extortion cruelty tyranny and other damnable offences iustly exiled now sheweth no Princely stomacke but a base Wolvish minde for when 300. of the Ossory mens heads were throwne at his feete alas they had not offended hee viewed them all and finding one whom he knew and mortally hated he held him by the head and eares and most brutishly with his teeth bit the nose and lips of the dead whom without the ayde of the Britaines hee durst not behold in the face In this bloudy course Dermot directed these worthy warriours they more affecting the prey for their present maintenance then the bloud of any person to spoyle burne waste the country and murther the poore and seely people which God wot meant no harme whereupon Donald Prince of Ossory despising Dermot Mac Morogh by the advice of his Councell and friends sent to Robert Fitz Stephens in writing as followeth Sir Knight of Noble race renowned for martiall prowesse Donald Prince of Ossory sendeth greeting Dermot that damnable adulterer in his owne person with the King of Meths wife and in his sonnes person with my wife have drawne thee and those Gallants most worthy Knights into this poore country and naked people I will yeeld my selfe it is for the good of my poore followers into thy hands peace I crave and peace let me have Robert Fitz Stephens acquainted Dermot Mac Morogh with the premises of all sides the Irish dissembled as hereafter shall further appeare peace they granted and they acknowledged Dermot for their Lord and Soveraigne In all this service I may not conceale what Cambrensis delivereth David Barry and Meilerius effected singular exployts and deserved no lesse commendations As soone as the good successe of Dermot and the strangers lately arrived was spread abroad Rory Oconochor alias Rodericke King of Connaught Monarch of Ireland called the Princes and Nobles of the land together and layeth before them the dangerous estate and imminent perill of the whole land how Dermot guilefully had trayned in strangers how hee and the strangers were like to ouer-runne all unlesse with all expedition this mischiefe were prevented in summe they concluded that every man shall to his Armes and make ready horse and foot and set upon these invaders Dermot Mac Morogh having certaine knowledge of this great separation and mischiefe intended and his false harted subjects that lately fawned vpon him were fled to the enemies fearing the puisance of the Monarch and the forces of the whole land called Robert Fits Stephens and said vnto him Fortune is fickle our state is an ague that commeth by fits my friends fleet away and argue false hearts no marvaile though I bee disquieted if you stick not to mee I am undone Robert Fitz Stephens replied Wee have left behind us our deare friends and our native soyle wee have fired all our shippes not upon intent to runne away wee haue already in armes ingaged our lives fall out as fall out may wee will live and dye together bee you true to us wee will not bee false to you Dermot hereupon gathering his spirits together got him and his followers to a certaine fastenesse not farre from Fernes where hee intrenched and plashed himselfe being invironed with woods hils rockes bogges and waters a place to mans seeming inaccessible and invincible to endure for a while wandring clowds and threatning stormes of his adversaries to vanish and bee caried away with waving winds of fortune and unfortunate warres Whose foresight and ready wit Robert Fitz Stephens highly commended Immediatly there came a Messenger from Roderic the Monarch unto Robert Fitz Stephens with this message The Britans may not by the Lawes of Armes display their Banners and Ensignes in forreine possessions and dispose the lawfull heires of their inheritance but they are with licence of the Irish to pack home whence they came It is a blemish for the Brittish nation iniuriously to giue aide to a shamefull fact neither may the lechery of Dermot be mantled under British cloaks wherefore depart and forsake him that is forsaken of God and man And here by my messenger receive to defray your charges and transport you to your native soyle Robert Fitz Stephens answereth your present I will not accept faith and troth I have pawned to my friend Dermot I will not breake hee forsakes not me I will not forsake him neither leave him distressed you speake of lechery what is that among martiall men I heare you have Bastards your selfe to what end is your embassie If Roderick give councell we need it not if he Prophecie we credit not his oracle if he command as a Prince we obey not his autority if hee threaten as an enemie a figge for his Monarchy The messenger returned with small welcome going and comming Roderic bethought himselfe againe and sent letters to Dermot perswading him to be at peace with his country people and to banish the strangers out of the Land he rejected his councell and despiseth the messenger Roderic seeing that his private practises tooke small effect put himselfe in armes assembleth his forces and delivereth unto them these speeches You right worthy and valiant defenders of your Country and liberty Consider with what people and for what cause wee are now to fight and wage battell the enemy of his owne Country the tyrant over his owne people the exile fugitive behold hee is returned backed with strangers and purposeth to destroy us and the whole Nation hee being an enemy hath brought in those enemies which have beene ever hatefull unto us all and are most greedy to have the Soveraignty and Dominion over us all protesting openly and firmely avouching that by fatall destiny they are to bee Commanders over this land And so farre hath he poured out his venome that there is no favour nor mercy to be looked for at his hands O cruell beast yea more cruell then ever was beast who lately bit with his owne teeth the nose and lips of the dead he to satisfie his insatiable malice and bloudy minde spareth neither man woman nor childe he deserveth well to be hated of all that opposeth himselfe an enemy to all wherefore my loving and deere country men be well advised looke about you and consider advisedly how by the like meanes I meane civill warres all Realmes and nations for the most part have beene overthrowne and brought to utter ruine Iulius Caesar attempted the invasion of Britaine was twice foyled and indured the repulse but when Androgeus Duke of London fell at variance with the King to be revenged sent for Iulius who thereupon returning subdued the land The Britaines being at discord and hating their vicious King Careticus the Saxons finding opportunitie to over-runne all sent for Gurmundus the arch-Pirate and terror of the Ocean seas who ioyning forces together foyled the Britaines and banished their King not long after Isembert aspiring to the Crowne of France procured the said Gurmund to his ayde behold the end Gurmund was slaine Isembert overthrowne
Lordships to Feoffees in trust wherby he reserveth to himselfe but a state for terme of life which being determined either by the sword or by the halter their lands straight commeth to their heire and the Queen is defrauded of the intent of the Law which laide that grievous punishment upon Traytors to forfeite all their lands to the Prince to the end that men might the rather be terrified from committing treasons for many which would little esteeme of their owne lives yet for remorse of their wives and children would bee with-held from that haynous crime This appeared plainely in the late Earle of Desmond For before his breaking forth into open Rebellion hee had conveyed secretly all his lands to Feoffees of trust in hope to have cut off her Maiestie from the escheate of his Lands Eudox. Yea but that was well enough avoided for the Act of Parliament which gave all his lands to the Queene did as I have heard cut off and frustrate all such conveyances as had at any time by the space of twelve yeares before his rebellion beene made within the compasse whereof the fraudulent Feoffement and many the like of others his accomplices and fellow-traytors were contained Iren. Very true but how hardly that Act of Parliament was wrought out of them I can witnesse and were it to be passed againe I dare undertake it would never be compassed But were it also that such Acts might be easily brought to passe against Traytors and Fellons yet were it not an endlesse trouble that no Traitour or Fellon should be attainted but a Parliament must be called for bringing of his Lands to the Queene which the Common-Law giveth her Eudox. Then this is no fault of the Common Law but of the persons which worke this fraud to her Majestie Iren. Yes marry for the Common-Law hath left them this benefite whereof they make advantage and wrest it to their bad purposes So as thereby they are the bolder to enter into evill actions knowing that if the worst befall them they shall lose nothing but themselves whereof they seeme surely very carelesse Eudox. But what meant you of Fugitives herein Or how doth this concerne them Iren Yes very greatly for you shall understand that there bee many ill disposed and undutifull persons of that Realme like as in this point there are also in this Realme of England too many which being men of good inheritance are for dislike of Religion or danger of the law into which they are run or discontent of the present government fled beyond the seas where they live under Princes which are her M ties professed enemies converse are confederat with other traitors fugitives which are there abiding The which neverthelesse have the benefits profits of their lands here by pretence of such colourable conveyances thereof formerly made by them unto their privie Friends heere in trust who privily doe send over unto them the said Revenues wherwith they are there maintained and enabled against her Majestie Eudox. I doe not thinke that there be any such fugitives which are relieved by the profite of their Lands in England for there is a straighter order taken And if there bee any such in Ireland it were good it were likewise looked unto for this evill may easily be remedied But proceede Iren. It is also inconvenient in the Realme of Ireland that the Wards and Marriages of Gentlemens children should be in the disposition of any of those Irish Lords as now they are by reason that their Lands bee held by Knights service of those Lords By which means it comes to passe that those Gentlemen being thus in the ward of those Lords are not onely thereby brought up lewdly and Irish-like but also for ever after so bound to their services they will runne with them into any disloyall action Eudox. This greivance Iren. is also complained of in England but how can it be remedied since the service must follow the tenure of the lands and the lands were given away by the Kings of England to those Lords when they first conquered that Realme and to say troth this also would be some prejudice to the Prince in her wardshipps Iren. I doe not meane this by the Princes wards but by such as fall into the hands of Irish Lords for I could wish and this I could enforce that all those wardships were in the Princes disposition for then it might be hoped that she for the universall reformation of that Realme would take better order for bringing up those wards in good nurture and not suffer them to come into so bad hands And although these things bee already passed away by her Progenitours former grants unto those said Lords yet I could finde a way to remedie a great part thereof as hereafter when fit time serves shall appeare And since we are entred into speech of such graunts of former Princes to sundry persons of this Realme of Ireland I will mention unto you some other of like nature to this and of like inconvenience by which the former Kings of England passed unto them a great part of their prerogatives which though then it was well intended and perhaps well deserved of them which received the same yet now such a gapp of mischeife lyes open thereby that I could wish it were well stopped Of this sort are the graunts of Counties palatines in Ireland which though at first were granted upon good consideration when they were first conquered for that those lands lay then as a very border to the wild Irish subject to continuall invasion so as it was needfull to give them great priviledges for the defence of the Inhabitants thereof yet now that it is no more a border nor frontired with enemies why should such priviledges bee any more continued Eudox. I would gladly know what you call a County palatine and whence it so called Iren. It was I suppose first named palatine of a pale as it were a pale and defense to their inward lands so as it is called the English Pale and therefore is a Palsgrave named an Earle Palatine Others thinke of the Latine palare that is to forrage or out-run because those marchers and borderers use commonly so to doe So as to have a county palatine is in effect to have a priviledge to spoyle the enemies borders adjoyning And surely so it is used at this day as a priviledged place of spoiles and stealthes for the county of Tipperary which is now the onely countie palatine in Ireland is by abuse of some bad ones made a receptacle to rob the rest of the Counties about it by meanes of whose priviledges none will follow their stealthes so as it being situate in the very lap of all the land is made now a border which how inconvenient it is let every man judge And though that right noble man that is the Lord of the liberty do paine himselfe all he may to yeeld equall Iustice unto all yet can there not but great abuses
for Fintan the Abbot and received at his hands the blessed Sacrament and so departed the fift of the Ides of October In remembrance of this Cannicus there is now a famous towne in Leinster called Kilkenny parted into the English and Irish towne with a small fresh or brooke that falleth into the Nure the chiefe Lord under the King is the Earle of Ormond and Ossorie the English towne is governed by a Soveraigne Bayliffes and Burgesses the Irish towne is governed by the Bishop of Ossorie and his officers and the Bishopricke of Ossorie whose principall see was first in Ely and called Sire Keran as formerly I have written in the life of Keranus afterward translated to Achadbo is now setled in Kilkenny The first founder of Saint Kennies Church there was Hugh Mapilton the fift Bishop of that See after the conquest about the yeer 1240. There was also about the same time a Church builded over against the towne upon the East side of the Nure in the honour of Saint Maula the mother of Saint Kenny whose memory is continued in that towne by her plague that fell among them and thus it was There was a great plague in that towne and such as died thereof being bound with Wythes upon the Beere were buried in Saint Maulas Churchyard after that the infection ceased women and maides went thither to dance and in stead of handkerchiefes and napkins to keepe them together in their round it is said they tooke those Wythes to serve their purpose It is generally received take it gentle reader as cheape as you finde it that Maula was angry for prophaning her Church-yard and with the Wythes infected the dancers so that shortly after in Kilkenny there died of the sicknesse man woman and childe Aedanus divers times before spoken of was of honourable parentage borne in Connaght his father hight Sothna his mother Ethne of the sept of Amluygh his companions were Molassus alias Lazerianus and Airedus also he conversed much with Saint David Bishop of Menevia now called Saint Davids and is there called Moedock this David was his master The martyrologe of Sarum calleth him Maeldock my Author yeeldeth the reason writing how that his mother conceiving with childe of him his father dreamed that he saw a starre fall from heaven upon his wife the mother of this Aedanus and therefore when he was borne he was called in Latine filius stellae in Irish Moedog that is the sonne of the starre Master Fox writeth that hee builded the Monasterie of Maibrose by the floud of Twide David the holy man advised him to repaire to his native soile for the good of his country after that hee had for a good space followed the Christian Britaines against the faithlesse Saxons He came to Ireland to Anmyre King of Connaght from thence to Leinster and builded Monasteries in Kinselach and Cluayn More what time Edus or Edanus the sonne of Anmyre King of Connaght levied warre against Brandub King of Leinster in which battaile Edus and all his Nobilitie of Connaght were slaine and Brandub became Monarch of Ireland After this he went to the North of England and was made Bishop of Lyndsey Lyndesfernensis Capgrave maketh two of one Aedanus the one an Abbot the other a Bishop and to reconcile the dissonance he was first an Abbot afterwards a Bishop so writeth Bale Beda delivereth singular commendations of him the which to avoid prolixitie I omit After all this hee returned to Leinster to Brandub the Monarch who upon speciall liking of his vertues gave him a parcell of land where he builded a Monasterie the place is called Ferna now Fernes where both Church and Monasterie are patronized as they write by Saint Moedog where afterwards both Brandub and Moedog were buried whereof the words in the life of Aedanus alias Moedog are these Magnas dedit rex oblationes Sancto Moedog agrum in quo vir Dei construxit monasterium quod dicitur Ferna in quo Sanctus Moedog sepultus est rex Brandub genus ejus post eum ibi semper sepelitur Et magna civitas in honore sancti Moedog ibi crevit quae eodem nomine vocatur Ferna Deinde facta Synodo magnatum in terra Laginensium decrevit Rex Brandub tam Laici quam Clerici ut Archiepiscopatus omnium Laginensium semper esset in sede cathedra sancti Moedog tunc sanctus Moedog a multis catholicis consecratus est Archiepiscopus The King gave many gifts to Saint Moedog and a parcell of ground where the man of God builded a Monasterie called Ferna where Saint Moedog is buried and King Brandub and his posteritie after him is there continually buried And a great Citie in the honour of Saint Moedog is there risen the which by the same name is called Ferna Afterwards a Synode or Parliament of the Nobilitie of Leinster being called together King Brandub decreed together with the Laitie and Clergie that the Archbishopricke of all Leinster should alwaies be in the seate and chayre of Saint Moedog and then Saint Moedog by many Catholikes was consecrated Archbishop According to which indeed in the Legend of Saint Molva he is called Archiepiscopus Laginensium David of Menevia being of great yeeres desired to see him before his death Moedog visited him and returned into Ireland in a troublesome time namely when all Leinster was in Armes to revenge upon Saran a Nobleman of Leinster the death of King Brandub whom he had traiterously murthered This Brandub the sonne of Eatach of the progenie or sept of Enna of whom Censelach hath originall had a most honourable funerall and was greatly lamented and intombed in the Church-yard of Saint Moedog in his Citie Ferna where his progenie the royall bloud of the Kings of Leinster is interred after his death Earle Saran so mine Author calleth him being tormented in conscience came to the Kings tombe lamented the horrible treason he had committed and could finde no rest to his dying day In the time of this Moedog the three Kings of Tuomond Connaght and Vlster with an Armie of foure and twenty thousand men came to Leinster to revenge the death of Edus before spoken of The King of Leinster called Moedog and the Clergie and commanded them all to pray while he fought and saith the storie God gave the Leinster men the victory and their enemies were overthrowne It is remembred of this Aedanus how that one comming unto him and desiring him to assigne him a Confessor his answer was Thou needst no Confessor but God who knoweth the secrets of thy heart but if thou wilt have a witnesse of thy doings goe to one Molva a learned man who shall direct thee in thy course And yet gentle reader I may not overslip one thing the which Capgrave reporteth in the life of Aedanus or Aidanus or Moedog namely how that for all the sanctitie of the Prelates in those
