient As Ancient as there is any Law of England But in the particular Late and Upstart And again in the Manner and Boldness of the present Case New and almost unheard of till this Man Of what mind he is now I know not but I take him as he was and as he standeth charged For High Treason is not written in Ice That when the Body relenteth the Impression should go away In this Cause the Evidence it self will spend little Time Time therefore will be best spent in opening fully the Nature of thiâ— Treason with the Circumstances thereof Because the Example is more then the Man I think good therefore by way of Inducement and Declaration in this Cause to open unto the Court Iury and Hearers five Things The first is the Clemency of the King Because it is Newes and a kind of Rarety to have a proceeding in this place upon Treason And perhaps it may be marvelled by some why after
Better Commissioners to examine it The Term â—ath been almost turned into a Iustitium or Vacancy The People themselves being more willing to be Lookers on in this Business then to follow their own There hath been no Care of Discovery omitted no Moment of Time lost And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Saying of Salomon Gloria Dei celare rem gloria Regis Scrutari rem And his Majesties Honour is much the greater for that he hath shewed to the World in this Businesse as it hath Relation to my Lord of Sommerset whose Case in no sort I do prejudge being ignorant of the Secrets of the Cause but taking him as the Law takes him hitherto for a Suspect I say the King hath to his great Honour shewed That were any Man in such a Case of Bloud as the Signet upon his Right Hand as the Scripture sayes yet would He put him off Now will I come to the particular Charge of these Gentlemen whose Qualities and Persons I respect and love For they are all my particular Friends But now I can only do this Duty of a Friend to them to make them know their Fault to the full And therefore first I will by way of Narrative declare to your Lordships the Fact with the occasion of it Then you shall have their Confessions read upon which you are to proceed Together with some Collaterall Testimonies by way of Aggravation And lastly I will note and observe to your Lordships the Materiall points which I do insist upon for their Charge And so leave them to their Answer And this I will doe very briefly for the Case is not perplexed That wretched Man Weston who was the Actor or Mechanicall Party in this Impoysonment at the first day being indicted by a very substantiall Iury of Selected Cittizens to the number of 19. who foâ—nd â—illa vera yet neverthelesse at the first stood mute But after some dayes Intermission it pleased God to cast out the Dumb Devill And that he did put himself upon his Tryall And was by a Jury also of great Value upon his Confession and other Testimonies found guilty So as 31. sufficient Iurours have passed upon him whereupon Judgement and Execution was awaâ—ded against him After this being in preparation for another World he sent for Sr. Thomas Overburies Father and falling down upon his knees with great Remorce and Compunction asked him forgivenesse Aftâ—rwards againe of his own Motion desired to have his like prayer of forgivenesseâ— recommended to his Mother who was abâ—ent And at boâ—h times out of the abundance of his Heart Confâ—ssâ—d that he was to die justly and that he was woâ—thy of Deâ—th And after again at his Execution which is a kind of sealing tâ—me of Confessions evâ—n at the point of Death Although there were Tempters about him as you shall hear by and by yet he did again confirm publickly that his Examinations weâ—e â—rue And that he had been justly and honourably dealt with Here is the Narrative which enduceth the Charge The Chaâ—ge it self is this M. L. Whose Offence stands alone single the Offence of the other two being in consort And yet all three meetingâ— in their End and Center which was to interrupt or deface this Excellent piece of Iustice M. L. I say mean while between Westons standing mute and his Tryall Takes upon him to mâ—ke a most False Odious and Libellous Relation Containing as many Untruths as Lines And sets it down in writing with his own Hand And deliveâ—s it to Mr. Henry Gibb of the Bed-chamber to be put into the Kings Hand In which writing he doth falsifie and pervert all that was done the first day at the Arraignment of Weston Turning the Pike and Point of his Imputations principally upon my Lord Chief Iustice of England Whose Name thus occurring I cannot pass by And yet I can not skill to flatter But this I will say of him and I would say as much to Ages if I should write a Story That never Mans Person and his place were better met in a Businesse then my Lord Cooke and my Lord Chief Iustice in the Cause of Overbury Now My Lords in this Offence of M. L For the particulars of these slanderous Articles I will observe them unto you when the Writings and Examinations are read For I do not love to set the Gloss before the Text. But in generalâ— I noâ—e to your Lordships First the Person of M. L. I know he is a Scottish Gentleman and thereby more ignorant of our Lawes and Formes But I cannot tell whither this doth extenuate his Fault in râ—spect of Ignorance Or aggravate it much in respect of Presumptiou That he would meddle in that that he understood not But I doubt it came not out of his Quiver Some other Mans Cunning wrought upon this Mans Boldnesse Secondly I may note unto you the Greatnesse of the Cause Wherein he being a private mean Gentleman did presume to deal M. L could not but know to what great and grave Commissioners the King had committed this Cause And that his Majesâ—y in his Wiâ—edom would expect return of all things from them to whose trust he had committed this Businesse For it is the part of Commissioners as well to report the Businesse as to mannage the Businâ—sse And then his Majesty mought have been sure to have had all thingâ— well weighed and truly informed And therefore it should have been far from M. L. to have presumed to have put fâ—rth his Hand to so high and tender a Businesse which was not to be touched but by Employed Hands Thirdly I note to your Lordships that this Infusion of a Slander into a Kings Ear is of all Formes of Libells and Slanders the worst It is true that Kingâ— may keep secret their Informations and then no Man ought to enquire after them while they are shrined in their Breast But where a King is pleased that a Man shall answer for his false Information There I say the false Information to a King â—xceeds in Offence the false Information of any other kind Being a kind since we are in matter of Poyson of Impoysonment of a Kings Ear. And thus much for the Offence of M. L. For the Offence of S. W. and H. I. which I said was in consort it was shortly this At the â—ime and Place of the Execution of Weston To â—upplant his Christian Resolution and to Scandalâ—zeâ—he â—he Iustice already past perhapâ— to cut off the thred of thâ—tâ— which is to come These Gentlemen with others came mounted on Horseback And in a Ruffling and Facing manner put themselves forward to re-examine Weston upon Questions And what Questions Directly crosse to that that had been tryed and judged For what was the point tried That Weston had poysoned Overbury What was S. W. Question Whether Weston did poyson Ovâ—rbury or no A Contradictory directly Weston answered only that he did him wrong And turning to the Sheriffe said You promised me I
for the Nobility Touching the Oppression of the People he mentioneth four points 1. The Conâ—umption of People in the Wars 2. The Interruption of Traffick 3. The Corruption of Iustice. 4. The Multitude of Taxations Unto all which points there needeth no long Speech For the first thanks be to God the Benediction of Crescite and Multiplicamini is not so weak upon this Realm of â—ngland but The Population thereof may afford such Losse of Men as were sufficient for the Making our late Wars and were in a perpetuity without being seen either in City or Countrey We â—ead that when the Romans did take Cense of their People whereby the Citizens were numbred by the Poll in the beginning of a great War and afterwards again at the ending there sometimes wanted a Third Part of the Number But let our Muster Books be perused those I say that certifie the Number of all Fighting Men in every Shire of vicesimo of the Queen At what time except a Handfull of Souldiers in the Low Countries we expended no Men in the VVars And now again at this present time there will appear small Diminution There be many Tokens in this Realm rather of Presse and Surcharge of People then of Want and Depopulation which were before recited Besides it is a better Condition of Inward Peace to be accompanied with some Exercise of no Dangerous Warr in Forrain parts then to be utterly without Apprentisage of Warr whereby People grow Effeminate and unpractised when Occasion shall be And it is no small strength unto the Realm that in these Warrs of Exercise and not of Perill so many of our People are trained And so many of our Nobility and Gentlemen have been made Excellent Leaders both by Sea and Land As for that he objecteth we have no Provision for Souldiers at their Return Though that Point hath not been altogether neglected yet I wish with all my Heart that it were more Ample then it is Though I have read and heard that in all Estates upon Casheering and Disbanding of Souldiers many have endured Necessity For the Stopping of Traffique as I referred my Self to the Muster-Books for the First So I refer my Self to the Custome-Books upon this which will not lye And do make Demonstration of no Abatement at all in these last years but rather of Rising and Encrease We know of many in London and other places that are within a small time greatly come up and made Rich by Merchandizing And a Man may speak within his Compasse and affirm That our Prizes by Sea have countervailed any Prizes upon us And as to the Iustice of this Realm it is true that Cunning and Wealâ—h have bred many Sutes and Debates in Law But let those Points be considered The Integrity and Sufficiency of those which supply the Iudiciall places in the Queens Courts The good Laweâ— that have been made in her Majesties time against Informers and Promoters And for the bettering of Trialls The Example of Severity which is used in the Star-chamber in oppressing Forces and Fraâ—des The Diligence and Stoutness that is used by Iustices of Assises in Encountring all Countenancing and Bearing of Causes in the Countrey by their Authorities and Wisedome The great Favours that have been used towards Coppy-holders and Customary Tenants which were in ancient times meerly at the Discretion and Mercy of the Lord And are now continually relieved from hard Dealing in Chancery and other Courts of Equity I say let these and many other Points be considered and Men will worthily conceive an Honourable Opinion of the Iustice of England Now to the Points of Levies and Distributions of Money which he calleth Exactions First very coldly he is not abashed to bring in the Gathering for Paules Steeple and the Lottery Trifles Whereof the former being but a Voluntary Collection of that Men were freely disposed to give never grew to so great a Sum as was sufficient to finish the Work for which it was appointed And so I imagine it was converted into some other use like to that Gathering which was for the Fortifications of Paris save that the Gathering for Paris came to a much greater though as I have heard no competent Sum. And for the Lottery it was but a Novelty devised and followed by some particular persons and onely allowed by the State being as a Gain of Hazzard Wherein if any Gain was it was because many Men thought Scorn after they had fallen from their greater hopes to fetch their odd Money Then he mentioneth Loanes and Privy Seales Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance and Indiscretion considering the Payments back again have been very Good and Certain And much for her Majesties Honour Indeed in other Princes Times it was not wont to be so And therefore though the Name be not so pleasant yet the Vse of them in our Times have been with small Grievance He reckoneth also new Customes upon Cloathes and new Impost upon Wines In that of Cloathes he is deceived For the ancient Rate of Custome upon Cloathes was not raised by her Majesty but by Queen Mary a Catholique Queen And hath been commonly continued by her Majesty Except he mean the Computation of the odd yards which in strict Duty was ever answerable Though the Error were but lately looked into or rather the Tolleration taken away And to that of Wines being a Forrain Merchandize and but a Delicacy and of those which might be forborn there hath been some Encrease of Imposition which can rather make the Price of Wine Higher â—hen the Merchant poorer Lastly touching the Number of Subsidies it is true that her Majesty in respect of her great Charges of her Warrs both by Sea and Land against such a Lord of Treasure as is the King of Spain Having for her part no Indies nor Mines And the Revenues of the Crown of England being such as they lesse grate upon the People then the Revenues of any Crown or State in Europe Hath by the Assent of Parliament according to the ancient Customes of this Realm received divers Subsidies of her People which as they have been employed upon the Defence and preservation of the Subject Not upon Excessive Buildings nor upon Immoderate Donatives Nor upon Triumphs and Pleasures Or any the like veines of Dissipation of Treasure which have been Familiar to many Kings So have they been yielded with great good will and cheerfulness As may appear by other kinds of Benevolence presented to her likewise in Parliament which her Majesty neverthelesse hath not put in Ure They have been Taxed also and Asseissed with a very Light and Gentle Hand And they have been spared as much as may be As may appear in that her Majesty now twice to spare the Subject hath sold of her own Lands But he that shall look into other Countries and conâ—ider the Taxes and Tallages and Impositions and Assises and the like that are every where in use Will find that the English Man is the most
