such people I know men had neede take heede for although for a time they dissemble their choller and their appetite to vengeance yet will they not faile to discover it as soone as they see a commodious time to bee revenged with advantage But all Princes resemble little the Tarquines or Pope Iulius whereof Machiavell speaketh For Tarquin who enterprised to sley king Servius Tullius his father in law to obtaine the kingdome of Rome shewed well by that act and many other that hee was a very tyrant His end was also such as commonly tyrants have for he was driven from his kingdome which hee had unduly and unjustly usurped and was compelled to passe the rest of his daies in great povertie as a private person banished from Rome with all his children And as for Pope Iulius hee was knowne for a true and disloyall tyrant who greatlie abused the bountie of king Lewis the twelfth For that good king tooke from the Bentivolians Boloigne and many other townes from such pettie lords as occupied them and delivered them into the popes hands because they were lands belonging to the Romane church Yet in recompence this good Pope by published bulls exposed the whole kingdome of Fraunce for a prey to whomsoever would take it together with all the countries and lands of the allies of Fraunce and so Iohn de Albert king of Navarre lost his kingdome and king Lewis lost Millaine and almost all that hee held beyond the mountaines as wee have said in another place And this was the recompence the king received for all his benefits of this disloyall and wicked Pope of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome and registred in our annales which in this sort speakes to his holinesse Of Gennua thy father was from Greece thy mother came A child then borne upon the sea what good in thee can bee Genuais deceivers are Greekes huge lyers are by fame No faith in sea thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee 7. Maxime A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt IT is not possible for me saith M. Nicholas to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince precepts to a new prince than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia duke de Valentinois sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt And although his affaires little prospered yet it vvas not vvholly his fault but rather the malignitie of an extraordinarie Fortune First then by the meanes of the Pope his father he troubled all the Estates of Italie that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them A thing he easily effected For at the instigation of the Pope his father and of the Venetians the king of Fraunce Lewis the twelfth passed into Italie and so soone as he arrived at Millaine hee gave succours to the Pope to subiugate Romania vvhich straight vvas reduced under the hands of Borgia for the reputation of the French puissance Secondly because at Rome there were two mightie factions the Colonoise and the Vrsine against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves hee got on his side the Vrsine faction by faire vvords and promises by the meanes wherof hee beat downe the French forces and overthrew the Colonois This being done he gained the gentlemen as vvell of the one faction as of the other honestly according them retaining them in his house giving them governments of townes and other honorable charges after their merites and qualities insomuch as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained vvithout cheefetaines After this by faire and sweet vvords accompanied vvith good presents he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia vvhich being once together in his hands he slew them all Having thus suppressed those two factions and seeing himselfe peaceable and all Romania and in the dutchie of Vrbin to make himselfe feared to represse the insolencies of the pettie lords of that countrey hee sent thither for governour Messiere Remiro Dorco a severe and cruell man unto vvhom he gave full power Who exercising his crueltie committed many executions by meanes vvhereof he vvith feare made all the countrey tremble and so as peaceable and obedient as might be What then did Borgia To make the vvorld beleeve that such cruell executions vvere not done by his command nor by his consent suddainly he caused publickely the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off after this being afraid of the Frenchmen he refused any more to be served with the French forces so he put them away and to assure himselfe against them he sought alliance vvith the Spaniards vvhich then made vvarre in the kingdome of Naples and so were farther off to hurt him than the French which abode at Millaine Besides all this he put to death all the lords which hee had wronged and all their generation and very few escaped least a new Pope after his father should take occasion to warre upon him to reestablish those lords or their posteritie in their heritage as for the Lords which hee had not offended hee drew them almost all on his side to help him to bridle a new Pope that hee might not enterprise any thing against him his purpose was to make himselfe lord of all Tuscane and after lord of all Italie And already hee had under his protection Pise and Sienna and Luca inclined unto him But Pope Alexander his father dyed and failed him at his neede so that his domination beeing yet as a thing hanging in the ayre which was nothing solide Pope Julius the eleventh easily dispoyled him Borgia seeing that fortune which before had shewed him so good a countenance turned her backe and prooved so maligne and contrary unto him fell sicke and dyed and upon his death bed hee said He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death which hee never supposed would so soone have come IS not heere a gallant life and a goodly hystorie to propose for princes to imitate or rather a marke of Gods just judgement Caesar Borgia an example of Gods judgement which wee see hee ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seeke to dominier For God in the end brings all their desseignes and goodly enterprises into smoke and makes them die in languishment and confusion and in displeasure that they have ever lived to see themselves falne into a mockerie and reproch with all the world by their wicked enterprises Yet this is not all for dying full of all vices not grieved for the evils they have done but rather for that they had no meanes nor leisure to doe more mischiefe they depart from this languishing life to goe suffer eternall paines by the just judgement of God who yeeldeth to the wicked persevering in their vices the reward of their merit Is not this wicked Borgia a faire example to us who at his
happie memorie For during his raigne and before the kingdome was governed after the meere French manner that is to say following the traces and documents of our French auncestors But since it hath governed by the rules of Machiavell the Florentine as shall bee seene heereafter Insomuch that since that time untill this present the name of Machiavell hath beene celebrated and esteemed as of the wisest person of the world and most cunning in the affaires of Estate and his bookes held dearest and most precious by our Italian and Italionized courtiers as if they were the bookes of Sibilla whereunto the Paynims had their recourse when they would deliberate upon any great affaire concerning the common wealth or as the Turkes hould deare and precious their Mahumets Alcaron as wee have said above And wee neede not bee abashed if they of Machiavells nation which hould the principall estates in the government of France have forsaken the ancient manner of our French ancestors government to introduct and bring France in use with a new forme of managing ruling their countrie taught by Machiavell For on the one side every man esteemeth and priseth alwaies the manners fashions customes other things of his owne countrey more than them of an others On the other side Machiavell their great doctor Cap. 3. De Princ. Discourse lib. 2. cap. 30. lib. 3. cap. 43. Machiavells slanders against the kings and the people of France describes so well France and the goverment thereof in his time blaming and reprehending the Frenchmens conduction of affaires of Estate that it might easily persuade his disciples to change the manner of French government into the Italian For Machiavell vaunteth that being once at Nantes and talking with the Cardinall of Amboise which was a very wise man in the time of king Lewis the twelfth of publike State affaires hee plainly tould him that the Frenchmen had no knowledge in affaires of Estate And in many places speaking of French causes hee reprehendeth the government of our abovenamed kings Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth yea hee hath beene so impudent speaking of that good king Lewis rebuking him for giving succours unto Pope Alexander the sixt that hee gives him the plaine lie saying hee belyes himselfe having passed Italie at the Venetians request yet succoured the Pope against his intention And in other places hee calls our kings Tributaries of the Suisses and of the English men And often when hee speaketh of the Frenchmen hee calleth them Barbarous and saith they are full of covetousnesse and disloyaltie So also hee taxeth the Almaignes of the same vices Now I beseech you is it not good reason to make so great account of Machiavell in France who so doth defame reproove the honour of our good kings of all our whole nation calling them Ignorant of the affaires of Estate Barbarous Covetous Disloyall But all this might bee borne withall and passed away in silence if there were not another evill But when we see that Machiavell by his doctrine and documents hath changed the good and ancient government of France into a kind of Florentine government whereupon we see with our eies the totall ruine of all France It infallibly followeth if God by his grace doe not remedie it soone that now it should be time if ever to lay hand to the work to remit and bring France againe unto the government of our ancestors Hereupon I humbly pray the Princes and great lords of France to consider what is their duties in this case Seemeth it most Ilustrious Lords seeing at this time poore France which is your countrey and mother so desolate and torne in sunder by strangers that you ought to suffer it to be lost and ruinated Ought you to permit them to sowe Atheisme and Impietie in your countrey and to set up schooles thereof Seeing your France hath alwaies been so Zealous in the Christian Religion as our ancient kings by their pietie and iustice have obtained that so honourable a title and name of Most Christian Thinke you that God hath caused you to be borne into this world to help to ruinate your countrie or coldly to stand still and suffer your mother to be contaminated and defiled with the contempt of God with perfidie with sodomie tyrannie crueltie thefts strange usuries and other detestable vices which strangers sowe heere But rather contrarie God hath given you life power and authoritie to take away such infamies and corruptions and if you do it not you must make account for it you can looke for but a greevous iust punishment If it be true as the Civilian lawiers say That he is a murderer and culpable of death which suffereth to die with hunger the person unto whom he oweth nourishment And shall not you be culpable before God of so many massacres murders and desolations of your poore France if you give it not succours seeing you have the meanes and that you are obliged thereunto by right of nature Shall you not be condemned and attainted of impietie Athisme and tyrannie if you drive not out of France Machiavell and his government Heere if any man will inquire how it appeareth that France is at this day governed by the doctrine of Machiavell the resolution heereof is easie and cleere For the effects which France governed by the doctrine of Machiavell we see with our eies and the provisions and executions of the affaires which are put in practise may easily bring us to the causes and Maximes as we have abovesaid which is one way to know things by ascending from effects and consequences to the knowledge of causes Maximes And whosoever also shall reade the Maximes of Machiavell which we shall handle heereafter and discend from thence into the particularities of the French government hee shall see that the precepts and Maximes of Machiavell are for the most part at this day practised and put in effect and execution from point to point Insomuch that by both the two wayes from the Maximes to the effects and from the effects to the Maximes men may clearely know that France is at this day governed by the doctrine of Machiavell For are they not Machiavelists Italians or Italianized which doe handle and deale with the seales of the kindgome of France Is it not they also which draw out and stampe Edicts Which dispatch all things within and without the realme Which hould the goodliest governments and fermes belonging unto the Crowne Tea if a man will at this day obtaine or get any thing in the Court for to have a good and quicke dispatch thereof hee must learne to speake the Messereske language because these Messers will most willingly heare them in their owne tongue and they understand not the French no not the tearmes of iustice and Royall ordinances Whereupon every man may coniecture and imagine how they can well observe or cause to be observed the lawes of France the tearmes whereof they
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
his sonne For how durst he punish that vice that hee had learned him therefore this example of Severus serveth little or nothing to maintaine the doctrine of Machiavell neither is one example so considerable against a million of others contrary for men must make a law of that which happeneth most often and in many examples not of that which seldome happeneth When Anniball began to execute evill his businesses in Italie and that the Romanes having taken courage began to follow him neere and to hould him short he tooke a cruell counsell which much advanced his ruine For the townes and fortresses which hee could not guard hee ruinated and destroyed that his enemies after him might not draw any commoditie from them nor make any use of them This was a cause that their courages which tooke part with him were alienated from him for saith Titus Livius Example toucheth men more than doth callamitie and losse It was a great crueltie in the duke Iohn of Bourgoigne when hee durst so much enterprise as to cause to bee slaine the duke of Orleance the kings onely brother Monst lib. 1 cap. 38. 39. 112. which crueltie cost many heads and was cause of infinit evils in the kingdome of France and finallie was the cause that the duke himselfe was massacred on the same manner that hee had caused to massacre the duke of Orleans But yet it is a thing more strange that this duke durst maintaine that he had great neede to commit that massacre Yea he found a doctor in Theologie called master Iohn Petit who durst affirme in tearmes of Theologie that that act was goodly praiseable and worthie of remuneration True it is that in the time wherein wee are there are found many such doctors of the bottle patrons defenders of sinnes and vices such as this Iohn Petit but as in the end hee was knowne to bee a lyer and a slanderer and his propositions condemned hereticall so God will cause his imitators of this time in the end to bee found like him but that the asse may appeare by his eares I have briefely set downe his oration The duke of Bourgoigne having made himselfe the stronger in armes within Paris hee tooke order that there should be held a Counsell and an assembly therein to propose his justifications In which Counsell assisted Monssier le Daulphin the king of Sicile the cardinall of Bar the dukes of Berry of Bretaigne of Lorraine and many contes barons and many other great lordes and the rector of the Vniversitie of Paris accompanied with many doctors clearkes and bourgesses There was brought in by an usher master Iohn Petit a doctor in Theologie before all those nobles to justifie the act of the duke of Bourgoigne After then they had given him audience with both his hands hee tooke off his great square doctorall bonnet from off his head and began to speake in this manner My most redoubted lordes Monseignior the duke of Bourgiogne contie of Flanders and Arthois twise peere of France An oration of a doctor in Divinity and deane of Peares is come before the most noble most high Majestie royall as to his soveraigne lord to doe him reverence in all obedience as he is bound by foure obligations which commonly are set downe by doctors in Theologie and of the cannon civile law Of which bonds the first is of neighbour to his neighbour the second of parent towards his parent the third of vassaile towards his lord and the fourth will bee that the subject not onely offend not his lord but also revenge such offences as are done against him There are yet other obligations that is That the king hath done much good honour to my lord of Bourgoigne For it pleased him that Monseignior le Daulphin should espouse his daughter that the son of my said lord of Bourgoigne should marry madame Michelle daughter to his royall majesty and as S. Gregorie saith Cum crescunt dona crescunt rationes donorum that is when gifts encrease so doe their obligations also All these obligations are cause that my lord of Bourgoigne hath caused to slay the duke of Orleance lately dead which act was perpetrated for the very great good of the kings person of his children and of all the realme as I shall so sufficiently shew as every man shall bee satisfied For the said Monseignior of Bourgoigne hath charged me by expresse commandement to propose his justification which thing I durst not denie for two causes The first because I am bound to serve him by an oth taken of mee three yeeres agoe The second because hee hath given mee a good and great portion every yeere to keepe mee at schole because hee considered I was smally benificed which pension did mee great good towards my expences and yet will so doe mee long if it please God and my said lord of Bourgoigne But when I consider the great matter I have taken in hand to handle before this noble companie great feare troubleth my heart for I know I am of small sense feeble of spirit and of a poore memorie so that my tongue and memory flieth away and that small sence I was wont to have hath now altogether left mee so that I see no other remedie but to commend mee to my God and creator and to his glorious mother to Monseigneur S. Iohn the Evangelist prince of Theologians And therefore I humbly beseech you my most redoubted lords all this companie if I say any thing which is not well said to attribute it to my simplenesse and ignorance that I may say with the Apostle Ignorans feci ideoque miserecordiam consecutus sum that is I did it of ignorance and therefore am I pardoned But some may here make a question saying It appertaineth not to a Theologian to make the said justification but rather to a jurist I answer That then it belongeth nothing to me which am neither the one nor the other but a poore ignorant man as I have sayd whose sence and memorie faileth yet a man may say and maintaine it That it well belongeth to a doctor in Theologie to defend his master and to say and preach the truth Men need not then be abashed if I lend my pore tongue to my lord and maister who hath nourished me For it is now in his great need that I lend him my tongue they that love me the lesse for it I thinke they commit a great sinne and hereof every man of reason will excuse me Then to begin this Iustification I take my theame upon that which S. Paul saith Radix omnium malorū cupidit as quam quidam appetentes erraverunt à fide These words are in the first to Timothie the sixt chapter and are thus englished Ladie Covetousnesse of all evils is the root which makes men disloyall Some may object to me that pride is the first of all sinnes because Lucifer by his pride fell from Paradice into hell and also