Bruse Hugh Brune and others imprisoned him in Falaise in Normandy from thence he was brought to Roane and there clapt in the Tower under the custody of Robert de Veipont where shortly after he finished his life whether by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape or by meane of some privy hand which murther it is not as yet agreed upon Vtinam saith Mat. Paris non ut fama refert invida by occasion whereof K. Iohn was ever after had in great suspition whether justly or unjustly the Lord knoweth King Iohn fearing the secret practises of his adversaries and doubting the revolt of his Barons sent for his further security unto those whom he most suspected for hostages and pledges of their Ioialty and among others unto William de Bruse a Normand borne but Lord of Brechnok saith Guttin Owen and a great commander in South-wales The wife like a quicke Dame taking the answer out of her husbands mouth gave this round speech that shee would not give any of her sonnes to King Iohn who already had slaine and murthered his owne nephew Arthur These words being lavishly delivered unto the King set him in such a heat of displeasure against her husband though hee had rebuked her sharply for the same that the L. Bruse with his wife and children fled the Realme and got them unto Ireland for safeguard of their lives and when King Iohn came unto Ireland they fled to the I le of Man where they were apprehended and sent to the Castle of Windsore in England and there as the common fame went famished to death But William de Bruse himselfe escaped the hands of the King in Ireland and fled into France died at Corbell and was buried in Paris The next that comes upon the stage is Sir Iohn de Courcy Earle of Vlster Lord of Conaght that had lastly beene L. Liev. of Ireland who governing the land with great circumspection together with Sir Hugh de Lacy the younger who maligned him secretly and envied his prosperity in so much that hee accused him to King Iohn saying that he laid to the Kings charge the murthering of his nephew Arthure whereupon King Iohn sent for him into England and gave commission unto Sir Hugh de Lacy and his brother Walter Delacy to attach his person Sir Iohn de Courcy having secret intelligence of their drift kept himselfe a loofe Sir Hugh Delacy finding that levied an army and invaded Vlster the Country rose against him and drove him to flie Then Lacy praclaimed him traitor and marched towards him with all the forces he could make Courcy in like sort prepared for his comming At Dune they met and fought a cruell battaile where the field was all blood and many slaine on both sides but in the end the victory fell to Courcy and Lacy went back with shame enough Then Lacy practised how he might betray him It is said among the Irish that Courcy offred the combat and that Lacy refused it aleadging that it was not for him that represented the Kings person to hazard his life with an inferior being a subject and a traytor Lacy makes proclamation promising a large reward to him that should bring him in Courcy either alive or dead but it would not be then privily he dealt with some of his servants that if they would undertake the apprehension of him they should have great rewards it was concluded and this advice the betraiers gave Sir Iohn de Courcy is a mighty man in armes and of such strength that no one man dares be so hardy as lay hand upon him and againe hee is alwaies both in publick and privat well provided Yet we can direct you a course to bring your purpose to effect upon good Friday yeerly he weares no armes but is wholly given to divine contemplation and commonly walketh all solitary round about the Church-yard of Dune if you provide a troope of horsemen in a readinesse and send your espiall before there you shall have him apprehend him and worke your will and hither they came and laid hands upon him Courcy now unarmed and altogether distressed ranne to a wooden crosse that stood in the Church yard tooke the pole therof and laid about him lustily Courcy at that time had but a few attending on him and they armelesse of which number were two young Gentlemen the sonnes of Sir Amorick Saint Laurence which were slaine to bee short the Author of the Booke of Houth reporteth that Courcy in that Skirmish slew 13. of Lacy his men that died not upon the Crosse but under the Crosse but in the end he was carried away conveied beyond the seas clapt in the Towre of London and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment Whereupon Lacy for that service had the Earledome of Vlster given him and the Iudases that betrayed their Master had their hire Then they craved of Sir Hugh de Lacy a pasport into England with the relation of the good service they had done in Ireland which was granted upon condition that upon the paine of death they should never returne into Ireland againe neither to open the same afore it were demanded of them It was as followeth I Hugh de Lacy Lord Iustice of Ireland servant to my dread Soveraigne Lord King Iohn To all them that shall read these few lines greeting know you that thâ—se men whose names are under written served sometimes Sir Iohn de Courcy late Earle of Vlster but now in durance in the Towre of London and for a summe of money betraied their owne Master into my hand I deeme them no better then Iudas the traitor how hardly soever I have conceived of Courcy I hold them a thousand times more damnable traitors Wherefore let no subject within any of the Kings dominions give them any entertainment but spit in their faces and suffer them to rogue about and wander as Iewes He provided them a barke with saile and victuall but gave them no Pilots nor sea-faring men for want of skill they could not take the seas but were tossed with winde and weather along the Coast at length the Tyde brought them into the river of Corke they were no sooner landed but they were apprehended examined and brought to Sir Hugh de Lacy and forthwith all foure hanged cheeke by jole Not long after there fell some difference betweene Iohn King of England and Philip King of France for the right of some Fort in Normandie who to avoyde the shedding of Christian bloud agreed of each side to put it to a combat of King Philips part there was a French man in readinesse King Iohn upon the sudden wist not what to doe for a Champion to encounter with him at length one attending upon his person enformed him that there was one Courcy in the Towre of London the onely man in his dominions if hee would undertake it to answer the challenge King Iohn ioyfull of this sent the first yea second and third time promising large rewards and rich gifts
person with such an unknowne marke Eudox. Surely these ordinances seeme very expedient but specially that of free townes of which I wonder there is so small store in Ireland and that in the first peopling and planting thereof they were neglected and omitted Iren. They were not omitted for there were through all places of the Country convenient many good townes seated which thorough that inundation of the Irish which I first told you of were utterly wasted and defaced of which the ruines are yet in many places to be seene and of some no signe at all remaining save onely their bare names but their seates are not to be found Eudox. But how then commeth it to passe that they have never since beene recovered nor their habitations reedified as of the rest which have beene no lesse spoyled and wasted Iren. The cause thereof was for that after their desolation they were begged by Gentlemen of the Kings under colour to repaire them and gather the poore reliques of the people againe together of whom having obtained them they were so farre from reedifying of them as that by all meanes they have endeavoured to keepe them waste least that being repaired their Charters might be renewed and their Burgesses restored to their lands which they had now in their possession much like as in those old monuments of Abbeyes and religious houses we see them likewise use to doe For which cause it is judged that King Henry the eight bestowed them upon them conceiving that thereby they should never bee able to rise againe And even so doe these Lords in these poore old corporate townes of which I could name divers but for kindling of displeasure Therefore as I wished many corporate townes to be erected so would I againe wish them to be free not depending upon the service nor under the commaund of any but the Governour And being so they will both strengthen all the Country round about them which by their meanes will be the better replenished and enriched and also be as continuall houldes for her Majesty if the people should revolt or breake out againe for without such it is easie to forrage and over-run the whole land Let be for ensample all those Free-boroughes in the Low-Countryes which are now all the strength thereof These and other like ordinances might be delivered for the good establishment of the Realme after it is once subdued and reformed in which it might afterwards be very easily kept and maintained with small caâ—e of the Governours and Councell there appointed so as it should in short space yeeld a plentifull revenue to the Crowne of England which now doth but sucke consume the treasure thereof through those unsound plots and changefull orders which are dayly devised for her good yet never effectually prosecuted or performed Eudox. But in all this your discourse I have not marked any thing by you spoken touching the appointment of the principall Officer to whom you wish the charge and performance of all this to be committed Onely I observed some fowle abuses by you noted in some of the late Governours the reformation whereof you left of for this present place Iren. I delight not to lay open the blames of great Magistrates to the rebuke of the world and therefore their reformation I will not meddle with but leave unto the wisedome of greater heads to be considered only thus much I will speake generally thereof to satisfie your desire that the government and cheife Magistracy I wish to continue as it doth to wit that it be ruled by a Lord Deputy or Iustice for that it is a very safe kinde of rule but there withall I wish that over him there were placed also a Lord Lieutenant of some of the greatest personages in England such a one I could name upon whom the eye of all England is fixed and our last hopes now rest who being intituled with that dignity and being here alwayes resident may backe and defend the good course of that government against all maligners which else will through their cunning working under hand deprave and pull backe what ever thing shall be begun or intended there as we commonly see by experience at this day to the utter ruine and desolation of that poore Realme and this Leiutenancie should be no discountenancing of the Lord Deputy but rather a strengthning of all his doings for now the cheife evill in that government is that no Governour is suffered to goe on with any one course but upon the least information here of this or that hee is either stopped and crossed or other courses appointed him from hence which he shall run which how inconvenient it is is at this houre too well felt And therefore this should be one principall in the appointing of the Lord Deputies authority that it should bee more ample and absolute then it is and that he should have uncontrouled power to doe any thing that he with the advisement of the Councell should thinke meete to be done For it is not possible for the Councell here to direct a Governour there who shall be forced oftentimes to follow the necessitie of present actions and to take the suddaine advantage of time which being once lost will not bee recovered whilst through expecting direction from hence the delayes whereof are oftentimes through other greater affaires most irkesome the oportunityes there in the meane time passe away and great danger often groweth which by such timely prevention might easily bee stopped And this I remember is worthily observed by Machiavel in his discourses upon Livie where he commendeth the manner of the Romans government in giving absolute power to all their Councellors and Governours which if they abused they should afterwards dearely answere And the contrary thereof he reprehendeth in the States of Venice of Florence and many other principalityes of Italy who use to limit their cheife Officers so strictly as that thereby they have oftentimes lost such happy occasions as they could never come unto againe The like whereof who so hath beene conversant in that government of Ireland hath too often seene to their great hinderance and hurt Therefore this I could wish to be redressed and yet not so but that in particular things he should be restrained though not in the generall government as namely in this that no offices should bee sould by the Lord Deputy for money nor no pardons nor no protections bought for reward nor no beoves taken for Captainries of Countryes nor no shares of Bishopricks for nominating of Bishops nor no forfeytures nor dispensations with poenall Statutes given to their servants or friends nor no selling of licences for transportation of prohibited wares and specially of corne and flesh with many the like which neede some manner of restrainte or else very great trust in the honorable disposition of the Lord Deputy Thus I have Eudoxus as briefly as I could and as my memorie would serve me run through the state of that whole Country both to
TWO HISTORIES OF IRELAND The one written by Edmund Campion the other by Meredith Hanmer D r of Divinity DUBLIN Printed by the Society of Stationers M.DC.XXXIII els-where these Histories doe affoord to the knowledge of former times and the good use which may be made of them by any who have leisure desire and ability to erect and polish a lasting structure of our Irish affaires I am embouldned to present them to your Lordships patronage whose government I beseech the Almighty so to blesse that it may bee a long happines to this land Your Lordships ever humbly at commandement IAMES WARE THE PREFACE TO THE SVBSEQVENT HISTORIES WHat varietie of choyse matter the affaires of this Kingdome doe affoord to an Historian especially since the middle of the raigne of King Henry the VIII any one that is but meanely versed in our Histories can testifie But if we consider how little hath hetherto bin published wee cannot but blame the slownes of our learned men who have for by-respects forborne to take paines in so worthy a subject England hath had the happines that some parts of her Historie have bin lately excellently performed by the right honorable Francis late Viscount St. Alban the right Reverend Francis Lo Bishop of Hereford the most learned William Camden and others Some will hereafter I hope doe the like for Ireland In the meane while we are to accept of these tastes the one left unto us by Edmund Campion and the other by Doctor Hanmer who died of the plague at Dublin in the yeare M.DC.IIII before he had finished his intended worke out of whose collections what now beareth his name hath bin preserved by our most Reverend and excellently learned Primate Other helpes to passe by those which are already divulged may be plentifully had by him who will undertake this taske out of the auncient and moderne recordes both in this Kingdome and in England as also out of diverse manuscript Annales and Chartularies which are yet extant among us besides those authors of English birth as Iohn VVallingford a Monke of St Alban Thomas Wike a Canon of Osney and others which I have seene in that excellent library and treasury of MSS. antiquities gathered by Sir Robert Cotton knight and Baronett deceased who doe onely obiter touch upon our affaires An intention there was not long since by Sir Iames Ley knight then Lord chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench in Ireland afterwards Lord high Treasurer of England and Earle of Marleburgh to have published some of our country writers in this kinde for which end hee caused to be transcribed and made fit for the Presse the Annales of Iohn Clynne a Friar minor of Kilkenny who lived in the time of King Edw. the 3. the Annales of the Priory of S. Iohn the Evangelist of Kilkenny and the Annales of Multifernan Rosse and Clonmell c. But his weighty occasions did afterwards divert his purpose The copies are yet preserved and I hope ere long with other Annales and fragments of the same nature will be divulged Wee come now to the Authors in hand TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE ROBERT DUDLEY Baron of Denbigh Earle of Leicester Knight of the noble Order of the garter and S. Michaels Master of the Queenes Majesties horse and one of her Privy Councell high Chauncellour of the Vniversity of Oxford my singular good Lord. THat my travaile into Ireland might seeme neither causlesse nor fruitlesse I have thought it expedient being one member of your Lordships honorable charge to yeeld you this poore book as an accompt of my poore voyage happily not the last nor the most beautifull present that is intended to your Honour by me but surely more full of unsavoury toyle for the time then any plot of worke that ever I attempted which I write not of vanity to commend my diligence but of necessitie to excuse mine imperfection For whereas it is well knowne to the learned in this land how late it was ere I could meet with Gerald of Wales the onely Author that ministreth some indifferent furniture to this Chronicle and with what search I have beene driven to piece out the rest by helpe of forreine Writers incidently touching this Realme by a number of briefe extracts of rolles records and scattered papers These things I say considered I trust this little volume shall seeme great enough in such barren shift my defect in penning the same shal be imputed partly to my haste who must needes have ended all before I should leave the land and am now even upon point of my departure So as to handle and lay these things together I had not in all the space of ten weekes Such as it is I addresse and bequeath it to your good Lordship for two causes First that by the patronage of this Booke you may be induced to weigh the estate and become a patron to this noble Realme which claimeth kindred of your eldest auncestors and loveth entirely your noble vertues The fame whereof is now carried by those strangers that have felt them into many forraine countryes that never saw your person Secondly because there is none that knoweth mee familiarly but he knoweth vvithall how many vvayes I have beene beholding to your Lordship The regard of your deserts and of my duty hath easily wonne at my hands this testimony of a thankefull minde I might be thought ambitious if I should recount in particular the times places of your severall curtesies to mee How often at Oxford how often at the Court how at Rycot how at Windsore how by letters hovv by reportes you have not ceased to further with advice and to countenance with authority the hope and expectation of mee a single Student Therefore in summe it shall suffice mee to acknowledge the generall heape of your bounties and for them all to serve your honour frankely at least wise with a true heart Let every man esteeme in your state and fortune the thing that best contenteth and feedeth his admiration But surely to a judgement setled and rectified these outward felicities which the world gazeth on are there and therefore to be denied praiseable when they lodge those inward qualities of the minde which saving for suspition of flattery I was about to say are planted in your breast Thirteene yeares to have lived in the eye and speciall credit of a Prince yet never during all that space to have abused this ability to any mans harme to be enriched with no mans overthrow to be kindled neither with grudge nor emulation to benefit an infinite resort of dayly sutors to let downe your calling to the neede of meane subjects to retaine so lowly a stomacke such a facility so milde a nature in so high a vocation to undertake the tuition of learning and learned men These are indeede the kirnels for the which the shell of your nobilitie seemeth faire and sightly This is the sap for whose preservation the barke of your noble tree is tendered This is