many wayes And namely to make a Breach between Scotland and England her Majesties Forces were again in the year 1582. by the Kings best and truest Servants sought and required And with the Forces of her Maâ—esty prevailed so far as to be possessed of the Castle of Edenborough the principall part of that Kingdome which neverthelesse her Majesty incontinently with all Honour and Sincerity restored After she had put the King into good and faithfull Hands And so ever since in all the Occasions of Intestine Troubles whereunto that Nation hath been ever subject she hath performed unto the King all possible good Offices and such as he doth with all good Affection acknowledge The same House of Cuise under Colour of Alliance during the Raign of Francis the second and by the Support and practâ—â—â— of the Queen Mother who desiring to retain the Regency under her own Hands during the Minority of Charles the ninth used those of â—uise as a Counterpoise to the Princes of the Bloud obtained also great Authority in the Kingdome of France whereupon having raised and moved Civill Warrs under preâ—ence of Religion But indeed to enfeeble and depresse the Ancient Nobility of that Realm The contrary Part being compounded of the Bloud Royall and the Greatest Officers of the â—rown opposed themselves onely against their Insolency And to their Aides called in her Majesties Forces giving them for security the Town of New-Haven which neverthelesse when as afterwards having by the Reputation of her Majesties Confederation made their Peace in Effect as they would themselves They would without observing any Conditions that had passed have had it back again Then indeed it was held by force and so had been long but for the great Mortality which it pleased God to send amongst our Men. After which time so far was her Majesty from seeking to sowe or kindle New Troubles As continually by the Sollicitation of her Embassadours she still perswaded with the Kings both Charles the 9th and Hen. the 3d to keep and observe their Edicts of Pacification and to preserve their Authority by the Union of their Subjects which Counsell if it had been as happily followed as it was prudently and sincerely given France had been at this day a most Flourishing Kingdome which is now a Theater of Misery And now in the end after that the Ambitious Practises of the same House of Guise had grown to that Ripeness that gathering further strength upon the weakness and Misgovernment of the said King Hen. 3d He was fain to execute the Duke of Guise without Ceremony at Bloys And yet neverthelesse so many Men were embarqued and engaged in that Conspiracy as the Flame thereof was nothing asswaged But contrarywise that King Hen. grew distressed so as he was enforced to implore the Succours of England from her Majesty Though no way interessed in that Quarrell Nor any way obliged for any good offices she had received of that King yet she accorded the same Before the Arrivall of which Forces the King being by a sacrilegious Iacobine murthered in his Camp near Paris yet they went on and came in good time for the Assistance of the King which now raigneth The Justice of whose Quarrell together with the long continued Amity and good Intelligence which her Majesty had with him hath moved her Majesty from time to time to supply with great Aides And yet she never by any Demand urged upon him the putting into her Hands of any Town or Place So as upon this that hath been said let the Reader judge whether hath been the more Just and Honourable Proceeding And the more free from Ambition and Passion towards other States That of Spain or that of England Now let us examine the proceedings reciproque between themselves Her Majesty at her Comming to the Crown found her Realm entangled with the Wars of France and Scotland her nearest Neighbours which Wars were grounded onely upon the Spaniards Quarrell But in the pursuit of them had lost England the Town of Calice Which from the 21. year of King Edward 3 had been possessed by the Kings of England There was a meeting near Burdeaux towards the end of Queen Maries Raign between the Commissioners of France Spain and England and some Overture of Peace was made But broke off upon the Article of the Resâ—itution of Callice After Queen Maries Death the King of Spain thinking himself dischaâ—ged of that Difficulty though in hoâ—our he was no lesse bound to it then before renewed the like Treaty wherein her Majesty concurred so as the Commissioners for the said Princes met at Chasteau Cambraâ—ssi near Cambray In the proceedings of which Treaty it is true that at the first the Commissioners of Spain for form and in Demonstration onely pretended to stand firm upon the Demand of Calliceâ— but it was discerned indeed that the Kings Meaning was after â—ome Ceremonies and perfunctory Insisting thereupon to grow apart to a â—eace with the French excluding her Majesty And so to leave her to make her own Peace after her People Had made his Wars Which Covert Dealing being politickly looked into her Majesty had reason being newly invested in her Kingdom And of her own Inclination being affected to Peace To conclude the same with such Conditions as she mought And yet the King of Spain in his Dissimulation had so much Advantage as she was fain to do it in a Treaty apart with the Frâ—nch whereby to one that is not informed of the Counsels and Treaties of State as they passed it should seem to be a voluntary Agreement of her Majesty whereto the King of Spain would not be party whereas indeed he left her no other choice And this was the first Assay or Earnest penny of that Kings good affection to her Majesty About the same time when the King was sollicited to renew such Treaties and Leagues as had passed between the two Crowns of Spain and England by the Lord Cobham sent unto him to acquaint him with the Death of Queen Mary And afterwards by Sir Thomas Challenor and Sir Thomas Chamberlain successively Embassadours Resident in his Low Countries Who had order divers times during their Charge to make Overtures thereof both unto the King and certain principall persons about him And lastly those former Motions taking no effect By Viscount Montacute and Sir Thomas Chamberlain sent unto Spain in the year 1560 no other Answer could be had or obtained of the King but that the Treaties did stand in as good Force to all Intents as new Ratification could make them An Answer strange at that time but very conformable to his Proceedings since which belike even then were closely smothered in his own Breast For had he not at that time some hidden Alienation of Mind and Design of an Enemy towards her Majesty So wise a King could not be ignorant That the Renewing and Ratifying of Treaties between Princes and States do adde great Life and Force both of Assurance to the parties themselves
of that Crown Though now upon this fresh Accident of Receiving the King into Paris it is to be thought that both the worst affected of the League will â—ubmit themselves upon any tolerable Conditions to their Naturall King thus advanced in strength and Reputation And the King of Spain will take take a second Advise ere he embarque himself too far in any new Attempt against France But taking the Affâ—irs as they then stood before this Accident unexpected Especially of the Councell of Spain during this his supposed Harvest in France His Counsell had reason to wish that there were no Disturbance from hence Where they make account that if her Majesty were removed upon whose person God continue his extraordinary Watch and Providence here would be nothing but Confusion Which they do not doubt but with some no great Treasure and Forces from without may be nourished till they can more fully intend the Ruine of this State according to their ancient malice But howsoever that be amongst the Number of these execrable Undertakers there was none so much built and relied upon by the Great Ones of the other side as was this Physician Lopez Nor indeed None so dangerous whether you consider the Aptnesse of the Instrument Or the subtilty and secrecy of thoâ—e that practised with him Or the Shift and Evasion which he had provided for a Colour of his Doings if they should happen to come into Question For fiâ—st whereas others were to find and encounter infinite Difficulties in the very obtaining of an Opportunity to execute this Horrible Act And besides cannot but see present and most assured Death before their eyes And therefore must be as it were damnable Votaries if they undertake it This Man in regard of his Faculty and of his private Accesse to her Majesty had both Means to perpetrate and Means to conceal whereby he mought reap the fruit of his wicked Treason without evident perill And for his Complices that practised with him being Portugeses and of the Retinue of King Antonio the King of Spains Mortall Enemy they were Men thereby freed and discharged from Suspiâ—cion And mought send Letters and receive Letters out of Spain without Jealousie As those which were thought to entertain Intelligences there for the good of their Master And for the Evasion and Masqâ—e that Lopez had prepared for this Treason if it had not been searched and sifted to the bottome It was that he did intend but to cousin the King of Spain without ill Meaning somewhat in the nature of that Stratagem which Parry a most Cunning and Artificiall Traytour had provided for Himself Neverthelesse this Matter by the great Goodnesse of God falling into good Hands of those Honourable and sufficient persons which dealt therein Was by their great and worthy Industry so handled and followed As this Proteus of a disguised and Transformed Treason did at last appear in his own Likenesse and Colours which were as Foul and Monstrous as have been known in the world For some of her Majesties Councell long since entred into consideration That the Retinew of King Antonio I mean some of them were not unlike to hatch these kindâ— of Treasons In regard they were Needy Strangers entred into despair of their Masters Fortune and like enough to aspire to make their Peace at home by some such wicked Seâ—vices as these And therefore grew to have an extraordinary vigilant Eye upon them Which Prudent and Discreet Presumption or Conjecture Joyned with some Advertisements of Espialls abroad and some other Industry Was the first Cause next under the great Benediction of God which giveth unto Princes zealous Counsellours And giveth to Counsellours Policy and Discerning Thoughts of the Revealing and Discovering of â—hese Treasons which were contrived in Order and Form as hereafter is set down This Lopez of Nation a Portugeze and suspected to be in sect secretly a Iew Though here he conformed Himself to the Rites of Christian Religion For a long time professed physick in this Land By occasion whereof being withall a Man very Observant and Officious and of a pleasing and applyable behaviour In that regard rather then for any great Learning in his Faculty He grew known favoured in Court And was some years since sworn Physician of her Majesties Houshold And by her Majesties Bounty of whom he had received divers Gifts of good commodity was grown to good Estate of Wealth This Man had insinuated himself greatly in regard he was of the same Nation with the King Antonio Whose Causes he pretended to sollicit at the Court Especially while he supposed there was any Appearance of his Fortune of whom also he had obtained as one that reserved all his doings to Gain an Assignation of 50000 Crowns to be levied in Portugall Buâ— being a Person wholly of a Corrupt and Mercenary Nature And finding his Hopes cold from that part He cast his Eyes upon a more able Paymaster And secretly made offer long since of his service to the King of Spain And accordingly gave sundry Intelligences of that which passed here and imported most for the King of Spain to know Having no small Means in regard of his continuall Attendance at Court Nearnesse and Accesse to learn many particulars of great weight Which Intelligences he maintained with Bernardine Mendoza Antonio Vega Roderigo Marquez and divers others In the Conveyance of which his Intelligences and in the making known of his Disposition to do the King of Spain service he had amongst others one Manuel Andrada a Portugeze revolted from Don Antonio to the King of Spain One that was disâ—overed to have practised the Death of the said Don Antonio and to have betrayed him to Bernardine Mendoza This Man coming hither was for the same his practise appearing by Letters intercepted apprehended and committed to Prison Beâ—ore which time also there had been by good diligence intercepted other Letters whereby the said Andrada adververtised Mendoza that he had won Dr. Lopez to the Kings service But Lopez having understanding thereof And finding means to have secret conference with Andrada before his examination Perswaded with him to take the Matter upon himself as if he had invented that Advertisement touching Lopez onely to procure himself credit with Mendoza And to make him conceive well of his Industry and Service And to move him hereunto Lopez set before Andrada that if he did excuse him he should have credit to work his Deliverie Whereas if he did impeach him he was not like to find any other Means of Favour By which subtil perswasion Andrada when he came to be examined answered according to the Direction and Lessoning which Lopez had given him And having thus acquitted himself of this suspicion became Suitour for Andrada's Delivery craftily suggesting that he was to do some notable Service to Don Antonio In which his suit he accordingly prevailed When Lopez had thus got Andrada out of prison he was suffered to go out of the Realm into Spain In pretence
as was said to do some service to Don Antonio But in truth to continue Lopez Negotiation and Intelligences with the King of Spain which he handled so well as at his Return hither for the comforting of the said Lopez he brought to him from the King besides thanks and words of encouragement and an Abrazo which is the Complement of Favour a very good Jewell garnished with sundry stones of good value This Jewell when Lopez had accepted he cunningly cast with himself That if he should offer it to her Majesty first He was assured she would not take it Next that thereby he should lay her asleep and make her Secure of him for greater Matters According to the saying Fraus sibi fidem in parvis praestruit ut in magnis opprimat which accordingly he did with Protestations of his Fidelity And her Majesty as a Princesse of Magnanimity not apt to fear or suspicion returned it to him with Gracious words After Lopez had thus abused her Majesty and had these Trialls of the Fidelity of Andrada they fell in conference the matter being first moved by Andrada as he that came freshly out of Spain touching the empoysoning of the Queen Which Lopez who saw that Matter of Intelligence without some such particular service would draw no great Reward from the King oâ— Spain such as a Man that was not Needy but wealthy as hâ— was coulâ— find any Tast in assented unto And to that purpose procured again this Andrada to be sent over As well to â—dvertise and asâ—ure this Matter to the King of Spain and hiâ— Ministers Namely to the Count de Fuentes Assistant to the Generall of the King of Spains Forces in the Low Countries as also to capitulate and â—ontract with him about the Certainty of hiâ— Rewardâ— Andrada having received those Instructions and beâ—ing furnished with money by Lopez procurement from Don Antonio about whose service his Employment was believed to be Went over to Calais Where he remained to be near unto England and Flandeâ—s Having a Boy that ordinarily passed to and fro between him and Lopez By whom he did also the better to colour his Employment write to Lopez Intelligence as it was agreed he should between him and Lopez Whâ— bad him send such Nâ—ws as he should take up in the Streets From Calais he writeth to Count de Fuentes of Lopez Promise and Demands Upon the Receipt of which Letters after some Time taken to advertise this Proposition into Spain And to receive direction thereupon The Count de Fuentes associated with Stâ—â—phano Ibarra Secretary of the Councell of the Wars in the Low Countries calleth to â—im one Manuel Louys Tinoco a Portugese who had also followed King Antonio and of whose good Devotion he had had Experience in that he had conveyed unto him two severall Packets wherewith he was trusted by the King Antonio for France Of this Louys they first received a Corporall Oath wiâ—h solemn Ceremony taking his Hands between their Hands that he should keep secret that which should be imparted to him And never reveal the same though he should be apprehended and questioned here This done they acquâ—int him with the Letters of Andrada with whom they charge him to conferre at Calais in his way and to passe to Lopez into England Addressing him further to Stephano Ferrera de Gama And signifying unto the said Lopez withall as from the King that he gave no great credence to Andrada as a person too sleight to be usâ—d in a Cause of so great weight And therefore marvelled much that he heard nothing from Ferrera of this Matter From whom he had in former time been advertised in generality of Lopez good affection to do him service This Ferrera had been sometimes a Man of great Livelyhood and wealth in Portugall which he did forego in adhering to Don Antonio And appeareth to be a Man of a Capacity and practise But hath some years since been secretly won to the service of the King of Spain not travelling neverthelesse too and fro but residing as his Leiger in England Manuel Louys dispatched with these