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
reignes and governement of Charles the eight Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first or before or long time after the French nation was contaminated with that vice as yet there are many good and naturall Frenchmen thankes bee to God which detest all perfidie and disloyaltie and are in no way affected to those exploits which the Italians and Italianized doe in France but rather doe sobbe and sigh in their hearts for to see the French nation to be diffamed with that infamous and abhominable vice detested and hated amongst all countries and nations And I hope also that the good and loyall Frenchmen will endevour themselves to recover the good renowne and reputation of the French nation which some degenerated and Italianized have defiled and polluted But wherefore doth Machiavell so diffame and disgrace the French nation for covetousnesse I doe much merveile at it For untill this present time the Frenchmen have alwayes had this reputation to bee Liberall Courteous and readie to doe any pleasure even unto straungers and such as are unknowne unto them And would to God that the French nation had never been of that nature and condition to doe well unto straungers without first knowing and trying their behaviours and manner of life we should not then see France to be governed and ruled by strangers as it is We should not feele the calamities and troubles of civile warres and dissentions which they doe enterprise there to maintaine their greatnesse and magnitude and to fish in troubled water The treasures of France should not bee so exhausted and drawne out by their rapines and most insatiable avarice as they are What countrey or nation is there in the world that feelcth or can iustly complaine of the covetousnesse of Frenchmen Or rather what nation is there which hath not felt of the liberalitie of the kingdome of France But contrariwise wee see with the eye and touch with the finger the covetousnesse and avarice of the Italians which doe undermine and ruinate us yea which also doe sucke out all our substance and wealth and leaves us nothing at all for our selves Some of them are Publicanes or Farmers of the kings revenewes or Farme-rents Some Farmers of the customes and fraights of marchandizes and carriages Some Farmers of yearely Tributes and Subsidies and some of the Princes private rents yea of all publicke and common profites belonging unto the French king rating them even at what price they will So that by that meanes infinite coine comes into their hands but there is but little which returneth againe to the publicke or common good of the Prince and countrey Others obtaine great Estates Offices and Benefices by the meanes whereof all the treasure and money of the kingdome of France fals into the hands of strangers And those Italians which have no meanes or occasions thus to deale with the publicke affaires of the Commonwealth doe hould and keepe bankes in good townes where they exercise most exorbitant and unmeasurable usuries by the meanes whereof they doe wholly eat and consume poore France and bring it unto confusion And although that in Machiavels time France was not fallen into that extreame evill and great calamitie as it is now at this present yet since that time have wee sufficiently felt the covetousnesse of the Italians in the warres which our kings of France have made in Italie and Piedmont For the great store of treasure and money that must needes have beene sent beyond the Alpes for to satisfie the insatiable and greedie lusts of the Italians was the cause oftentimes of encreasing and raising imposts and tallages upon the people which by little and little did rise so high that they exceeded and doe exceede many times more than halfe the revenewe of the poore Plebeian or common sort of people But this Italian covetousnesse which the Italians did exercise and use in the kingdome of France at that time by their dealings for to draw our treasure and money into their owne countrey was but honny in respect of that which they have exercised and doe still exercise more and more since that they have passed on this side the Alpes and that they came to dominiere and pearch all over the country of France and to hould and possesse Offices Benefices Fermes Customes Revenewes and Bankes as is heeretofore said And therefore it is clearely and evidently seene that it is as I may say against the haire that Machiavell and the other Italians dooth taxe the Frenchmen of Covetousnesse and Avarice Vnlesse a man will say that the Frenchmen are much to bee blamed and reprehended for Passive Avarice which is in them that is to say which they suffer and endure of the Italians who by their Active Covetousnesse which they doe practise and put in action amongst us doe clip the wooll on the backe and sucke our blood and substance as men do with sheepe And in this sence to take it as wee should it is certaine and assured that Machiavell blaming us of Passive Covetousnesse which we do suffer sheweth us breefely that wee are beastes which will suffer our selves so to bee bereaved and weakened of our wooll and our blood with patience by strangers For it may well one day come to passe that they may bee made to disgorge their booties and rapines and that their great heapes of money gotten by extortions in France may turne them unto damage For as the Poet Sophocles sayth Men must not seeke nor love of all things to get gaine For hee that draweth gaine out of that which is nought Before hee profit gets shall sooner losse sustaine For evill gotten goods are often dearely bought And whereas Machiavell taxeth and chargeth the Almaignes with Covetousnesse and perfidie heerein may be seene what an impudent and most wicked slanderer hee is For all men may plainely see that neither in their owne countrie nor in the townes of France where they dwell for their commerce and trafficke they practise no great and execrable usuries as the Italians doe but content themselves with a meane and reasonable profite for their money as of five or eight at the most for the loane and use of a hundreth Whereas the Italians doe often returne their money with the gaine of fiftie yea often of an hundreth for an hundreth And as for Marchandize and traffique it is well knowne that no other nation is more plaine faithfull sincere and loyall than they are in their bargaines and trafficke For they doe not refresh pollish and decke up their wares nor doe change them and sell one for another they set not a price of their marchandize more than it is worth but at the first word they aske what at the last they will have or not sell it without seeking any unmeasurable or extraordinarie profit upon them which know not what the marchandize is worth And as for perfidie deceit and treason the Almaignes have them in so great execration and detestation that they thinke there neither is nor can
unbrideled and undiscreet appetites but a good Prince cannot correct so many evill Counsellors which will feed their Prince with smoke and lies and will hide from him such things as he ought to know for the Commonweale This may yet be better shewed by the examples of many Princes which have ben Princes of little wisedome have beene well governed by good Counsâ—ll Capitol in Goâ—d Iun. of small wisedome and vertue and yet notwithstanding have well ruled the Commonwealth by the good and wise Counsell of prudent and loyall Counsellors wherwith they were served as did the Emperour Gordian the yong who was created Emperour at eleven yeares of age insomuch that many judged the Empire to be falne in to a childish kingdome and so into a weakenesse and a bad conduction But it proved otherwise for this young Emperour Gordian espoused the daughter of a wise man called Misitheus whom he made the high Steward of his houshold and governed himselfe by his Counsell in all his affaires so that the Romane Empire was well ruled so long as Misitheus lived Likewise Ioas king of Israel came to the Crowne a young child of the age onely 2. Kings 11. and 12. and 2. Chro. 23. of seven yeares but hee was governed by Ioiada his vncle a very wise man Insomuch that whilest that good Counsellor lived the kingdome was well and rightly administred Charles the sixt king of France was but thirteene yeares old when hee came to the Crowne was of small vnderstanding yet during his minoritie the kingdome was well and wisely governed by his three uncles the Dukes of Anjou of Berry and Bourgoigne There was nothing in their government to be spoken against but only that they were a little drawing unto themselves the kings treasure all other affaires were administred well and prudently Yet true it is that after the kings majoritie they yet entred into the government of the kingdome because of a phrensie that tooke the king which endured more than twentie years but then their government was corrupted by ambition covetousnesse a desire of vengeance envie yet as I said during the kings minoritie they did governe well The kings of France Clotharie the fourth of that name and Chilperic the second Annales of France vpon the year 716 the three following were both Princes of small vnderstanding and indeed had no wisdome to conduct the affaires of the realme but they had for a Counsellor and Conductor of their affaires that valiant Lord Charles Martell that during their reigne the realme was well ruled yea with many great and excellent victories In our time we know that the Emperour Charles the fift was left very young by his father and grandfather in such sort as during his minoritie hee could never have Du Bellay lib. 1. de se Memoires knowne how to governe his affaires which were great and in great trouble in many places His said father then foreseeing at his death that his sonne had need of a good overseer which were a good man ordained for that purpose to governe him and his affaires king Lewis the twelfth praying him to accept that charge knowing well the sinceritie and loyaltie of that good king which for nothing would wound his conscience as he did not althogh he might for therby he had offered him great occasions of enlarging his limits The king then loyally to acquit himselfe of that charge gave unto that young Prince for Governour a good man faithfull and of good understanding called the Lord de Chieures by the counsell of whom and of certaine other good Counsellors the affaires of that young Prince were much better managed even in that low age than ever they were in his fathers or grandfathers time This good government in that base age proceeding from good Counsell gave so great a fame and reputation unto that yong Prince that he was chosen Emperour at the age of 20 yeares The Emperour Domitian besides he was not wise he was wicked and exceeding cruell yet he during his raigne had so good hap to encounter and light upon such Suetonius in Domit. cap. 3. 4. 8. 10. Governors and Magistrates for the Provinces of his Empire being good and wise men that whilest he raigned the Romane Empire was well governed and there was none but certaine particular persons of Rome which felt the evill of his vices and crueltie Charles the eight king of Fraunce came to his Crowne at the age of thirteene yeares and was a very good Prince but of no great understanding nor wisedome Annales of France upoÌ„ the yeare 1484. yet the Estates that were assembled at Tours gave him a good Counsell which they did chuse of fit and capable persons by which Counsell the affaires of the kingdome were well governed during the kings minoritie although there fell out some emotions and stirres of some revolters I will not here repeat the example of the Emperour Alexander Severus who very young came to the Empire and under whom the affaires of the Commonwealth were well governed by the meanes of good Counsellors as is abovesaid I may also here adde many other examples of our kings of Fraunce which were not too spirituall and yet governed well by their good Counsell As also there were many Emperours of the Romane Empire some ignorant and brutish others voluptuous and effeminate others cruell and knowing nothing but to handle yron As were Philipus Licinius Dioclesianus Maximianus Carus Carinus Gallus Constantius Aurelianus Galienus Leon Macrinus Zeno Iustintanus and many others which yet made very good Lawes as wel for distributive justice as for the pollicie of the Empire as is seene by the Code of Iustinian which lawes wee must needs attribute to their wise and learned men which were their Counsellors for none of all them knew any thing or little except Macrinus how to make good Lawes Therfore I conclude this point against the Maxime of Machiavell That a Prince may wel governe wisely the Commonweale by the good counsell of good and faithfull Counsellors although he be evill provided of wisdome But here remaineth a difficultie which is not small How an unwise Prince may Of the election of good CouÌ„sellors and Magistrats provide good and loyall Counsellors seeing that Princes that are wise and well advised are therein often deceived And upon this point I confesse there is nothing harder nor of greater consequence to a Prince than to guide himselfe well in the election of such persons whereof he should compose his Counsell For there are great hypocrisies and dissimulations and one seemes to be a good man sincere and continent which shewes himselfe another man when meanes comes in his hand to corrupt vertue for to make his particular profit thereof And we see but too much by experience that the old Proverbe is true Honours change manners You may see how the most gracious and courteous in all the world the most affable and officious to every one that is
hardie withall he suffered them to take upon him some small advantages seeking still to draw them unto some place of advantage to fight with them as indeed he did They beeing swelled for that in some light skirmishes they had overthrowne some few of Annibals souldiors and thereby thought it was not honourable to recoile and that men would think their hearts failed them to flie before such as they had alreadie beaten resolved to give battaile and indeed they gave it but they lost it to their great shame and confusion Which the Romane Senate seeing sent against Anniball Fabius Maximus who was not so forward and it may bee not so hardie in enterprizing as Flaminius or Sempronius were but he was more wise and carefull as he shewed himselfe For at the first arrivall as the other did he did not aboord and set upon Anniball who desired no other thing but began to coast him a farre off seeking alwayes advantageous places And when Anniball approched him then would he shew him a countenance fully determined to fight yet alwaies seeking places of advantage But Anniball which was not so rash as to joine with his enemie to his own disadvantage made a shew to recoile and flie to draw him after him Fabius followed him but it was upon coasts and hils seeking alwayes not the shortest way but that way which was most for his advantage insomuch as Anniball saw him alwaies upon some hill or coast nigh him as it were a cloud over his head so that after Anniball had many times assaied to draw Fabius into a place fit for himselfe and where he might give battaile for his owne good and yet could not thereunto draw him said I see well now that the Romanes also have gotten an Anniball and I feare that this cloud which approching vs still hovers upon those hils will some of these mornings poure out some shoure on our heads Breefely the prudencie and wisdome of Fabius brought more feare and gave more adoe unto Anniball than all the Romane forces which yet was not small I have above recited another example witnessed of king Edward of England who said That he feared more the missives and letters of king Charles le Sage than he feared the great and puissant armies of 40 and 100000 men of his Father and Grandfather and that wrought him more trouble and broke more of his purposes and enterprises in enditing of letters than they ever did with their great forces Which is another witnesse made for prudence and good Counsell like unto the example of Anniball which witnesses are so much the more worthie of credite as the one proceeded from a most valiant king and the other from a most noble and hardie Captaine both which well knew by long use and experience how to helpe themselves with force and armes And if we consider the Romane hystories we shall truly find that the ancient Romanes made themselves lords and maisters almost of all the world more by wisdome and good Counsell than by force although they used both Therefore said Varro as by a common proverbe received in his time That the Romans vanquished sitting as if he would say As they sit in their chairs in their Senate they provide so for their affaires by good Counsell and wisedome that they get and obtaine the upper hand in all their enterprises Yea and we see that at this day the Venetians maintain very well their estate yea do augment and make it greater although they understand no thing how to handle armes and