the substance which maketh you worthy of these Ornaments wherevvith you are attyred and in respect of these good gifts as I for my part have ever bin desirous to discover an officious and dutifull minde towards your Lordship so will I never cease to betake the uttermost of my power and skill to your service nor to begge of Almighty God your plentifull increase in godlines wisedome and prosperity Fare you well From Dublin 27. May 1571. Your Lordships humbly to commaund EDMUND CAMPION To the loving Reader AT my times of leisure from ordinary studies I have since my first arrivall hither enquired out antiquityes of the land wherein being holpen by diverse friendly Gentlemen I have given th' adventure to frame a Story which I bring from the very first originall untill th' end of this last yeare 1570. I follow these Authors Giraldus Cambrensis who devideth his worke into two parts from the first which is stuffed with much impertinent matter I borrow so much as serveth the turne directly the second which containeth two bookes and discourseth the conquest of Henry Fitz Empresse I abridge into one Chapter where Cambrensis endeth there beginneth a nameles Author who in certaine short notes containeth a Chronologie untill the year◠of Christ 1370. From thence to Henry the Eight because nothing is extant orderly written and the same is time beyond any mans memory I scamble forward with such records as could be sought up and am enforced to be the briefer From Henry th' eight hitherto I tooke instructions by mouth whatsoever I bring besides these helpes either mine owne observation hath found it or some friend hath enformed me or common opinion hath received it or I reade it in a pamphlet or if the Author be worthy the naming I quote him in the margent Scottish Histories I used these twaine famous in their times Iohn Major and Hector Boethius For English wherein the state of Ireland is oft implyed because I am not in place to examine the auncient I have credited these late writers Fabian Polidore Cooper Hall Grafton and Stowe diligent and thankes-worthy collectors Touching the rest of all sorts from whose bookes I picke matter to my purpose they are mentioned as they fall in ure which here I list not to reckon being loath to fill the page with a ranke of empty names Irish Chronicles although they be reported to be full fraught of lewde examples idle tales and genealogies Et quicquid Graecia mendax audet in historiâ yet concerning the state of that wilde people specified before the conquest I am perswaded that with choice and judgment I might have sucked thence some better store of matter and gladly would have sought them had I found an interpreter or understood their tongue th' one so rare that scarcely five in five hundred can skill thereof th' other so hard that it asketh continuance in the Land of more yeares then I had moneths to spare about this busines my speciall meaning was to gather so much as I thought the civill subjects could bee content to reade and withall to give a light to the learned Antiquaries of this Countrey birth who may hereafter at good leisure supply the want of this foundation and pollish the stone rough hewed to their hand Notwithstanding as naked and simple as it is it could never have growne to any proportion in such post-haste except I had entred into such familiar societie and daylie table-talke with the worshipfull Esquire Iames Stanihurst Recorder of Dublin VVho beside all curtesie of Hospitality and a thousand loving turnes not heere to be recited both by word and written monuments and by the benefit of his owne Library nourished most effectually mine endeavour It remaineth that I request my Countrymen to bend their good liking to my goodwill and the English of Ireland to favour the memory of their noble auncestors both twaine to deliver me from all undue and wrong suspitions howsoever the priviledge of an history hath tempered mine inke with sweet or sowre ingredients Verily as touching the affaires and persons heere deciphered how little cause I have with any blind and corrupt affection either wayes to be miscarryed themselves know best that heere be noted yet living and other by enquiring may conjecture Farewell From Droghedah the 9. of Iune 1571. CAMPIONS HISTORIE OF IRELAND The First Booke CAP. I. The Site and speciall parts of Ireland IRELAND lieth a-loofe in the West Ocean and is deemed by the later Survey to be in length well-nigh three hundred miles north south broad from East to West one hundred and twentie In proportion it resembleth an egge blunt and plaine on the sides not reaching forth to Sea in nookes and elbowes of Land as Brittaine doth Long since it was devided into foure regions Leinster East Connaght West Vlster North Mounster South and into a fift plot defalked from every fourth part lying together in the heart of the Realme called thereof Media Meath Each of these five where they are framable to civility and answere the writts of the Crowne be sundred into shires and counties after this manner In Leinster lye the counties of Dublin Kildare Weixford Catherlagh Kilkenny King Queenes coūties these two lately so named by Parliament in the raignes of Philip and Mary having Shire-townes accordant Philipstown and Marryborrow Septes Irish of name planted in these quarters they reckon the Birnes Tooles Cauanaghes which is the nation of Macmurrow Omores Oconnores Odempsyes Odun Citties of best account Dyvelin the beauty and eye of Ireland fast by a goodly river which Cambrensis calleth Avenlifius Ptolomy Libnius they call the Lyffie The seat hereof is in many respects comfortable but lesse frequented of marchant strangers because of the bard haven Kildare hath Kildare and the Naass Weixford hath Weixford and Ross. Kilkenny hath Kilkenny the best dry towne in Ireland on the Southside of the river Suirus also Callan and Thomastowne Meath is devided into East and West Meath and the counties of Longford Here dwelleth ancient Irish families sometime Princes Potentates Omalaghlen Mac-Coghlan Obrien Omulloy Omadden Macgoghigan the Fox This whole part and the veyne of Finegale in Leinster are best imployed with husbandry and taken to be the richest soyles in Ireland Connaght hath as yet but the county Clare the town of Athenry Galway a proper neat city at the sea side Herein Turlogh More Oconner was a peere parted the whole betwixt his two Sonnes Cahal and Bryen Oconnor In it are now cheife Irish Breni Oreli Breni Oruarke Oconnor Sligo Odoude Ohara Macphilippin Mac-dermot Oconnor-donn Oconnor-Roe the O-kellies Macglomore of Langues L. Bermingham Omaly Mac-william Euter Oflaherty Clanricarde Vlster wherin Oneale Odonil are cheife Irish contayneth the coūties Louth Down Antrim one moity of Droghdah for the rest is in Meath cheife town of Louth Dundalk of Down Down Carlingford of Droghdagh Droghdaghe
where you dare not venture I wish my Lord there be shrewde bugges in the borders for the Earle of Kildare to feare The Earle nay the King of Kildare for when you are disposed you reigne more like then rule in the Land where you are malicious the truest subjects stand for Irish enemies where you are pleased the Irish enemie stands for a dutifull subject hearts and hands lives and lands are all at your curtesie who fawneth not thereon hee cannot rest within your smell and your smell is so ranke that you tracke them out at pleasure Whilest the Cardinall was speaking the Earle chafed and changed colour sundry proffers made to answer every sentence as it came at last he broke out and interrupted him thus My Lord Chauncellour I beseech you pardon me I am short witted and you I perceive intend a long tale If you proceede in this order halfe my purgation wil be lost for lacke of carryage I have no schoole trickes nor art of memory except you heare me while I remember your words your second processe vvill hammer out the former The Lords associate vvho for the most part tenderly loved him and knevv the Cardinals manner of termes so lothsome as vvhervvith they vvere tyred many yeares agoe humbly besought his grace to charge him directly vvith particulars and to dvvell in some one matter till it vvere examined through That granted It is good reason quoth the Earle that your Grace beare the mouth of this chamber But my Lord those mouthes that put this tale into your mouth are very vvide mouths such indeed as have gaped long for my vvreck novv at length for vvant of better stuff are fain to fill their mouths vvith smoak What my cousin Desmond hath compassed as I knovv not so I beshrevv his naked heart for holding out so long If hee can bee taken by my agents that presently wayte for him then have my adversaryes betrayed their malice and this heape of haynous wordes shall resemble a man of strawe that seemeth at a blush to carry some proportion but when it is felt and poysed discovereth a vanity serving onely to fray crowes and I trust your Honours will see the proofe hereof and mine innocencie testified in this behalfe by the thing it selfe within these few dayes But goe to suppose hee never bee had what is Kildare to blame for it more then my good brother of Ossory who notwithstanding his high promises having also the Kings power is glad to take egges for his money and bring him in at leysure Cannot the Earle of Desmond shift but I must be of counsell cannot hee bee hid except I winke If hee bee close am I his mate If he be friended am I a Traytour This is a doughty kinde of accusation which they urge against mee vvherein they are stabled and myred at my first denyall You vvould not see him say they vvho made them so familiar vvith mine eye-sight or vvhen vvas the Earle vvithin my Equinas or vvho stood by vvhen I let him slip or vvhere are the tokens of my vvilfull hood-vvinking Oh but you sent him vvord to bevvare of you Who vvas the messenger vvhere are the letters convince my negative See hovv loosely this idle reason hangeth Desmond is not taken vvell vvee are in fault vvhy because you are vvho proves it no body What conjectures so it seemeth To vvhom to your enemies vvho tolde it them What other ground none Will they svveare it they vvill svveare it My Lords then belike they knovv it if they knovv it either they have my hand to shevv or can bring forth the messenger or vvere present at a conference or privy to Desmond or some body bevvrayed it to them or themselves vvere my carryers or vice-gerents therein vvhich of these parts vvill they choose I knovv them too vvell to reckon my selfe convict by their bare vvords or headlesse heare-sayes or franticke oathes my letter vvere soone read vvere any such vvryting extant my servaunts and friends are ready to bee sifted Of my cousin Desmond they may lye lewdly since no man can heere well tell the contrary Touching my selfe I never noted in them either so much wit or so much faith that I could have gaged upon their silence the life of a good hound much lesse mine owne I doubt not may it please your Honours to oppose them how they came to knowledge of these matters which they are so ready to depose but you shall finde their tongues chayned to another mans trencher and as it were Knights of the Post suborned to say sweare and stare the uttermost they can as those that passe not what they say nor with what face they say it so they say no truth But of another thing it grieveth me that your good grace whom I take to bee wise and sharpe and who of your owne blessed disposition wish me well should bee so farre gone in crediting those corrupt informers that abuse the ignorance of their state and countrey to my perill Little knovv you my Lord hovv necessary it is not onely for the governour but also for every Nobleman in Ireland to hamper his vincible neighbors at discretion vvherein if they vvayted for processe of Law and had not these lives and lands you speake of vvithin their reach they might hap to loose their ovvne lives and lands vvithout Lavv. You heare of a case as it vvere in a dreame and feele not the smart that vexeth us In England there is not a meane subject that dare extend his hand to fillip a Peere of the Realme In Ireland except the Lord have cunning to his strength and strength to save his ovvne and sufficient authoritie to racke theeves and varletts vvhen they stirre hee shall finde them svvarme so fast that it vvill bee too late to call for Iustice. If you vvill have our service take effect you must not tye us alvvayes to the Iudiciall proceedings vvherevvith your Realme thanked bee God is inured As touching my Kingdome my Lord I vvould you and I had exchanged Kingdomes but for one moneth I vvould trust to gather up more crummes in that space then tvvice the revenues of my poore Earledome but you are vvell and vvarme and so hold you and upbraide not me with such an odious storme I sleepe on a cabbin when you lye soft in your bed of downe I serve under the cope of heaven when you are served under a Canopy I drinke water out of a skull when you drinke wine out of golden Cuppes my courser is trained to the field when your Iennet is taught to amble when you are begraced and belorded and crowched and kneeled unto then I finde small grace with our Irish borderers except I cut them off by the knees At these girds the Councell would have smiled if they durst but each man bitt his lippe and held his countenance for howsoever some of them inclined to the Butler they all hated the Cardinall A man undoubtedly borne to honour
I thinke some Princes Bastard no Butchers sonne exceeding wise faire spoken high minded full of revenge vicious of his body lofty to his enemies were they never so bigge to those that accepted and sought his friendship wonderfull courteous a ripe Schooleman thrall to affections brought a bed with flattery insatiable to get more princelike in bestowing as appeareth by his two Colledges at Ipswich and at Oxenford th' one suppressed with his fall th' other unfinished and yet as it lieth an house of Students considering all appurtenances incomparable through Christendome whereof Henry the eight is now called Founder because hee let it stand He held and enjoyed at once the Bishopricks of Yorke Durham and Winchester the dignities of Lord Cardinall Legate and Chancellour The Abbey of S. Albans diverse Prioryes sundry fat Benefices in Commendam A great preferrer of his servants advauncer of learning stoute in every quarrell never happy till his overthrow Therein he shewed such moderation and ended so patiently that the houre of his death did him more honour then all the pompe of life passed The Cardinall perceived that Kildare was no Babe and rose in a fume from the Councell table committed the Earle deferred the matter till more direct probations came out of Ireland After many meetinges and objections wittily refelled they pressed him sore with a trayterous errant sent by his daughter the Lady of Slane to all his brethren to Oneale Oconnor and their adherents wherein he exhorted them to warre upon the Earle of Ossory then Deputy which they accomplished making a wretched conspiracy against the English of Ireland and many a bloody skirmish Of this Treason he was found guilty and reprived in the Towre a long time the Gentleman betooke himselfe to God and the King was heartily loved of the Lieutenant pittied in all the Court and standing in so hard a case altered lâ—â—tle his accustomed hue comforted other Noblemen prisoners with him dissembling his owne sorrow One night when the Lieutenant and he for disport were playing at slide-groat suddainely commeth from the Cardinall a mandat to execute Kildare on the morrow The Earle marking the Lieutenants deepe sigh in reading the bill By Saint Bride quoth he there is some mad game in that scrolle but fall how it will this throw is for a huddle when the worst was told him now I pray thee quoth he doe no more but learne assuredly from the Kings owne mouth whether his Grace be witting thereto or not Sore doubted the Lieutenant to displease the Cardinall yet of very pure devotion to his friend he posteth to the King at midnight and said his errant for all houres of the day or night the Lieutenant hath accesse to the Prince upon occasions King Henry controwling the sawcynesse of the Priest those were his tearmes gave him his Signet in token of countermand which when the Cardinall had seene he begun to breake into unseasonable words with the Lieutenant which he was loath to heare and so he left him fretting Thus broke up the storme for a time and the next yeare VVolsey was cast out of favour within few yeares Sir VVilliam Skevington sent over Deputy who brought vvith him the Earle pardoned and rid from all his troubles Who vvould not thinke but these lessons should have schooled so vvise a man and vvarned him rather by experience of adversities past to cure old sores then for joy of this present fortune to minde seditious drifts to come The second yeare of Skevingtons governement there chaunced an uproare among the Merchants and their Apprentices in Divelin which hard and scant the Deputy and Major both could appease Then was also great stirre about the Kings divorce who hearing the frowardnes of Ireland under Skevington and thinking it expedient in so fickle a world to have a sure poste there made Kildare his Deputy the Primate of Ardmagh Lord Chancellor and Sir Iames Butler Lord Treasurer But Kildare reviving the old quarrels fell to prosecute the Earle of Ossory excited Oneale to invade his country his Broâ—her Iohn Fitz Gerald to spoyle the country of Vriell and Kilkenny being himselfe at the doing of part namely in robbing the towne and killing the Kings subjects The next yeare going against O-Carrol he was pittifull hurt with a Gun in the thigh so that he never after enjoyed his limmes nor delivered his wordes in good plight otherwise like enough to have beene longer forborne in consideration of his many noble qualities great good service and the state of those times Straight wayes complaints were addressed to the King of these enormities that in the most haynous manner could be devised whereupon he was againe commaunded by sharpe letters to repaire into EnglaÌ„d to leave such a substitute for whose govermeÌ„t he would undertake at his perill to answere He left his heire the Lord Thomas Fitz Gerald and ere he went furnished his owne pyles forts and castles with the Kings artillery munition taken forth of Divelin Being examined before the Councell he staggered in his answere either for conscience of the fact or for the infirmity of his late maâ—me Wherefore a false muttering flew abroad that his execution was intended That rumour helped forward Skevingtons friends and servants who sticked not to write into Ireland secret letters that the Earle their Masters enemy so they tooke him because he got the governement over his head was cut shorter and now they trusted to see their Master againe in his Lordship whereafter they sore longed as crowes doe for carryon Such a letter came to the hands of a simple Priest no perfect English man who for haste hurled it among other papers in the Chimneyes end of his chamber meaning to peruse it better at more leisure The same very night a Gentleman retaining to Lord Thomas then Lord Deputy under his father tooke up his lodging with the Priest and raught in the morning for some paper to drawe on his straite hosen and as the devill would he hit upon the letter bare it away in the heele of his his hose no earthly thing misdeeming at night againe he found the paper unfretted and musing thereof began to pore on the writing which notified the Earles death To horsbacke got he in all haste and spreading about the country these unthrifty tydings Lord Thomas the Deputy rash and youthfull immediately confedered himselfe with Oneale and O-Connor with his Vnkles and Fathers friends namely Iohn Oliver Edward Fitz Gerald Iames and Iohn Delahide VVelch parson of Loughseudy Burnel of Balgriffen Rorcks a pirat of the seas Bath of Dullardston Feild of Buske with others and their adherents guarded he rideth on S. Barnabyes day to S. Mary Abbey where the Councell sate and when they looked he should take his place and rose to give it him hee charged them to sit still and stood before them and then spake Howsoever injuriously we be handled and forced to defend our selves in armes when