Instructions and with all affectionate commendations from the Count to Lopez And with Letters to Ferrera Took his Journey first to Calais where he conferred with Andrada Of whom receiving more ample Information together with a short Ticket of Credence to Lopez that he was a Person whom he mought trust without scruple came over into England And first repaired to Ferrera and acquainted him with the State of the Businesse who had before that time given some Light unto Lopez that he was not a stranger unto the Practise between him and Andrada wherewith indeed Andrada had in a sort acquainted him And now upon this new Dispatch and Knowledge given to Lopez of the choise of Ferrera to continue that which Andrada had begun He to conform himself the better to the satisfaction of the King of Spain and his Ministers abroad was content more fully to communicate with Ferrera with whom from that time forward he meant singly and apertly to deal And therefore cunningly forbare to speak with Manuel Louys himself but concluded that Ferrera should be his only â—runk and all his Dealings should pass through his Hands thinking thereby to have gone Invisible Whereupon he cast with Himself that it was not safe to use the Mediation of Manuel Louys who had been made privy to the matter as some base carrier of Letters which Letters also should be written in a Cyphar Not of Alphabet but of Words Such as mought if they were opened import no vehement suspicion And therefore Manuel Louys was sent back with a short Answerâ— And Lopez purveied himself of a base Fellow a â—ortugeze called Gomes d' Avila dwelling hard by Lopez House â—o convey his Letters After this Messenger provided it was agreed between Lopez and Ferrera that Letters should be sent to the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Iuarra written and signed by Ferrera â—or Lopez cautelously did forbear to write himself but directed and indeed dictated word by word by Lopez himself The Contents thereof were That Lopez was ready to execute that Service to the King which before had been treated but required for his Recompence the sum of 50000. Crowns and assurance for the same These Letters were written obscurely as was touched in Termes of Merchandise To which Obscurity when Ferrera excepted Lopez answered They knew his meaning by that which â—ad passed before Ferrera wrote also to Manuel Louys but charged this Gomez to deliver the same Letters unto him in the presence of Iuarra As also the Letter to Iuarra in the presence of Manuel Louys And these Letters were delivered to Gomez d' Avila to be carried to Bruxells And a Pasport procured and his charges defrayed by Lopez And Ferrera the more to approve his Industry writ Letters two severall times The one conveyed by Emanuel Palacios with the privity of Lopez to Christofero Moro a principall Counseller of the King of
potentia reducatur in Actum I know well that for me to beat my Brains about these things they be Majora quam pro Fortuna But yet they be Minora quam pro Studio as Voluntate For as I doe yet bear an extreme Zeal to the Memory of my old Mistris Queen Elizabeth To whom I was rather bound for her Trust than her Favour So I must acknowledge my Self more bound to your Majesty both for Trust and Favour whereof I will never deceive the one as I can never deserve the other And so in all humbleness kissing your Majesties sacred hands I remain A Letter to the Lord Chancellor touching the History of Britaine It may please your good Lordship SOme late Act of his Majesty referred to some former Speech which I have heard from your Lordship bred in me a great Desire And the strength of Desire a Boldness to make an humble Proposition to your Lordship Such as in me can be no better than a Wish But if your Lordship should apprehend it it may take some good and worthy Effect The Act I speak of is the Order given by his Majesty for the Erection of a Tomb or Monument for our late Soveraign Queen Elizabeth Wherein I may note much but onely this at this time that as her Majesty did alwayes right to his Majesties Hopes So his Highness doth in all things Right to her Memory A very just and Princely Reâ—tribution But from this Occasion by a very easie Ascent I passed further being put in minde by this Representative of her Person of the more true and more vive Representation which is of â—er Life and Government For as Statues and Pictures are dumb Histories so Histories are speaking Pictures wherein if my Affection be not too great or my Reading too small I am of this Opinion That if Plutarch were alive to write Lives by Parallels it would trouble him for Vertue and Fortune both to finde for her a Parallel amongst Women And though she was of the Passive Sexe yet her Government was so Active as in my simple Opinion it made more Impression upon the several States of Europe than it received from thence But I confess unto your Lordship I could not stay there but went a little further into the Consideration of the Times which have passed since King Henry the 8th wherein I find the strangest Variety that in so little Number of Successions of any Hereditary Monarchy hath ever been known The Reign of a Child The offer of an Vsurpation though it were but as a Diary Ague The Reign of a Lady married to a Foreiner And the Reign of a Lady Solitary and Unmarried So that as it commeth to pass in Massive Bodies That they have certain Trepidations and Waverings before they fix and settle So it seemeth that by the Providence of God this Monarchy before it was to settle in his Majesty and his Generations In which I hope it is now established for ever Hath had these Prelusive changes in these Barren Princes Neither could I contain my Self here As it is easier to multiply than to stay a Wish But calling to Remembrance the Unworthiness of the History of England in the main continuance thereof And the Partiality and Obliquity of that of Scotland in the latest and largest Offer that I have seen I conceived it would be Honour for his Majesty and a work very memorable if this Island of Great Britain as it is now joyned in Monarchy for the Ages to come so it were joyned in History for the Times past And that one Just and compleat History were compiled of both Nations And if any Man think it may refresh the Memory of former Discords he may satisfy himself with the Verse Olim haec meminisse juvabit For the Case being now altered it is Matter of Comfort and Gratulation to remember former Troubles Thus much if it may please your Lordship is in the Optative Mood It is time that I did Look a litle into the Potential wherein the Hope which I conceived was grounded upon 3. Observations The First the Nature of these Times which flourish in Learning both of Art and Language which giveth Hope not onely that it may be done but that it may be well done Secondly I doe see that which all the World see 's in his Majesty both a wonderfull Judgement in Learning and a singular Affection towards Learning And works which are of the Mind and not of the Hand For there cannot be the like Honour sought in building of Galleries and Planting of Elmes along high-wayes and the outward Ornaments wherein France now is busie Things rather of Magnificence than of Magnanimity As there is in the Vniting of States Pacifying of Controversies Nourishing and Augmenting of Learning and Arts and the particular Actions appertaining unto these Of which kind Cicero judged truly when he said to Caesar Quantum Operibus tuis detrahet Vetustas tantum addet laudibus And lastly I call to minde that your Lordship at some times had been pleased to express unto me a great desire that something of this Nature should be performed Answerable indeed to your other noble and worthy Courses and Actions Joyning and adding unto the great Services towards his Majesty which have in small Compass of Time been put upon your Lordship other great Deservings both of the Church and Commonwealth and Particulars So as the Opinion of so great and wise a Man doth seem to me a good Warrant both of the Possibility and Worth of this Matter But all this while I assure my Self I cannot be mistaken by your Lordship as if I sought an Oâ—fice or Employment for my Self For no Man knowes better than your Lordship that if there were in me any Faculty thereunto yet neither my Course of Life nor Profession would permit it But because there be so many good Painters both for Hand and Colours it needeth but Encouragement and Instructions to give Life unto it So in all Humbleness I conclude my presenting unto your Lordship of this Wish which if it perish it is but a loss of that which is not And so craving pardon that I have taken so much time from your Lordship I remain A Letter to the King upon the sending unto him a Beginning of an History of his Majesties Times It may please your Majesty HEaring that you are at leisure to peruse Stories a desire took me to make an Experiment what I could doe in your Majesties times which being but a Leaf or two I pray your pardon if I send it for your Recreation Considering that Love must creep where it cannot goe But to this I add these Petitions First that if your Majesty doe dislike any thing you would conceive I can amend it upon your least beck Next that if I have not spoken of your Majesty Encomiastically your Majesty would be pleased only to ascribe it to the Law of an History which doth not cluttâ—r together praises upon the first mention of a Name
but rather disperseth and weaveth them through the whole Narrative And as for the Proper place of Commemoration which is in the Period of Life I pray God I may never live to write it Tâ—irdly that the reason why I presumed to think of this Oblation was because whatsoever my Disability be yet I shall have that Advantage which almost no Writer of History hath had In that I shall write of Times not onely since I could Remember but since I could observe And lastly that it is onely for your Majesties Reading A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury upon sending of him one of his Books of Advancement of Learning IT may please your good Lordship I present your Lordship with a Work of my vacant time which if it had been more the Work had been better It appertaineth to your Lordship besides my particular respects in some Propriety In regard you are a great Governer in a Province of Learning And that which is more you have added to your Place Affection towards Learning And to your Affection Judgement Of which the last I could be content were for the time less that you might the less exquisitely Censure that which I offer unto you But sure I am the Argument is good if it had lighted upon a good Author But I shall content my self to awake better Spirits Like a Bell-ringer which is first up to call others to Church So with my humble Desire of your Lordships good Acceptation I remain A Letter to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst upon the like Argument MAy it please your good Lordship I have finish'd a Work touching the Advancement or Setting forward of Learning which I have dedicated to his Majesty the most learned of a Soveraign or Temporal Prince that Time hath known And upon reaâ—on not unlike I humbly present one of the Books to your Lordship Not onely as a Chanceller of an Vniversity but as one that was excellently bred in all Learning which I have ever noted to shine in all your Speeches and Behaviours And therefore your Lordship will yield a gracious Aspect to your first Love And take pleasure in the Adorning of that wherewith your self are so much adorned And so humbly desiring your favourable Acceptation therof with Signification of humble Duty I remain A Letter of the like Argument to the LORD CHANCELLER MAy it please your good Lordship I humbly present your Lordship with a Work wherein as you have much Commandement over the Authour So your Lordship hath also great Interest in thâ— Argument For to speak without Flattery few have like use of Learning or like Judgement in Learning as I have observed in your Lordship And again your Lordship hath been a great Planter of Learning Not onely in those places in the Church which have been in your own Gift But also in your Commendatory Vote no man hath more constantly held Detur Digniori And therefore both your Lordship is beholding to Learning and Learning beholding to you Which maketh me presume with good Assurance that your Lordship will accept well of these my Labours The rather because your Lordship in private Speech hath often begun to me in expressing your Admiration of his Majesties learning to whom I have dedicated this Workâ— And whose Vertue and Perfection in that kinde did chiefly move me to a Work of this Nature And so with Signification of my most humble Duty and Affection to your Lordship I remain A Letter of like Argument to the Earl of Northampton with request to Present the Book to his Majesty It may please your good Lordship HAving finished a Work touching the Advancement of Learning and dedicated the same to his Sacred Majesty whom I dare avouch if the Records of Time err not to be the learnedest King that hath reigned I was desirous in a kinde of Congruity to present it by the learnedest Counsellor in this Kingdom To the end that so good an Argument lighting upon so bad an Author might receive some Reputation by the Hands into which and by which it should be delivered And therefore I make it my humble Sâ—tâ— to your Lordship to present this mean but well meant Writing to his Majesty and with it my humble and zealous Duty And also my like humble request of Pardon if I have too often taken his name in Vain Not onely in the Dedication but in the Voucher of the Authority of his Speeches and Writings And so I remain A Letter of Request to Dr. Playfer to Translate the Book of Advancement of Learning into Latine Mr. Dr. Playfer A Great Desire will take a small Occasion to hope and put in Trial that which is desired It pleased you a good while since to express unto me the good Liking which you conceived of my Book of the Advancement of Learning and that more Significantly as it seem'd to me than out of Curtesie or Civil Respect My Self as I then took Contentment in your Approbation thereof So I should esteem and acknowledge not onely my Contentment encreased but my Labours aduanced if I might obtain your help in that nature which I desire Wherein before I set down in plain Terms my request unto you I will open my Self what it was which I chiefly sought and propounded to my Self in that Work That you may perceive that which I now desire to be pursuant thereupon If I doe not much erre For any Judgement that a Man maketh of his own Doings had need be spoken with a Si nunquam fallit Imago I have this Opinion that if I had sought mine own Commendation it had been a much fitter Course â—or me to have done as Gardeners used to doe by taking their Seed and Slipps and rearing them first into Plants and so uttering them in Pots whâ—n they are in Flower and in their best State But for as much as my End was Merit of the State of Learning to my Power and not Glory And because my purpose was rather to Excite other Mens Wits than to magnify mine own I was desirous to prevent the uncertainness of mine own Life Times by uttering rather Seeds than Plants Nay and further as the Proverb is by sowing with the Basket rather than with the Hand Wherefore since I have only taken upon me to ring a Bell to call other wits together which is the meanest Office it cannot but be consonant to my Desire to have that Bell heard as farr as can be And since they are but Sparks which can work but upon Matter prepared I have the more reason to wish that those Sparks may fly abroad That they may the better find and light upon those Minds and Spirits which are apt to be kindled And therefore the Privateness of the Language considered wherein it is written excluding so many Readers As on the other side the Obscurity of the Argument in many parts of it excludeth many others I must accompt it a Second Birth of that Work if it might be translated into Latine without manifest