indeed when they must needs goe to warre they hire and wage people to doe it but yet notwithstanding are they wise and prudent keeping themselves as much as they can from the warre and when they have warre they do discreetly seeke meanes to quiet and appease it by some other way than by battailes besiegings of Townes or any other exploits of warre And assuredly they know better how to finish and bring a warre to an end by their wisedome and good Counsell without striking any stroke than many puissant princes by their forces and armes Hitherto we have spoken of a princes Counsell which in the time of the Roman A Senat and the Estates are things correspondēt emperours men called The princes Consistorie and our French The kings Priuie Counsell But now we must know that as well the Romane emperours as the kings of France of old have yet had another Counsell whereunto they had recourse in all their waightie affaires which were of great consequence as when they stood in need to make lawes ordinances and rules concerning the universall estate the Romanes called this Counsell the Senat and the French call it the Parlement But this name of Parlement aunciently signifieth an assemblie of the three estates as Philip de Comines saith and as is seene by all our French hystories Our kings also De Comines lib. 1. cap. 64. convocated sometimes with their ordinarie and priuie Counsell some good number of great Prelats and Barons of the realme and that assemblie they called The great Counsell But afterward men attributed the name of Parlement unto the assemblie of Iudges and Senators which judged causes and processes from whome there is no appeale And some thinke that our Parlement is at this day like unto the Senat of Rome but they are greatly deceived for the Romane Senat tooke not any knowledge of the processes and causes of particular persons but only dealt with affairs of the State of the universall government and pollicie and of matters of consequence unto all the Commonwealth and therefore the assemblie of the three estates in France doe much better resemble the Roman Senat than the Parlements doe at this day which might better be compared unto the Romans Centumvirat or to their Praetorian government which dealt in the knowledge of appellations and matters of justice distributive from which judgement ther was no appeale And as the name of Parlement is at this day otherwise applied than it was anciently so is it of the name of Great Counsell But to come to our purpose Wee read that the good Emperours never contemned or thought much in waightie affairs to take the advice of the Romane Senat and to governe themselves thereby for although that by the change of the estate which happened in the time of Iulius Caesar when the commonwealth was changed into a Monarchie the authoritie of the Senate was much abated and weakened yet there was never emperour found that durst enterprise altogether to abolish it but contrarie the good and wise emperors rather helped to establish their authoritie and power And the reason why no emperor good or wicked durst enterprise to abolish the Senate was because by the Law Roiall whereby the estate Monarchicall was established at Rome there was only transferred unto the king the authoritie and power of the people and not that which the Senat had Which people although they had sovereigne power over every particular person of
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
shuld the imposition have continued But certaine it is that this consent delivered by the said Estates concerned only the English warres which ending the said consent finished yet afterward the said consent and accord of the Estates was drawne into a custome In the time of king Charles the eight the Estates generall at Tours were convocated as well to provide for the government of the king and of the kingdome for his majestie was under age as also for Aydes and Subsidies which were freely graunted by the said Estates although the people of Fraunce were then very poore and ruinated And the abovenamed Comines sheweth one thing that is very true That the holding of the said Estates is very good and profitable for a king of France whereby he is both stronger and better obeyed but he complaines That in his time there were men as there are at this day unworthie to possesse those offices which they held who all they could hindered the holding of the Estates least their evill behaviors and incapacities should be espied and knowne Such men are of like humors as the unworthie Emperours Caligula Maximinius Commodus others whereof we have spoken above which hated the Senat of Rome because they would not have such correctors and controulers Let us now come to Machiavell to proove his Maxime which we have aboue The counsell of many is better than the counsell of oâ—e alone confuted by good reasons and examples He alleadgeth two reasons The one is that if a Prince governe himselfe by one Counsell alone it would proove dangerous for feare that the Counsellor seeke to occupie the Estate Whereunto I answere that that were considerable if principalities were at this day given by tumultuarie elections of souldiers as in times past the Romane Empire was given for he that could obtaine the favour of the men of warre either by love or money carried it away But in our time principalities are hereditarie or are given by grave and deliberate election of more staid and discreet people than were the Praetorian souldiers of Rome Yet doe not I approove that a Prince should be governed by one alone when he may have a greater number of good Counsellors for they that have so done in times past have found it evill and have repented it as more fully shall be shewed in the next Maxime The reason also is evident because one alone cannot so well by his wisdome examine and search out a matter or cause nor so well can prevent difficulties occurrents consequents that may happen as many can do Therfore also the wise Salomon approveth the counsell which is compounded of many The other second reason of Machiavell is that he saith That in a Counsell compounded Discordant opinions comming to one end is not to be feared of many there are alwaies discordances and contrarieties of opinions that they cannot accord Whereunto I answer That if a Counsell be compounded of good and fit men they will alwaies sufficiently agree in their opinions as experience sheweth it in the Counsels of many Princes and in the body of Common-weales although they disagree in motives reasons allegations and in other circumstances These discordances are often very profitable and necessarie if so be they all looke to one end which is the good of the Commonwealth As happened in the Counsell of the Senate which was held at Rome about that horrible and straunge conspiration of Catiline who with his companions went about to destroy his countrey with fire and sword For in that Counsell Caesar reasoned so gently as it seemed he made small account of the matter and in respect of his authoritie others after him reasoned in like manner so mildly and gently as Catiline and his partakers were in a good way to have been absolved But when it came to Cato his ranke he reasoned in another sort yea even plainely to rebuke such as spoke before him Great pitie it is sayth he that we are in such a time when men attribute the name of wicked things to such as are good Now is it accounted liberalitie to give the goods of another man it is magnanimitie to use violence and boldnesse it is mercie and clemencie to plucke criminall and condemned persons out of a Iustices hands And I pray you is it so small a thing to have conspired our destruction and the effusion of our bloud Another crime might be punished after it should be committed but who should punish Catiline after the execution of his conspiration and that we shal be all dead They which before have delivered their opinions seeme to be very liberall of our blouds and of the bloud of so many good men within Rome to spare that of a sort of wicked conspirators If they be not afraid of this conspiration so much the more my masters have we cause to feare to watch hold us upon our guards without too much trusting them which are in such assurance For our auncestors have made themselves great by diligence justice by good counsell free from all covetousnesse and viciousnesse Vnto them which are vigilant take paines and use good counsell all things succeed well but sluggards and cowards had need implore aid of the gods for no doubt they are both contrarie and angry with them And therefore my advise is that they which have confessed the fault should die the death of their desert Cato in this manner reasoning against the advise of others which had been before him greatly to his commendation drew the rest at the last to his opinion yet not more to his honour than to the dishonour of Caesar So then it is not ever evill that in a Counsell there should be sometimes Catoes and Appius Caludius and such like persons which often hold strong against others for affaires and businesses are so much the better cleared and boulted out It also holds other better in order which otherwise by too great facilitie and fear to contradict suffer themselves to be carried after the first opinion without debate or due consideration And truly in all Counsels there are but too many such as were Valerius Publicola Maenenius Agrippa Servilius Pompeius Caesar and such like which alwaies reasoned gently and mildly in all things but too few Catons Appius Claudius Quintus Cincinnatus and such like which in Senates hold rigorous opinions For although for the most part such rigorous opinions ought not to be followed yet they being mingled and dispersed amongst others they r serve well to bring to passe a good resolution and so doe make a good and sweet harmonie in a Counsell or Senat as Titus Livius sheweth in many places And therefore contradictions of opinions whereof Machiavell speaketh are not so much to be feared in Princes Counsels Against whose Maxime I conclude That the Prince which governeth himselfe by the counsell of men that be wise honest and experienced shall prosper in all good he that ruleth himselfe by his own head shall ruinate himselfe
were they most magnanimous and had their hearts so noble and generous as they never tooke footing upon any words spoken without good consideration but despised and held them at nothing The sentence of the wise man is verie true That slaunderers or false reporters Prov. 18. are like secret wounds which go downe into the bowels For as we see that wounds and impostumes which arise within mans body are almost all mortall and blowes with a sword and other outward wounds are much more likely to be healed so the words of detraction of blame and of slaunder that are tolde in the eare bring often destruction either to the reporter or to him to whom they are reported or to him of whom they are spoken either els to all together as I will shew by many approoved examples But when such words are openly spoken in the presence or at the least to the certaine knowledge of him whom they touch there is place to purge and justifie himselfe and to have recompence by justice or by reconciliation obtained and mediated by friends so that seldome comes any ruine of either one or other The Emperour Claudius was much ruled by Messaline his wife which was one Sueton. in Claudio cap. 37. Dion in Claudio of the most intemperate women of her time and by the high Steward of his houshold whom he had enfranchised called Narcissus who had too good intelligence with Messaline This good Lady was amorous upon a faire young Romane Gentleman called Appius Sillanus but he fearing the Emperour would not any thing yeeld unto the petulancie and wantonnesse of the Empresse What did she seeing his refusall she and Narcissus plotted together seperatly and one after another to tell the Emperour that they had dreamed sleeping That there entred a man into the Emperours chamber to slay him which was verie like Sillanus And they resolved to tell him this dreame in a morning when they came to salute him at that time also they tooke order that Sillanus at the same houre should enter to the end the Emperour who was fearfull upon his feare he should have of the rehearsall of the dreame and of the present sight of Sillanus might commaund to slay him This enterprise being thus made Messaline sent to Sillanus as from the Emperour that he should not faile to come unto him the next morning at his arising for a certaine affaire whereof he had to speake with him The next morning came Narcissus before day and knocked at the Emperours chamber doore and it was opened unto him beeing entred and counterfaiting a great astonishment approched the Emperours bed and seeing him said The gods be praysed that that is not come to passe which I dreamed in my bed Sir how diddest thou dreame said the Emperour Sir said he I dreamed that Appius Sillanus had slaine you about this houre and awaking upon it I straight come to tell you for sometimes dreames are images of true things and are not to bee despised The Emperour who was naturally fearfull begun to be troubled the aforesaid Madame also tooke her course to the Emperours bed-side faining also a great amasement who incontinent told her Narcissus his dreame she withall making admirations at it Oye gods behold a strange thing all this night I have done nothing but dreame that I saw a man verie like Sillanus which would needs have entred hither for some wicked enterprise The emperour seeing the concordance of those dreames his feare was redoubled especially because Messaline told him that that was the onely cause of her rising so timely for that this vision was ever before her eyes that shee could not rest at her ease Vpon that talke Sillanus came and knocked at the dore the Vsher which kept the chamber dore came to tell the Emperor that Sillanus was there and would speake with him Messaline and Narcissus then made a shew of feare and great wonderment and told the Emperour that it were good to command streight to slay him least he were slaine himselfe The Emperor Claudius which trembled for feare and was exceedingly troubled in his mind beleeved them and commanded to slay that honest gentleman Behold how by false reports yea by the report of a dreame maliciously devised this noble person lost his life And it is to be marked in this hystorie that these false reporters customably have this subtiltie to trouble a princes sences if they can either with feare or anger or by some other meane bring that which they would to their purpose The Emperour Severus had two sonnes Bassianus and Geta which he caused to Sparti in Anto. Carac Herod lib. 3 4. be instructed the best he could possibly and equally loved them both and ordained them both to be Emperours together after him for alreadie they had experience that Marcus Antonius and Lucius Verus were together Emperours in good concord and after then Dioclesian and Maximian Maximus and Balbinus Theodosius and Honorius Constantius and Galerius Valentinianus and Valens and many others which hath shewed that a soveraigne principalitie is not incompatible of two in consort and fellowship as is accounted Severus then being in this purpose to leave the government of the Empire to his two sons together flatterers about them disposed it otherwise for they ceased not daily to make false reports of the one against the other making one understand that his brother had such and such talke of him and that he aspired to be alone Emperor after his father and that it were good to provide betimes and that it were better to prevent than to bee prevented and alike the flatterers of the other said as much to the other and more if they could insomuch that those two young princes fell into so great and mortall enmitie one against the other that not onely the one hated all the friends and servants of the other but also even to death they hated all them which would have agreed them As soone as Severus their father was dead Laetus which was one of the Marmosets of Bassianus persuaded him to slay his brother Geta and to feine that he was assailed by him This counsell was found good of Bassianus who was audacious ynough and readie with his hand to give the blow so that one morning he entred into Iulia the Empresse her chamber mother of Geta whome hee found there and slew him betwixt his mothers armes who was all bloudie with the bloud of her sonne Incontinently Bassianus got him out and went to find the souldiers of the guard seeming to be much troubled and escaped Maisters said hee I have escaped faire my brother would have slaine mee but I am gotten out of his hands I pray you let us to the campe and keepe you me companie for I am not well assured here The souldiers which knew nothing of the blow he had given beleeved it was true and followed him much greeved that his brother Geta had so enterprised upon him Being in the campe hee