neither our service nor our good meaning towards our Princes crowne availeth yet say not hereafter but in this open hostility which wee professe heere and proclaime we have shewed our selves no villaines nor churles but warriours and Gentlemen This Sword of estate is yours and not mine I received it with an oath and have used it to your benefit I should offend mine honour if I turned the same to your annoyance now have I neede of mine owne sword which I dare trust as for this common sword it flattereth me with a golden scabberd but hath in it a pestilent edge already bathed in the Geraldines blood and whetted it selfe in hope of a destruction save your selves from us as from your open enemies I am none of Henryes Deputy I am his foe I have more minde to conquere then to governe to meete him in the field then to serve him in office If all the hearts of England and Ireland that have cause thereto vvould joyne in this quarrell as I trust they will then should he be a by-word as I trust he shall for his heresie lechery and tyranny wherein the age to come may skore him among the auncient Princes of most abhominable and hatefull memorie With that he rendred up the sword and flang away like a Bedlam adding to his shamefull Oration many other slanderous and foule termes which for regard of the Kings posteritie I have no minde to utter They concluded first to murther all of the English birth in Ireland and sent an ambassador to Paulus the 3 called Mac Granell archdeacon of Kelles and rejected thence to Charles the fift whose Aunt Queene Katherine the King had lately cast off with much indignation of all the Spaniards him hee thought eith to be kindled and craved assistance to conquer the land which he promised to hold under him his heires for ever The meane while he forced an oath upon Gentlemen of every shire to ayde him camped within the pale reared a great army of English Irish and Scots invaded the Earle of Ossory and Iames his sonne Lord Butler who having intelligence thereof prevented his fury and kept those parts in order When the Butlers had stopped his rage in Mounster he fell to parlyes and treatyes with them sent them diverse messengers and letters whereby he covenanted to devide with them halfe the Kingdome would they assist his enterprise Iames Lord Treasurer in whom for their youth and acquaintance he most affied and often accumbred with such temptations finally returned his brokers with letters Taking pen in hand to write you my resolute answere I muse in the very first line by what name to call you my Lord or my Cousin seeing your notorious treason hath distayned your honour and your desperate lewdnes shamed your kindred your are so liberall in parting stakes with mee that a man would weene you had no right to the game so importunate in craving my company as if you would perswade me to hang with you for good fellowship And thinke you that Iames is so mad to gape for gudgens or so ungratious to sell his truth for a peece of Ireland were it so as it cannot be that the Chickens you reckon were both hatched and feathered yet be thou sure I had rather in this quarrell die thine enemy then live thy partner for the kindnes you proffer mee and good love in the end of your letter the best way I can I purpose to requite that is in advising you though you have fetched your feaze yet to looke well ere you leape over Ignorance and error and a certaine opinion of duty hath carried you unawares to this folly not yet so ranke but it may be cured The King is a vessell of bounty and mercy your words against his Majesty shall not bee counted malicious but rather balked out for heat and impotency except your selfe by heaping offences discover a mischievous and willfull meaning Farewell Nettled with this round answere forth he passed to increase his power offered violence to very few except that one despitous murther at Tartaine the twenty five of Iuly where in a morning earely he caused to be brought before him the honourable Prelate Doctour Allen Archbishop of Divelin and Lord Chancellor who being a reverent personage feeble for age and sicknesse kneeling at his feete in his shirte and mantle bequeathing his soule to God his body to the Traytors mercy the wretched young man commaunded there to be brained like an oxe The place is ever since hedged in overgrowne and unfrequented in detestation of the fact The people have observed that all the accessaries thereof being after pardoned for rebellion ended miserably Allen had beene in service with Cardinall VVolsey of deepe judgement in the Cannon law the onely match of Stephen Gardener another of VVolseyes Chaplaines for avoyding of which emulation he was preferred in Ireland rough and rigorous in Iustice hated of the Geraldines for his Masters sake his owne as he that crossed them diverse times and much troubled both the father and sonne in their governements nor unlike to have promoted their accusations All this while the Kings army was looked for and no succour came to the rebels which greatly quayled them being of themselves though stored with souldiours yet unfurnished with any sufficient munition to stand in a maine battell Moreover the number of wise Gentlemen did not greatly incline to his purpose And therefore when he besieged the City of Divelin the most part of those arrowes which were shot over the walles were unheaded and little or nothing affrayed them That espied the citizens and gathering the faintnes of his souldiours thereby blazed abroad upon the walles triumphant newes that the Kings Army was arryved and as it had beene so indeed suddenly rushed out of their gates uppon the Rebels who at the first sight of armed men weening no lesse but the truth was so otherwise assured that the Citty would never dare to incounter them gave ground forsooke their Captaines dispersed and scattered into diverse corners and never after met together A little before this time dyed the Earle of Kildare in the towre of London for thought and paine Sir VVilliam Skevington whom the Irish men call the gunner because hee was preferred from that office of the Kings Master-gunner to governe them and that they can full evill brooke to be ruled of any that is but meanely borne brought over an Army and with him Leonard Gray a younger sonne to the Marquesse Dorset Lord Marshall To whom Fitz Gerald yeelded and vvas sent into England vvhere hee vvith his Vncles and other principalls of the conspiracy vvere aftervvards dravvne hanged and quartered at Tiburne Soone after vvas the house of the Geraldines attaynted by Parliament and all of the name busily trayned out for feare of nevv commotions But Thomas Leurus late Bishop of Kildare schoole-master to a younger brother Gerald Fitz Gerald the Earle that novv liveth secretly stale avvay vvith
enterludes as no man remeÌ„breth the like He tooke ship towards England at the key of Divelin in Lent follovving accoÌ„panied to sea with the Estates Worshipfull of Ireland vvith innumerable harty prayers vvith that vvish of his returne vvhereof but fevv Governours in these last 60. yeares have held possession The man vvas surely much loved of them from his first office of Treasurer in the 2. yeare of Queen Mary stately vvithout disdaine familiar vvithout contempt very continent chast of body no more then enough liberall learned in many languages a great lover of learning perfect in blazoning of armes skilfull of antiquities of vvit fresh and lively in consultations very Temperate in utterance happy vvhich his experience and vvisedome hath made artificiall a preferrer of many a father to his servants both in warre and peace of commendable courage FINIS Faults escaped PAge 2. line 19. countie· p. 6. l. 24. Inchequin l. 26. de Burgo l. 28. Vlick 29. Thomond 34. Clancar p. 7. l. â—7 Killeene l. 32. Donsany 35. Beare-haven p. 8. l. 4. Brune l. 19. Doceter or D'exeter l. 22. Inchequin l. 29. Thomastowne p. 12. l. 12. Hiberus p. 21. in the â—argons for Dom reade mundi p. 22. l. 17. monarchy p. 30. l. 25. after purpose reade our p. 38. l. 36. for Mounster r. Vlster p. 46. l. 33. after Clerke adde astonished p. 61. l. 12. extreamely p. 65. l 7. coadiutors l. 30. Aldeâ—m p. 77. l. 13. after Knight adde 10. p. 82. l. 15. Birminghameâ— p. 84. l. 2. for Mounster r. Leinster l. 3. O-Tooles O-Birnes l. 37. Maupas p. 85. l. 11. Bignore p. 87. in the margent 1329. p. 90. l. 9. after Archâ—r adde Prior. l. 12. Kenwrick p. 93. in marg l. 2. 1399. p. 96. l. 32. prapofitâ—â—a p. 101. l. 5. least p. 105. l. 21. crosse out the first and. p. 118. l. 15. Rowks p. 123. l. 8. O Connor p. 136. l. 9. cheque rolles The lesser faults are as easily amended as found out by the Reader THE CHRONICLE OF IRELAND COLLECTED BY MEREDITH HANMER Doctor of Diuinity The second part THree hundred yeeres after the flood one Bartholanus the sonne of Sera with his three sonnes Languinus Salanus and Ruthurugus and their wives of the posterity of Iaphet are said to have arrived in this Island This opinion followeth Giraldus Cambrensis and him followeth Polychronicon and my selfe not meaning to swarve from the common opinion thought good to acquaint the posterity therewith With this Bartholanus as their Captaine came many of that line and multiplied exceedingly for the space of 300 yeeres to the number of 9000 fighting men Little is remembred of Bartholanus saving that with many hands he rid and made plaine a great part of the Country making paces thorow woods and thickets and that his sonnes left doubtfull remembrances of their names the first to Languinus Poole the second to mount Salanga since named Saint Dominicks hill and the third to Ruthurugus his Poole At the same time according to the common saying Where God hath his Church the Devill hath his Chappell many of the cursed seed of Cham arrived also in this Island with their Captaine Oceanus the sonne of Cham called of some Mena of Moses Mitzraim First he was in the yeere of the world 1802 the second Commander of Aegypt planted Colonies along the river Nilus and after hee had reigned there 7 yeeres he endevoured by navigation to subdue unto his Empire many parts of the world Thus waxing strong and mighty upon the seas hee prevailed much and travelled farre hee came to these North parts of the world landed many of his followers and in remembrance of his voyage left his name upon the seas which wash these lands which of him is yet called the Ocean sea After his departure hence his cursed line multiplied not so much in number as in all mischiefe and rebellion they set up a King of their owne they opposed themselves against the posterity of Iaphet they were great in strength and huge of stature and attempted great matters after the example of Cham or Zoroastres the Magician and Nimrod grandfather to Ninus they repined at the blessings bestowed upon Sem aâ—d Iaphet thinking it necessary to withstand and prevent all lawfull rule and dominion lest the curse of slavery prophecied by Noah should light upon them as at length it did Many bickerings and skirmishes were amongst them the successe was variable on both sides betweene the lawfull governours and these usurpers so much to the griefe of them that coveted to live in peace under their rightfull Princes that they determined with the chance of one generall battell either wholly to subdue those rebellious miscreants and tyrannous Giants or else to end their lives in freedome and so to be rid of farther misery They assemble together they gather their forces out of all parts of the land and comming to joyne battell with the Giants after they had fought fiercely together for the space of certaine houres the victory inclined to the rightfull part so that the lawfull Kings prevailing against this cursed brood great slaughter was made upon the whole sort of that pestiferous generation and the Kings meaning to deliver themselues of all dangers in time to come used their happy victory with great cruelty which turned to their owne confusion For they spared neither man woman nor child that came in their way for more despite and fuller satisfaction of their determinate revenge neither vouchsafed they to bury the carkasses of their slaine enemies but cast them out like a sort of dead dogs whereof through stinke of the same such an infective pestilence insued in all places throughout the Island by corruption of the ayre that few escaped with life except those that got them away by sea yea the infection was so great of those cursed carkasses of Cham his posterity that the dogs and wolves died thereof And here ended the whole race of Bartholanus and his of-spring and the Country excepting a few silly soules scattered in remote places was unpeopled And here commeth in a tale yet in great request among the Irish how that one Ruanus a Giant fearing this mortality fled into a cave and continued there till nature forced him to come forth for food and nourishment so hungry was hee that every thing was meat that came to his mouth hee covering his face with mosse and grasse fled to the farthest parts of the land into the winde to avoid the infection and so for a long time hauing taking the advantage of the ayre escaped death He is said to have lived two thousand and one and forty yeeres which is more then twice the age of Methushelah vnto the time forsooth of Saint Patrick to whom hee discoursed at large say they of all the accidents of former times In the end he was of Saint Patrick baptized and died after the birth of our Saviour
Monastery of Grenard was founded by Richard Tute who shortly after miscarried at Athlone by the fall of a Turret and was buried in the same Monastery About the same time in the yeere 1209. the Monastery of Forte was founded by Walter Lacy Lord of Meth. Anno 1210. and the twelfth yeere of his raigne King Iohn came into Ireland and landed at Waterford with an huge army marvellous well appointed to pacifie that rebellious people that were universally revolted burning spoyling preying and massacring the English Fabian and Graffton alleage the cause that moved the Irishmen to this rebellion to have been for that the King endevord to lay grievous taxes upon them towards his aide in the warres against the French King which they could not brooke and therefore rose in armes against their Soveraigne When hee came to Dublin the whole Countrey fearing his puissance craved peace and flocked unto him along the sea cost the Champian Countries and remote places receiving an oath to bee true and faithfull unto him There were 20. Reguli of the chiefest rulers within Ireland which came to the King to Dublin and there did him homage and fealty as appertained Harding nameth them Lord O Neale and many more Walsingham remembreth Catelus King of Conaght it forceth it not though they misse the right names of place and person it is a fault in manner common to all foraigne writers After this hee marched forwards into the land and tooke into his hands divers Fortresses and strong Holds of his enemies that fled before him for feare to be apprehended as William le Bruse Mathilda his wife William their sonne with their traine of whom I spake before also Walter de Lacy Lord of Meath and Hugh de Lacy Earle of Vlster and Lord Iustice of Ireland fearing his presence fled into France their exaction oppression and tyranny was intolerable Likewise they doubted how to answer the death of Sir Iohn de Courcy Lord of Ratheny and Kilbarrock within 5. miles of Dublin whom they had murthered of especiall malice and deadly hatred First for that he was of the house of Sir Iohn de Courcy Earle of Vlster whom the Lacies alwaies maligned Secondly for that he had made grievous complaints of them in England to King Iohn the tryall whereof they could not abide Vpon the sight of the Lacies King Iohn made Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich his deputy Of these Lacies it is further remembred in the Booke of Houth and other antiquities how that in France they obscured themselves in the Abbey of S. Taurin and gave themselves to manuall labour as digging delving gardening planting and greffing for daily wages the space of 2. or 3. yeares the Abbot was well pleased with their service and upon a day whether it were by reason of some inkling or secret intelligence given him or otherwise demaunded of them of what birth and parentage they were and what Country they came from when they had acquainted him with the whole hee bemoned their case and undertooke to become a suiter unto the King for them in a word hee obtained the Kings favour for them thus farre that they were put to their fyne and restored to their fromer possessions so that Walter de Lacy paid for the Lordship of Meath 2500. Markes and Hugh his brother for Vlster and Conaght a greater summe Hugh de Lacy in remembrance of this kindnesse which the Abbot shewed them tooke his nephew his brothers sonne with them into Ireland one Alured whom he Knighted and made Lord of the Dengle The Monkes also which out of that Monastery hee had brought with him into Ireland hee honoured greatly and gave them entertainment in Four the which Walter De Lacy had formerly builded King Iohn having pacified the land ordained that the English Lawes should bee used in Ireland appointed 12. English shires with Sheriffes and other Officers to rule the same according unto the English Ordinances hee reformed the Coine and made it uniforme some say it was Gray his Deputy of like weight and finenes and made it currant as well in England as in Ireland When hee had disposed of his affaires and ordred all things at his pleasure he tooke the sea againe with much triumph and landed in England the 30. day of August Anno 1213. When the French King by instigation of Innocentius 3. Bishop of Rome prepared to invade England King Iohn eftsoone understanding thereof made provision accordingly to answer his enterprise and among others the cause why the story is here inserted Holinshed writeth how that to his aid the Bishop of Norwich the Kings Deputy of Ireland levied an Army of 300. foot well appointed beside horsemen which arrived in England to the encouragement of the whole Campe. And as the French was frustrate of his purpose so they shortly returned with great joy to their native Country In the same yeere Viz. 1213. Iohn Comin Archbishop of Dublin departed this life and was buried in the Quire of Christ-Church whom Henry Loudres succeeded in the dayes of this King Iohn This Henry builded the Castle of Dublin and was made Lord Iustice of Ireland His tenants nic-named him Schorchbill or Schorcvillen upon this occasion Hee being peaceably stalled in his Bishopprike summoned all his tennants and farmers at a certain day appointed to make their personall appearance before him and to bring with them such evidences and writings as they enjoyed their holds by the tenants of the day appointed appeared shewed their evidences to their Landlord mistrusting nothing hee had no sooner received them but afore their faces upon a suddain cast them all into a fire secretly provided for the purpose this fact amazed some that they became silent moved others to a stirring choller and furious rage that they regarded neither place nor person but brake into irreverent speeches Thou an Archbishop nay thou art a Schorcvillen an other drew his weapon and said as good for me kill as be killed for when my evidences are burned and my living taken away from me I am killed The Bishop being thus tumult and the imminent danger whipt out at a backe doore His Chaplains Registers and Summoners were well knockt and some of them left for dead They threatned to fire the house over the Bishops head some meane was made for the present time to pacifie their outrage with faire promises that all hereafter should be to their owne content upon this they departed the intent of the promises I cannot learne othersome inveigh against it but in fine complaint thereof being made to Henry 3. the King thought so hardly of the course that he removed him from his Iusticeship and placed in his roome Maurice Fitz Girald of whom hereafter This Loudreds was buried in Christ Church In the same yeere also King Iohn being mightily distressed through the practises of hir Archbishops Bishops Abbots Monkes Priests of his dominions and the Barons of his Kingdome revolting and the inward hatred of the