Ordinary Accesses at Court And to come frequeâ—tly into the Queens Eye who would often grace him with private and free Communication Not onely about Matters of his Profession or Businesse in Law But also about the Arduous Affairs of Estate From whom she received from time to time great Satisfaction Neverthelesse though she cheered him much with the Bounty of her Countenance yet she never cheered him with the Bounty of her Hand Having never conferred upon him any Ordinary Place or Means of Honour or Profit Save onely one dry Reversion of the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber worth about 1600 l. per Annum For which he waited in Expectation either fully or near 20. years Of which his Lordship would say in Queen Elizabeths Time That it was like another Mans Ground buttalling upon his House which might mend his Prospect but it did not fill his Barn Neverthelesse in the time of King James it fell unto him Which might be imputed Not so much to her Majesties Aversenesse or Disaffection towards him As to the Arts and Policy of a Great Statesman â—hen who laboured by all Industrious and secret Means to suppresse and keep him down Lest if he had riseâ— he might have obscured his Glory But though he stood long at a stay in the Dayes of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth Yet after the change and Comming in of his New Master King James he made a great Progresse By whom he was much comforted in Places of Trust Honour and Revenue I have seen a Letter of his Lordships to King James wherein he makes Acknowledgement That He was that Master to him that had raysed and advanced him nine times Thrice in Dignity and Sixe times in Office His Offices as I conceive were Counsell Learned Extraordinary to his Majesty as he had been to Queen Elizabeth Kings Solliciter Generall His Majesties Atturney Generall Counseller of Estate being yet but Atturney Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lastly Lord Chanceller Which two last Places though they be the same in Auâ—hority and Power yet they differ in Patent Heigth and Favour of the Prince Since whose time none of his Successours did ever bear the Title of Lord Chanceller His Dignities were first Knight Then Baron of Verulam Lastly Viscount Saint Alban Besides other good Gifts and Bounties of the Hand which his Majesty gave him Both out of the Broad Seal And out of the Alienation Office Towards his Rising years not before he entred into a married Estate And took to Wife Alice one of the Daughters and Co-Heires of Benedict Barnham Esquire and Alderman of London with whom He received a sufficiently ample and liberall Portion in Marriage Children he had none which though they be the Means to perpetuate our Names after our Deaths yet he had other Issues to perpetuate his Name The Issues of his Brain In which he was ever happy and admired As Jupiter was in the production of Pallas Neither did the want of Children detract from his good usage of his Consort during the Intermarriage whom he prosecuted with much Conjugall Love and Respect with many Rich Gifts and Enâ—owments Besides a Roab of Honour which he invested her withall which she wore untill her Dying Day Being twenty years and more after his Death The last five years of his Life being with-drawn from Civill Affaires and from an Active Life he employed wholy in Contemplation and Studies A Thing whereof his Lordshâ—p would often speak during his Active Life As if he affected to dye in the Shadow and not in the Light which also may be found in severall Passages of his Works In which time he composed the greatest Part of his Books and Writings Both in English and Latin Which I will enumerate as near as I can in the just Order wherein they were written The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh Abecedarium Naturae or A Metaphysicall Piece which is lost Historia Ventorum Historia vitae Mortis Historia Densi Rari not yet Printed Historia Gravis Levis which is also lost A Discourse of a War with Spain A Dialogue touching an Holy War The Fable of the New Atlantis A Preface to a Digest of the Lawes of England The Beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth De Augmentis Scientiarum Or the Advanccment of Learning put into Latin with severall Enrichments and Enlargements Counsells Civill and Morall Or his Book of Essayes likewise Enriched and enlarged The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse The Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the Seventh of the Counsells Civill and Morall of the Dialogue of the Holy War of the Fable of the New Atlantis For the Benefit of other Nations His Revising of his Book De Sapientià Veterum Inquisitio de Magnete Topica Inquisitionis de Luce Lumine Both these not yet Printed Lastly Sylva Sylvarum or the Naturall History These were the â—ruits and Productions of his last five years His Lordship also designed upon the Motion and Invitation of his late Majesty To have written the Reign of King Henry the Eighth But that Work Perished in the Designationâ— meerly God not lending him Life to proceed further upon it then onely in one Mornings Work Whereof there is Extant An Ex Ungue Leonem already Printed in his Lordships Miscellany Works There is a Commemoration due As well to his Abilities and Vertues as to the Course of his Life Those Abilities which commonly goe single in other Men though of prime and Observable Parts were all conjoyned and met in Him Those are Sharpnesâ— of Wit Memory Judgement and Elocution For the Former Three his Books doe abundantly speak them which with what Sufficiency he wrote let the World judge But with what Celerity he wrote them I can best testifie But for the Fourth his Elocution I will onely set down what I heard Sir Walter Rauleigh once speak of him by way of Comparison whose Iudgement may well be trusted That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent Speaker but no good Pen-man That the Earl of Northampton the Lord Henry Howard was an excellent Pen-man but no good Speaker But that Sir Francis Bacon was Eminent in Both. I have been enduced to think That if there were a Beame of Knowledge derived from God upon any Man in these Modern Times it was upon Him For though he was a great Reader of Books yet he had not his Knowledge from Books But from some Grounds and Notions from within Himself Which notwithstanding he vented with great Caution and Circumspection His Book of Instauratio Magna which in his own Account was the chiefest of his works was no Slight Imagination or Fancy of his Brain But a Setled and Concocted Notion The Production of many years Labour and Travell I my Self have seen at the least Twelve Coppies of the Instauration Revised year by year one after another And every year altred and amended in the Frame thereof Till
new Pair of Cards then play upon these if they be packt And then for the People It is my manner ever to look as well beyond a Parliament as upon a Parliament And if they abroad shall think themselves betrayed by those that are their Deputies and Atturnies here it is true we may bind them and conclude them But it will be with such Murmur and Insatisfactionâ— as I would be loath to see These Things mought be dissembled And so things left to bleed inwards But that is not the way to cure them And therefore I have searched the Soare in hope that you will endeavour the Medecine But this to do more throughly I must proceed to my Second Part To tell you cleerely and distinctly what is to be set on the Right hand and what on the left in this business First if any Man hath doâ— good Offices to advise the King to call a Parliament And to increase the good Affection and Confidence of his Majestie towards his People I say that such a Person doth rather Merit well then commit any Errour Nay further if any Man hath out of his own good mind given an opinion touching the Minds of the Parliament in generall How it is probable they are like to be found And that they will have a due feeling of the Kings wants And will not deal drily or illiberally with him This Man that doth but think of other Mens minds as he finds his own is not to be blamed Nay furâ—her if any Man hath coupled this with good wishes and Propositions That the King do comfort the Hearts of his People and testifie his own love to them by filing off the harshness of his Prerogative Retaining the substance and strength And to that purpose like the good Housholder in the Scripture That brought forth old store and new hath revolved the Petitions and Propositions of the last Parliament and added new I say this Man hath sown good seed And he that shall draw him into Envy for it sowes Tares Thus much of the Right hand But on the other side if any shall mediatly or immediatly infuse into his Majesty or to others That the Parliament is as Cato said of the Romans like Sheep That a Man were better drive a Flock of them then one of them And however they may be wise Men severally yet in this Assembly they are guided by some few which if they be made and assured the rest will easily follow This is a plain Robbery of the King of Honour and his Subjects of Thanks And it is to make the Parliament vile and servile in the eyes of their Soveraign And I count it no better than a supplanting of the King and Kingdom Again if a Man shall make this Impression that it shall be enough for the King to send us some things of shew that may serve for colours And let some Eloquent Tales be told of them And that will serve Ad faciendum populum any such Person will find that this House can well skill of false Lights And that it is no wooing Tokens but the true Love already planted in the Breast of the Subjects that will make them do for the King And this is my Opinion touching those that may have perswaded a Parliament Take it on the other side for I mean in all things to deale plainly If any Man hath been diffident touching the Call of a Parliament Thinking that the best Meanes were first for the King to make his utmost tryall to subsist of himself and his own Meanes I say an Honest and Faithfull Heart mought consent to that Opinion And the event it seems doth not greatly discredit it hitherto Again if any Man shall have been of Opinion that it is not a particular Party that can bind the House Nor that it is not Shews or Colours can please the House I say that Man though his speech tend to discouragement yet it is coupled with Providence But by your leave if any Man since the Parliamâ—nt was called or when it was in speech shall have laid Plots to crosse the good will of the Parliament to the King By possessing them that a few shall have the thanks And that they are as it were Bought and Sold and betrayed And that that which the King offers them are but Baites prepared by particular persons Or have raised rumours that it is a packt Parliament To the end nothing may be done But that the Parliament may be dissolved as Gamesters use to call for new Cards when they mistrust a Pack I say These are Engins and Devises Naught Maligne and Seditious Now for the Remedy I shall rather break the Matter as I said in the Beginning then advise positively I know but three wayes Some Message of Declaration to the King Some Entry or protestation amongst our selves Or some strict and punctuall Examination As for the last of these I assure you I am not against it if I could tell where to begin or where to end For certainly I have often seen it that Things when they are in smother trouble more then when they break out Smoak blinds the Eyes but when it blazeth forth into Flame it gives light to the Eyes But then if you fall to an Examination some Person must be charged some Matter must be charged And the Manner of that Matter must be likewise charged For it may be in a Good Fashion and it may be in a Bad In as much difference as between Black and White And then how far Men will ingenuously confess How far they will politickly deny And what we can Make and gather upon their Confession And how we shall prove against their Deniall It is an endless peece of Work And I doubt that we shall grow weary of it For a Message to the King It is the Course I like best so it be carefully and considerately handled For if we shall represent to the King the Nature of this Body as it is Without the vayles or shadows that have been cast upon it I think we shall do him Honour and our selves Right For any Thing that is to be done amongst our selves I do not see much gained by it Because it goes no further then our selves Yet if any thing can be wisely conceived to that end I shall not be against it But I think the purpose of it is fittest to be Rather that the House conceives that all this is but a Mis-understanding Then to take knowledge that there is indeed a Just Ground And then to seek by a Protestation to give it a Remedy For Protestations and Professions and Apologies I never found them very Fortunate But they rather encrease suspicion then clear it Why then the Last Part is that these things be handled at the Committee seriously and temperately Wherein I wish that these four Degrees of Questions were handled in order First whether we shall do any thing at all in it Or passe by it and let it sleep Secondly whether we shall enter into
adde further that during this inward Peace of so many years in the Actions of War before mentioned which her Majesty either in her own Defence or in Iust and Honourable Aides hath undertaken The Service hath been such as hath carried no Note of a People whose Militia were degenerated through Long Peace But hath every way answered the ancient Reputation of the English Arms. The fourth Blessing is Plenty and Abundance And firstâ— for Grain and all Victualls there cannot be more evident Proof of the Plenty then this That whereas England was wont to be â—ed by oâ—her Countries from the East it sufficeth now to feed other Countries So as we do mâ—ny times transport and serve sundry Forrain Countries And yet there was never the like Multitude of People to eat iâ— within the Realm Another evident Proof thereâ—f may be that the good yields of Corn which have been together with some Tolleration of Vent hath of late time invited and enticed Men to break up more Ground and to convert it to Tillage then all the Penal Laws for that purpose made and enacted could ever by Compulsion effect A third Proof may be that the Prices of Grain and Victuall were never of late years more Reasonable Now for Arguments of the great wealth in all other Respects let the Points following be considered There was never the like Number of fair and Stately Hâ—uses as have been built and set up from the Ground since her Majesties Raign Insomuch that there have been reckoned in one Shire that is not great to the Number of 33 Which have been all new built within that time And whereof the Meanest was never built for two Thousand pounds There were never the like Pleasures of goodly Gardens and Orchards Walks Pooles and Parks as do adorn almost every Mansion House There was never the like Number of Beautifull and Costly Tombes and Monuments which are erected in sundry Churches in Honourable Memory of the Dead There was never the like Quantity of Plate Iewels Sumptuous Moveables and Stuff as is now within the Realm There was never the like Quantity of Wast and unprofitable Ground Inned Reclaimed and Improved There was never the like Husbanding of all Sorts of Groundâ— by Fencing Manuring and all kinds of good Husbandry The Towns were never better built nor peopled Nor the principall Faires and Markets never better customed nor frequented The Commodities and Ease of Rivers cut by hand and brought into a new Channell Of Peeres that have been built Of Waters that have been forced and brought against the Ground were never so many There was never so many excellent Artificers nor so many new Handy-Crafts used and exercised Nor new Commodities made witâ—in