do often proceed when kings governe themselves by men of base hand as they call them for then are princes and great lords jealous And therefore to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised a prince ought so to advance meane men that hee recoile not great men and meane men ought alwaies to acknowledge the place from whence they came respecting great men according to their degrees without staggering in their dutie to their prince common-wealth And when they see that by some accident they are evill beloved of great men or of the common people and that for the good of peace it is requisit to extinguish the envie and jealousie conceived against them they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate For willingly to retaine it to the detriment and confusion of the common-wealth therein doe they evidently shew that they are not good servants of their prince King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loiall as M. Tanguy du Chastell M. Iohn Lowet president de Provence the Bishop of Cleremont Annal. upon An. 1426. and certaine others of meane qualitie which had done him great services in great affaires he had had as well when he was Dolphin as after he was king At that time this king had civile warre against the duke of Burgoigne whome secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured which warre the king would gladly have had extinguished Therefore hee himselfe openly spoke to the said lords and dukes which made him answere That they were content to come to some good accord provided that hee would put from him such Counsellors as he had and take others These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this said to the king Since Sir it holds but thereon to quench civile warre which there is against the house of Burgoigne let them all goe home againe it shall not come of us that so good a thing shall bee hindered and they themselves desired and counselled the king to accord to that condition These were good and loyall Counsellors but they are dead and there are no more such to bee found But such there are now adaies which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruine than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint and soone after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne These good persons alledged not That men sought to take away the kings faithfull Counsellors to seduce and deceive him and that their dutie commaunded them then more than ever to keepe nigh his Majestie seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdome and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors and disloiall No no they alledged no such thing they looked right upon the white to keepe peace in the kingdome For they knew well that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne that he could soone have answered replied that they were too presumptuous and proud to thinke that in all the kingdome of Fraunce there could not be found people as wise and faithfull to their prince as they For in all times the kingdome of Fraunce more than any other hath ever beene well furnished with wise and vertuous people of the Nobilitie Iustice Cleargie yea Marchants and of the third Estate To come againe to our purpose certaine it is That a prince which committeth the government of his affaires to one alone brings himselfe in great daunger and hardly can such governement bee without great mischeefes and disorders For this commonly men hold That being lifted up unto great honor and dignitie they cannot hold a moderation and mediocritie which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions The emperour Severus so high advaunced Plautianus that being great master of his houshold the people thought seeing his dealings in his office that hee was the emperour himselfe and that Severus was but his great master Hee Dion Spartian Severo slew robbed banished confiscated the goods of all such as hee would in the sight and knowledge of Severus who contradicted him in nothing So farre mounted this great and immoderate license that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slaine and his two sonnes But his wickednesse was disclosed by a captaine unto whom he had discovered it insomuch that Severus caused him to come before him and although by nature he were a cruell Prince yet was he so firmely affected to Plautianus that he never spoke sharpe or rigorous word unto him but onely uttered this remonstrance I am abashed Plautianus how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me who have so much loved and exalted thee and against my children whereof Bassianus my eldest sonne hath married your daughter and so is your sonne in law Truly the condition of men is very miserable that cannot maintaine themselves in such honour and dignitie as I have placed you in I pray you tell me your reasons defences to purge you of this act The abovesaid Bassianus seeing that the emperour his father would receive Plautianus to his justification fearing he should have escaped caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father adding to the saying of Severus Certaine it is that great honors attributed to one man alone as to governe the affaires of a kingdome not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason but also subjects him unto great envies wherby great mischeefes happen unto him In the time of Philip le Bell king of Fraunce M. Enguerrant de Marigni Countie Annal. upon An. 1314 1326. de Longuevile a valiant and wise knight governed almost all the affaires of the king and his kingdome and especially of his common treasure which was distributed by his ordinance Amongst other things he caused to build that great Pallace at Paris where the court of parliament is held After the death of king Philip Charles Counte de Valois his brother begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certaine commissionaries of the said court delegated for that purpose And so farre did the said Countie de Valois being a great lord prince of the bloud and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin his nephew and sonne of the said Philip pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master that he was condemned to bee hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris as he was indeed This happened onely unto him by the envie he had procured by his great place and too great credit For true it is that he was accused of many things but he was not condemned of any punishable thing But our hystories say That he was not received unto his justifications and defences he was so fiercely pursued by the said Countie de Valois who after he had caused him to bee hanged and that
by strangers that evill hap had not come unto him That great king Asseuerus which held the empire of the Medes and Persians and Ester cap. 6 7 8 c. governed over 127. countries a great while governed himselfe by a stranger called Aman who was a Macedonian this Aman seeing himselfe in credit durst enterprise unjustlie to make die Mardocheus who had alwaies beene the kings good and faithfull servant under the pretext and colour that he was not of the kings religion and to cover the particular enmitie which he had against Mardocheus and to the end to make it see me that he would not this harme to him alone he found meanes to the king to cause a generall commandement for the massacring and murdering of all such as were of Mardocheus his religion But the king having beene advertised that Mardocheus had done him good services and that that which Aman did was but upon envie revoked the commaundement and would not have that massacre to be executed but caused to hang and strangle the Macedonian which would have had him brought his kingdomes and countries into combustion by so horrible an effusion of blood as he had caused to be enterprised and gave his estate to Mardocheus Alexander king of Epirotes had drawne and gathered into his countrie a great number of Lucanians banished and chased out of their countrie and vsed them with such curtesie and hospitalitie that not only he permitted them to dwell in Epire but also served himselfe with them and reputed them for his good and faithfull friends and vsed them with all the best dealing he could But it so happened that the king had warre against the countrie of those banished people and so thought to be well served with them in this war as indeed they promised him saying They desired no more than to revenge themselves of such as had banished and chased them out of their countrie and to bring the countrie into the obedience of Alexander and to be afterward established in their goods in authoritie under him in the said countrie But as it ordinarilie commeth saith Titus Livius that such people have spirits and faith as mutable as their fortune they used the matter otherwise than they promised the king and than he looked for For they made secret compacts to betray this king with their countrimen which promised them a restauration into their goods and authority which they had in their said countrie before their banishment provided that they would deliver the king either alive or dead which willing to execute they did so much that they persuaded this king to give battaile against the Lucanians and there should he know the good affection they had to do him service and to fight against such as had banished them insomuch that they came to the battaile there this banished people did so much that they brought this king Alexander into a place nigh the flood Acheron from drowning in which he could not save himselfe but by swimming over the floud Being then brought to that place and straight they begun to shew their treason and turned themselves against the king who seeing the perill wherein he was hazarded himselfe by swimming to passe over that great floud As hee had almost passed it over and that he had recovered the banke on the other side behold there came one of the banished people who with a javeline transpierced and run him cleane through the bodie The body falling in the water was by the river carried into the hands of his enemies which encamped lower But when they light upon that bodie they in great irrision and disdaine cut it in many peeces Here is the miserable end that came to this poore king for trusting in strangers Charles the last duke of Bourgoine not being able any way to get his will of the De Comines lib. 1. cap. 83 92. towne of Nus entred into distrust and discontentment with his owne subjects although in truth they had done all their duties in the besiege of the towne yet a prince must doe what hee will Vpon this mistrust and discontentment of his subjects hee resolved with himselfe to bee served with strangers and amongst all other strange nations he made choice of Italians But I leave you to thinke how good his choice was likely to be for every one knowes well ynough what account Italians make of the observation of their faith and how Machiavell teacheth That faith is not to be observed but to a mans profit which they of that nation doe alwayes well practise And if sometimes there bee found any loyall and good observers of their promise it is a thing so rare as that raritie should not have any thing mooved the duke of Burgoigne rather to trust the Italians than his own proper subjects Yet having taken it in hand he drew to his service the earle of Campobache which hee entertained with foure hundred men of arms more of Italians paied by his hands Incontinent as Campobache was entred into credit with the duke hee begun to governe him at his pleasure so that the duke trusted more in him than in any man in the world Campobache having gained this point straight begun to practise to betray him and to deliver him to king Lewis the eleventh then raigning if hee would promise him in recompence 20000 crownes and a good earledome But the king doing as Fabricius did towards the king Pyrrhus would not enter into that composition but advertised the duke of Burgoigne to the end he might take heed of that traitor and rid himselfe of him The duke tooke this advertisement in evill part his sences were so troubled imagining that the king sent him this word to make him leese his good servants and therefore trusted more than ever Campobache When Campobache saw hee could not bargaine with the king hee sought a merchant other where for hee was resolved whatsoever became of his credit to draw out a profit if he could Amongst these actions the duke thought good to besiege Nancy the principall towne of Lorraine The duke of Lorraine was not so scrupulous to enter into composition with that traitor as the king had been especially because the duke of Burgoigne made warre upon him unjustly and sought to take from him his countrey He therefore entred into compact with Campobache by the meanes of a gentleman of his named Cyfron and they concluded and agreed betwixt them secretly Finally before Nancy was a battaile given by the advice of Campobache who councelled the duke of Lorraine to levie the siege of the duke of Burgoigne who was there slaine and his armie defeated by the meanes and treason of Campobache The king after this tooke a part of the countrey of the said duke of Burgoigne which died in the foresaid battaile because they ought duly for want of heires male to returne to the Crowne of Fraunce and the rest of his dukedome fell to his onely daughter who was his heire which was
married into the house of Austriche Now you may see how the duke of Burgoigne did precipitate himselfe into ruine and his countries fell as a prey unto his neighbours by trusting straungers and forsaking his good faithfull and naturall subjects and vassales The emperour Gordian the young prospered greatly whilest his affaires were governed Capitoâ—inus in Gordiano by Misitheus his father in law who was his great master of his houshold and his lieutenant generall Gordian made warre against Sapor king of Persia whom he drave out of Thracia and from the countries of Syria and recovered Antioche Carres Nisibis and other great townes which the Persians held insomuch that the name of Gordian was feared and redoubted through all Persia whereas before Italie it selfe begun to feare the Persians But upon the course of his victories and prosperities arrived by evill hap the death of that good and wise man Misitheus and withall fell another yet greater which was this That that young emperour went to give the estate of his father in law to a stranger an Arabian called Phillippus who straight begun to practise against his master as we have abovesaid of Campobache For the first thing he did was this That he tooke order that victuals should want in the campe to make a mutinie of the souldiers against the emperour and hee himselfe did sow diffamatorie words through the campe against his master as that hee was a young man and knew not what belonged to the conduction of a campe and merited not to be an emperour and who would cause all the armie to be destroyed if they rested upon him Breefely he brought the souldiers and men of war to what point he would by the meanes he tooke For there is nothing more saucie nor more deafe to heare reasons and excuses than an hungrie bellie All the hoast then being angry against Gordian for the want of victuals and the principall captaines thereof being corrupted by this Arabian stranger he did so much as he got himselfe to bee chosen as tutor and governour of the emperour Haying by this meanes gained the authoritie to command he begun to enterprise to make Gordian his master die Which this young prince seeing he besought him humbly that hee would receive him into the participation of the empire and that they two might be together emperours as but a few yeares before had been Maximus and Balbinus But Philippus would not agree to that perceiving himselfe strong of captaines which hee had gained and corrupted Then Gordian demanded of him yet the office which he had given him of the Great master of his houshold Lieutenant generall that in the place of a master he might so be his servant But the fierce Arabian denied it him he was so villanous and ingrate Finally he desired him but to save his life which likewise that wicked Arabian would not accord fearing that one day he might trouble him because he was of a very noble race and that he had many friends as well at Rome as all over the Roman empire and by the contrarie Philippus was of a vile and unknown race Breefely this cruell Barbarian stranger made forcibly to be brought before his face that young prince his master who had advanced him and there caused him to be unclothed naked and so to be massacred and slaine Would any say there could be imagined a barbarousnesse disloyaltie or crueltie more strange so a stranger committed it Trust such people who list The ancient Romans which were wise tooke good heed of granting charges and offices unto strangers nay not to their associates of the same tongue that they were After they had lost the battaile of Cannas where were slaine fourescore Senators the Senate seemed to be utterly overthrowne the number remaining was so small There was then proposed by Marcus Aemilius Praetor that there should be new Senators chosen to supply and encrease the auncient number And upon this proposition he as president of the Senate demaunded first the advice of Spurius Carvilius Senatour Carvilius thought best to chuse some good number of the most notable and wise men of the Latines their associates as well for that there was want of men within Rome as to hold the Latines more united and obedient by the meanes of which union he said the Commonwealth should be much more fortified encreased But Manlius which reasoned after him was of another advice for hee declared high and clear That the first Latine that he saw enter within the Senat to sit down as Senator he would slay him with his owne hand and he could never endure that the Senat should be contaminated with strangers After Manlius reasoned that wise lord Quintus Fabius Maximus who said he never heard nor saw any man argue in the Senat so grossely and evill to purpose as Carvilius had done especially said hee in this time wherein we are brought to such extremitie and that it is more needfull than ever to have in the Senat faithfull and loyall persons and every one may well know that there can never be good trust and assurance in strangers which measure faith and loyaltie by their profit and losse We had need also to take good heed there be no brute or fame of this foolish opinion of Carvilius but to let it bee trodden under our feet for feare the Latines take not occasion to lift up their horns if they perceive any wind or breath thereof Breefely all the companie were of this opinion and 177 Senators were chosen out of the body of the town of Rome which before had made known their vertue without more looking into the nobilitie of their race And Carvilius was much despited that he would have advanced strangers into the offices of Senators We must not be abashed if the ancient Romanes have used this for even at this day there is not so small a commonwealth that useth it not See Venise Gennes and other townes of Italie which are in forme of commonwealths see Strasburg Nuremburg Ausburg Francfort Magdeburg and all the imperiall townes of Almaigne which are governed like commonwealths and the thirteene cantons of the Suisses you shall find that they straitly observe this rule To receive no strangers into offices and publicke charges yea in many places they will not receive strangers for inhabitants wherein it may be they hold too much severitie and rigour For hospitalitie is recommended unto us of God and it is a very laudable vertue for men to entertaine strangers and well to use them in entertainement But strangers also ought to content themselves to be welcommed and entertained in a countrey or towne without an aspiring will to master or hold offices and estates for at the length that can obtaine unto them but envie and evill will The French nation is that which of all christianitie as I thinke receiveth and loveth strangers most for they are as welcome all over Fraunce as they of their owne nation Yet wee have
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