of other Parliaments whereuppon a tallage was demaunded but not granted Anno 1414. The English slue of the Irish of the Omordris and Odemsis neer to Kilka Thomas Crawly Archbishop of Dublin then Lord Iustice of Ireland in Tristledermot praying in Procession with his Clergy and his men with the helpe of those of the Country slue one hundred of the Irish enemies In the feast of Saint Gordian and Epimachus the English of Meath were discomfited and there Thomas Manrevard Baron of Skrine was slaine and Christopher Flemnig and Iohn Dardis taken prisoners and many others were slaine by Oconthir and the Irish. On Saint Martins Eve Sir Iohn Talbot Lord Furnivall the Kings Lievtenant in Ireland landed at Dalkey Anno 1415 In the moneth of November a right noble man that walled the suburbs of Kilkenny departed this life and after Hallonide Fryer Patricke Baret Bishop of Fernes a Canon of Kenlis dyed and was buried there Anno 1416. On the feast day of Saint Gervasius and Prothasius the Lord Furnivall Lord Iustice of Ireland had a sonne borne at Finglasse about this time Stephen Flemming Archbishop of Armagh a venerable man died after whom succeeded Iohn Suaing And the same time dyed the Lord and Fryer Adam Leins of the Order of the Preaching Fryers Bishop of Ardmagh On the day of Saint Laurence the Martyr the Lord Furnivals sonne Thomas Talbot that was borne at Finglasse departed this life and was buried in the Quire of the Fryers Preachers Church in Dublin About the same time the Irish fell upon the Englishmen and slue many of them among whom Thomas Balimore of Baliquelan was one The Parliament which the last yeere had beene called and holden at Dublin was this yeere removed to Trim and there began the 11. of May where it continued for the space of 11. dayes in the which was granted unto the L.L. a subsidy of foure hundred markes Anno 1417. Vpon May Eve Thomas Granly Archbishop of Dublin went over into England and deceased at Faringdon but his body was buried in the New Colledge at Oxford This man is greatly praised for his liberality he was a good almes-man a great Clerk a Doctor of Divinity an excellent Preacher a great builder beautifull courteous of a sanguine complexion and of a tall stature in somuch as in his time it might be said unto him Thou art fairer then the sons of men grace and eloquence proceeded from thy lips He was 80. yeeres of age when he died and had governed the Church of Dublin almost 20. yeeres in great quiet Anno 1418. The Annunciation of our Lady was in Easter weeke and shortly after the Lord Deputy spoiled the tenants of Henry Crus and Henry Bethat also at Slane upon the feast day of S. Iohn and S. Paul the Earle of Kildare Sir Christopher Preston and Sir Iohn Bedlow were arrested and committed to ward within the Castle of Trim because they sought to commune with the Prior of Kilmaynan Vpon the 29. of Iune Mathew Husseil Baron of Galtrim deceased and was buried in the Covent of the Fryers Preachers of Trim. Anno 1419. upon the eleventh of May dayed Edmund Brel sometime Major of Dublin and was buried at the Fryers Preachers of the same City A Royall Councell was holden at the Naas where were granted unto the Lord Lievtenant 300. markes At the same time died Sir Iohn Loundres Knight The same yeere upon Cene thursday Othoill tooke fowre hundred Cowes belonging unto Balimore breaking the peace contrary to his oath The fourth Ides of May Mac Morthe chiefe Captaine of his Nation and of all the Irish in Leinster was taken prisoner And the same day was Sir Hugh Cokesey made Knight The last of May the Lord Lievtenant and the Archbishop of Dublin with the Major rased the Castle of Kenini The morrow after the feast of Processus and Martinianus the Lord William de Burgh and other Englishmen slue five hundred of the Irish and tooke Okelly On the feast day of Mary Magdalen the Lord Lievtenant Iohn Talbot went over into England leaving his Deputy there the Archbishop of Dublin carying along with him the curses of many because hee being runne much in debt for victuall and divers other things would pay little or nothing at all About Saint Laurence day divers dyed in Normandy as Fryer Thomas Butler that was Prior of Kilmainan and many others Whom Fryer Iohn Fitz Henry succeeded in the Priory The Archbishop of Dublin being Lord Deputy made an assault upon Scohies and slue thirtie of the Irish neere unto Rodiston Also the thirteenth of February Iohn Fitz Henry Prior of Kilmainan departed this life and William Fitz Thomas was chosen to succeed in his place was confirmed the morrow after Saint Velentines day Also the morrow after the Lord Iohn Talbot Lord Furnivall delivered up his place into the hands of the Lord Richard Talbot Archbishop of Dublin who was afterward chosen to be Lord Iustice of Ireland Anno 1420. about the fourth des of Aprill Iames Butler Earle of Ormond Lord Lievetenant of Ireland landed at Waterford and shortly after he caused a combat to be fought betwixt two of his cousins of whom one was slaine in the place and the other was carried away sore wounded unto Kilkenny On Saint Georges day the same Lord Lievetenant held a Councell at Dublin and there summoned a Parliament and after the midst thereof he made great preyes upon O Rely Mac Mahon Mac Gynoys And the seventh of Iune the Parliament began at Dublin and there were granted to the Lord Lievetenant seaven hundred markes And that Parliament continued for sixteene dayes and was adjourned againe to Dublin untill Munday after Saint Andrewes day And in the said Parliament were reckoned up the debts of the Lord Iohn Talbot late Lord Lievetenant which amounted to a great summe Also on the morrow after Michaelmas day Michael Bodley departed this life Vpon Saint Francis Eeve dyed Fryer Nicholas Talbot Abbot of the Monastery of Saint Thomas the Martyr at Dublin whom Fryer Iohn Whiting succeeded The morrow after the feast day of the Apostles Simon and Iude the Castle of Colmolin was taken by Thomas Fitz Girald And on Saint Katherines Eeven Buttler Sonne and heire unto the Earle of Ormond was borne and the Munday after Saint Andrewes day the Parliament was begun at Dublin and continued for thirteene dayes and there were granted unto the Lord Lievetenant three hundred markes and then againe the Parliament was adjourned untill Munday after Saint Ambrose day Then rumours were spread abroad that the Lord Thomas Fitz Iohn Earle of Desmond was departed this life at Paris upon Saint Laurence day and that he was buried in the Covent of the Fryers Preachers there the King of England being there present After whom succeeded his Vncle Iames Fitz Girald whom he had three severall times renounced alledging that he was an unthrift and had wasted his Patrimony both in Ireland and England and that hee gave or would give
having beene once so low brought and thoroughly subjected they afterwards lifted up themselves so strongly againe and sithence doe stand so stiffely against all rule and government Iren. They say that they continued in that lowlinesse untill the time that the division between the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke arose for the Crowne of England at which time all the great English Lords and Gentlemen which had great possessions in Ireland repaired over hither into England some to succour their Friends here and to strengthen their partie for to obtaine the Crowne others to defend their lands and possessions here against such as hovered after the same upon hope of the alteration of the kingdome and successe of that side which they favoured and affected Then the Irish whom before they had banished into the mountaines where they lived onely upon whitt meates as it is recorded seeing now their lands so dispeopled and weakened came downe into all the plaines adjoyning and thence expelling those few English that remained repossessed them againe since which they have remained in them and growing greater have brought under them many of the English which were before their Lords This was one of the occasions by which all those Countreyes which lying neere unto any Mountaines or Irish desarts had beene planted with English were shortly displanted and lost As namely in Mounster all the lands adjoyning unto Slewlogher Arlo and the bog of Allon In Connaght all the Countries bordering upon the Curlues Mointerolis and Orourkes Countrey In Leinster all the lands bordering unto the Mountaines of Glanmalour unto Shillelah unto the Brackenah and Polmonte In Vlster all the Countreyes neere unto Tirconnel Tyrone and the Scottes Eudox. Surely this was a great violence but yet by your speach it seemeth that onely the Countreyes and valleyes neere adjoyning unto those mountaines and desarts were thus recovered by the Irish but how comes it now that we see almost all that Realme repossessed of them was there any more such evill occasions growing by the troubles of England Or did the Irish out of those places so by them gotten breake further and stretch themselves out thorough the whole land for now for ought that I can understand there is no part but the bare English Pale in which the Irish have not the greatest footing Iren. But out of these small beginings by them gotten neare to the mountaines did they spread themselves into the Inland and also to their further advantage there did other like unhappy accidents happen out of England which gave heart and good opportunity to them to regaine their old possessions For in the raigne of King Edward the fourth things remained yet in the same state that they were after the late breaking out of the Irish which I spake of and that noble Prince began to cast an Eye unto Ireland and to minde the reformation of things there runne amisse for he sent over his brother the worthy Duke of Clarence who having married the heire of the Earle of Vlster and by her having all the Earledome of Vlster and much in Meath and in Mounster very carefully went about the redressing of all those late evills and though he could not beate out the Irish againe by reason of his short continuance yet hee did shut them up within those narrow corners and glynnes under the mountaines foote in which they lurked and so kept them from breaking any further by building strong holdes upon every border and fortifying all passages Amongst the which hee repaired the Castle of Clare in Thomond of which Countrey he had the inheritance and of Mortimers lands adjoyning which is now by the Irish called Killaloe But the times of that good King growing also troublesome did lett the thorough reformation of all things And thereunto soone after was added another fatall mischeife which wrought a greater calamity then all the former For the said Duke of Clarence then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was by practise of evill persons about the King his brother called thence away and soone after by sinister meanes was cleane made away Presently after whose death all the North revolting did set up Oneale for their Captaine being before that of small power and regard and there arose in that part of Thomond one of the O-Briens called Murrogh en-Ranagh that is Morrice of the Ferne or wast wilde places who gathering unto him all the reliques of the discontented Irish eftsoones surprised the said Castle of Clare burnt and spoyled all the English there dwelling and in short space possessed all that countrey beyond the River of Shanan and neere adjoyning Whence shortly breaking forth like a suddaine tempest he over-ran all Mounster and Connaght breaking downe all the holds and fortresses of the English defacing and utterly subverting all corporate Townes that were not strongly walled for those he had no meanes nor Engines to overthrow neither indeed would hee stay at all about them but speedily ran forward counting his suddennesse his most advantage that he might overtake the English before they could fortifie or gather themselves together So in short space hee cleane wyped out many great Townes as first Inchequin then Killalow before called Clariford also Thurles Mourne Buttevant and many others whose names I cannot remember and of some of which there is now no memory nor signe remaining Vpon report whereof there flocked unto him all the scumme of the Irish out of all places that ere long he had a mighty Army and thence marched foorth into Leinster where he wrought great out-rages wasting all the Countrey where he went for it was his policie to leave no hold behinde him but to make all plaine and waste In the which he soone after created himselfe King and was called King of all Ireland which before him I doe not reade that any did so generally but onely Edward le Bruce Eudox. What was there ever any generall King of all Ireland I never heard it before but that it was alwayes whilst it was under the Irish divided into foure and sometimes into five kingdomes or dominions But this Edward le Bruce what was hee that could make himselfe King of all Ireland Iren. I would tell you in case you would not challenge me anon for forgetting the matter which I had in hand that is the inconvenience and unfitnesse which I supposed to be in the lawes of the Land Eudox. No surely I have no cause for neither is this impertinent thereunto for sithence you did set your course as I remember in your first part to treate of the evils which hindered the peace and good ordering of that Land amongst which that of the inconvenience in the lawes was the first which you had in hand this discourse of the over-running wasting of the Realme is very materiall thereunto for that it was the begining of al the other evils which sithence have afflicted that land opened a way unto the Irish to recover their possession to beat out the English which had
lurke in so inward and absolute a priviledge the consideration whereof is to be respected carefully for the next succession And much like unto this graunt there are other priviledges graunted unto most of the corporations there that they shal not be bound to any other government then their owne that they shall not be charged with garrisons that they shall not bee travailed forth of their owne franchises that they may buy and sell with theeves and rebels that all amercements and fines that shal be imposed upon them shall come unto themselves All which though at the time of their first graunt they were tollerable and perhaps reasonable yet now are most unreasonable and inconvenient but all these will easily be cut off with the superiour power of her Majesties prerogative against which her owne grants are not to be pleaded or enforced Iren. Now truely Irenaeus you have me seemes very well handled this point touching inconveniences in the Common-Law there by you observed and it seemeth that you have had a mindefull regard unto the things that may concerne the good of that Realme And if you can aswell goe thorough with the Statute lawes of that land I will thinke you have not lost all your time there Therefore I pray you now take them in hand and tell us what you thinke to bee amisse in them Iren. The Statutes of that Realme are not many and therefore we shall the sooner runne thorough them And yet of those few there are impertinent and unnecessary the which though perhaps aâ— the time of the making of them were very needfull yet now thorough change of time are cleane antiquated and altogether idle As that which forbiddeth any to weare their beards all on the upper lippe and none under the Chinne And that which putteth away saffron shirts and smockes And that which restraineth the use of guilt bridles and petronels And that which is appointed for the Recorders and Clerks of Dublin and Tredagh to take but ij d. for the coppy of a plainte And that which commaunds Bowes and Arrowes And that which makes that all Irishmen which shall converse among the English shall be taken for spyes and so punished And that which forbids persons amesnable to Law to enter and distraine in the lands in which they have title and many other the like I could rehearse Eudox. These truely which yee have repeated seeme very frivolous and fruitelesse for by the breach of them little dammage or inconvenience can come to the Common-wealth Neither indeed if any transgresse them shall he seeme worthy of punishment scarce of blame saving but for that they abide by that name of Lawes But Lawes ought to be such as that the keeping of them should be greatly for the behoofe of the Common-weale and the violating of them should be very haynous and sharpely punishable But tell us of some more weighty dislikes in the Statutes then these and that may more behoofefully import the reformation of them Iren. There is one or two Statutes which make the wrongfull distrayning of any mans goods against the forme of Common Law to be fellony The which Statutes seeme surely to have beene at first meant for the good of that Realme and for restrayning of a foule abuse which then raigned commonly amongst that people and yet is not altogether laide aside That when any one was indebted to another he would first demaund his debt and if he were not payed hee would straight goe and take a distresse of his goods or cattell where he could finde them to the value which he would keepe till he were satisfied and this the simple Churle as they call him doth commonly use to doe yet thorough ignorance of his misdoing or evill use that hath long settled amongst them But this though it bee sure most unlawfull yet surely me seemes too hard to make it death since there is no purpose in the party to steale the others goods or to conceale the distresse but doth it openly for the most part before witnesses And againe the same Statutes are so slackely penned besides the later of them is so unsensibly contryved that it scarce carryeth any reason in it that they are often and very easily wrested to the fraude of the Subject as if one going to distrayne upon his own land or Tenement where lawfully he may yet if in doing therof he transgresse the least point of the Common Law hee straight committeth fellony Or if one by any other occasion take any thing from another as Boyes use sometimes to cap one another the same is straight fellony This is a very hard Law Eudox. Nevertheles that evill use of distrayning of another mans goods yee will not deny but it is to be abolished and taken away Iren. It is so but not by taking away the subject withall for that is too violent a medecine specially this use being permitted and made lawfull to some and to other some death As to most of the corporate Townes there it is graunted by their Charter that they may every man by himselfe without an Officer for that were more tollerable for any debt to distraine the goods of any Irish being found within their liberty or but passing thorough their townes And the first permission of this was for that in those times when that graunt was made the Irish were not amesnable to Law so as it was not safety for the Townes-man to goe to him forth to demaund his debt nor possible to draw him into Law so that he had leave to bee his owne Bayliffe to arrest his said debters goods within his owne franchese The which the Irish seeing thought it as lawfull for them to distrayne the Townes-mans goods in the Countrey where they found it And so by ensample of that graunt to Townes-men they thought it lawfull and made it a use to distrayne on anothers goods for small debts And to say truth mee thinkes it hard for every trifling debt of 2. or 3. shil to be driven to Law which is so farre from them sometimes to be sought for which me thinketh it too heavy an ordinance to give death especially to a rude man that is ignorant of law and thinketh that a common use or graunt to other men is a law for himselfe Eudox. Yea but the Iudge when it commeth before him to tryall may easily decide this doubt and lay open the intent of the Law by his better discretion Iren. Yea but it is dangerous to leave the sence of the Law unto the reason or will of the Iudge who are men and may bee miscaried by affections and many other meanes But the Lawes ought to bee like stony Tables plaine stedfast and unmoveable There is also such another Statute or two which make Coigny and Livery to bee treason no lesse inconvenient then the former being as it is penned how ever the first purpose thereof were expedient for thereby now no man can goe into another mans house for lodging nor to his owne Tennants
circumstances the descents of nations can only be proved where other monuments of writings are not remayning Eudox. Then I pray you whensoever in your discourse you meet with them by the way doe not shun but boldly touch them for besides their great pleasure and delight for their antiquity they bring also great profit and helpe unto civility Iren. Then sith you will have it so I will heere take occasion since I lately spake of their manner of cryes in ioyning of battaile to speake also somewhat of the manner of their Armes and array in Battell with other customes perhappes worthy the noting And first of their Armes and Weapons amongst which their broad Swordes are proper Scythian for such the Scythes used commonly as you may read in Olaus Magnus And the same also the old Scots used as you may read in Buchanan and in Solinus where the pictures of them are in the same forme expressed Also their short Bowes and little Quivers with short bearded Arrowes are very Scythian as you may reade in the same Olaus And the same sort both of Bowes Quivers and Arrowes are at this day to bee seene commonly amongst the Northerne Irish-Scots whose Scottish Bowes are not past three quarters of a yard long with a string of wreathed hempe slackely bent and whose Arrowes are not much above halfe an ell long tipped with steele heads made like common broad Arrow heades but much more sharpe and slender that they enter into a man or horse most cruelly notwithstanding that they are shot foorth weakely Moreover their long broad Shields made but with wicker roddes which are commonly used amongst the said Northerne Irish but especially of the Scots are brought from the Scythians as you may read in Olaus Magnus Solinus others likwise their going to battle without armor on their bodies or heads but trusting to the thicknes of their glibbs the which they say will sometimes beare off a good stroke is meere Scythian as you may see in the said Images of the old Scythes or Scots set foorth by Herodianus and others Besides their confused kinde of march in heapes without any order or array their clashing of swords together their fierce running upon their enemies and their manner of fight resembleth altogether that which is read in histories to have beene used of the Scythians By which it may almost infallibly be gathered together with other circumstances that the Irish are very Scots or Scythes originally though sithence intermingled with many other Nations repairing and joyning unto them And to these I may also adde another strong conjecture which commeth to my mind that I have often observed there amongst them that is certain religious ceremonies which are very superstitiously yet used amongst them the which are also written by sundry authours to have bin observed amongst the Scythians by which it may very vehemently be presumed that the nations were anciently all one For Plutarch as I remember in his treatise of Homer indeavouring to search out the truth what countryman Homer was prooveth it most strongly as he thinketh that he was an Aeolian borne for that in describing a sacrifice of the Greekes he omitted the loyne the which all the other Grecians saving the Aeolians use to burne in their sacrifices also for that he makes the intralls to be rosted on five spits which was the proper manner of the Aeolians who onely of all the nations of Grecia used to sacrifize in that sort By which he inferreth necessarily that Homer was an Aeolian And by the same reason may I as reasonably conclude that the Irish are descended from the Scythians for that they use even to this day some of the same ceremonies which the Scythians anciently used As for example you may reade in Lucian in that sweet Dialogue which is intitled Toxaris or of friendship that the common oath of the Scythians was by the sword and by the fire for that they accounted those two speciall divine powers which should worke vengeance on the perjurers So doe the Irish at this day when they goe to battaile say certaine prayers or charmes to their swords making a crosse therewith upon the earth and thrusting the points of their blades into the ground thinking thereby to have the better successe in fight Also they use commonly to sweare by their swords Also the Scythians used when they would binde any solemne vow or combination amongst thē to drink a Bowle of blood together vowing therby to spend their last blood in that quarrell even so do the wild Scots as you may read in Buchanan and some of the Northerne Irish. Likewise at the kindling of the Fire and lighting of Candles they say certaine prayers use some other superstitious rites which shew that they honour the Fire and the light for all those Northerne Nations having beene used to be annoyed with much colde and darkenesse are wont therefore to have the Fire and the Sunne in great veneration like as contrarywise the Moores and Egyptians which are much offended and grieved with extreame heat of the Sunne doe every morning when the Sunne ariseth fall to cursing and banning of him as their plague You may also reade in the same booke in the tale of Arsacomas that it was the manner of the Scythians when any one of them was heavily wronged and would assemble unto him any forces of people to joyne with him in his revenge to sit in some publicke place for certaine dayes upon an Oxe hide to which there would resort all such persons as being disposed to take Armes would enter into his pay or joyne with him in his quarrell And the same you may likewise reade to have beene the ancient manner of the wilde Scotts which are indeed the very naturall Irish. Moreover the Scythians used to sweare by their Kings hand as Olaus sheweth And so do the Irish use now to sweare by their Lords hand and to forsweare it holde it more criminall then to sweare by God Also the Scythians said that they were once a yeare turned into Wolves and so is it written of the Irish Though Master Camden in a better sense doth suppose it was a disease called Lycanthropia so named of the Wolfe And yet some of the Irish doe use to make the Wolfe their Gossip The Scythians used also to see the the flesh in the hide so doe the Northerne Irish. The Scythians used to draw the blood of the beast living to make meat thereof so doe the Irish in the North still Many such customes I could recount unto you as of their old manner of marrying of burying of dancing of singing of feasting of cursing though Christians have wyped out the most part of them by resemblance whereof it might plainly appeare to you that the Nations are the same but that by the reckoning of these few which I have told unto you I finde my speech drawne out to a greater length then I purposed Thus much onely for this