the Realm Sugar Paper Glasse Copper divers Silks and the like There was never such Compleat and Honourable Provision of Horse Armour Weapons Ordnance of the Warr. The Fifth Blessing hath been the great Population and Multitude of Families encreased within her Majesties dayes For which Point I refer my Self to the Proclamations of Restraint of Building in London The Inhibition of Inmates of sundry Citties The Restraint of Cottages by Act of Parliament And sundry other Tokens of Record of the Surcharge of People Besides these parts of a Government blessed from God wherein the Condition of the People hath been more happy in her Majesties Times then in the Times of her Progenitours There are certain Singularities and Particulars of her Majesties Raign whereiâ— I do not say that we have enjoyed them in a more ample Degree and Proportion then in former Ages As it hath fallen out in the Points before mentioned But such as were in Effect unknown and untasted heretofore As first the Purity of Religion which is a Benefit Inestimable And was in the time of all former Princes untill the dayes of her Majesties Father of Famous Memory unheard of Out of which Purity of Religion have since ensued beside the principall Effect of the true Knowledge and Worship of God three Points of great Consequence unto the Civill Estate One the stay of a mighty Treasure within the Realm which in foretimes was drawn sorth to Rome Another the Dispersingâ— and Distributionâ— of those Revenues Amounting to a Third part of the Land of the Realm And that of the goodliest and the richest sort which heretofore was unproâ—itably spent in Monasteries Into such Hands as by whom the Realm receiveth at this day Service and Strength And many Great Houses have been set up and augmented The Third the Mannaging and Enfrâ—nchising of the Regall Dignity from the Recognition of a Forraign Superior All which Points though begun by her Father and continued by her Brother were yet neverthelesse â—fter an Eclipse or Inteâ—mission Restored and Reestablished by her Majesties Self Secondly the Fineness of Money For as the Purging away of the Drosse of Religion the Heavenly Treasure was common to her Majesty with her Father and her Brother So the Purging of the Baâ—e Monâ—y the â—arthly Treasure hath been altogether proper to her Majesties own Times Whereby our Moneys bearing the Naturall Estimation of the Stamp or Mark both every Man resteth assured of his own vallew and free from the losses and Deceits which fall out in other places upon the Rising and Falling of Moneys Thirdly the Might of the Navy and Augmentation of the Shipping of the Realm which by politique Constitutions for Maintenance of â—ishing And the Encouragement and Assistance given to the undertakers of New Discoveries and Trades by Sea is so advanced as this Island is become as the Naturall Scite thereof deserveth the Lady of the Sea Now to passe from the Comparison of Time to the Comparison of place We may find in the States abroad Cause of Pitty and Compassion in some But of Envy or Emulation in none Our Condition being by the good Favour of God not Inferiour to anâ— The Kingdome of France which by reason of the Seat of the Empire of the West was wont to have the precedence of the Kingdomes of Europe is now fallen into those Calamities that as the Prophet saith From the Crown of the Head to the Soal of the Foot there is no whole place The Divisions are so many and so intricate of Protestants and Catholicks Royalists and Leaguers Burbonists and Lorainists Patriots and Spanish As it seemeth God hath some great Work to bring to passe upon that Nation yea the Nobility divided from the Third Estate And the Towns from the Field All which Miseries truly to speak have been wrought by Spain and the Spanish Faction The Low-Countries which were within the Age of a young Man the Richest the best Peopled and the best Built Plots of Europe are in such Estate as a Countrey is like to be in that hath been the Seat of thirty years War And although the Sea-Provinces be rather encreased in Wealth and Shipping then otherwise yet they cannot but mourn for their Distraction from
If a Third shall be accused upon these words uttered touching the Controversies Tollatur Lex fiat Certamen Whereby was meant that the prejudice of the Law removed either Reasons should be equally compared Of calling the People to Sedition and Mutiny As if he had said Away with the Law and try it out with Force If these and other like particulars be true which I have but by Rumourâ— and cannot affirm It is to be lamented that they should labour amongst us with so little comfort I know Restrained Governments are better then Remisse And I am of his mind that said Better is to live where nothing is lawfull then where all Things are lawfull I dislike that Lawes should not be continued or Disturbers be unpunished But Lawes are likened to the Grape that being too much pressed yields an hard and unwholsome Wine Of these Things I must say Ira Viri non operatur Iusticiam Dei The Wrath of Man worketh not the Righteousnesse of God As for the Injuries of the other Part they be Ictus inermes As it were Headlesse Arrowes They be Fiery and Eager Invecâ—ives And in some fond Men uâ—civill and unreverent Behaviour towards their Superiours This last invention also which exposeth them to Derision and Obloquy by Libels chargeth not as I am perswaded the whole side Neiâ—her doth that other which is yet more odious practised by the worst sort of them which is to call in as it were to their Aides certain Merceâ—ary Bands which impugn Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Dignities to have the spoyle of their Endowments and Livings Of those I cannot speak too hardly It is an Intelligence between Incendiaries and Robbers The one to Fire the House the other to Rifle it The Fourth Point wholly pertaineth to them which impugn the present Ecclesiasticall Government who although they have not cut Themselves off from the Body and Communion of the Church yet do they affect certain Cognizances and Differences wherein they seek to correspond amongst themselves and to be seperate from others And it is truly said Tam sunt Mores quidam Schismatici quam Dogmata Schismatica There be as well Schismaticall Fashions as Opinions First they have impropriated unto themselves the Names of Zealous Sincere and Reformed As if all others were Cold Minglers of Holy Things and Prophane and Friends of Abuses Yea be a man indued with great Vertues and fruitfull in good workes yet if he concur not with them they term him in Derogation a Civill and Morall Man And compare him to Socrates or some Heathen Philosopher Whereas the Wisedom of the Scriptures teacheth us otherwise Namely to judge and denominate Men Religious according to their Works of the Second Table Because they of the First are often Counterfeit and practised in Hypocrisie So Saint Iohn saith That a Man doth vainly boast of Loving God whom he never saw if he love not his Brother whom he hath seen And Saint Iames saith This is true Religion to visite the Fatherlesse and the Widow So as that which is with them but Philosophicall and Morall is in the Apostles Phrase True Religion and Christianity As in Affection they challenge the said Vertues of Zeal and the rest So in Knowledge they attribute unto themselves Light and Perfection They say the Church of England in King Edwards time and in the Beginning of her Majesties Raign was but in the Cradle And the Bishops in those times did somewhat for Day-Break But that Maâ—urityâ— and Fulnesse of Light proceeded from themselves So Sabinius Bishop of Heraclea a Macedoniam Heretick said That the Fathers in the Councell of Nice were but Infants and Ignorant Men That the Church was not so perfect in their Decrees as to refuse that Further Ripeness of Knowledge which Time had revealed And as they censure vertuous Names by the Names of Civill and Morall So do they censure Men truly and godly wise who see into the vanity of their Affections by the name of Politicks saying that their Wisdome is but Carnall and savâ—uring of Mans Brain So likewise if a Preacher preach with Care and Meditation I speak not of the vain Scholasticall Manner of Preaching But soundly indeed ordering the Matter he handleth disâ—inctly for Memory Deducting and drawing it down for Direction and authorizing it with strong proofs and warrants They censure it as a Form of Speaking not becomming the Simplicity of the Gospell And refer it to the Reprehension of Saint Paul speaking of the Enticing Speech of Mans Wisdome Now for their own Manner of Preaching what is it Surely they exhort well and work Compunction of Mind And bring Men well to the Question Viri Fratres quid â—aciemus But that is not enough Except they resolve the Question They handle Matters of Controversie weakly and obiter and as before a People that will accept of any Thing In Doctrine of Manners there is little but Generality and Repetition The word the Bread of Life they tosse up and down they break it not They draw not their Directions down ad Casus Conscientiae That a Man may be warranted in his perpetuall Actions whether they be Lawfull or not Neither indeed are many of them able to do it What through want of Grounded knowledge What through want of Study and Time It is a Compendious and easie Thing to call for the Observation of the Sabbath Day or to speak against unlawfull Gaine But what Actions and works may be done upon the Sabbath and what not And what Courses of Gain are Lawfull and in what Cases To set this down and to clear the whole Matter with good Distinctions and Decisions is a Matter of great Knowledge and Labour And asketh much Meditation and Conversing in the Scriptures and other Helps which God hath provided and pâ—eserveâ— for Instruction Again they carry not an equall Hand in Teaching the People their lawfull Liberty as well as their Restraints and Prohibitions But they think a Man cannot go too far in that that hath a shew of a Commandement They forget that there are Sins on the Right Hand as well as oâ— the Left And that the word is double edged and cutteth on both Sides As well the Profane Trangressions as the superstitious Observances Who doubteth but that it is as unlawfull to shut where God hath opened as to open where God hath shut To bind where God hath loosed as to loose where God hath bound Amongst Men it is commonly as ill taken to turn back Favâ—â—â—s as to disobey Commandements In this Kind of Zeal for Example they have pronounced generally and without difference all Untruths unlawfull Notwithstanding that the Midwives are directly reported to have been blessed for their Excuse And Rahab is said by Faith to have concealed the Spies And Salomons selected Iudgement proceeded upon a Simulation And our Saviour the more to touch the Hearts of the two Disâ—iples with an holy Dalliance made as if he would have passed Emaus Further I have heard some Sermons
the Poets feigned that Orpheus by the vertue and sweetnesse of his Harp did call and assemble the Beasts and Birds of their Nature wild and savage to stand about him as in a Theater Forgetting their Affections of Fierceceness of Lust and of Prey and listening to the Tunes and Harmonies of the Harp and soon after called likewise the Stones and the Woods to remove and stand in order about him which Fable was anciently interpreted of the Reducing and Plantation of Kingdoms when People of Barbarous Manners are brought to give over and discontinue their Customs of Revenge and Blood and of dissolute Life and of Theft and of Rapine And to give Ear to the wisdome of Lawes and Governments whereupon immediately followeth the Calling of Stones for Building and Habitation and of Trees for the seats of Houses Orchards and Enclosures and the like This Work therefore of all other most Memorable and Honourable your Majesty hath now in Hand specially if your Majesty joyn the Harp of David in casting out the Evill Spirit of Superstition with the Harp of Orpheus in casting out Desolation and Barbarisme The second Consequence of this Enterprise is the Avoiding of an Inconvenience which commonly attendeth upon Happy Times and is an evill effect of a good Cause The Revolution of this present Age seemeth to encline to Peace almost generally in these Parts And your Majesties most Christian and vertuous affections do promise the same more specially to these your Kingdomes An effect of Peace in Fruitfull Kingdoms where the stock of People receiving no Consumption nor Diminution by warre doth continually multiply and encrease must in the end be a Surcharge or Overflow of People more then the Territories can well maintain Which many times insinuating a generall Necessity and want of Means into all estates Doth turn Externall Peace into Internall Troubles and Seditions Now what an excellent Diversion of this Inconvenience is ministred by Gods Providence to your Majesty in this Plantation of Ireland wherein so many Families may receive Sustentations and Fortunes And the Discharge of them also out of England and Scotland may prevent many Seeds of Future perturbations So that it is as if a Man were troubled for the Avoidance of water from the place where he hath built his House And afterwards should advise with himself to cast those waters and to turn them into Fair Pools or Streams for pleasure provision or use So shall your Majesty in this Work have a double Commodity In the Avoidance of People here and in Making use of them there The third Consequence is the great Safety that is like to grow to your Majesties Estate in generall by this Act In discomfiting all Hostile Attempts of Forreiners which the Weaknesse of that Kingdome hath heretofore invited Wherein I shall not need to fetch Reasons afar off either for the generall or particular For the generall because nothing is more evident then that which one of the Romans said of Peloponnesus Testudo intra tegumen tuta est The Tortoise is safe within her shell But if she put forth any part of her Body then it endangereth not onely the part that is so put forth but all the Rest. And so we see in Armour if any part be left naked it puts in hazard the whole Person And in the Naturall Body of Man if there be any weak or Affected part it is enough to draw Rheums or Maligne Humours unto it to the Interruption of the Health of the whole Body And for the Particular the Example is too Fresh that the indisposition of that Kingdome hath been a contiâ—â—al Attractive of Troubles and Infestations upon this Estate and though your Majesties Greatnesse doth in some sort discharge this Fear yet with your encrease of Power it cannot be but Envy is likewise encreased The fourth and last Consequence is the great Profit and Strength which is like to redound to your Crown by the working upon this unpolished Part thereof Whereof your Majesty being in the strength of your years are like by the good pleasure of Almighty God to receive more then the First Fruits And your Posterity a growing and Springing Veine of Riches and Power For this Island being another Britain As Britain was said to be another World Is endowed with so many Dowries of Nature considering the Fruitfullnesse of the Soil the Ports the Rivers the Fishings the Quarries the Woods and other Materialls And specially the Race and Generation of Men valiant hard and activeâ— As it is not easie no not upon the Continent to find such Confluence of Commodities if the Hand of Man did joyn with the Hand of Nature So then for the Excelâ—lency of the work in point of Honour Policy Safety and Vtility here I cease For the Means to effect this Work I know your Majesty shall not want the Information of Persons expert and industrious which have served you there and know the Region Nor the Advise of a Grave and Prudent Counsell here which know the Pulses of the Hearts of People and the wayes and Passages of conducting great Actions Besides that which is abâ—ve all which is that Fountain of Wisdome and Universality which is in your self yet notwithstanding in a thing of so publick a Nature it is not amisse for your Majesty to hear variety of Opinion For as Demosthenes saith well The good Fortune of a Prince or State doth sometimes put a good Motion into a Fools Mouth I do think therefore the Means of accomplishing this Work consisteth of two principall Parts The first the Invitation and Encouragement of Vndertakers The second the Order and Policy of the Project it self For as in all Engines of the Hand there is somewhat that giveth the Motion and Force and the rest serveth to guide and govern the same So it is in these Enterprises or Engines of Estate As for the former of these there is no doubt but next unto the Providence and â—inger of God which writeth these Vertuous and Excellent Desires in the Tables of your Majesties Heart your Authority and Affection is Primus Motor in this Cause And therefore the more strongly and fully your Majesty shall declaâ—e your self in it the more shall you quicken and animate the whole proceeding For this is is an Action which as the worthinesse of it doth bear it so the Nature of it requireth it to be carried in some Heighth of Reputation And fit in mine Opinion for Pulpits and Parliaments and all places to ring and resound of it For that which may seem Vanity in some Things I mean Matter of Fame is of great efficacy in this Case But now let me descend to the inferiour Sphears and speak what Cooperation in the Subjects or undertakers may be raiâ—sed and kindled and by what Means Therefore to take plain Grounds which are the surest All Men are drawn into Actions by three Things Pleasure Honour and Profit But before I pursue the three Motives it is fit in this place to
