thought so quoth the Duke and not without great cause for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable and is well provendred is proud and fierce and ready to leape on every other horses back still neying and prauncing and troubling all that stand about him but when he is once out of his hot stable and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure so is it quoth he with my Lord of Arundell Whereat many marvelled that were present to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of judgement against a Peere of the Realme cast into calamity But you would more have marvelled quoth the Gentleman if you had seene that which I did afterward which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earle of Arundel at Cambridge and upon the way towards London when this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up as prisoner If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees how he wept how he besought the said Earle to be a good Lord unto him whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached you would have said that himselfe might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune as they are easily led to contemne any man albeit themselves bee most contemptible of all others whensoever their fortune beginneth to change and so will my L. of Leicester be also no doubt at that day though now in his wealth he triumph over all and careth not whom or how many he offend and injure Sir therein I beleeve you quoth I for wee have had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in adversity His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage well declared what hee would doe in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them whom he hated most his servile speeches his feigned and dissembled teares are all very well knowne Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the hâ—nourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester for that he would by any meanes reâ—gne the same unto him whether he would or no and made him provide not without his charge to receive the same though his Lordship never meant it as after wel appeared For that the present pange being past it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe of such as in dangers make vowes to Saints Scampato il pericolo gabbato il santo the danger escaped the Saint is deceived Then and in that necessity no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended served by him as the noble Chamberlaine deceased and the good Lord Treasurer yet living to whom at a certaine time he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty and yet so as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen to the end her Highnesse might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it as she did For Mistris Francis Hâ—ward to whom the stratagem was committed playing her part dexterously offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer neare the doâ—re of the withdrawing Chamber he then comming from her Majesty And to draw the eye and attention of her Highnesse the more unto iâ— shee let fall the paper before it touched the treasurers hand and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same Which after she had read and considered the stile together with the metall and constitution of him that wrote it and to whom it was lent her Highnesse could not but breake forth in laughter with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation sayâ—ng unto my Lord Treasurer there presâ—nt my Lord believe him not for if he had you in like case he would play the Beare with you though at this present hee fawne upon you never so fast But now Sir I pray you goe forward in your speech of Scotland for there I remember you left off when by occasion we fell into these digressions Well then quoth the Gentleman to returâ—e againe to Scotland as you move from whence wee have digressed most certaine and evident it is to all the world that all the broyles troubles and dangers procured to the Prince in that countrey as also the vexations of them who any way are thought to favour that title in our owne Realme doe proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators Which besides the great dangers mentionâ—d before both domesticall and forraine temporall and of religion must needs inferre great jeopardy also to her Maiesties person and present reign that now governeth through the hope and heat of the aspirâ—rs ambition inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearenesse of their desired prey For as souldiers entred into the hope of a rich and well furnished Citie are more fierce and furious when they have gotten and beaten downe the Bullwaâ—ks round about and as the greedy Burglâ—rer that hath pierced and broken downe man waâ—ls to come to a treasure is lesse patient of stay stop and delay when he commeth in sight of â—hat which he desireth or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bags so theâ—e men whâ—n they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished together with all friends and favourâ—rs thereof which now are to her Majesty as Bullwarks and wals and great obstacles to the aspirors and when they shall see onely her Maiâ—sties life and person to stand betwixt them and their fierie desires for they make little account of all other Competitors by King Hâ—nries line no doubt but it will bee to them a great prick and spurre to dispatch Her Majestie also the nature of both Earles being well considered whereof the one killed his own wife as hath been shewed before onely upon a little vaine hope of marriage with a Queene and the other being so farre blinded and borne away with the same furious fume most impotent itching humor of ambition as his owne mother when she was alive seemed greatly to feare his fingers if once the matter should come so neare as her life had onely stood in his way For which cause the good old Countesse was wont to pray God as I have heard divers say that she might dye before her Majesty which happily was granted unto her to the enâ— that by standing in her sonnes way who she saw to her grief furiously bent to weare a Crown there might not some dangerous extremiâ—y grow to her by that nearenesse And if his owne mother feared this mischance whâ—t may her Majesty doubt