appeareth that there is not a little in the garment to the fashioning of the minde and conditions But be these which you have described the fashions of the Irish weedes Iren. No all these which I have rehearsed to you bee not Irish garments but English for the quilted leather Iack is old English for it was the proper weed of the horseman as you may read in Chaucer when he describeth Sir Thopas apparell and Armour as hee went to fight against the Gyant in his robe of Shecklaton which is that kind of guilded leather with which they use to imbroyder their Irish Iackets And there likewise by all that description you may see the very fashion and manner of the Irish horseman most truely set forth in his long hose his ryding shooes of costly Cordwaine his hacqueton his haberion with all the rest thereunto belonging Eudox. I surely thought that the manner had beene Irish for it is farre differing from that we have now as also all the furniture of his horse his strong brasse bit his slyding reynes his shanke pillion without stirruppes his manner of mounting his fashion of ryding his charging of his speare aloft above head the forme of his speare Iren. No sure they be native English and brought in by the Englishmen first into Ireland neither is the same accounted an uncomely manner of ryding for I have heard some great warriours say that in all the services which they had seene abroad in forraine Countreyes they never saw a more comely man then the Irish man nor that commeth on more bravely in his charge neither is his manner of mounting unseemely though hee lacke stirruppes but more ready then with stirruppes for in his getting up his horse is still going whereby hee gayneth way And therefore the stirrup was called so in scorne as it were a stay to get up being derived of the olde English word Sty which is to get up or mounte Eudox. It seemeth then that you finde no fault with this manner of ryding why then would you have the quilted Iacke laide away Iren. I doe not wish it to be laide away but the abuse thereof to be put away for being used to the end that it was framed that is to be worne in warre under a shirt of Mayle it is allowable as also the shirt of Mayle and all his other furniture but to be worne daylie at home and in townes and civile places it is a rude habite and most uncomely seeming like a players painted coate Eudox. But it is worne they say likewise of Irish Footmen how doe you allow of that for I should thinke it very unseemely Iren. No not as it is used in warre for it is worne then likewise of footmen under their shirts of mayle the which footmen they call Galloglasses the which name doth discover them also to be auncient English for Gall-ogla signifies an English servitour or yeoman And he being so armed in a long shirt of Mayle downe to the calfe of his leg with a long broad Axe in his hand was then Pedes gravis armaturae and was insteed of the armed footeman that now weareth a Corslet before the Corslet was used or almost invented Eudox. Then him belike you likewise allow in your straite reformation of old customes Iren. Both him and the Kerne also whom onely I take to bee the proper Irish Souldier can I allow so that they use that habite and custome of theirs in the warres onely when they are led forth to the service of their Prince and not usually at home and in civile places and besides doe laye aside the evill and wilde uses which the Galloglasse and Kerne doe use in their common trade of life Eudox. What be those Iren. Marrie those bee the most barbarous and loathly conditions of any people I thinke under heaven for from the time that they enter into that course they doe use all the beastly behaviour that may bee they oppresse all men they spoile aswell the subject as the enemy they steale they are cruell and bloodie full of revenge and delighting in deadly execution licentious swearers and blasphemers common ravishers of woemen and murtherers of children Eudox. These bee most villainous conditions I marvaile then that they be ever used or imployed or almost suffered to live what good can there then be in them Iren. Yet sure they are very valiaunt and hardie for the most part great indurers of colde labour hunger and all hardnesse very active and strong of hand very swift of foot very vigilant and circumspect in their enterprises very present in perils very great scorners of death Eudox. Truely by this that you say it seemes that the Irishman is a very brave Souldier Iren. Yea surely in that rude kinde of service hee beareth himselfe very couragiously But when hee commeth to experience of service abroad or is put to a peece or a pike hee maketh as worthie a Souldiour as any Nation hee meeteth with But let us I pray you turne againe to our discourse of evill customes amongst the Irish. Eudox. Me thinkes all this which you speake of concerneth the customes of the Irish very materially for their uses in warre are of no small importance to bee considered aswell to reforme those which are evill as to confirme and continue those which are good But follow you your owne course and shew what other their customes you have to dislike of Iren. There is amongst the Irish a certaine kind of people called Bardes which are to them in steed of Poets whose profession is to set foorth the praises or dispraises of men in their Poems or Rymes the which are had in so high regard and estimation amongst them that none dare displease them for feare to runne into reproach thorough their offence and to bee made infamous in the mouthes of all men For their verses are taken up with a generall applause and usually sung at all Feasts and meetings by certaine other persons whose proper function that is who also receive for the same great rewards and reputation amongst them Eudox. Doe you blame this in them which I would otherwise have thought to have beene worthy of good accompt and rather to have beene maintained and augmented amongst them then to have beene disliked for I have reade that in all ages Poets have beene had in speciall reputation and that mee thinkes not without great cause for besides their sweete inventions and most wittie laies they have alwayes used to set foorth the praises of the good and vertuous and to beate downe and disgrace the bad and vitious So that many brave yong mindes have oftentimes thorough hearing the praises and famous Eulogies of worthie men sung and reported unto them beene stirred up to affect the like commendations and so to strive to the like deserts So they say that the Lacedemonians were more excited to desire of honour with the excellent verses of the Poet Tirtaeus then with all the exhortations of their Captaines or
particulars but the truth may be found out by tryall and reasonable insight into some of their doings And if I should say there is some blame thereof in the principall Governours I thinke I might also shew some reasonable proofe of my speech As for example some of them seeing the end of their government to draw nigh and some mischiefes and troublous practice growing up which afterwardes may worke trouble to the next succeeding Governour will not attempt the redresse or cutting off thereof either for feare they should leave the Realme unquiet at the end of their government or that the next that commeth should receive the same too quiet and so happily winne more prayse thereof then they before And therefore they will not as I said seeke at all to represse that evill but will either by graunting protection for a time or holding some emparlance with the Rebell or by treatie of Commissioners or by other like devices onely smother and keepe downe the flame of the mischiefe so as it may not breake out in their time of government what comes afterwards they care not or rather wish the worst This course hath beene noted in some Governors Eudox. Surely Irenaeus This if it were true should bee worthy of an heavy iudgment But it is hardly to bee thought that any Governour should so much either envie the good of that Realme which is put into his hand or defraude her Maiestie who trusteth him so much or maligne his successour which shall possesse his place as to suffer an evill to grow up which he might timely have kept under or perhaps to nourish it with coloured countenance or such sinister meanes Iren. I doe not certainely avouch so much Eudoxus but the sequele of things doth in a manner proove and plainly speake so much that the Governours usually are envious one of anothers greater glory which if they would seeke to excell by better governing it should bee a most laudable emulation But they doe quite otherwise For this as you may marke is the common order of them that who commeth next in place will not follow that course of government how ever good which his predecessors held either for disdaine of himselfe or doubt to have his doings drowned in an other mans praise but will straight take a way quite contrary to the former As if the former thought by keeping under the Irish to reforme them the next by discountenancing the English will curry favour with the Irish and so make his government seeme plausible as having all the Irish at his commaund But he that comes after will perhappes follow neither the one nor the other but will dandle the the one and the other in such sort as hee will sucke sweete out of them both and leave bitternesse to the poore Countrey which if he that comes after shall seeke to redresse he shall perhappes finde such crosses as hee shall hardly bee able to beare or doe any good that might worke the disgrace of his predecessors Examples you may see hereof in the governours of late times sufficiently and in others of former times more manifestly wâ—en the government of that Realme was committed sometimes to the Geraldines as when the house of Yorke had the Crowne of England sometimes to the Butlers as when the house of Laencaster got the same And other whiles when an English Governour was appointed hee perhaps found enemies of both Eudox. I am sorry to heare so much as you report and now I begin to conceive somewhat more of the cause of her continuall wretchednes then heeretofore I found and wish that this inconvenience were well looked into for sure me thinkes it is more weightie then all the former and more hardly to be redressed in the governor then in the governed as a malady in a vitall part is more incurable then in an externall Iren. You say very true but now that we have thus ended all the abuses and inconveniences of that government which was our first part It followeth now that we passe unto the second part which was of the meanes to cure and redresse the same which wee must labour to reduce to the first beginning thereof Eudox. Right so Irenaeus for by that which I have noted in all this your discourse you suppose that the whole ordinance and institution of that Realmes government was both at first when it was placed evill plotted and also sithence thorough other over-sights came more out of square to that disorder which it is now come unto like as two indirect lines the further that they are drawne out the further they goe asunder Iren. I doe see Eudoxus and as you say so thinke that the longer that government thus continueth in the worse course will the Realme be for it is all in vaine that they now strive and endeavour by faire meanes and peaceable plotts to redresse the same without first remmooving all those inconveniences and new framing as it were in the forge all that is worne out of fashion For all other meanes will be but as lost labour by patching up one hole to make many for the Irish doe strongly hate and abhorre all reformation and subjection to the English by reason that having beene once subdued by them they were thrust out of all their possessions So as now they feare that if they were againe brought under they should bee likewise expelled out of all which is the cause that they hate the English government according to the saying Quem metuunt oderunt Therefore the reformation must now bee the strength of a greater power Eudox. But me thinkes that might be by making of good lawes and establishing of new Statutes with sharpe penalties and punishments for amending of all that is presently amisse and not as you suppose to beginne all as it were anew and to alter the whole forme of the governement which how dangerous a thing it is to attempt you your selfe must needes confesse and they which have the managing of the Realmes whole policy cannot without great cause feare and refraine for all innovation is perillous insomuch as though it bee meant for the better yet so many accidents and fearefull events may come betweene as that it may hazard the losse of the whole Iren. Very true Eudoxus all change is to be shunned where the affaires stand in such sort as that they may continue in quietnes or be assured at all to abide as they are But that in the Realme of Ireland we see much otherwise for every day wee perceive the troubles growing more upon us and one evill growing upon another insomuch as there is no part now sound or ascertained but all have their cares upright wayting when the watch-word shall come that they should all arise generally into rebellion and cast away the English subjection To which there now little wanteth for I thinke the word be already given and there wanteth nothing but oportunitie which truely is the death of one noble person who being himselfe most
charge most gladfully and willingly and surely the charge in effect is nothing to the infinite great good which should come thereby both to the Queene and all this Realme generally as when time serveth shall be shewed Eudox. How many men would you require to the furnishing of this which yee take in hand and how long space would you have them entertained Iren. Verily not above 10000. footemen and a 1000. horse and all these not above the space of a yeare and a halfe for I would still as the heate of the service abateth abate the number in pay and make other provision for them as I will shew Eudox. Surely it seemeth not much which you require nor no long time but how would you have them used would you leade forth your Army against the Enemy and seeke him where he is to fight Iren. No Eudoxus That would not be for it is well knowne that he is a flying enemie hiding himselfe in woodes and bogges from whence he will not drawe forth but into some straight passage or perillous foord where he knowes the Army must needes passe There will he lye in waite and if hee finde advantage fit will dangerously hazard the troubled Souldiour Therefore to seeke him out that still flitteth and follow him that can hardly bee found were vaine and bootelesse but I would devide my men in garrison upon his Countrey in such places as I should thinke might most annoy him Eudox. But how can that be Irenaeus with so few men for the enemie as you now see is not all in one Country but some in Vlster some in Connaght and others in Leinster So as to plant strong garrisons in all those places should neede many more men then you speake of or to plant all in one and to leave the rest naked should be but to leave them to the spoyle Iren. I would wish the cheife power of the Army to be garrisond in one Countrey that is strongest and the other upon the rest that is weakest As for example the Earle of Tyrone is now accompted the strongest upon him would I lay 8000. men in garrison 1000. upon Pheagh Mac Hugh and the Cavanaghes and 1000. upon some parts of Connaght to be at the direction of the Governour Eudox. I see now all your men bestowed but what places would you set their garrison that they might rise out most conveniently to service and though perhaps I am ignorant of the places yet I will take the Mappe of Ireland and lay it before me and make mine eyes in the meane time my Schoole-masters to guide my understanding to judge of your plot Iren. Those eight thousand in Vlster I would devide likewise into foure parts so as there should be 2000. Footemen in every garrison The which I would thus place Vpon the Blacke water in some convenient place as high upon the River as might be I would lay one garrison Another would I put at Castle-liffer or there-abouts so as they should have all the passages upon the River to Logh-foyle The third I would place about Fermanagh or Bundroise so as they might lye betweene Connaght and Vlster to serve upon both sides as occasion shall be offered and this therefore would I have stronger then any of the rest because it should be most inforced and most imployed and that they might put wardes at Balli-shanon and Belick and all those passages The last would I set about Monoghan or Balturbut so as it should fronte both upon the Enemie that way and also keepe the Countyes of Cavan and Meath in awe from passage of straglers from those parts whence they use to come forth and oftentimes use to worke much mischeife And to every of these garrisons of 2000. Footemen I would have 200. horsemen added for the one without the other can doe but little service The 4. Garrisons thus being placed I would have to bee victualled before hand for halfe a yeare which you will say to be hard considering the corruption and usuall waste of victualls But why should not they be aswell victualled for so long time as the ships are usually for a yeare and sometimes two seeing it is easier to keepe victuall on land then water Their bread I would have in flower so as it might be baked still to serve their necessary want Their Beere there also brewed within them from time to time and their Beefe before hand barelled the which may bee used but as it is needed For I make no doubt but fresh victualls they will sometimes purvay for themselves amongst their Enemies Hereunto likewise would I have them have a store of hose and shooes with such other necessaries as may be needefull for Souldiours so as they should have no occasion to looke for releife from abroad or occasion of such trouble for their continuall supply as I see and have often proved in Ireland to bee more cumberous to the Deputy and dangerous to them that releive them then halfe the leading of an Army for the Enemy knowing the ordinary wayes thorough the which their releife must be brought them useth commonly to draw himselfe into the straight passages thither-ward and oftentimes doth dangerously distresse them besides the pay of such force as should be sent for their convoy the charge of the carriages the exactions of the Countrey shall be spared But onely every halfe yeare the supply brought by the Deputy himselfe and his power who shall then visite and overlooke all those Garrisons to see what is needefull to change what is expedient and to direct what hee shall best advise And those 4. Garrisons issuing forth at such convenient times as they shall have intelligence or espiall upon the enemy will so drive him from one side to another and Tennis him amongst them that he shall finde no where safe to keepe his Creete in nor hide himselfe but flying from the fire shall fall into the water and out of one danger into another that in short space his Creete which is his cheife sustenance shall be wasted with preying or killed with driving or starved for want of pasture in the woods and he himselfe brought so lowe that he shall have no heart nor ability to indure his wretchednesse the which will surely come to passe in very short time for one Winter well followed upon him will so plucke him on his knees that he will never be able to stand up againe Eudox. Doe you then thinke the Winter time fittest for the services of Ireland how falls it then that our most imployments bee in Summer and the Armies then led commonly forth Iren. It is surely misconceived for it is not with Ireland as it is with other Countryes where the warres flame most in Summer and the Helmets glister brightest in the fairest Sunshine But in Ireland the Winter yeeldeth best services for then the trees are bare and naked which use both to cloath and house the Kerne the ground is cold and wet which useth to be his bedding the