her Majesties Design be ex Professo to Reduce Rebells to Obedience it makes weaknesse turn Christianity and Conditions Graces And so hath a Finenesse in Turning Utility upon Point of Honour which is agreeable to the Humor of these Times And besides if her Majesty shall suddainly abaâ—e the Lists of their Forces and shall doe nothing to countervail it in point of Reputation of a Politick Proceeding I doubt Things may too soon fall back into the state they were in Next to this Adding Reputation to the Cause by Imprinting an Opinion of her Mâ—jesties Care anâ— Intention upon this Action is the Taking away of Reputation from the Contrary side by Cutting off the Opinion and Reputation of Forein Succours To which purpose this Enterprise of Algiers if it hold according to the Advertisement and if it be not wrapped up in the Period of this Summer seemeth to be an Opportunity coelitùs dimissa And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a Treaty or a Shadow of a Treaty of a Peace with Spain which methinks should be in our Power to fasten at least Rumore tenus to the Deluding of as wise People as the Irish. Lastly for this point That which the Auncients called Potestas facta redeundi ad Sanitatem And which is but a Mockery when the Enemy is strong or proud but Effectual in his Declination That is A liberal Proclamation of Grace and Pardon to such as shall submit and come in within a time prefixed And of some other Reward to such as shall bring others in That one 's Swordâ— may be sharpned by anothers Is a Matter of good Experience and now I think will come in time And percaseâ— though I wish the Exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their Strength But to translate them and their Generations into England And give them Recompence and Satisfaction here for their Possessions there As the King of Spain did by divers Families of Portugal To the Effecting of all the points aforesaid And likewise those which fall within the Divisions following nothing can be in priority either of Time or Matter better than the sending of some Commission of Countenance Ad Res inspiciendas componendas For it will be a very significant Demonstration of her Majesties Care of that Kingdom A Credence to any that shall come in and submit A Bridle to any that shall have their Fortunes there and shall apply their Propositions to private Ends And an Evidence that her Majesty after Arms laid down speedily pursueth a Politick Course without Neglect or Respiration And it hath been the Wisdom of the best Examples of Government Towards the Recovery of the Hearts of the People there be but 3. things in Naturâ Rerum 1. Religion 2. Iustice and Protection 3. Obligation and Reward For Religion to speak first of Piety and then of Policy all Divines doe agree That if Consciences be to be enforced at all wherein yet they differ two Things must precede their Inforcement The one Means of Instruction The other Time of Operation Neither of which they have yet had Besides till they be more like Reasonable Men than they are their Society were rather Scandalous to the true Religion than otherwise As Pearls cast before Swine For till they be clensed from their Bloud Incontinency and Theft which are now not the Lapses of particular Persons but the very Lawes of the Nation they are Incompatible with Religion Reformed For Policy there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now is directly opposite to their Reclaiming and cannot but continue their Alienation of Minde from this Goverment Besides one of the principal Pretences whereby the Heads of the Rebellion have prevailed both with the People and with the Forreiner hath been the Defence of the Catholick Religion And it is that likewise hath made the Forreiner reciprocally more plausible with the Rebell Therefore a Toleration of Religion for a Time not definite except it be in some Principal Townes and Precincts After the manner of some French Edicts seemeth to me to be a Matter warrantable by Religion and in Policy of absolute Necessity And the Hesitation in this point I think hath been a great Casting back of the Affairs there Neither if any English Papiâ—t or Recusant shall for Liberty of his Conscience transferre his Person Family and Fortunes thither doe I hold it a Matter of Danger but expedient to draw on Undertaking and to further Population Neither if Rome will cozen it Self by Conceiving it may be some Degree to the like Toleration in England doe I hold it a matter of any Moment But rather a good Mean to take off the Fiercenesse and Eagernesse of the Humour of Rome And to stay further Excommunications or Interdictions for Ireland But there would goe hand in hand with this some Course of Advancing Religion indeed where the People is capable thereof As the sending over some good Preachers especially of that Sort which are vehement and zealous Perswaders and not Scholastical To be resident in principal Towns Endowing them with some Stipends out of her Majesties Revenues As her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire And the Recontinuing and Replenishing the College begun at Dublin The placing of good Men to be Bishops there And the Taking Care of the Versions of Bibles Catechisms and other Books of Instruction into the Irish Language And the like Religious Courses Both for the Honour of God and for the Avoiding of Scandal and Insatisfaction here by the shew of a Toleration of Religion in some parts there For Iustice the Barbarism and Desolation of the Country considered it is not possible they should find any Sweetnessâ— at all of Justice If it shall be which hath been the Errour of Times past Formal and fetched far off from the State Because it will require running up and down for Process And give Occasion for Polling and Exactions by Fees And many other Delayes and Charges And therefore there must be an Interim in which the Iustice must be onely Summary the rather because it is fit and safe for a time the Country do participate of Martial Government And therefore I could wish in every principal Town or Place of Habitation there were a Captain or Governer And a Iudge such as Recorders and Learned Stewards are here in Corporations who may have a Prerogative Commission to hear and determine Secundum sanam Discretionem And as near as may be to the Laws and Customes of England And that by Bill or Pleint without Original Writ Reserving from their Sentence matter of Freehold and Inheritance to be determined by a superiour Iudge Itinerant And both Sentences as well of the Bayliffwick Iudge as Itinerant to be reversed if Cause be before the Counsel of the Province to be established there with fit Instructions For Obligation and Reward It is true no doubt which was aunciently said That a State
and Duties for the most part were common to my Self with him though by design as between Brethren dissembled And therefore most high and mighty King my most dear and dread Soveraign Lord since now the Corner Stone is laid of the mightiest Monarchy in Europe And that God above who hath ever a Hand in brideling the Flouds and Motions of the Seas and of Peoples Hearts hath by the miraculous and universal consent the more strange because it proceedeth from such Diversity of Causes in your comming in Given a Sign and Token of great Happinnesse in the Continuance of your Reign I think there is no Subject of your Majesties which loveth this Island and is not hollow or unworthy whose Heart is not set on fire Not onely to bring you Peace-Offrings to make you propitious But to sacrifice himself a Burnt-Offring or Holocaust to your Majesties Service Amongst which number no Mans Fire shall be more pure and fervent than mine But how farr forth it shall blaze out that resteth in your Majesties Imployment So thirsting after the Happinesse of Kissing your Royal Hand I continue ever To Mr. Faules in Scotland upon the Entrance of his Majesties Reign SIR The Occasion awaketh in me the Remembrance of the constant and mutual good Offices which passed between my good Brother and your Self wherunto as you know I was not altogether a Stranger Though the Time and Design as between Brethren made me more reserved But well doe I bear in minde the great opinion which my Brother whose Judgement I much reverence would often expresse to me of your Extraordinary Sufficiency Dexterity and Temper which he had found in you in the Business and Service of the King our Soveraign Lord This latter bred in me an Election as the former gave an Inducement for me to address my Self to you And to make this Signification of my Desire towards a mutual Entertainment of good Affection and Correspondence between us Hoping that both some good Effect may result of it towards the Kings Service And that for our particulars though Occasion give you the precedence of furthering my being known by good note unto the King So no long time will intercede before I on my part shall have some means given to requite your Favours and to verify your Commendation And so with my loving Commendations good Mr. Faules I leave you to Gods Goodness From Graies Inne the 25th of March. A Letter commending his Love and Occasions to Sir Thomas Challoner then in Scotland upon his Majesties Entrance SIR For our Money matters I am assured you received no Insatisfaction For you know my Minde And you know my Means which now the Openness of the time caused by this blessed Consent and Peace will encrease And so our Agreement according to your time be observed For the present according to the Roman Adage That one Cluster of Grapes ripeneth best besides another I know you hold me not unworhty whose muâ—ual Friendship you should cherish And I for my part conceive good hope that you are likely to become an acceptable Servant to the King our Master Not so much for any way made heretofore which in my Judgementâ— will make no great difference as for the Stuff and Sufficiency which I know to be in you And whereof I know his Majesty may reap great Service And therefore my general Request is that according to that industrious Vivacity which you use towards your Friends you will further his Majesties good Conceit and Inclination towards me To whom words can not make me known Neither mine own nor others but Time will to no Disadvantage of any that shall fore-runn his Majesties Experience by your Testimony and Commendation And though Occasion give you the Precedence of Doing me this special good Oâ—fice yet I hope no long time will intercede before I shall have some means to requite your Favour and acquit your Report More particularly having thought good to make Oblation of my most humble Service to his Majesty by a few Lines I doe desire your loving care and help by your Self or such Means as I referr to your Discretion to deliver and present the same to his Majesties Hands Of which Letter I send you a Copy that you may know what you carry And may take of Mr. Matthew the Letter it Self if you be pleased to undertake the Delivery Lastly I doe commend to your Self and such your Curtesies as Occasion may require this Gentleman Mr. Matthew eldest Sonne to my Lord Bishop of Duresm and my very good Friend Assuring you that any Curtesy you shall use towards him you shall use to a very worthy young Gentleman and one I know whose Acquaintance you will much esteem And so I ever continue A Letter to Mr. Davis then gone to the King at his first Entrance MR. Davis Though you went on the sudden yet you could not goe before you had spoken with your Self to the purpose which I will now write And therefore I know it shall be altogether needless save that I meant to shew you that I was not asleep Briefly I commend my Self to your Love and the well using my Name As well in repressing and answering for me if there be any Biting or Nibling at it in that Place As by imprinting a good Conceit and Opinion of me chiefly in the King of whose favour I make my Self comfortable Assurance As otherwise in that Court And not onely so but generally to perform to me all the good Offices which the Vivacity of your Wit can suggest to your minde to be performed to one with whose Affection you have so great Sympathy And in whose Fortune you have so great Interest So desiring you to be good to concealed Poets I continue A Letter to Mr. Faules 28 Martii 1603. MR. Faules I did write unto you yesterday by Mr. Lake who was dispatched hence from their Lordships a Letter of Revivour of those Sparks of former Acquaintance between us in my Brothers time And now upon the same Confidence finding so fit a Messenger I would not fail to salute you Hoping it will fall out so happily as that you shall be one of the Kings Servants which his Majesty will first employ here with us where I hope to have some means not to be barren in Friendship towards you We all thirst after the Kings Comming accounting all this but as the Dawning of the Day before the Rising of the Sun till we have his Presence And though now his Majestie must be Ianus Bifrons to have a Face to Scotland as well as to England yet Quod nunc instat agendum The Expectation is here that he will come in State and not in Strength So for this time I commend you to Gods Goodness A Letter to Mr. Robert Kempe upon the Death of Queen Elizabeth MR. Kempe This Alteration is so great as you might justly conceive some Coldness of my Affection towards you if you should hear nothing from me I living in this Place It