also he handleth with his hands the very bodie of our Lord and that he breaketh it and that the faithfull break and bruse it betwixt their teeth Behold the goodly doctrine of this Cannon which the Sophists would make the Catholikes beleeve but of five hundred you shall not find one that will beleeve it And verily this Cannon makes me remember what Achaemenides sayth in Virgil of the great Polyphemus who did eat the companions of Vlysses Poore humane creatures he did eat the bodie blood and all Aeâ—â—i â—i 3. My selfe did see him claspe and gripe in his so deepe a den Two men of ours in his huge hands their heads on dore Lintall He knocked so that blood gusht out and in my sight those men He tore and brused betwixt his teeth yet dead they were not cleane And how should Catholikes beleeve this Canon seeing the priests themselves beleeve it not I prove it For if they beleeved it they would never say masse upon fridaies nor in Lent or other sasting dayes and the Charterhouse Celestines nor Ensumine Friers and Monks would say no masses for feare to eat slesh O but will one say This is a strange reason I confesse it but the aforesaid Cannon is as strange and how strange soever yet can it not be overthrowne without giving some spirituall interpretation unto the manducation of the Sacrament But straight as soone as a man comes there behold we are at an agreement You see then how the Catholikes yea the priests themselves beleeve not in that Canon which notwithstanding is the only foundation of the masse Yea but you will say The Catholikes go to masse and find it good I confesse it but it is upon custome they go thither not because they understand or beleeve any other thing touching the Sacrament than that we have already said And therefore seeing they do agree with us in the principall there shall be no great danger nor losse for them to send away and banish into the Cyclopian Islands or into Poliphaemus den their masse yea though but for a time to see and prove whether they might well and commodiously spare it or no. As wee read Pope Clement the sixt did who excoÌ„municated all the people of the country of Flanders for a certaine rebellion that they had made against the king of France their soveraigne who also interdicted all the priests of the countrey upon paine of eternall damnation to say no masses nor to administer any Sacraments to the Flemmings til they had obtained absolution of his fatherhood The poore Flemmings seeing themselves without masses for in no sort their priests would say any they writ to the king of England making unto him great coÌ„plaints The king of England sent them word not to be dismayed nor troubled for want of masses for he would send them priests out of his country to say them masses ynough But the priests of England went not fearing to be comprehended in that fulmination of the Pope In the meane while the Flemmings attending whilest the king of England sent the priests accustomed so much themselves to be without masses being merry and making good cheare that they were well and no more it troubled them Many other countries also at this day which have no masses passe the time well ynough to their content as England Scotland and Denmarke the most part of Almaign I beleeve also if men did assay it in France to obtaine peace and union they would not find it so evill as they thinke For already we agree upon the Sacrament as is abovesaid we hold also the Epistles Gospels the lessons which are taken out of the Psalmes of David and the Prophets for we shall alwayes find that in our Bible yea farre more faithfully enregistred than in the Missall all the remainder is not worth the holding For as for their massing garments men of good iudgemeÌ„t know wel That apparell addes no holinesse to the masse seeing also that Frenchmen naturally staie not long in one fashion of apparrell but easily chaunge from one to another I confesse in regard of the common people which only stay upoÌ„ that they see that they will take no great lust in a masse without the masse garments as if the Curate said it in his doublet and hose without more or in his ierkin it is certaine that commonly the parishioners would greatly scandilize it and would not find it good And yet a true thing it is that apparell makes not the masse better neither have they any sanctitie in them to deserve to be retained For if it were true that such garments made the masse better and added any holinesse unto it then would it follow that the better the garments and habites are so much the better should the masses be then would there be found great inequalitie in the bountie and goodnesse of masses and so would it follow that the masses of rich men should be better than poore mens a thing very absurd and odious that were also to make village masses of no account because their masse garments are often tattered and rent So that theÌ„ we must come to this resolution to shun these absurdities That garmeÌ„ts bring no holinesse to the masse and that in retaining the holy Sacrament the Gospell the Epistles and the lessons of the Psalmes and Prophets which are in the masse there would be found no danger to let go all the rest Now then if we lay by through all France the superfluous things of the masse are not all the rest of the exercises of religion alike The Catholikes go to the church to pray unto God so doe we also They goe to heare sermons of the word of God so do we also They go thither to praise God in singing of the Psalms of David and we also They go thither to keepe their Easter and we also For it is all one to celebrate the Easter and the Supper Breefly all our exercises of Religion are alike I know well you will say there is a difference because the Catholikes pray and sing psalms in Latin and we in French But I answere you that that is nothing so that men understand what they say For God understandeth well all languages You will say unto me also that the preachers of the one and of the other preach not the same doctrine Yet I answere that though it be so yet do we agree in all the principall points of Religion which are necessary to be knowne for the salvation of our soules If in any other points our preachers cannot agree we must let theÌ„ agree amongst theÌ„selves and content our selves to know the articles which are necessary for our salvation For it cannot be said that if we cannot be as subtil and sharpe as S. Thomas of Aquin Bonaventure Scot Bricot or other like doctors of Theologie that therefore we must needs be damned It were a very straunge thing to beleeve that God would have his holy Religion so obscure that none
the towne of Florence for those two valiant combattants both of them to place themselves upon a great heape of faggots which were laid to that end for to set fire thereunto as soone as they came upon them The day assigned being come behold the two combattants appeared but the Iacobin had about him as they call it the precious bodie of the Host for his defence which he tooke betwixt both his hands the Frier and the Seignorie shewed That that was no reasonable defence for the Iacobin and therefore urged him to let goe the Host but hee would not for any thing depart from it insomuch as by that meanes the combat ended and each one which came to that place to see those valiant combattants goe to the fire returned to their houses But not long after they were all three endighted and I know not how nor wherefore they were accused and condemned for I finde nothing written thereof but they were all three burnt Here behold how the Florentines handled this poore Frier Ierome whom Machiavell reports to have spoken with God It may be some at the beginning had some good opinion of him but in the end they made him well know that he was no such able man to persuade them either to the Religion of Numa or to any other Religion for the most part of them cared for neither the one nor the other 10. Maxime A man is happie so long as Fortune agreeth unto his nature and humor FOrtune may be compared saith M. Machiavell to a great floud vvhich nothing can resist vvhen it overflowes his Cha. 25. De Prince Discourse lib 2. cap. 29. bankes vvith great inundations But vvhen it remaines in his ordinarie course or vvhen it overfloweth not vvithout measure the force thereof may easily bee resisted by levies ditches rampiers and other like obstacles so Fortune is sometimes so unmeasurable in violence that no vertue can resist her yet vertue may afterward repaire the evils vvhich that overflowing violence of Fortune hath brought it may also very vvell so resist Fortune vvhich is moderate and not too violent as the forces thereof shall not hurt I iudge therefore saith he that prince happie unto vvhose nature and manner of doings there happeneth an accordant and a consonant time For the diversitie of times make that two by contrarie meanes come to one same end and effect and also that two by one same meanes doe come to contrarie ends So that if hee vvhich governes himselfe moderately encounter and meet vvith a time vvherein his vertue is requisit he cannot faile but prosper yet if the time change he shall undoubtedly overthrow himselfe if hee likewise change not his manners and order of life Pope Iulius in all his actions proceeded vvith extreame fiercenesse and hastinesse yet his actions succeeded vvell but many others have fared evill by using too precipitate promptitude and hast Whereof I conclude saith he that men are happie so long as fortune accordeth to their humour and complexion but as soone as she beginneth to varie and dissent then goe they fast downe the vvheele vvhom also shee determineth to overthrow she blindeth them ordinarily shee can likewise chuse fit men at her pleasure to cast downe the vvheele commonly she applies gives her selfe to young and inconsiderate people vvhich are most hazardous and prompt in execution therein imitating the nature of women which doe best love young men such as to obey them must rather be spurred than flattered BY this description of Machiavell is evidently seene that he thinks that which the poets writ for fables concerning Fortune is the very truth For the Paynim poets have written That Fortune is a goddesse who giveth good and evill things to whom she list And to denote that this shee doth inconsiderately and without judgement they wrap her head in a cloth least with her eyes she see and know to whom she giveth so that she never knoweth unto whom she doth good or evill moreover they describe her standing upright upon a boule to denote her inconstancie and unstaiednesse turning and tossing one while on the one side another while on the other Now Machiavell would make men beleeve that this is true and that all the good and evill which comes to men happeneth because they have Fortune accordant or discordant to their complexions Hee after sayth That shee commonly favoureth young people such as are hazardous and inconsiderate to the end that therby men might learne that rule to be rash violent and headie that they may have Fortune favourable unto them But all this doctrine tends to the same end as the former Maximes doe namely to insinuate into mens minds and hearts a despight and utter contempt of God and his providence For let man have once this persuasion That no good comes unto us from God but from Fortune he will easily forsake the service of God as also when men beleeve that evill that is to say the punishments of vices and sinnes come not from the just judgement of God but onely from Fortune which inconsiderately and rashly gives evils without consideration whether they merit them or no and as soone to the good as to the wicked then need we not doubt but straight such a man is emptied of all feare of God and readie to fall into every vice Here may you see the scope and end whereunto this wicked man tendeth to bring princes and other men leaving no manner of impietie behind to infect and sow his poyson in the world But against this we have good preservatives drawne out of the holy Scriptures whereby we are assured That nothing fals to us but by Gods providence and that such afflictions as are sent us are for our good least the slipperie way of prosperitie make us fall to our destruction insomuch as wee praise God for both good and evill resolving our selves that that which unto our carnall sences appeareth to bee evill is not evill to our soules but very healthfull and good because there is a Christian Maxime That no evill can happen to a Christian from the hand of God our Father but my purpose is not here to handle that point of Theologie any further but I will confute Machiavell even by the Paynims themselves And first I oppose against him almost all the auncient Philosophers which have maintained That nothing happeneth nor is done without some efficient cause although to us it be unknowne True it is that they make a distinction of causes for they say that God is the first cause which holds in action all other inferior causes God is the first cause of all things which they call Second and makes them worke their effects and although oftentimes in this distinction of causes they attribute some things to second causes which they should attribute to the first alone yet notwithstanding they referre all things to God mediately or immediately Very true it is that sometimes they use that name of Fortune applying themselves
to the manner of speech used amongst the people but there was never Philosopher so beastly that ever thought her to be any goddesse but when the auncient Philosophers say any thing comes by fortune or by adventure or contingencie they meane that the efficient cause of such a thing is unknowne for that is their doctrine and manner of speech to say that a thing happeneth or chanceth by Fortune and contingently when they know not the cause thereof Learnedly speakes Plutarke to this purpose when he sayth That the poets have Plutarke in libello de Fortuna done great wrong to Fortune to say she is blind and that she gives her gifts to men rashly without knowing them for sayth he it is we which know it not for Fortune is no other thing but the cause whereof we are ignorant of things which wee see come to passe And therfore the Stoicke philosophers although they knew not the second causes of all things no more than other philosophers yet used they another manner of speech than they and attributed the haps and chances of all things unto the ordinance and providence of God which they called by the name of Fatum yet indeed the Fatum differeth much from the providence of God which the Christians hold For the Stoickes held That God could worke no otherwise than the order of second causes would beare and leade him unto but wee hold That God is free in operation and not tied to second causes without which he can do that which he doth by them and can change them at his pleasure Timotheus an Athenian captaine comming one day from the war where his affaires had succeeded and sped well hee was much greeved at some which said that he Plu. in Silla was very happie and fortunate so that one day in a publike assemblie of all the people of Athens hee made an oration wherein hee discoursed all his gestes and victories uttering by the way the meanes and counsell which hee had used in the conduction of his affaires and after all this discourse Maisters said hee Fortune hath had no part in all this that I have accounted unto you as if he would say That it was by his owne wisedome that these things had so well succeeded to him The gods saith Plutarke were offended at this foolish ambition of Timotheus insomuch that he did never after any thing of account but all things he did turned against the haire till hee came to bee hated much of the Athenian people that in the end hee was banished and chased from Athens Hereby we may see that the ancient Paynims meant to attribute to the gods that which men in their common manner of speech attributed to Fortune but they never beleeved shee was a goddesse When Messiere de Commines speaketh of the constable of S. Pol who was so great and puissant a lord yet in the end such evill luck befell him that his hand was De Com. lib. 1. cap. 18. cut off Heereof hee makes a question and wisely and religiously absolveth it What shall wee say saith hee of Fortune This man that was so great a lord that by the space of twelve yeeres he had handled and governed king Lewis the eleventh the Duke Charles of Bourgoigne hee was a wise knight and had heaped together great treasures and in the end fell into her net Wee may then well say that this deceitfull Fortune beheld him with an evill countenance nay contrary wee must answere saith hee that Fortune is nothing but a poeticall fiction and that God must of necessitie have forsaken him because hee alwaies travailed with all his power to cause the war still to continue betwixt the king and the duke of Bourgoigne for upon this war was founded his great authoritie and estate and hee should bee very ignorant that would beleeve that there was a Fortune therein which could guide so wise a man to obtaine the evill will of two so great princes at once and also of the king of England which in their lives accorded in nothing but in the death of this constable Beholde the very words of Commines speaking of Fortune which senteth as much of a good man and a good Christian as the Maxime of Machiavell tastes of a most wicked Atheist And as for that which Machiavell saith That Fortune favours such as are most hazardous and rash Titus Livius is of a farther opinion who speaking of the victorie Tit. Livi. lib. 2. Dec. 3. which Anniball obtained nigh the lake Trasimene against the consull C. Flamminius saith That evill luck came by the temeritie of Flamminius which was nourished and maintained in him by fortune whereas before things had well succeeded with him but now hee which neither tooke counsell of the gods nor of men it was no mervaile if sodainely hee fell into ruine This losse of the battaile was the cause that Fabius Maximus was elected Dictator to go against Anniball as indeed after his election he tooke the field with a new army and certain time after being sent for of the Senat to assist at Rome certain sacrifices and ceremonies he left in the campe Minutius his Lieutenant saying unto him in this manner I pray you Minutius take heed you do not as Flamminius did but trust you more in good counsell than in fortune better it were to bee assured not to be vanquished than to hazard your selfe to bee vanquisher In another place Titus Livius rehearseth That Caius Sempronius captaine of the Roman Armie against the Volsques trusting in Fortune as a thing Lib. 4. Dec 1. constant and perdurable because alwaies before the Romanes had it in custome to overcome that nation used no prudence nor good counsell in his conduction but hazard and temeritie therefore saith Livie fortune and good successe followeth abandoneth rashnesse and this happeneth most commonlie Heere you see the opinion of Fabius Maximus and of Titus Livius much better than that of Machiavell who would persuade us that wee had better bee rash than prudent to have fortune favourable unto us for certaine it is that the haps which men call of Fortune proceede from God who rather blesseth prudence which hee hath recommended unto us than temeritie and although sometimes it happen that hee blesse not our counsels and wisedomes it is because we take them not from the true spring and fountaine namely from him of whom we ought to have demanded it and that most commonly wee would that our owne wisedome should bee a glorie unto us whereas onely God should bee glorified Heere endeth the second part entreating of such Religion as a Prince should use THE THIRD PART TREATING of such Pollicie as a Prince ought to hold in his Commonweale ¶ The Praeface I Have before in order disposed all Machiavels Maximes touching Counsell and Religion and at large I have shewed That all his doctrine shootes at no other marke but to instruct a prince to governe himselfe after his owne fancie not