so great a trouble as it seemeth hoped for although there should none of them fall by the sword nor bee slaine by the Souldiour yet thus being kept from manurance and their Cattle from running abroad by this hard restraint they would quickly consume themselves and devoure one another The proofe whereof I saw sufficiently exampled in these late warres of Mounster for notwithstanding that the same was a most rich and plentifull countrey full of corne and cattle that you would have thought they should have beene able to stand long yet ere one yeare and a halfe they were brought to such wretchednesse as that any stony heart would have rued the same Out of every corner of the woods and glynnes they came creeping forth upon their hands for their legges could not beare them they looked like anatomies of death they spake like Ghosts crying out of their graves they did eate the dead Carrions happy were they could finde them yea and one another soone after insomuch as the very carcasses they spared not to scrape out of their graves and if they found a plot of water-cresses or Shamrocks there they flocked as to a feast for the time yet not able long to continue therewithall that in short space there were none almost left and a most populous and plentifull countrey suddainely left voyde of man and beast yet sure in all that warre there perished not many by the Sword but all by the extremitie of famine which they themselves had wrought Eudox. It is a wonder that you tell and more to bee wondred how it should so shortly come to passe Iren. It is most true and the reason also very ready for you must conceive that the strength of all that Nation is the Kerne Galloglasse Stocah Horseman and Horseboy the which having beene never used to have any thing of their owne and now being upon spoyle of others make no spare of any thing but havocke and confusion of all they meet with whether it bee their owne Friends goods or their Foes And if they happen to get never so great spoyle at any time the same they waste and consume in a tryce as naturally delighting in spoyle though it doe themselves no good On the other side whatsoever they leave unspent the Souldier when hee commeth there spoyleth and havocketh likewise so that betweene both nothing is very shortly left And yet this is very necessary to bee done for the soone finishing of the warre and not onely this in this wise but also those subiects which doe border upon those parts are either to bee removed and drawne away or likewise to bee spoyled that the Enemy may find no succour thereby For what the Souldier spares the Rebell will surely spoyle Eudox. I doe now well understand you But now when all things are brought to this passe and all filled with these ruefull spectacles of so many wretched Carcases starving goodly Countreyes wasted so huge desolation and confusion that even I that doe but heare it from you and doe picture it in my minde doe greatly pittie and commiserate it If it shall happen that the state of this miserie and lamentable image of things shall bee tolde and feelingly presented to her sacred Maiestie being by nature full of mercy and clemency who is most inclinable to such pittifull complaints and will not endure to heare such Tragedies made of her poore people and subiects as some about her may insinuate Then shee perhappes for very compassion of such calamities will not onely stoppe the streame of such violence and returne to her wonted mildenesse but also conne them little thankes which have beene the authours and Councellours of such bloodie platformes So I remember that in the late government of that good Lord Grey when after long travell and many perillous assayes he had brought things almost to this passe that you speake of that it was even made ready for reformation and might have beene brought to what her Maiestie would like complaint was made against him that he was a bloodie man and regarded not the life of her subiects no more then dogges but had wasted and consumed all so as now she had nothing almost left but to raigne in their Ashes eare was soon lent therunto all suddenly turned topside-turvy the Noble Lord eft-soones was blamed the wretched people pittied new counsells plotted in which it was concluded that a generall pardon should be sent over to all that would accept of it upon which all former purposes were blancked the Governour at a bay and not only all that great and long charge which shee had before beene at quite lost and cancelled but also all that hope of good which was even at the doore put back and cleane frustrated All which whether it be true or no your selfe can well tell Iren. Too true Eudoxus the more the pitty for I may not forget so memorable a thing Neither can I bee ignorant of that perillous device and of the whole meanes by which it was compassed very cunningly contrived by sowing first dissention betweene him an other noble personage where in they both at length found how notably they had beene abused and how thereby under hand this universall alteration of things was brought about but then too late to stay the same for in the meane time all that was formerly done with long labor great toyle was as you say in a moment undone and that good Lord blotted with the name of a bloody man whom who that well knew knew to be most gentle affable loving and temperate But that the necessitie of that present state of things inforced him to that violence and almost changed his naturall disposition But otherwise he was so farre from delighting in blood that oftentimes he suffered not just vengeance to fall where it was deserved and even some of them which were afterwardes his accusers had tasted too much of his mercy and were from the gallowes brought to bee his accusers But his course indeede was this â—hat hee spared not the heades and principalls of any mischievous practises or rebellion but shewed sharpe iudgement on them chiefly for ensamples sake that all the meaner sort which also were generally then infected with that evill might by terrour thereof bee reclaymed and saved if it were possible For in the last conspiracy of some of the English Pale thinke you not that there were many more guiltie then they that felt the punishment yet hee touched onely a few of speciall note and in the tryall of them also even to prevent the blame of cruelty and partiall proceeding and seeking their Blood which he as in his great wisedome as it seemeth did fore-see would bee objected against him hee for avoyding thereof did use a singular discretion and regard For the Iury that went upon their tryall hee made to bee chosen out of their nearest kinsmen and their Iudges he made of some of their owne Fathers of othets their Vncles and dearest friends
broken of all the Lords and best Gentle-men of Fealtie to the Kings which now is no lesse needfull because many of them are suspected to have taken an other Oath privily to some bad purposes and thereupon to have received the Sacrament and beene sworne to a Priest which they thinke bindeth them more then their alleagiance to their Prince or love of their Countrey Eudox. This tything to the Common people and taking sureties of Lords and Gentlemen I like very well but that it wil be very troublesome should it not be as well for to have them all booked and the Lords Gentle-men to take all the meaner sort upon themselves for they are best able to bring them in whensoever any of them starteth out Iren. This indeed Eudoxus hath beene hitherto and yet is a common order amongst them to have all the people booked by the Lords and Gentlemen but yet the worst order that ever was devised for by this booking of men all the inferiour sort are brought under the command of their Lords and forced to follow them into any action whatsoever Now this you are to understand that all the Rebellions which you see from time to time happen in Ireland are not begun by the common people but by the Lords and Captaines of Countries upon pride or willfull obstinacy against the government which whensoever they will enter into they drawe with them all their people and followers which thinke themselves bound to goe with them because they have booked them and undertaken for them and this is the reason that in England you have few such bad occasions by reason that the noble men how ever they should happen to be evill disposed have no commaund at all over the Communalty though dwelling under them because that every man standeth upon himselfe and buildeth his fortunes upon his owne faith and firme assurance The which this manner of tything the poles will worke also in Ireland For by this the people are broken into many small parts like little streames that they cannot easily come together into one head which is the principall regard that is to be had in Ireland to keepe them from growing unto such a head and adhering unto great men Eudox. But yet I cannot see how this can bee well brought without doing great wrong unto the noble men there for at the first conquest of that Realme those great Seigniories and Lordships were given them by the king that they should bee the stronger against the Irish by the multitudes of followers and tennants under them All which hold their tenements of them by fealty and such services whereby they are by the first graunt of the King made bounden unto them and tyed to rise out with them into all occasions of service And this I have often heard that when the Lord Deputy hath raised any generall hostings the Noble men have claimed the leading of them by graunt from the Kings of England under the great Seale exhibited so as the Deputies could not refuse them to have the leading of them or if they did they would so worke as none of their followers should rise forth to the hostage Iren. You say very true but will you see the fruite of those grants I have knowne when those Lords have had the leading of their owne followers under them to the generall hostings that they have for the same cut upon every plowland within their country 40. shil or more whereby some of them have gathered above seven or eight hundred pounds and others much more into their purse in lieu whereof they have gathered unto themselves a number of loose Kearne out of all parts which they have carried forth with them to whom they never gave any penny of entertainement allowed by the Countrey or forced by them but let them feede upon the Countryes and extort upon all men where they come for that people will never aske better entertainement then to have a colour of service or imployment given them by which they will pole and spoyle so outragiously as the very enemy cannot doe much worse And they also sometimes turne to the enemy Eudox. It seemes the first intent of those graunts was against the Irish which now some of them use against the Queene her selfe But now what remedy is there for this or how can those graunts of the Kings be avoyded without wronging of those Lords which had those lands and Lordships given them Iren. Surely they may be well enough for most of those Lords since their first graunts from the Kings by which those lands were given them have sithence bestowed the most part of them amongst their Kinsfolke as every Lord perhaps hath given in his time one another of his principall Castles to his younger Sonne and other to others as largely and as amply as they were given to him and others they have sold and others they have bought which were not in their first graunt which now neverthelesse they bring within the compasse thereof and take and exact upon them as upon their first demeasnes all those kinde of services yea and the very wilde exactions Coignie Livery Sorehon and such like by which they pole and utterly undoe the poore Tennants and Free-houlders under them which either thorough ignorance know not their tenures or through greatnes of their new Lords dare not challenge them yea and some Lords of countryes also as great ones as themselves are now by strong hand brought under them and made their Vassalls As for example Arundell of the Stronde in the county of Corke who was aunciently a great Lord and was able to spend 3500. pounds by the yeare as appeareth by good Recordes is now become the Lord Barries man and doth to him all those services which are due unto her Majesty For reformation of all which I wish that there were a commission graunted forth under the great Seale as I have seene one recorded in the old Councell Booke of Mounster that was sent forth in the time of Sir William Drurie unto persons of speciall trust and judgement to inquire thoroughout all Ireland beginning with one county first and so resting a while till the same were settled by the verdict of a sound and substantiall Iury how every man houldeth his land of whom and by what tenure so that every one should be admitted to shew and exhibite what right he hath and by what services hee houldeth his land whether in cheife or in soccage or by Knights service or how else soever Thereupon would appeare first how all those great English Lords doe claime those great services what Seigniories they usurpe what wardships they take from the Queene what lands of hers they conceale and then how those Irish Captaines of Countryes have incroached upon the Queenes Free-holders and Tennants how they have translated the tenures of them from English houlding unto Irish Tanistry and defeated her Majesty of all her rights and dutyes which are to acrew to her thereout as wardships
Liveries marriages fines of alienations and many other Commodities which now are kept and concealed from her Majesty to the value of 40000. pounds per annum I dare undertake in all Ireland by that which I know in one county Eudox. This Irenaeus would seeme a dangerous commission and ready to stirre up all the Irish in Rebellion who knowing that they have nothing to shew for all those lands which they hould but their Swords would rather drawe them then suffer the lands to bee thus drawne away from them Iren. Neither should their lands be taken away from them nor the utmost advantages inforced against them But this by discretion of the Commissioners should be made knowne unto them that it is not her Majesties meaning to use any such extreamity but onely to reduce things into order of English Law and make them hould their lands of her and to restore to her her due services which they detaine out of those lands which were aunciently held of her And that they should not onely not be thrust out but also have estates and grants of their lands new made to them from her Majesty so as they should thence-forth hould them rightfully which they now usurpe wrongfully and yet withall I would wish that in all those Irish countryes there were some land reserved to her Majesties free disposition for the better containing of the rest and intermingling them with English inhabitants and customes that knowledge might still be had of them and of all their doings so as no manner of practise or conspiracy should be had in hand amongst them but notice should bee given thereof by one meanes or another and their practises prevented Eudox. Truely neither can the Irish nor yet the English Lords thinke themselves wronged nor hardly dealt withall herein to have that which is indeede none of their owne at all but her Majesties absolutely given to them with such equall conditions as that both they may be assured thereof better then they are and also her Majesty not defrauded of her rightly utterly for it is a great grace in a Prince to take that with conditions which is absolutely her owne Thus shall the Irish be well satisfied and as for the great men which had such graunts made to them at first by the Kings of England it was in regard that they should keepe forth the Irish and defend the Kings right and his Subjects but now seeing that in stead of defending them they robbe and spoyle them and in stead of keeping out the Irish they doe not onely make the Irish their tennants in those lands and thrust out the English but also some of themselves become meere Irish with marrying with them with fostering with them and combyning with them against the Queene What reason is there but that those graunts and priviledges should bee either revoked or at least reduced to the first intention for which they were graunted for sure in mine opinion they are more sharpely to bee chastised and reformed then the rude Irish which being very wilde at the first are now become more civill when as these from civillity are growne to be wilde and meere Irish. Iren. Indeede as you say Eudoxus these doe neede a sharper reformation then the Irish for they are more stubborne and disobedient to law and governement then the Irish be Eudox. In truth Irenaeus this is more then ever I heard that any English there should bee worse then the Irish Lord how quickely doth that Countrey alter mens natures It is not for nothing I perceive which I have heard that the Councell of England thinke it no good policie to have that Realme reformed or planted with English least they should grow so undutifull as the Irish and become much more dangerous As appeareth by the ensamples of the Lacies in the time of Edward the Second which you spake of that shooke off their allegiance to their naturall Prince and turned to Edward le Bruce to make him King of Ireland Iren. No times have bene without bad men but as for that purpose of the Councell of England which you spake of that they should keepe that Realme from reformation I thinke they are most lewdly abused for their great carefulnesse and earnest endeavours doe witnesse the contrary Neither is it the nature of the Countrey to alter mens manners but the bad mindes of the men who having beene brought up at home under a straight rule of duty and obedience being alwayes restrayned by sharpe penalties from lewde behaviour so soone as they come thither where they see lawes more slackely tended and the hard restraint which they were used unto now slacked they grow more loose and carelesse of their duty and as it is the nature of all men to love liberty so they become flat libertines and fall to all licentiousnes more boldly daring to disobey the Law thorough the presumption of favour and friendship then any Irish dareth Eudox. Then if that be so me thinkes your late advisement was very evill whereby you wished the Irish to be sowed and sprinckled with English and in all the Irish Countryes to have English planted amongst them for to bring them to English fashions since the English sooner drawe to the Irish then the Irish to the English for as you said before if they must runne with the streame the greater number will carry away the lesse Therefore me thinkes by this reason it should bee better to part the Irish and English then to mingle them together Iren. Not so Eudoxus but where there is no good stay of Government and strong ordinances to hould them there indeede the fewer will follow the more but where there is due order of discipline and good rule there the better shall goe foremost and the worst shall follow And therefore now since Ireland is full of her owne nation that ought not to be rooted out and somewhat stored with English already and more to be I thinke it best by an union of manners and conformity of mindes to bring them to be one people and to put away the dislikefull conceipt both of the one and the other which will be by no meanes better then by this intermingling of them For neither all the Irish may dwell together nor all the English but by translating of them and scattering them amongst the English not onely to bring them by dayly conversation unto better liking of each other but also to make both of them lesse able to hurt And therefore when I come to the tything of them I will tithe them one with another for the most part will make an Irish man the tythingman whereby he shall take the lesse exception to partiality and yet be the more tyed thereby But when I come to the Head Borough which is the head of the Lathe him will I make an English man or an Irish man of speciall assurance As also when I come to appoint the Alderman that is the head of the Hundreth him will I surely