constantly affected As may well appear by my sundry Labours from time to time in the same For I hold it a worthy character of your Majesties Reign and Times Insomuch as though your Majesty mought have at this time as is spoken a great Annual Benefit for the Quitting of it yet I shall never be the Man that should wish your Majesty to deprive your Self of that Beatitude Beatius est dare quam accipere In this cause But to sacrifice your profit though as your Majesties State is it be precious to you to so great a Good of your Kingdom Although this Project is not without a Profit immediate unto you by the encreasing of Customes upon the materials of Dyes But here is the Case The New Company by this Patent and Privy Seal are to have two Things wholly diverse from the first Intention Or rather Ex Diametro opposite unto the same which nevertheless they must of necessity have or else the Work is overthrown So as I may call them Mala Necessaria but yet withall Temporarie For as Men make Warr to have Peace so these Merchants must have license for Whites to the end to banish Whites And they must have license to use Teyntours to the end to banish Teyntours This is therefore that I say your Majesty upon these two points may justly and with honour and with preservation of your first Intention inviolate demand Profit in thâ— Interim as long as these unnatural points continue and then to cease For your Majesty may be pleased to observe that they are to have all the Old Companies Profit by the Trade of Whites They are again to have upon the proportion of Cloathes which they shall vent died and dressed the Flemmings profit upon the Teyntour Now then I say As it had been too good Husbandry for a King to have taken profit of them if the Project could have been effected at once as was voiced So on the other side it might be perchance too little Husbandry and Providence to take nothing of them for that which is meerly lucrative to them in the mean time Nay I say further this will greatly conduce and be a kinde of Security to the End desired For I alwayes feared and doe yet fear that when Men by condition Merchants though never so honest have gotten into their Hands the Trade of Whites and the Dispensation to Teyntour wherein they shall reap profit for that which they never sowed But have gotten themselves Certainties in respect of the States hopes They are like enough to sleep upon this as upon a Pillow And to make no haste to goe on with the rest And though it may be said that that is a thing will easily appear to the State yet no doubt means may be devised and found to draw the Business in length So that I conclude that if your Majesty take a profit of them in the Interim considering you refuse profit from the Old Company it will be both Spurr and Bridle to them to make them Pace aright to your Majesties End This in all humbleness according to my vowed Care and Fidelity being no Mans Man but your Majesties I present leave and submit to your Majesties better Judgement And I could wish your Majesty would speak with Sir Thomas Lake in it who besides his good Habit which he hath in business beareth methinks an indifferent Hand in this particular And if it please your Majesty it may proceed as from your Self and not as a Motion or Observation of mine Your Majesty need not in this to be streightned in time As if this must be demanded or treated before you sign their Bill For I foreseeing this and foreseeing that many things mought fall out which I could not foresee have handled it so as with their good Contentment there is a Power of Revocation inserted into their Patent And so commending your Majesty to Gods blessed and precious Custody I rest Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers touching Ropers place January 22. 1615. SIR Sending to the King upon Occasion I would not fail to salute you by my Letter which that it may be more than two lines I add this for News That as I was sitting by my Lord Chief Iustice upon the Commission for the Indicting of the Great Person One of the Iudges asked Him whether Roper were dead He said He for his part knew not Another of the Iudges answered It should concern you my Lord to know it Whereupon he turned his Speech to me aud said No Mr. Atturney I will not wrastle now in my latter times My Lord said I you speak like a wise Man Well saith he they have had no luck with it that have had it I said again Those dayes be past Here you have the Dialogue to make you merry But in sadness I was glad to perceive he meant not to contest I can but honour and love you and rest Your assured Friend and Servant A Letter to the King advising how to break off with the New Company February 3. 1615. It may please your excellent Majesty I Spake yesternight long with my Lord Cooke And for the Rege inconsulâ—o I conceive by him it will be An ampliùs deliberandum censeo as I thought at first so as for the present your Majesty shall not need to renew your Commandement of Stay I spake with him also about some Propositions concerning your Majesties casual Revenew wherein I found him to consent with me fully Assuming nevertheless that he had thought of them before But it is one Thing to have the Vapour of a Thought Another to digest Business aright He on his part imparted to me diverse Things of great weight concerning the Reparatâ—on of your Majesties Means and Finances which I heard gladly Insomuch as he perceiving the same I think was the readier to open himself to me in one Circumstance which he did much inculcate I concurr fully with him that they are to be held secret For I never saw but that Business is like a Child which is framed invisibly in the Wombe And if it come forth too soon it will be abortive I know in most of them the Prosecution must rest much upon my Self But I that had the Power to prevail in the Farmers Case of the French Wines without the help of my Lord Cooke shall be better able to goe through these with his help the ground being no less just And this I shall ever add of mine own that I shall ever respect your Majesties Honour no less than your Profit And shall also take care according to my pensive manner that that which is good for the present have not in it hidden Seeds of future Inconveniences The Matter of the New Company was referred to me by the Lords of the Privâ— Council wherein after some private Speech with Sir Lionel Cranfield I made that Report which I held most agreeable to Truth and your Maiesties Service If this New
Relapse Mean while I commend the Wit of a mean Man that said this other day Well the next Term you shall have an old man come with a Beesom of Wormwood in his Hand that will sweep away all this For it is my Lord Chancellers Fashion specially towards the Summer to carry a Posie of Wormwood I write this Letter in Haste to return your Messenger with it God keep you and long and happily may you serve his Majesty Sir I thank you for your Inward Letter I have burned it as you commanded But the Fire it hath kindled in me will never be extinguished Your true and affectionate Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers touching a Motion to swear him Counsellerâ— Febr. 21. 1615. SIR My Lord Chancellers Health growing with the Dayes and his Resignation being an Uncertainty I would be glad you went on with my first Motion my swearing Privy Counseller This I desire not so much to make my Self more sure of the other and to put it past Competition For herein I rest wholly upon the King and your excellent self But because I finde hourly that I need this Strength in his Majesties service Both â—or my better warrant and satisfaction of my Conscience that I deal not in Things above my Vocation And for my better Countenance and Prevailing where his Majesties service is under any pretext opposed I would it were dispatched I remember a greater Matter than this was dispatched by a Letter from Royston which was the Placing of the Arch-Bishop that now is And I imagine the King did it on purpose that the Act mought appear to be his own My Lord Chanceller told me yesterday in plain Terms that if the King would ask his opinion touching the Person that he would commend to succeed him upon Death or Disability he would name me for the fittest Man You may advise whether use may not be made of this offer I sent a pretty while since a Paper to Mr. Iohn Murrey which was indeed a little Remembrance of some Things past concerning my honest and faithfull Services to his Majesty Not by way of Boasting from which I am farr but as Tokens of my studying his Service uprightly and carefully If you be pleased to call for the Paper which is with Mr. Iohn Murrey And to find a fit time that his Maiesty may cast an eye upon it I think it will doe no Hurt And I have written to Mr. Murrey to deliver the Paper if you call for it God keep you in all Happiness Your truest Servant A Letter to the King concerning the Premunire in the Kings Bench against the Chancery Febr. 21. 1615. It may please your most excellent Majesty I Was yesterday in the Afternoon with my Lord Chanceller according to your Commandement which I received by the Master of the Horse And finde the Old Man well comforted Both towards God and towards the World and that same middle Comfort which is Divine and Humane proceeding from your Majesty being Gods Lieutenant on Earth I am perswaded hath been a great Cause that such a Sickness hath been portable to such an Age. I did not fail in my Conjecture that this Businessâ— of the Chancery hath stirred him He sheweth to despise it but he is full of it And almost like a young Duellist that findeth himself behind hand I will now as your Majesty requireth give you a true Relation of that which hath passed Neither will I decline your Royal Commandement for delivering my Opinion also though it be a tender Subject to write on But I that account my Being but as an Accident to my service will neglect no duty upon Self-Safety First it is necessary I let your Majesty know the Ground of the Difference between the Two Courts that your Majesty may the better understand the Narrative There was a Statute made 27 Edw. 3. Cap. 1. which no doubt in the principal Intention thereof was ordained against those that sued to Romeâ— wherein there are Words somewhat general against any that questioneth or impeacheth any Iudgement given in the Kings Courts or in any other Court. Vpon thesâ— doubtfull words other Courts the Controversie groweth For the sounder Interpretation taketh them to be meant of those Courts which though locally they were not held at Rome or where the Popes Chair was but hâ—re within the Realm yet in their Iurisdiction had their Dependance upon the Court of Rome As were the Court of the Legate here and the Courts of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops which were then but subordinate Judgement Seats to that high Tribunal of Rome And for this Construction the Opposition of the Words if they be well observed between the Kings Courâ—s and other Courts maketh very much For it importeth as if those other Courts were not the Kings Courts Also the main Scope of the Statute fortifieth the same And lastly the Practice of many Ages The other Interpretation which cleaveth to the Letter expoundeth the Kings Courts to be the Courts of Law only and other Courts to be Courts of Equity as the Chancery Exchequer-chamber Dutchy c. Though this also flyeth indeed from the Letter for that all these are the Kings Courts There is also another Statute which is but a simple Prohibition and not with a Penalty of a Premunire as the other is That after Iudgements given in the Kings Courts the parties shall be in Peace except â—he Iudgement be undone by Error or Attaint which is a Legal form of Reversal And of this also I hold the Sounder Interpretation to be to settle Possessionsâ— against Disturbances and not to take away Remedy in Equity where those Iudgements are obtained ex Rigore Iuris and against good Conscience But upon these two Statutes there hath been a late Conceit in some that if a Judgement pass at the Common Law against any that he may not after â—ue for Relief in Chancery And if he doth both He and his Counsell and his Sollicitours yea and the Iudge in Equity himself are within the Danger of those Statutes Here your Majesty hath the true state of the Question which I was necessarily to open to you first because your Majesty calleth for this Relation Not as Newes but as Business Now to the Historical part It is the Course of the Kings Bench that they give in Charge to a Grand Iury offences of all Natures to be presented within Middlesex where the said Court is And the manner is to enumerate them as it were iâ— Articles This was done by Iustice Crook the Wednesday before the Term ended And that Article If any Man after a Iudgement given had drawn the said Iudgement to a new Examination in any other Court was by him specially given in charge which had not used to be given in charge before It is true it was not solemnly dwelt upon but as it were thrown in amongst the rest The last day of the Term And that which all Men condemn the supposed last day of my Lord Chancellers
to Sir George Villiers upon the Sending of his Patent for the Creation of Viscount Sealed August 20. 1616. SIR I took much Contentment in that I perceive by your Letter that you took in so good part the Freedom of my Advice And that your Self in your own Nature consented therewith Certainly no Service is comparable to good Counsell And the Reason is because no Man can doe so much for another as a Man may doe for himself Now good Counsel helpeth a Man to help himself But you have so happy a Master as supplyeth all My Service and good will shall not be wanting It was graciously and kindly done also of his Majesty towards me to tell you that you were beholding to me But it must be then for Thinking of you as I doeâ— For otherwise for Speaking as I think it is but the part of an Honest Man I send you your Patent whereof God give you Joy And I send you here inclosed a little Note of Remembrance for that part of the Ceremony which concerneth the Patent For as for other Ceremonies I leave to others My Lord Chanceller dispatcht your Patent presently upon the Râ—ceit And writ to me how glad he was of it and how well he wished you If you writ to him a few words of Thanks I think you shall doe well God keep you and prosper you I ever rest Your true and most devoted Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers acknowledging the Kings Favour in granting some Sute of his August 22. 1616. SIR I am more and more bound unto his Majesty who I think knowing me to have other Ends than Ambition is contented to make me Judge of mine own Desires I am now beating my Brains amongst many Cares of his Majesties Business touching the Redeeming the Time in this Business of Cloath The great Question is How to miss or how to mate the Flemmings How to pass by them or how to pass over them In my next Letter I shall alter your Stile But I shall never whilst I breath alter mine own Stile In being Your true and most devoted Servant The Lord Keepers Letter to the University in answer of their Congratulation at his first Comming to that place To the Renowned University of Cambridge his Dear and Reverend Mother I Am Debtor to you of your Letters and of the Time likewise that I have taken to answer them But as soon as I could chuse what to think on I thought good to let you know That although you may erre much in your valuation of me yet you shall not be deceived in your Assurance And for the other part also though the manner be to mend the Picture by the Life yet I would be glad to mend the Life by the Picture and to become and be as you express me to be Your Gratulations shall be no more welcom to me than your Business or occasions which I will attend and yet not so but that I shall endeavour to prevent them by my care of your Good And so I commend you to God's goodness Your most loving and assured Friend and Sonne Fr. Bacon C. S. Gorhambury Apr. 12. 1617. A Letter of King James written to his Lordship when he was Lord Chanceller with his Majesties own Hand upon the sending to him his Book of Instauratio Magna then newly published MY Lord I Have received your Letter and your Book than the which you could not have sent a more acceptable Present unto me How thankfull I am for it cannot better be expressed by me than by a firm Resolution I have taken First to read it thorough with care and attention Though I should steal some Hours from my Sleep Having otherwise as little spare time to read it as you had to write it And theâ— to use the liberty of a true Friend in not sparing to ask you the question in any point whereof I shall stand in doubt Nam ejus est Explicare cujus est Condere As on the other part I will willingly give a due commendation to such places as in my opinion shall deserve it In the mean time I can with comâ—ort assure you that you could not have made choice of a Subject more befitting your placeâ— and your universal and Methodick Knowledge And in the general I have already observed that you jump with me in keeping the midd way between the two Extremes As also in some particulars I have found that you agree fully with my opinion And so praying God to give your Work as good Success as your Heart can wish and your Labours deserve I bid you heartily farewell Iames Rex Octob. 