florishing I know well that every one layeth the fault upon his adversary that every one saith that hee it is which fighteth for his countrey which they of the contrary part will needes ruinate but easie it is to judge for him whose judgement is free of passion who is in the wrong for they who seekes not another mans who demands but their owne and that the kingdome bee reformed by their owne lawes and brought into her auncient splendour and renowne can they bee called enemies of the countrey Is there any thing in the world that is more ours than our soule our conscience and our lives That is true will some Messier say you may have assurance of your lives every one also may have libertie of his conscience but to speake of reformation is treason Yea but what assurance of life will be given us even an assurance that shall be under the safegard and protection of the first wicked man which will conspire a massacre who shall be invited to enterprise it by the impunitie of former massacres What libertie of conscience can we have unlesse it be of Machiavels religion that is to say to be without religion without pietie without the power of a franke and free conscience to serve God Call you it libertie of conscience to be without religion or without exercise of religion nay it is rather a very slavish servitude But if it be treason to speake of reforming abuses and corruptions which are in the kingdome it followeth that they are guiltie of treason which procure and purchase the commonwealth against which both reason and all lawes do pronounce If therefore the world at this day esteeme enemies of their country such as seeke nothing but the good thereof and that they may have left them their soules consciences and lives God and his veritie shall have the victorie and cause them that come after us to judge otherwise Although the horrors and calamities of civile warres are sufficiently knowne in this time yet will I breefely rehearse two most notable examples The civile warre which was in the Romane empire betwixt Marius and Silla was an horrible and fearefull butcherie which filled Rome and all Italie with blood For both of them were masters of Rome and all Italie one after another and so being they did not cease all they could to kill and massacre one anothers friends and partakers insomuch that in a manner all men of qualitie and all good people were slain for there was no notable man but he held of the one or the other Amongst other memorable things happening in this warre this especially concerneth our cause in hand which fell in the battaile that Pompeius the lieutenant of Silla obtained against Florus lib. 79 Cinna the partener of Marius for one of Pompeius souldiers having stroken dead to the ground one of Cinna his souldiers hee disarmed him thinking to spoile him of all he had but then finding him to be his own brother this poore soldier fell in a great rage and almost to a madnesse that he had so slaine his owne brother yet straight he caused a great fire of wood to bee made to turne his brothers bodie into ashes after the manner of the Paynims then and making great lamentations and sorrowfull exclamations he laid his brothers bodie upon the wood then he put fire unto it and as soone as it was well kindled he cast himselfe into the fire also and was burned with his brothers bodie insomuch as death united the ashes of those two brethren which the civile warres had disunited But yet a farre worse and greater civile warre happened soone after betwixt Pompeius and Caesar and it endured and continued all the time of the Triumvirate of Octavius Antonius and Lepidus against Cassius and Brutus and ended betwixt Antonius Flor. lib. 120. and Octavius This warre endured two and thirtie yeares and spread it selfe almost through all the world which then was in subjection to the Romane Plutarch in Caesar empire yea even the people of the East West North and South felt their greevous part of this civile warre It was verefied That in this unnaturall civile warre from the beginning till the fourth Consulship of Caesar only there died of the citizens of Rome the number of one hundred and seventie thousand And you may very well beleeve that many were after slaine also that tenne times as many died in so many provinces as belonged to the Romane empire insomuch as these detestable warres swallowed up many millions of men But the Triumvirate of Octavius Antonius and Lepidus was a most detestable union which accorded to take unto them all the governement of the commonweale and to slay all their enemies But because it often came to passe that he which was friend of one of the three was the others enemie when one would have him slaine as an enemie the other would lay hold of him to defend him as his friend yet the abovesaid crueltie so surmounted all humanitie and the desire of vengeance so vanquished all amitie that these aforesaid captains entred into this detestable complot that they sold their friends one to another to have an enemie in exchange as that wicked Anthonius to have Cicero his enemie whom Octavius favoured as his friend was content in exchange to deliver his owne uncle by the mothers side called Lucius Caesar to Octavius his enemie so that the one was exchanged for the other and they both died Can there possibly in the world bee conspired a more barbarous disloyaltie Is it not a strange thing to heare that a friend should be betraied to death to have that cruell pleasure to slay his enemie Yet by this course and complot died an hundred and thirtie Senators besides many other persons of other qualitie Antonius also the deviser of this barbarous exchange received his due reward even by Octavius himselfe whom hee had induced to commit such cruelties For in the end they were enemies and Antonius being vanquished in the navall battaile at Actium slew himselfe so turning upon and against himselfe that barbarous crueltie which hee had exercised against Cicero and others And it needs not seeme strange if these civile warres of Rome endured so long time as two and thirtie yeares for the civile warres betwixt the houses of Burgoigne Monstr lib. 1. ca. 79. 80 81 159 191 198. and Orleance in France endured threescore yeares being continued from father to sonne for two generatious And as for cruelties me thinkes greater cannot be imagined than them which the Parisians the duke of Bourgoignes parteners committed within the towne of Paris For they massacred the Constable and Chancellor of France whom they drew and trayled through the towne most filthily and murdered also many other great Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates and more than three thousand other persons as well gentlemen as other notable people which by force they drew out of prisons to murder and massacre them as they did The captaine
upon the king and his race the imprecations which all the world made against him and indeede it came to passe by the just judgement of God that as this poore gentlewoman had caused her owne children to or die so Philip made to dye by poison his lawfull sonne Demetrius a prince of exceeding great towardnesse by the false accusation of Perseus his bastard-sonne After certaine time this king having discovered that by a false accufation he had murdered his owne sonne hee would needes disinherite the bastard Perseus and beeing continually tormented with the shaddow and resemblance of his sonne Demetruis which his conscience alwaies brought before his eies he dyed desperately detesting execrating that wicked Perseus This Perseus then his only sonne which remained to succeede him in his kingdome after a few yeeres raigne was taken prisoner by the Romanes and led in a triumph to Rome where hee miserably dyed in a prison So the imprecations and curses which the poore people chased from their countrey and goods by the king had poured out against him and his race fell upon him and his Is not this an example to make the haires to stand upright on princes heads when men persuades them to dispossesse naturall inhabitants of their countrie and goods yet at this day are there too many Machiavelists which say It is good to chase away the naturall inhabitants of France or at the least from certaine places and corners to people them with some race that is good faithfull and loyall as Italians Lombards yea what wants thereof an Italian colonie in the towne of Lyons for besides that a great part of the inhabitants are Italians and that other people of the countrey conforme themselves by little little to their actions behaviours manner of life and language that scant shall you finde any so vile or paltrie an artisan but hee will studie to speake Italian for these magnificall Machiavelists will give no countenanee nor willingly heare any but such as use their owne language by that meanes seeking to bring credit both to themselves and their tongue The townes also of Paris Marseille Grenoble and many others of France are they not full of Italians 4. Maxime A Prince in a country newly conquered must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great losse in that conquest and altogether root out the blood and the race of such as before governed there MEn saith Machiavell doe vvillingly change their lords thinking Cap. 3. of a Prince to amend themselves and this opinion commonly makes them revolt but most commonly they find themselves deceived seeing by experience themselves in vvorse case than before Wherfore to such such kinds of revoltings a prince ought to take out of the vvay all such as he thinks are displeased vvith the change by any enormious or great losse that hee hath suffered For I am persuaded saith he that all men of good iudgement hold this without doubt that the estate of a prince or commonweale cannot long endure in a countrey unlesse all such be taken away which for some great harme they have sustained by the change are contrarie unto him And herein Lewis the twelfth king of Fraunce dealt not vvisely therefore in as little time lost he the dutchie of Millane as before hee had conquered it For the Milanois found themselves deceived in opinion and frustrated of the advantages and commodities which they looked for at his hands and also could not suffer the proud handling of that new prince here vvas then his fault that he tooke not away all male-contents vvhich suffered losse in the change and especially because hee utterly rooted not out the race of the Sforces But Caesar Borgia did not thus for having occupied Romania of all the lords that he had dispossessed hee left not one alive that he could catch and very few escaped Therefore it is better to follow the example of Borgia than of king Lewis For sometimes it succeeds not vvell to imitate the best men For it vvas domageable to Pertinax and Alexander Severus to imitate the mildnesse and bountie of Marcus Antonius and to Caracalla Commodus and Maximine that they desired to resemble Severus MAchiavell meaning to shew that his purpose tendeth and aimeth onely to instruct a prince in all sorts of tyrannie giveth Dionisius Halic lib. 4. him heere a precept which in old time Thrasibulus the Milesian gave to Periander a tyrant of Corinth by Tarquine the proud king of Rome to Sextus his sonne For Periander having tyrannouslie obtained the domination of the crowne of Corinth where he had no right fearing some conspiration against him sent a messenger to Thrasibulus his great friend to desire his counsell and advice how to bee assured master and lord of Corinth Thrasibulus made him no answere by mouth but commanding the messenger to follow him he went into a field full of ripe corne and taking of the highest eares there the most eminent hee brused them betwixt his hands and wished the messenger to returne to Periander his master saying no more unto him As soone as Periander heard speake of brusing of the most ancient eares of corne hee presently conceiued the meaning thereof to wit to overthrow and take out of the way all the great men of Corinth which suffered any losse and were grieved at the change of the Estate as indeed he did As much did Sextus Tarquinius the sonne of Tarquinius the proud for hee making a countenance of some great discontentment with his father for his great crueltie towards him purposely caused a fame secretly to runne to the Gabinians then his fathers enemies that for his safegard hee would flye unto them if it pleased them to receive him and would bring with him a good troupe of his servants and friends These poore Gabinians not suspecting the intelligence betwixt the father and the sonne sent him word hee should bee very welcome Hee failed not with a good troupe by stealth to goe thither where ariving they welcommed him and because hee gave them to understand that hee would make warre upon his father to revenge the injurie done by his father to him them they elected him their captaine As soone as hee saw his foote in hee secretly sent a messenger to his father to let him understand what command hee had in the towne and to send him word what hee should doe The abovesaid Tarquin led the messenger into a garden where amongst many other hearbs then growne up to seede there were great store of poppie whose highest heads he struck of a pace with a little staffe he had in his hand and made no other answere to the messenger who returning to Gabium told Sextus his fathers actions so as hee well understood what he should doe Then made hee the people understand That Antistius Petra the chiefe lord and magistrate of the Gabinians with certaine of his complices had conspired to deliver him to Tarquin his father either dead or
folly to make account of such people which have their faith as variable as fortune and as for his offer to deliver the towne of Arpos he did it for no good affection hee bore to the Romane common-wealth but because he saw the affaires thereof dissolve and decay But Fabius reasoned in another sort Masters said he they which have spoken before seeme to give their opinion as if we were alreadie in good peace forgetting the time lately passed and not considering that we are yet in the heat of warre As for me I think we stand in need to devise all the meanes wee can find out to containe our allies from revolt But if the necessitie of times lately past and their weakenesse have drawne them on once to a revolt and if after it bee not lawfull for them to returne and to reconcile themselves who can doubt but at length all our allies will turne from us to the Carthaginians My advice then is That we should not reject a reconcilation with such as revolt from us although they have not been so constant as they should bee in a faithfull adherence unto us The opinion of Fabius was followed by all the Senate and by the meanes of Altinius the Romanes reseased the towne of Arpos But it seemeth that the persuasion which Quintus Metellus used in the name of all the Senate unto Aemylius Lepidus and Fulvius Nobilior censors of Rome is very worthie the marking to shew that vengeances and enmities ought not to bee perdurable in great lords but ought to appease themselves and be reconciled one to another The said two censors beeing two of the greatest princes and lords of Rome which had been consuls and endued with other great offices and estates and at that time were censors which was the greatest office of all For censors tooke cognisance of all the abuses of magistrates and senators and might put them out These two being enemies although companions in one charge the Senate determined to seeke meanes to agree them so they sent unto them a great number of the principall senatours amongst which Quintus Metellus who had the charge to speake for all in a temple where the censors were begun to remonstrate and tell unto them as followeth Wee know right honourable censors that you are now in an estate to reprehend and correct the manners and faults even of senators yea it is in you to governe and correct us and not in us to reprehend you Yet have wee one thing from the Senate to say unto you whereat all good men in you are offended and scandalized When we consider of you apart we know you to be such as in all the towne there cannot bee found men more capable and fit to bee censors and correctors than you but when we looke on you together we feare you are not well coupled neither is that wherein you please us so profitable unto us as it may be domageable unto us if that you two disagree together Therefore wee all in generall entreat that you will finish in this temple your enmities and rancours and that in a good union of counsell and amitie you will establish elect senators review our knights and exercise all other points of your censorship Titus Tatius and Romulus warred one against another yet after governed in this cittie together in good concord and amitie When warres are finished it is often seene that men become good friends and faithfull allies which before were mortall enemies There is a common Amities ought to be immortall and enmities mortal proverbe worthie of observation That amities ought to be immortall and enmities mortall Therefore good masters censors we beseech you bee reconciled together and hearken unto the Senates just petition Straight after this short oration although