handes till they come over to testifie their true alleagiance Iren. Indeede shee might so doe but the comberous times doe perhappes hinder the regard thereof and of many other good intentions Eudox. But why then did they not mend it in peaceable times Iren. Leave we that to their grave considerations but proceed we forward Next care in Religion is to build up and repayre all the ruined Churches whereof the most part lye even with the ground and some that have bin lately repayred are so unhandsomely patched and thatched that men doe even shunne the places for the uncomelinesse thereof therefore I would wishe that there were order taken to have them built in some better forme according to the Churches of England for the outward shewe assure your selfe doth greatly drawe the rude people to the reverencing and frequenting thereof What ever some of our late too nice fooles say there is nothing in the seemely forme and comely order of the Church And for the keeping and continuing them there should likewise Church-wardens of the gravest men in the parish be appointed as they bee here in England which should take the yearely charge both hereof and also of the Schoole-houses which I wish to be built neere the said Churches for maintenance of both which it were meete that some small portion of lands were allotted sith no more Mortmaines are to be looked for Eudox. Indeede me thinkes it would be so convenient but when all is done how will you have your Churches served and your Ministers maintained since the livings as you say are not sufficient scarce to make them gownes much lesse to yeeld meete maintenance according to the dignity of their degree Iren. There is no way to helpe that but to lay 2. or 3. of them together untill such time as the Countrey grow more rich and better inhabited at which time the Tythes and other obventions will also be more augmented and better valued But now that we have thus gone through all the 3. sorts of trades and set a course for their good establishment let us if it please you goe next to some other needefull points of other publicke matters no lesse concerning the good of the Common-wealth though but accidentally depending on the former And first I wish that order were taken for the cutting and opening of all places through woods so that a wide way of the space of 100. yards might be layde open in every of them for the safety of travellers which use often in such perillous places to be robbed and sometimes murdered Next that Bridges were built upon the Rivers and all the fordes marred and spilt so as none might passe any other way but by those Bridges and every Bridge to have a gate and a gate-house set thereon whereof this good will come that no night stealths which are commonly driven in by-wayes and by blinde fordes unused of any but such like shall not be conveyed out of one country into another as they use but they must passe by those Bridges where they may either be haply encountred or easily tracked or not suffered to passe at all by meanes of those gate-houses thereon Also that in all straights and narrow passages as betweene 2. boggs or through any deepe foord or under any mountaine side there should be some little Fortilage or wooden Castle set which should keepe and commaund that straight whereby any Rebells that should come into the country might be stopped that way or passe with great perill Moreover that all High wayes should be fenced and shut up on both sides leaving onely 40. foote breadth for passage so as none should be able to passe but through the high wayes whereby theeves and night Robbers might be the more easily pursued and encountred when there shall be no other way to drive their stolne cattle but therein as I formerly declared Further that there should bee in sundry convenient places by the high wayes townes appointed to bee built the which should be free Burgesses and incorporate under Bayliffes to be by their inhabitants well and strongly intrenched or otherwise fenced with gates on each side thereof to be shut nightly like as there is in many places in the English pale and all the wayes about it to be strongly shut up so as none should passe but through those townes To some of which it were good that the priviledge of a market were given the rather to strengthen and inable them to their defence for there is nothing doth sooner cause civility in any countrie then many Market townes by reason that people repairing often thither for their needes will dayly see and learne civill manners of the better sort Besides there is nothing doth more stay and strenghthen the Country then such corporate townes as by proofe in many Rebellious hath appeared in which when all the countryes have swerved the townes have stood fast and yeelded good releife to the Souldiours in all occasions of services And lastly there is nothing doth more enrich any country or Realme then many townes for to them will all the people drawe and bring the fruits of their trades aswell to make money of them as to supply their needefull uses and the Countrymen will also be more industrious in tillage and rearing of all husbandry commodities knowing that they shall have ready sale for them at those townes and in all those townes should there be convenient Innes erected for the lodging and harbouring of Travellers which are now oftentimes spoyled by lodging abroad in weake thatched houses for want of such safe places to shroude them in Eudox. But what profit shall your market townes reape of their market when as each one may sell their corne and cattle abroad in the country and make their secret bargaines amongst themselves as now I understand they use Iren. Indeede Eudoxus they doe so and thereby no small inconvenience doth rise to the Common-wealth for now when any one hath stolne a Cowe or a Garron he may secretly sell it in the country without privity of any wheras if he brought it to a market towne it would perhaps be knowne and the theife discovered Therefore it were good that a straight ordinance were made that none should buy or sell any cattle but in some open market there being now market townes every where at hand upon a great penalty neither should they likewise buy any corne to sell the same againe unlesse it were to make malt thereof for by such ingrosing and regrating wee see the dearth that now commonly raigneth here in England to have beene caused Hereunto also is to bee added that good ordinance which I remember was once proclaimed throughout all Ireland That all men should marke their cattle with an open severall marke upon their flanckes or Buttockes so as if they happened to be stolne they might appeare whose they were and they which should buy them might thereby suspect the Owner and be warned to abstaine from buying them of a suspected
through a pleasant Plaine Till with the Fanchin she her selfe doe wed And both combin'd themselves in one faire river spred Nath'lesse Diana full of indignation Thence-forth abandond her delicious brooke In whose sweet streame before that bad occasion So much delight to bathe her limbes she tooke Ne onely her but also quite forsooke All those faire forrests about Arlo hid And all that Mountaine which doth over-looke The richest champain that may else be rid And the faire Shure in which are thousand Salmons bred Them all and all that she so deare did way Thence-forth she left and parting from the place Thereon an heavy haplesse curse did lay To weet that Wolves where she was wont to space Should harbour'd be and all those Woods deface And Thieves should rob and spoile that Coast around Since which those Woods and all that goodly Chase Doth to this day with Wolves and Thieves abound Which too-too true that lands in-dwellers since have found To the right honourable Thomas Earle of Ormond and Ossory REceive most noble Lord a simple taste Of the wild fruit which savage soyle hath bred Which being through long warres left almost waste With brutish barbarisme is overspred And in so faire a Land as may be red Not one Parnassus nor one Helicon Left for sweet Muses to be harboured But where thy selfe hast thy brave mansion There indeed dwell faire Graces many one And gentle Nymphes delights of learned wits And in thy person without Paragone All goodly bounty and true honour sits Such therefore as that wasted soyle doth yield Receive deare Lord in worth the fruit of barren field E. S. To the most renowned valiant Lord Arthur Lord Grey of VVilton Knight of the noble order of the Garter c. MOst noble Lord the pillor of my life And Patron of my Muses pupillage Through whose large bountie poured on me rife In the first season of my feeble age I now doe live bound yours by vassalage Sith nothing ever may redeeme or reave Out of your endlesse debt so sure a gage Vouchsafe in worth this small gift to receive Which in your noble hands for pledge I leave Of all the rest that I am tyde t' account Rude rimes the which a rustick Muse did weave In savage soyle far from Parnasso mount And roughly wrought in an unlearned Loome The which vouchsafe deare Lord your favourable doome E. S. To the right noble Lord and most valiant Captaine Sir Iohn Norris Knight Lord President of Mounster VVHo ever gave more honourable prize To the sweet Muse then did the Martiall crew That their brave deeds she might immortalize In her shrill tromp and sound their praises dew Who then ought more to favour her then you Most noble Lord the honour of this age And Precedent of all that Armes ensue Whose warlike prowesse and manly courage Tempred with reason and advizement sage Hath filld sad Belgick with victorious spoile In France and Ireland left a famous gage And lately shak't the Lusitanian soile Sith then each where thou hast disspred thy fame Love him that hath eternized your name E. S. A translation made ex tempore by Mr Edm. Spenser upon this distich written on a Booke belonging to the right honorable Richard Earle of Corke c. NVlla dies pereat pereat pars nulla dieâ— Ne tu sic pereas ut periêre dies LEt no day passe passe no part of the day Lest thou doe passe as dayes doe passe away Verses upon the said Earles Lute VVHilst vitall sapp did make me spring And leafe and bough did flourish brave I then was dumbe and could not sing Ne had the voice which now I have But when the axe my life did end The Muses nine this voice did send E. S. This Booke includeth the first part of Cambrensis devided by him into 3 distinctions Which was delivered me by Iames Stanihurst Lagenia Conatia Hultonia Momonia Mediâ— Leinster An. Philip Mar. 3o. 4o. Irish families taken out of S. Henry Sidneys collections Dublinum Lib. fl Suir fl Meath Irish families Connaght Galvia Irish fam Ororicke Vlster Boyn fl Lacus â—oilus Dist. 1. Mounster Shanon fl Irish families Bishops in Ireland Bern. in vita Malach. An. 1148. Province of Ardmagh Dublin an 1212. S. Pat. booke of Recordeâ— Cashell Tuam English pale Flatsbury Stowe Flatsbury Baron of Aâ—ry Baron of Ardigh Baronets Gentlemen most ancient in Ireland of English bloud Aquavitae Camb. part 1. Io. Bohem. lib. 3 c. 26. Munst. lib. 1. Dist. 3. lib. 12.32 Barnacles Anseres arborei Volat. lib. 3. de grege Camb. dist 1. lib. 1. Anglor hist. cap. 1. I le of Man Gathelus Simon Brecke Epiph. cont heros l. â— tom 1. Munst. l. 2. Irish tongue Hibernia Irlamale Fab. part â— cap. 32. Hiberus in Cign cant Pliny writeth it Iuuernia Ibernis Iuerland Iâ—â—land Io. Ma. Sco. l. 1. c. 9. Old customes of the Irish. Epistle of an Irish Monke In praefat l. 1. dec 1. Cesara An. Dom. 1656 Rab. Isaac in Gen. 5. Anno mundi 1957. after the best authors which make 300. yeares and not 100 betweene Noes floud and Babeâ—l Bastolenus Clem. recogn l. 4. Giants first in Ireland Clem recognit l. 4. Gen. 9. Anno mundi 2257. Ruanus who is of some thought to be Fin Macoole Gen. 5. Gen. 10. Anno Mundi â—â—17 Nemodus Ann. mundi 2714. The sonnes of Dela Cantredes Meth. Ann. mundi 2800. Brennus Hector Boâ—th l. 1. Hist. Scot. Ioh. Major de gestis Scot. lib. 1. cap. 9. Gathelus Exod. 14. Hector Boeth lib. 1. Ann. mundi 2642. Hiberus and Hirimon The head Captaine was Bartholmew as many Authors affirme Fab. part 2. Grafton p. 60. Ann. mundi 3â—92 Severall Kingdomes in Ireland An. Dom 120. Bed l. 1. c. 1. Picts Ioh. Maior de gest Scot l. 1. c. 10. The words of Roderick King of Picts The Answer Iohn Stow. Bede lived an Dom. 7â—0 Anno Mundi 57â—7 ante Christum 330. Ioh. Major lib. 2. cap. 1. An. Dom. 160. Ioh Major l. 1. cap. 11. Bed l 1. c. 1. Rheuda Ioh. Maior de gest Scot. l. 5 c. 15. Lucan li. 5. An. Dom. 2â—8 An. Dom. 353. To. Maior li. 2. c. 1. An. Dom. 398. An. Dom. 423· Distinct. 3. Ioh Major l. 1. cap. 10. Pol. l. 1. Angl. hist. An. Dom. 42â— Nicephor l. 14· cap. 40· Plat. in Caelestin 1. Vita S. Patricij Ioh. Major l. â— cap 2. Prosp. Aquit in Chroni The life of S. Patrick Ioselin of Furness Ex Epist. Patricij An. Dom. 386. An Dom· 430. An. Dom. 492. Polichro l. 1. ca. 35. Trevis ibid. Distinct 3.6 Brigid Colum. Ex Vitis sanctorum Hiberniae An. Dom. 439. An Dom. 4â—8 Senanus An. Dom. 493. Brendan An. Dom 456. Edan or Madoc Molingus Fintan Malachias· An. Dom. 1014 Bernard in vita Malach. Banchor 1148. King of Mounster 586. Careticus K. of Brittaine Turgesius â—10 Turgesius murdered The words of O-malaghlien King of Meth. Waterford Limericke Dublin 1050.
authority with such paines as the person shall seeme to deserve for if hee be but once so taken idlely roguing hee may punish him more lightly as with stockes or such like but if hee bee found againe so loytering hee may scourge him with whippes or rodds after which if hee bee againe taken let him have the bitternesse of Marshall lawe Likewise if any reliques of the olde rebellion bee found by any that either have not come in and submitted themselves to the Law or that having once come in doe breake forth againe and walke disorderly let them taste of the same cuppe in Gods Name for it was due to them for their first guilt and now being revived by their later loosenesse let them have their first desert as now being found unfit to live in the Common-wealth Eudox. This were a good ordinance but mee thinkes it is an unnecessary charge and also unfit to continue the name or forme of any Marshall-Law when as there is a proper Officer already appointed for these turnes to wit the Sheriffe of the Shire whose peculiar Office it is to walke up and downe his Bayli-wicke as you would have a Marshall to snatch up all those Runnagates and unprofitable members and to bring them to his Gaole to bee punished for the same Therefore this may well be spared Iren. Not so me thinkes for though the Sheriffe have this authority of himselfe to take up all such stragglers and imprison them yet shall hee not doe so much good nor worke that terrour in the hearts of them that a Marshall will whom they shall know to have power of life and death in such cases and specially to bee appointed for them Neither doth it hinder that but that though it pertaine to the Sheriffe the Sheriffe may doe therein what hee can and yet the Marshall may walke his course besides for both of them may doe the more good and more terrifie the idle Rogue knowing that though he have a watch upon the one yet hee may light upon the other But this proviso is needefull to bee had in this case that the Sheriffe may not have the like power of life as the Marshall hath and as heretofore they have beene accustomed for it is dangerous to give power of life into the hands of him which may have benefit by the parties death as if the said loose liver have any goods of owne the Sheriffe is to seize thereupon whereby it hath come to passe that some who have not deserved iudgement of death though otherwise perhaps offending have beene for their goods sake caught up and carryed straight to the bough a thing indeed very pittifull horrible Therefore by no meanes I would have the Sheriffe have such authority nor yet to imprison that Lozell till the Sessions for so all Gaoles might soone be filled but to send him to the Marshall who eftsoones finding him faultie shall give him meete correction and ridd him away forthwith Eudox. I doe now perceive your reason well but come wee now to that whereof wee earst spake I meane to Religion and religious men what order will you set amongst them Iren. For Religion little have I to say my selfe being as I said not professed therein and it selfe being but one so as there is but one way therein for that which is true onely is and the rest is not at all yet in planting of Religion thus much is needefull to bee observed that it bee not sought forcibly to bee impressed into them with terrour and sharpe penalties as now is the manner but rather delivered and intimated with mildenesse and gentlenesse so as it may not be hated before it be understood and their professors despised and rejected And therefore it is expedient that some discreete Ministers of their owne Countrey-men bee first sent over amongst them which by their meeke perswasions and instructions as also by their sober lives and conversations may draw them first to understand and afterwards to imbrace the doctrine of their salvation for if that the auncient godly Fathers which first converted them when they were Infidells to the Faith were able to pull them from Idolatry and Paganisme to the true Beliefe in CHRIST as S. Patricke and S. Columb how much more easily shall godly teachers bring them to the true understanding of that which they already professed wherein it is great wonder to see the oddes which is betweene the zeale of Popish Priests and the Ministers of the Gospell for they spare not to come out of Spaine from Rome and from Remes by long toyle and daungerous travayling hither where they know perill of death awayteth them and no reward or richesse is to bee found onely to draw the people unto the Church of Rome whereas some of our idle Ministers having a way for credite and estimation thereby opened unto them and having the livings of the Countrey offered unto them without paines and without perill will neither for the same nor any love of God nor zeale of Religion nor for all the good they may doe by winning Soules to God bee drawne foorth from their warme neastes to looke out into Gods harvest which is even ready for the sickle and all the Fields yellow long agoe doubtlesse those good olde godly Fathers will I feare mee rise up in the day of judgement to condemne them Eudox. Surely it is great pitty Iren. that there are none chosen out of the Ministers of England good sober and discreet men which might be sent over thither to teach and instruct them and that there is not asmuch care had of their soules as of their Bodies for the care of both lyeth upon the Prince Iren. Were there never so many sent over they should doe smal good till one enormity be taken from them that is that both they bee restrayned from sending their yong men abroad to other Vniversities beyond the Sea as Remes Doway Lovaine and the like and others from abroad bee restrayned for comming into them for they lurking secretly in their houses and in corners of the Countrey doe more hurt and hinderance to Religion with their private perswasions then all the others can doe good with their publique instructions though for these latter there be a good Statute there ordained yet the same is not executed as for the former there is no law nor order for their restraint at all Eudox. I marvaile it is no better looked unto and not only this but that also which I remember you mentioned in your abuses concerning the profits and revenewes of the Lands of Fugitives in Ireland which by pretence of certaine colourable conveyances are sent continually over unto them to the comforting of them and others against her Majestie for which here in England there is good order taken and why not then aswell in Ireland For though there be no Statute there yet enacted therefore yet might her Majestie by her onely prerogative seize the fruites and profites of those Fugitives Lands into her