16. 1620. OTHER LETTERS BY THE SAME Honourable Authour Written in the Dayes of QVEEN ELIZABETH LONDON Printed by F. L. for William Lee at the sign of the Turks-Head in Fleetstreet 1657. OTHER LETTERS WRITTEN BY THE SAME Honourable Authour To my Lord of Essex My singular good Lord I May perceive by my Lord Keeper that your Lordship as the time served signified unto him an Intention to conferr with his Lordship at better opportunity Which in regard of your several and weighty occasions I have thought good to put your Lordship in remembrance of That now at his Comming to the Court it may bee executed Desiring your good Lordship nevertheless not to conceive out of this my diligence in solliciting this matter that I am either much in Appetite or much in Hope For as for Appetite The Waters of Parnassus are not like the Waters of the Spaw that give a Stomach But rather they quench Appetite and Desires And for Hope How can he hope much that can allege no other Reason than the Reason of an Evil Debter who will perswade his Creditour to lend him new Summes and to enter further in with him to make him satisfie the old And to her Majesty no other Reason but the Reason of a Waterman I am her first Man of those who serve in Counsel of Law And so I commit your Lordship to Gods best preservation To my Lord of Essex My Lord COnceiving that your Lordship came now up in the person of a good Servant to see your Soveraign Mistris which kinde of Complements are many times Instar magnorum Meritorum And therefore that it would be hard for me to find you I have committed to this poor Paper the humble Salutations of him that is more yours than any Mans And more yours than any Man To these Salutations I add a due and joyfull Gratulation confessing that your Lordship in your last conference with me before your Journey spake not in vain God making it good That you trusted we should say Quis putasset Which as it is found true in a happy sense so I wish you doe not find another Quis putasset in the manner of taking this so great a Service But I hope it is as he said Nubecula est citò transibit And that your Lordships Wisdom and Obsequious Circumspection and Patience will turn all to the
best So referring all to some time that I may attend you I commit you to Gods best preservation To my Lord of Essex My Lord I Am glad your Lordship hath plunged out of your own business Wherein I must commend your Lordship as Xenophon commended the State of his Country which was this That having chosen the worst Form of Government of all others they governed the best in that kinde Hoc Pace et Veniâ tuâ according to my Charter Now as your Lordship is my Witness that I would not trouble you whilst your own Cause was in hand Though that I know that the further from the Term the better the time was to deal â—or me So that being concluded I presume I shall be one of your next Cares And having communicated with my Brother of some course either to persit the first or to make me some other way Or rather by seeming to make me some other way to perfit the first wherewith he agreed to acquaint your Lordship I am desirous for mine own better satisfaction to speak with your Lordship my self Which I had rather were somewhere else than at Court And as soon as your Lordship well assign me to wait on you And so in c. To Sir Robert Cecil SIR YOur Honour knoweth my Manner is though it be not the wisest way yet taking it for the honestest to doe as Alexander did by his Physician In drinking the Medicine and delivering the Advertisement of Suspition So I trust on and yet do not smother what I hear I doe assure you Sir that by a wise Friend of mine and not factious toward your Honour I was told with asseveration that your Honour was bought by Mr. Coventry for 2000. Angels And that you wrought in a contrary spirit to my Lord your Father And he said further that from your Servants from your Lady from some Counsellours that have observed you in my business he knew you wrought under hand against me The truth of which Tale I doe not believe you know the Event will shew and God will right But as I reject this Report though the Strangeness of my Case might make me credulous so I admit a Conceit that the last Messenger my Lord and your self used dealt ill with your Honours And that VVord Speculation which was in the Queens mouth rebounded from him as a Commendation For I am not ignorant of those little Arts. Therefore I pray trust not him again in my matter This was much to write but I think my Fortune will set me at liberty who am weary of asserviling my Self to every Mans charity Thus I c. To Sir John Stanhope SIR YOur good promises sleep which it may seem now no time to awake But that I doe not finde that any general Kalender of Observation of time serveth for the Court And besides if that be done which I hope by this time is done And that other matter shall be done which we wish may be done I hope to my poor Matter the one of these great Matters may clear the way and the other give the occasion And though my Lord Treasurer be absent whose Health neverthelesse will enable him to be sooner at Court than is expected especially if this hard weather too hard to continue shall relent yet we abroad say his Lordships spirit may be there though his person be away Once I take for a good ground that her Majesties Business ought to keep neither Vacation nor Holyday either in the Execution or in the Care and preparation of those whom her Majesty calleth and usethâ— And therefore I would think no time barred from remembring that with such discretion and respect as appertaineth The Conclusion shall be to put you in minde to maintain that which you have kindly begun according to the Reliaunce I have upon the Sincerity of your Affection and the Soundnesse of your Judgement And so I commend you to Gods preservation To my Lord of Essex It may please your good Lordship I Am very sorry her Majesty should take my Motion to travail in offence But surely under her Majesties Royal Correction it is such an Offence as it should be an offence to the Sun when a Man to avoid the scorching heat thereof flyeth into the shade And your Lordship may â—asily think that having now these twenty years For so long it is and more since I went with Sir Amâ—as Paulett into Fraâ—ce from her Majesties royal Hand I made Her Majesties Service the Scope of my life I shall never finde a greater grief than this Relinquere Amorem Primum But since principia Actionum sunt tantùm in nostrâ potestate I hope her Majesty of her Clemency yea and Justice will pardon me and not force me to pine here with Melancholy For though mine Heart be good yet mine Eyes will be sore So as I shall have no pleasure to look abroad And if I should otherwise be affected her Majesty in her Wisdom will but think me an impudent Man that would face out a disgrace Therefore as I have ever found you my good Lord and true Friend so I pray open the matter so to her Majesty as she may discern the necessity of it without adding hard Conceit to her Rejâ—ction Of which I am sure the latter I nevâ—r deserved Thus c. To the Lord Treasurer It may please your good Lordship I Am to give you humble Tâ—anks for your favourablr opinion which by Mr. Secretaries report I finde you conceive of me for the obtaining of a good place which some of my honourable Friends have wished unto me Nec Opinanti I will use no reason to perswade your Lordships Mediation but this That your Lordship and my other Frends shall in this begg my life of the Queen For I see well the Barr will be my Beer as I must and will use it rather than my poor Estate or Reputation shall decay But I stand indiffâ—rent whether God call me or her Majesty Had I that in possession which by your Lordships onely means against the greatest opposition her Majesty graunted me I would never trouble her Majesty but serve her still voluntarily without pay Neither doe I in this more than obey my Friends Conceits as one that would not be wholly wanting to my Self Your Lordships good opinion doth somewhat confirm me as that I take comâ—ort in above all others Assuring your Lordship that I nâ—vâ—r thought so well of my Self for any one thing as that I have found a fitness to my Tâ—inking in my Self to observe and revereâ— your Vertues For the Continuance whereof in the prolonging of your dayes I will still be your Beadsman And accordingly at this time commend your Lordship to the Divine Protection To Foulk Grevil SIR I Understand of your paines to have visited me For which I thank you My Matter is an endlesse Question I assure you I had said Requiesce anima mea But now I am otherwise put to my psalter Nolite confidere I dare go no
Lordship shall engage your Self for no Impossibility Lastly and chiefly I know not whether I shall attain to see your Lordship before your Noble Iourney For Ceremonies are Things infinitely inferiour to my Love and to my Zeal This let me with your allowance say unto you by Penn. It is true that in my well-meaning Advices out of my love to your Lordship and perhaps out of the State of mine own minde I have sometimes perswaded a Course differing Ac tibi pro tutis insignia Facta placebunt Be it so yet remember that the Signing of your Name is nothing unless it be to some good Patent or Charter whereby your Country may be endowed with Good and Benefit Which I speak both to move you to preserve your Person for further Merit and Service of her Majesty and your Country And likewise to referr this Action to the same end And so in most true and fervent prayers I commend your Lordship and your Work in â—and to the Preservation and Conduct of the Divine Majesty So much the more watchfull as these Actions doe more manifestly in shew though alike in Truth depend upon his Divine Providence To my Lord of Canterbury It may please your Grace I Have considered the Objections perused the Statutes and framed the Alterations Which I send Still keeping my self within the Brevity of a Letter and Form of a Narration Not entring into a Form of Argument or Dispuâ—ation For in my poor Conceit it is somewhat against the Majesty of Princes Actions to make too curious and striving Apologies But rather to set them forth plainly And so as there may appear an Harmony and Constancy in them so that one part upholdeth another And so I wish your Grace all prosperity From my poor Lodging this c. Your Graces most dutifull Pupil and Servant To my Lord of Essex My singular good Lord THe Message it pleased your Lordship to send me was to me delivered doubtfully Whether your Lordship said you would speak with me at the Starr-chamber or with Mr. Philip. If with me it is needless For Gratitude imposeth upon me Satisfaction If with Mr. Philipp it will be too late Because somewhat must perchance be done that day This Doubt not solved maketh me Write again The rather becauseâ— I did liberally but yet privately affirm your Lordship would write Which if I make not good it may be a Discouragement Your Lordships letter though it have the Subject of Honour and Justice yet it shall have the Secrecy of a Thing done upon Affection I shall ever in a firm duty submit my Occasions though great to your Lordships Respects though small And this is my Resolution That when your Lordship doth for me you shall encrease my Obligation When you refuse to doe for me you shall encrease my Merit So leaving the Matter wholly to your Lordships pleasure I commend your Lordship to the preservation of the Divine Majesty From Graies Inn. Your Lordships ever most humbly bounden A CONFESSION OF THE FAITH WRITTEN By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON BARON of VERVLAM VISCOVNT St. ALBAN LONDON Printed by F. Leach for William Lee at the sign of the Turks-Head in Fleetstreet 1657. A CONFESSION OF THE FAITH WRITTEN By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of VERULAM c. I Believe that Nothing is without beginning but God No Nature no Matter no Spirit but one onely and the same God That God as he is Eternally Almighty Onely Wise Onely Good in his Nature So he is Eternally Father Sonne and Spirit in Persons I believe that God is so Holy Pure and Iealous as it is impossible for him to be pleased in any Creature though the Work of his own Hands So that neither Angel Man nor World could stand or can stand one Moment in his Eyes without beholding the same in the Face of a Mediatour And therefore that before Him with whom all Things are present the Lamb of God was slain before all Worlds Without which eternall Counsell of his it was impossible for Him to have descended to any Work of Creation But He should have enjoyed the Blessed and Individuall Society of three Persons in Godhead onely for ever But that out of his Eternall and infinite Goodnesse and Love purposing to become a Creatour and to communicate to his Creatures He ordained in his Eternall Counsell that one Person of the Godhead should be united to one Nature and to one Particular of his Creatures That so in the Person of the Mediatour the true Ladder mought be fixed whereby God mought descend to his Creatures and his Creatures mought ascend to God So that God by the Reconcilement of the Mediatour turning his Countenance towards his Creatures though not in â—quall Light and Degree made way unto the Dispensation of his most holy and secret Will whereby some of his Creatures mought stand and keep their state Others mought possibly fall and be restored And othâ—rs mought fall and not be restored in their Estate but yet remain in Being though under Wrath and Corruption All with Respect to the Mediatour VVhich is the great Mystery and perfect Center of all Gods wayes with his Creatures And unto which all his other Works and Wonders doe but serve and refâ—rr That he chose according to his good pleasure Man to be that Creature to whose Nature the Person of the Eternall Son of God should be united And amongst the Generations of Men elected a small Flock in whom by the Participation of Himself He purposed to expresse the Riches of his Glory All the Ministration of Angels Damnation of Devils and Reprobates and Universall Administration of all Creatures and Dispensation of all Times having no other End but as the VVayes and Ambages of God to be furthâ—r glorified in his Saints who are one with their Head the Mediatour who is one with God That by the Vertue of this his Eternall Counsell He condescended of his own good pleasure and according to the Times and Seasons to himself known to become a Creatour And by his eternall Word created all things And by his eternall Spirit doth comfort and preserve thâ—m That he made all things in their first Estate Good And removed from himself the Beginning of all Evil and Vanity into the Liberty of the Creature But resâ—rved in himself the Beginning of all Restitution to the Liberty of his Grace Using neverthelesse and turning the Falling and Defection of the Creature which to his Prescâ—ence was eternally known to make way to his eternall Counsell touching a Mediatour and the VVork he purposed to accomplish in Him That God created Spirits whereof some kept their standing and others fell He created Heaven and Earth and all their Armies and Genâ—rations And gave unto them constant and everlasting Lawes which we call Nature which is nothing but the Lawes of the Creation which Lawes neverthelesse have had three Changes or Times and are to have a Fourth or Last The First when the Matter of Heaven and Earth