either of the said censors desired and were instant to make it appeare to the said senators that with good just cause they hated one another yet they both submitted themselves to whatsoever arbitrement of those senators The said Senators then thought it good that they should give their hands and faith one to another in token of reconcilation and amitie and that both should sweare in that temple that earnestly and without all fiction they finished their hatred and in all true love reconciled themselves This they did and solemnely swore that with a good heart and without all hypocrisie they banished and departed from all evill will and became ever after good friends All the Romane Senate saith Titus Livius praised and greatly approved this reconcilation in these censors It is then an act of a good man and of an honourable nature to bee facile and prompt to reconcilation and not to engrave in our hearts perpetuall enmities and rancours as Machiavell teacheth and good men ought not only to be facile in reconcilation but they ought also to contemne and disdaine all revenges by way of action and violence as beeing a course unlawfull unfitting and unbecomming him that would conserve in himselfe the reputation of an honourable good man And this is it which the hystorian Salust notably saith A good man saith he loves better to bee vanquished than by evill meanes to doe injurie and to vanquish in what sort soever it be if on the vanquished there be practised too bitter a revenge it is an evill and damageable thing which often bringeth the totall ruine of Commonweales Moreover generous and vertuous princes ought not onely to bury and blot out all old injuries with new benefits but also even recent and new offences which doe more nigh than old touch the heart ought to bee forgotten in consideration of ancient pleasures and merites The Caerites the Romanes allies and neighbours breaking their faith and treatie of confederation aided and succoured the Tarquinian people which made warre upon the Romanes The Tarquinians and their succours being vanquished the Caerites could doe no better than in all humble manner submit themselves to the Romanes unto whom they sent embassadors which in substance made this oration to the Romane people Masters said they may it please you to remember how in the time of your callamitie when the Gauls tooke pilled and burnt the citie of Rome that you sent into our towne of Caeres all your priests Vestall nuns and all the sacred images of your gods insomuch as then Caeres was as your holie revestrie yea the onely refuge safegard for all your holy things which there were well received and conserved Wee therefore pray you in favour of the gods whose sacred Images wee have preserved in the ruine and combustion of Rome that now in this prosperitie you will take pittie and bee mercifull unto us as wee had of you in your adversitie If now wee have committed any hostile thing against you it came rather upon furie and follie than of any good counsell wee beeseech you therefore that you will not suffer our ancient good deeds which wee placed and bestowed upon people far from all ingratitude to perish by
was then such account made of Faith which they preferred before all difficulties and particular necessities And afterward many times that law of taking away from rich men that which they possessed more than five hundred acres was refreshed brought into question by other Tribunes to have it to passe but it never came to effect yet there arose of it infinite seditions murders pilleries and other innumerable evils A thing which well sheweth that the violation of publicke Faith draweth alwayes with it a great Iliade of evils and Titus â—ivius lib. 3. Dec. 3. calamities The Romanes seeing themselves one day want money for the maintenance of their armies and paiment of souldiers the Senat consulted what provision to make for this want none of them thought it good to impose a taillage or tribute upon the people which would prove very greevous in many sorts at last they all agreed that souldiers must needs be paid For said they if the commonwealth stand not by Faith it cannot stand by riches It were therefore better to spend the good of the commonwealth in loyally paying souldiers wages and so acquite themselves of their Faith towards them than to spare the commonwealth by the failing of Faith and word All the Senat being of this advice expedient then it was as they thought to find money and therefore a charge was given to the Praetor Fulvius in an oration to the people to shew them all their publicke necessities and to exhort such as were growne rich by farming grounds belonging to the commonwealth to lay out some silver for the maintenance of the armie in Spaine Fulvtus so well persuaded that the farmers accorded to lay downe a certaine summe of money as much as was demaunded upon conditions to enjoy their farmes for three yeares and that the commonwealth would take upon them the perils of the sea which might come unto them in their commerces by shipwracks and hostile incursions For they were certaine that such money as they lent to the commonwealth was as assured unto them as in their hands upon the publicke Faith and if the Romanes had not had that good reputation they should not so soon have found money for their need But they that have that vertue Well to observe their word shall never want with whom to contract King Perseus of Macedonie determining to make warre upon the Romanes sent embassadours to the Achaeans a people of Greece and allies of the Romanes to draw them on his side and only required of them a Diet where they were assembled to heare the said embassadors But Callicratides a notable man amongst the Achaeans was of advice That they should give no eare unto that king Perseus nor to his embassadors because the Achaeans had already confirmed an alliance by Faith and oath with the Romans that upon that Faith was founded all the assurance of their estate and that Faith had that propertie that it will not be violated nor suspected in any sort whatsoever And therfore it was a breach of Faith only to affoord audience Faith will neither be violated nor suspected to that king whome they saw plainely prepared to make warre upon the Romanes This reason founded upon the authoritie of publicke States was the cause that nothing was accorded to Perseus And likewise heereunto accordeth the saying of the emperour Antonine That the most lamentable thing in this world is when Faith is broken and violated by friends and without the same no vertue can bee Dion in Marcel assured To this purpose that Faith cannot bee suspected that is notable which Fabius Titus Livins lib. 2. Maximus Dâ—ctator did Anniball being in battaile array nigh Rome conceived this subtile device to ruinate and utterly to destroy all the houses in the fields both for pleasure and for other necessarie uses but onely the houses and commodities appertaining to Fabius And this hee did to bring a suspition upon Fabius that hee had made some secret compact with Anniball against his Faith and dutie Fabius knowing well that it was not sufficient perfectly to observe his Faith but that also he must be exempt from all suspition sent straight his sonne to Rome to sell and rid him of all he had without the towne which he did and so assured his publicke Faith by his particular damage taking from the people all sinister opinion they might take of him And assuredly there is nothing in the world more pleasant than when Faith is sincerely kept even in adversitie and when we have most to doe Therefore the Romanes esteemed such their good and loyall allies as kept their Faith loyally during the time they had warres in hand as did Ptolomeus king of Aegypt when the Romanes had to doe with Anniball and the Carthaginians for he was alwayes firme in the confederation and alliance which he had made with them insomuch as their warre being finished with Anniball they sent embassadors to Ptolomie to thank him for that in their so doubtfull and hazardous affaires his Faith had not altered and to pray him to continue Attalus king of Pergamus in Asia came to the degree of royaltie by his vertue Titus Livius lib. 3. 7. Dec. 4. for he was neither sonne nor successor of a king neither had hee the heroicall vertues of Hercules of Alexander or Caesar to conquer a kingdome yea breefely he had nothing in him saith Titus Livius that could either aid or bring hope unto him at any time to be a king but onely riches which he bestowed and used so well that by the meanes of them and by his fidelitie towards the Pergames he became king of Pergamus after he had once vanquished the Gaules of Asia As soone as he was come to this degree he allied himselfe by confederations with the Romans and alwaies kept his Faith perfect and entire insomuch as well by the integritie and constantnesse of his Faith as by good justice hee raigned foure and fortie yeares and left his kingdome stable and firme to Eumenes his sonne whose domination Fidelitie a good inheritance the Romanes greatly augmented because he continued in his fathers loyaltie who at his death charged him to repute that fidelitie to be the best heritage hee left him There was nothing in the world which the old Romanes had in greater reverence Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 1. lib. 4. Dec. 3. and observation than their publicke Faith Therefore had they a temple of Faith where men swore and solemnely promised all their treaties of peace truces confederations alliances and other such like and those who first did violate it were esteemed dedicated to the gods of hell and with a like sinceritie did they also observe their Faiths in particular contracts so that every one thought they could not better assure a debt than in lending to the commonwealth yea when by reason of great wars their treasuries were emptie of money such as had the custodie of pupils and widdowes portions and other
was no great warriour But the cause why the Romanes delivered so great and honourable a charge unto him was because the great Scipio the Affrican his brother had declared that if Lucius his brother were chosen generall captaine to goe against Antiochus he should be there as his lieutenant As then they both were in Greece with the Romane armie making warre upon that king it so happened that the only sonne of Scipio the Affrican was taken prisoner by Antiochus souldiers Antiochus having this young lord in his hands entertained and used him very honourably knowing that that great Scipio was of such Clemencie that he would never forget that the pleasure and that the amitie of so great a personage might stand him in good stead in some great necessities as losse of a battaile or of a captivitie or such like Not long after Scipio fell sicke whereof Antiochus hearing he sent him his sonne without ransome fearing Scipio would die with greefe and melancholie by whose death he doubted to leese a good refuge For that king saith Titus Livius trusted more in the Clemencie and authoritie of Scipio alone for the uncertaine and doubtfull haps of warre than in his armie of 60000 footmen and 12000 horsemen Is not here thinke you an admirable effect of Clemencie that an enemie dooth better assure his estate upon his enemies Clemencie than upon his owne forces But what need we any more to amplifie by examples or authorities this point doth not ordinarie experience shew and ever hath done that all good and clement princes have alwaies been very assured in their estates as Augustus Vespasian Traian Adrian the Antonines and many other Romane emperours and the most part of our kings of Fraunce which were clement and debonaire doe fully proove this which I say for they raigned very peaceably died of naturall deaths and after their deaths were greatly lamented of the people Here I may not forget a notable sentence of the emperour Antonius Pius which hee received from Scipio the Affrican Capit. in Pio. Sueâ— in August cap. 35. which was this That hee loved better to preserve one of his subjects than to sley a thousand of his enemies Assuredly a sentence of a good and clement prince who delighted not in shedding of blood as our Machiavelists doe at this day which are so covetous of such blood as they account their enemies that whensoever any of marke fals into their hands they will not give him for an hundred pounds They may well say contrary to Scipio and the emperor Pius that they had rather slay an enemie than save an hundred friends Are not these people worthie to commaund Neither make they any account more of their princes subjects than of slaves which men may beat scourge or sley at their pleasure as beasts as indeed there hath been lately a burne-paper-fellow a writer for wages one of these Machiavelists who durst publish by writing That the authority of a prince over his subjects is like that which a lord hath over his villaine and slave having power over death and life to sley and massacre them at their pleasure without forme of justice and so to despoile them of their goods And how comes this Thinkes this sot that the office of a king is like to the office of a gally captaine to hold his subjects in chaines and every day to whip them with scourges Surely they which hold that opinion doe merit to be so handled yea that some good gally captaine would twice or thrice a day practise that goodly doctrine upon their shoulders but how much more notable and humane is the doctrine wee learne of the life of Augustus Caesar who so much feared that men had such an opinion of him that he would not take away but onely diminish the libertie of the people that he could never abide and suffer to be called Dominus that is to say Lord but abhorred it as an injurious name full of opprobry because it hath some relation to Servus which is to say servant or slave he being farre from the affectation of such great and magnificall names as many great men have since well liked of without shewing the effect of them The third point now remaineth which is to shew That the Clemencie of a prince A prince by Clemencie encreaseth his domination Dionis Halic lib. 2. Plutarke in Caesar Alexand is cause of the encreasement of his domination Hereupon we reade a memorable hystorie of Romulus who was so clement soft and gentle towards his people which he vanquished and subjugated that not only many particulars but the whole multitude of people submitted themselves voluntarily and unconstrainedly under his obedience The same vertue was also cause that Iulius Caesar vanquished the Gaulois for he was so soft and gracious unto them and so easie to pardon and used them every way so well farre from all oppression that many of that nation voluntarily joyned themselves unto him and by them he vanquished the others When Alexander the Great made great conquests in Asia most commonly the citizens of all great cities met him to present unto him the keyes of the townes for he dealt with them in such Clemencie and kindnesse without in any thing altering their estates that they liked better to be his than their owne Anniball having taken the towne of Saguntum in Spaine was so feared and redoubted Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. that the most part of Spaine submitted themselves under his obedience and abandoned the Romane societie because they had not aided Saguntum against Anniball The Romanes to repaire their fault whereat they tooke much greefe sent great forces into Spaine under the conduction of Publius Scipio father of the African and of Cneius his uncle Anniball to containe in obedience the Spaniards tooke in hostage their children their brethren or parents of all the nobilitie of the countrey and the notablest citizens of the good townes and set them under guard at Saguntum under the charge of some small number of souldiers God would that those hostages should find meanes to escape from their prison yet it was their haps to fall into the hands of the Scipioes The Scipioes having possession of them in place to revenge themselves upon them as they feared for the fault they and their parents had made by their revoltment from the Romanes they welcommed and dealt with them very graciously and sent them all to their parents and houses This Clemencie and kindnesse of the Scipioes was cause that soone after all Spaine forsook the obedience of Anniball and the Carthaginians and fell under the government of the Romans which they would never have done if these hostages had been dealt with after the counsels and precepts of Machiavell Yet the example of Clemencie in Scipio the Affrican is more notable than this Titus Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. of his father and uncle After the deaths of his said father and uncle this young lord full of all
generositie and hardinesse came to besiege new Carthage in Spain which the Carthaginians of Affricke had founded there and did so much as hee got it by assault Besides the great riches which he found within the towne he found there also within that towne a good number of Spanish hostages which the Carthaginians held there for the better assurance of other townes of Spaine which they had regained upon the Romanes after the death and overthrow of the Scipioes and their hoast Scipio as soone as the towne was taken caused all the hostages to be brought before him and wished them to take good courage and that they should feare nothing for they were falne into the power of the Romane people which loved better to bind men unto them by good deeds than by feare and to joyne all strange nations unto them rather by a societie than by a sad servitude After hee had thus encouraged them hee dispatched messengers through all Spaine to the end every man might come thither to seeke his hostages and in the meane while gave expresse charge to Flaminius his treasurer to handle them well and honourably Amongst other hostages there was a young ladie of a great house which was brought to Scipio which was of so great beautie that as she passed by she dreweach mans regard upon her This ladie was fianced unto one Allucius prince of the Celtiberians Scipio taking knowledge of her parents and to whom shee was fianced also that Allucius extreamely loved her he sent for them all Her parents came with a great quantitie of gold and silver for her ransome Allucius came also They all beeing present before Scipio hee said to that young prince Allucius My deare friend understanding that ardently you love this young ladie as her beautie well meriteth it I thought it good to keepe her for you as I would my affianced should be kept for me if the affaires of the commonweale permitted me to thinke upon the action of legitimate love in favor then of your affections I have preserved your loves inviolated in recompence whereof I only desire and pray you that from henceforth you will be friends unto the Roman people and if you will credit me as a good man that is desirous to follow the traces of my father and uncle which you knew Know you that in our towne there be many like to us and that there is no people in the world which you ought lesser to desire for enemies nor more for a friend After Scipio had thus graciously entertained this young prince he was so filled with shame and joy that presently he prayed the gods that they would acquite to Scipio that great benefit for hee could never doe it The said ladies parents stepped forward and presented unto him a great quantitie of gold and silver for their daughters ransome which although Scipio refused yet they pressed it so sore upon him that he accorded to take it and bad them lay it before him which they doing Scipio called Allucius and said unto him Good friend besides the dowrie which your father in law will give you my desire is that you will take this silver at my hands as an encrease of her dowrie Allucius very joyfull of so great a benefit thanking him greatly returned with his lover in great contentment unto his countrey where as soone as he came he sowed the fame of those things through all Spaine saying That there was come into that countrey a young lord like the gods which vanquisheth all men by armes by clemencie and magnificence Within a smal time after he came to the service of Scipio with 1400 horse Not long after came also to Scipio the parents of the other hostages which he had taken in new Carthage all which he yeelded unto them conditionally to be the Romanes friends Hee gave also to a great lord called Mandonius his wife who was sister of another great lord named Indibilis which were exceeding joyous thereof and promised Scipio all fidelitie Amongst those prisoners also there was found a young prince called Massiva the nephew of Massinissa king of Numidia which he sent to his uncle after he had honourably apparrelled mounted and accompanied him This was the cause that Massinissa stucke so firmely to the Romane partie wherein he constantly persevered all his life and greatly aided Scipio to the overthrow of the Carthaginians And as for the Spaniards whose hostages Scipio had sent home without ransome they performed many great favours to him in all his Spanish wars Breefely this great Clemencie kindnesse and gentlenesse of Scipio were the cause that all his high mightie enterprises were ever facile easie unto him But herein appeared in him a double Clemencie namely that the two lords above-named Mandonius and Indibilis revolted and so caused all their countrey to revolt also upon a false fame that run of Scipioes death But after finding the report false they resolved yet once againe to proove his Clemencie as an assured refuge and so went fell on their knees before him desiring pardon confessing their faults Scipio after he had rebuked them said unto them in this sort My friends by your merits you shall die but you shall live by the benefit of the Romane people And although the custome be to take all armes from rebels yet I will not take them from you but if you fall any more into such a fault I shall have reason with armes to take armes from armed people but not from disarmed Therefore seeing you have many times experimented the Romanes Clemencie take heed also you prove not their vengeance and wrath By this example then of Scipio it appeares that a prince ought alwaies to be enclined to Clemencie wherby he may obtaine friends augment his dominations shun Gods indignation the envie of men and to do to another that which he would should be done to himselfe This is it which Romulus said to the Antenates and Caeninians which hee had vanquished subjugated Although said he you have merited to suffer al extreame things for that you rather loved warre against us than our amitie yet many reasons Dioni Halic lib. 2. moove us to use our victorie moderately in respect of the indignation of the gods unto whom pride is odious the feare of the envie evill will of men and because we beleeve that Mercie and Clemencie is a great releese and remedie for the miseries and calamities of mortall men which we would gladly entreat of others in our owne distresses and calamities We therefore pardon you this fault and leave you in the same enjoiance of your goods as you were before The Romane Senat had alwayes Clemencie in great recommendation yea even towards them which had often rebeled The Ligurians which now we cal Genevois Titus Liviuâ— lib. 2. Dec. 2. rose up against the Romanes many times insomuch as they sent against them Marcus Popilius Consull with a puissant armie Popilius having subjugated and vanquished them
he took their armes from them dismantelled and destroied their townes and sould the goods and persons of such as were taken in warre The Senate thought this very hard to sell so many men which implored the Romanes mercie and tooke it to be an evill example to cause their enemies from thence forward in desperat sort to have recourse to armes as an extreame necessitie rather than to their Clemencie So it was ordained that they should be redeemed which were sould their goods also that could bee recovered that the Ligurians should also have their armes and withall Popilius was countermanded to returne and give over the government to another of Liguria Camillus generall captaine of the Roman armie besieged the town of Falisques Titus Liviuâ— lib. 5. Dec. 1. the Romanes enemies The schoolemaster of Falisques enterprised a great wickednesse and villanie for making a countenance to lead for sport pastime the youth of the towne which were committed unto him to be instructed he straight brought all that youth to Camillus his camp hoping he would give him some good recompence speaking in this manner Lord Camillus I yeeld into your hands the towne of Falisques for I here bring you their deare loving children which to recover they will easily yeeld themselves to you To whom Camillus answered Wicked wretch thou addressest not thy selfe to thy like We have by compacts no societie with the Falisques but by nature we have we are not ignorant of the right of warre and of peace which we will couragiously observe we make not warre upon yong children for even when we take townes wee pardon them so doe wee also to them which beare armes against us Thou wouldest vanquish the Falisques by deceit and villanie but I will vanquish them by vertue armes as I overcame the Veians After this Camillus commaunded to bind the schoolemasters hands behind him and to give all the schollers roddes in their hands which whipped him naked into the towne As thus in this sort the children brought their master to the towne all the people ran to see the spectacle which so changed their courages before full of wrath hatred against the Romanes that straight they sent delegates to Camillus to desire peace admiring the Romane clemencie and justice Camillus knowing that he alone could not enterprise to conclude a peace sent the said delegates towards the Senate of Rome where arriving they made this speech to the Senat Having my masters been vanquished by an agreeable victorie both to gods and men we yeeld our selves to you knowing that our estate shall be better under your domination than in our owne liberties and customes The issue of this warre will serve hereafter for a double example to al mankind for it seemes you doe better love loyaltie in warre than present victorie And we being provoked by your kindnesse and loyaltie do gladly and willingly yeeld you the victorie We offer our selves your subjects and we shall never repent our selves of your domination nor you of your loyaltie The peace and alliance accorded to the Falisques Camillus entred Rome in triumph and was more esteemed to bee a victor by Clemencie than if it had been by Armes He that would here collect so many examples as hystories doe furnish us concerning this matter should never have done but I satisfie my selfe with the most memorable amongst them for in a notorious and evident thing there is no need to insist more amply 23. Maxime A Prince ought to have a turning and winding wit with art and practise made fit to be cruell and unfaithfull that he may shew himselfe such an one when there is need IT is good saith our Florentine that a prince should appear Cap. 18. Of a prince to be loyall piteous liberall yea and effectually to bee so vvhensoever hee seeth it is profitable unto him But yet a princes spirits must be so flexible so ductible and easie to bee led so handsomely and naturally fitted and with custome used as he can do the contrarie at all times at a need For most commonly necessitie requires that a prince should shew himselfe disloyall cruell fierce and niggardly THe Philosophers call habitude that promptnesse aptnesse which men acquire by frequent exercise of the actions of every art As a Taylor by customable exercise of cutting and shaping obtaines an habit and dexteritie to know well how to make garments An Archer in a crosbow or gunne by the often exercise of shooting obtaineth that habitude to draw well and to shoot nigh the white and so it is in all other actions and sciences every man may get an habitude by frequent exercise Machiavels mind then is That it is not sufficient for a prince sometimes to be cruell perfidious fierce covetous and illiberall but by frequent exercise of crueltie perfidie and covetousnesse he must obtaine an habitude promptly dexteriously and handsomely at his pleasure to practise these goodly vertues at a need For if by frequent exercise hee could not obtaine this habit it might so fall out that in his necessitie he should be found to seeke in the practise of them in that sort which should be requisite and necessarie even as an Archer or Gunner cannot know how handsomely to handle his Bow and Gunne to come nigh the marke who not past once or twice before hath handled them Because as Aristotle saith one sole action makes not an habitude no more than one alone Swallow brings a certaine assurance of the Springs comming But I pray you is not this a triumphant doctrine for a prince to be taught nay rather to teach some devill of hell for since the nature of divels cannot tend but to evill a man may say that it should be very covenable that they had as I beleeve they have Machiavell to teach them the precepts of the art of wickednesse As this Maxime must needs be one of them whereby hee wills that these vicious qualities of crueltie perfidie and niggardlinesse should be in a prince not as in an habit and perfection But I will not stand to confute here this Maxime for before we have sufficiently spoken of crueltie and perfidie and at large demonstrated how unworthy they are for a prince And as for Covetousnesse we shal have occasion to speak of it in another Maxime yet I would desire all persons which have in them any pietie and love of vertue to learne to detest so abhominable a doctrine as this which Machiavell here teacheth for there was never Arabian Scythian or Turke which ever taught a more strange barbarous doctrine as to persuademen to make habitudes of vices Let us also learne to discerne spirits before we beleeve them If Machiavell had been knowne to be such a man as I hope he shall bee deciphered by this discourse it is likely he should not have done so much harme as hee hath done And finally let us thanke our good God which hath not permitted that our spirits should be
maintained them in peace when all his neighbors about him were in great warre and that hee maintained so good justice amongst them as none but hee alone pilled and vexed them And certaine it is that if men must needes bee robbed and spoiled they had rather to bee so dealt with by one man alone then of many and that subjects will beare it better at their princes hands than of particulars but especiallie when extreame and hard tallies and imposts are laid upon subjects if they bee descried to bee imployed for the publike good and that it bee something softened and sweetened by a good peace justice And therefore de Comines together praiseth and reprehendeth king Lewis the eleventh his master saying That hee pilled and oppressed his subjects but yet hee would never suffer any other to doe them any evill or any way to rob or spoyle them But to many it may seeme that that we have abovesaid tendeth too much unto the dispraise of Povertie which notwithstanding seemes to bee praised and recommended by our Christian religion But hereunto I answer That Povertie of it selfe is neither praiseable nor vituperable but men must judge of them according to circumstances For if it bee suffered with an holy patience by a Christian man who takes in good part and contenteth himselfe with the vocation whereunto God hath called him and with the meanes which he hath given him and if it bee accompanied with a simple and gentle spirit assuredly such a Povertie may bee placed in the ranke of the greatest vertues For it is no small vertue to bee able well and constantly to beare Povertie without straying out of the path but rather a very difficill and rare thing Therefore the Panims themselves praised and admired Aristides Phocion Lisander Valerius Publicola Fabricius Curius Quintus Cincinnatus Menencus Agrippa Paulus Aemilius and many other great persons which have carried themselves like good and vertuous people though they were very poore because they suffered Povertie with a great and constant courage and without straying any thing from vertue Yet so much there wanteth that Christian doctrine approveth this Povertie of begging that contrary it forbiddeth plainely that none bee suffered to beg And likewise the word of God witnesseth unto us That good men will not willinglie suffer their children to beg their bread for alwaies God assisteth and giveth them meanes Therefore Monkes called Mendicants have gone too far in praising extolling and exalting Povertie not taking it as it must be understoode by the word of God And so it is like they will soone repent that from the beginning they have made so deepe a profession of Povertie against which they have many times since pleaded kicked and spurned yet could never bee rid nor dispatched of it but alwaies have beene compelled by Popes and Parliaments alwaies to hould and observe it as a thing wherein lay and lyeth all the perfection of the orders But because this account and narration is pleasant to tyred and wearied readers I will a little discourse upon the warres of these Mendicant friers You must then know that these Mendicants at their first entrie into the world to renowne their names proposed to themselves straightly to follow the estate of perfection How the Mendicants pleaded against Povertie lost the cause that by their owne merits they might enter into Paradize and cause others to enter into favour of them and with their authoritie This estate of perfection they constituted in three points Chastitie Obedience and Povertie Of the two first points wee will not speake heere but onely of the last point which is Povertie Of this Povertie also they have made three kinds High Meane and Base High Povertie which the Franciscan Friers attribute unto themselves is that which hath nothing in this world neither in proper nor in common any way that is neither fields nor house nor possession nor rents nor pension nor beasts nor moveables nor apparrell nor bookes nor rights nor actions nor fruits nor any other thing in the world Behold here indeede a soveraigne pure and exceeding neere Povertie wherin there neither wanteth any thing neither is there any thing to be reprooved since it hath nothing at all The second kind which is for the Dominicans and Iacobins is a Meane Povertie which hath nothing particular or proper but only somethings in common as bookes apparrell and daily victuals The third and last kind which the Carmelites Augustines have retained for themselves is Base Povertie which may have proper common and in particular whatsoever is justly necessarie to life as apparrell bookes certaine pensions and some lands for helpe of their kitchin and necessitie of their living And it is good to note in those good brethren the Carmelites and Augustines how humble they shew themselves to bee contented with so base a kind of Povertie without any desire to mount higher as acknowledging themselves unworthie and incapable for to ascend into so high and superlative a degree These Mendicants then being obliged and restrained unto Povertie by a solemn vow which they make at their profession in their orders they are so annexed united and incorporated in it and with it that never after they could be never so little seperated or dismembred what diligence or labour soever they used to do it hereof they have found themselves much troubled and sorrowfull For howsoever gallant and goodly the Theorique of Povertie is yet in practise they have found it a little too difficile and hard And indeede if you consider more nigh the Theorique thereof especially of that high and soveraigne Povertie I know not whether you can finde any thing in the world more excellent or more admirable For they which make profession thereof in my opinion come something nigh an Angell like nature because the Angels have no need of the use of the earthly corruptible goods of this miserable world but onely take care of divine and spirituall things More also they which make profession of this high Povertie have this advauntage over the rich men which possesse the goods of this vale of miserie that they are not wrapped in so many mischeefes and travailes which accompanie those goods but are franke and free taking no care nor thought for ploughing manuring sowing reaping grape-gathering lopping of trees grafting eradicating cutting planting building selling buying or doing any other like things which concerne the affaires of the world From all these things they are free and exempted having nothing which hindereth them to be in a continuall contemplation and meditation of divine things to come in time unto a great and deepe wisedome yea to approch to the Angelicall nature of the Cherubins and Seraphins which have no other occupation than to contemplate and exalt the Divinitie But also if on the other side you consider the great difficulties in this so strict and straight use of Povertie you shall find it verily a sad and unpleasant thing For it is an approoved