boldnes if I have been too plain with him And so I pray you let us goe to supper for I see my seruant expecting yonder at the Gallery doore to call us downe To that said the Lawyer I am content with all my heart and I would it had beene sooner for that I am afraid lest any by chance have ovâ—rheard us here since night For my owne part I must say that I have not been at such a conference this seven years nor meane to bee hereafter if I may escape well with this whereof I am sure I shall dreame this fortnight and thinke oftner of my Lord of Leicester than ever I had intended God amend him and me both But if ever I heare at other hands of these matters hereafter I shall surely be quake britch and thinke every bush a theefe And with that came up the Mistris of the house to fetch us down to supper and so all was husht saving that at supper a gentleman or two began again to speak of my Lord and that so coâ—formable to some of our former speech as indeed it is the common talke at tables every where that the old Lawyer begâ—n to shrink and be appâ—led and to cast dry looks upon the Gentleman ouâ— friend doubting lest something hâ—d been discoverâ—d of our confeâ—ence But indeed it was not so Pia et utilis Meditatio desumpta ex libro Iobi Cap 20. HOc scio a principio ex quo positus est homo supeâ— terram quod laus impiorum brevis sit et gaudium hypocritae ad instaâ— puncti Si ascenderit usque ad coelum superbia ejus et caput ejus nubes tetigerit quasi sterquilinium in fine perdetur et qui eum viderant dicent ubi est velut somnium avolans non invâ—nietur transiet sicut visio nocturna Oculus qui eum viderat non videbit neque ultra intuebitur eum locus suâ—s Filii eius atterentur egestate manus illius reddent es laborem suum Ossa eius implebuntur vitiis adolescentiae ejus cum eo in pulvere dormient Paâ—is eius in utero illius vertetur in fâ—l aspidum intrinsecus Divitias quas devoravit evomet et de venâ—re illius extrabet eas Deus Caput aspidum surget occidet cum lingua viprae Luet quae fecit omnia nec tamen consumetur Iuxta multitudinem adinventionum suarum sic et sustinebit QuoniaÌ„ coÌ„fringens nudabit pauperes domum rapuit non aedificavit eam nec est satiatas venter eius cum habuerit quae concupierit possidere non poterit Non reman sit de cibo eius propterea non permanebit de bonis eius CuÌ„ satiatus fuerit arctabitur aestuabit omnis dolor irruet super eum Vtinam impleatur venter eius ut immiâ—tat in â—ú Deus iâ—aÌ„ fuâ—oris sui pluat super illum bellum suum Fugiet arma ferrea irruet in arcum aereum Gladius eductus egrediens de vagina sua fulgurans in amaritudine sua Omnes tenebrae absconditae sunt in occultis eius Devorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur affligetur relictus in tabernaculo suo Apertum â—â—it geâ—men domus illius detrabetur in de furoris dei Haecest pars bominis impii à deo hereditas verborum ejus à domino A Godly and profitable Meditation taken out of the 20. Chapter of the Booke of Job THis I know from the first that man was placed upon earth that the praise or applause given to wicked men endureth but a little anâ— the joy of an hypocrite is but for a momenâ— Though his pride were so great as to mount tâ— heaven and his head should touch the skyes yeâ— in the end shall hee come to perdition as a dunâ—hill and they who beheld him in glory beforâ— shall say where is he he shall be found as a flâ—ing dreame and as a phantasie by night shall 〈◊〉 away The eye that beheld him before shall 〈◊〉 more see him nor yet shall his place of honouâ— ever more behold him His children shall be worâ—out with beggeâ—ie and his owne hands shall râ—turne upon him his sorrow His olâ— bones 〈◊〉 be replenished with the vices of his youth are they shall sleep with him in his grave His breaâ— in his belly shâ—l be turned inwardly into the 〈◊〉 of Serpents The riches which hee hath devouâ—â—â— he shall vomit forth againe and God shâ—ll 〈◊〉 them forth of his belly He shall suck thâ— head 〈◊〉 Cocatrices and the venemous â—ongues of addâ—â— shall slay him He shall sustaine due punishmeâ—â— for all the wickednes that he hath committed 〈◊〉 yet shall he have end or consummation thereoâ— Hee shall suffer according to the multitude of 〈◊〉 his wicked inventions For that by violence heâ— hath spoyled the poore made havock of his houâ—â— and not builded the same His womb is never satisfied yet when he hath that which he desired he shall not bee able to possesse the same There remaineth no part of his meat for the poore and therefore there shall remaine nothing of his goods When his belly is full then shall he begin to be straitned then shall he sweat and all kinde of sorrow shall rush upon him I would his belly were once full that God might send out upon him the rage of his fury and raine upon him his war He shall flye away from Iron weapons and run upon a bow of brasse A drawne sword comming out of his skabard shall flash as lightning in his bitternesse All daâ—knesse lye hidden for him in secret the fire that needeth no kindling shâ—ll devoure him and hee shall be tormented alone in his tabernacle The off-spring of his house shall be made open and pulled down in the day of Gods fury This is the portion of a wicked man from God and this is the inheritance of his substance from the Lord. FINIS LEICESTER'S GHOST Printed Anno Dom. MDCXLI LEICESTER'S GHOST J That sometimes shin'd like the orient Sunne Though Foâ—tunâ—s subject yet a puissant Lord Am now an object to be gaz'd upon An abject rather fit to be deplor'd Dejected now that whilome was ador'd Affected once suspected since of many Rejected now reâ—pected scarce of any My Spirit hovering in the foggie aire Since it did passe the frozen Stygian flood Vnto great Britâ—ines Empire did repaire Where of ELIZA's death I understood And that the heavens carefull of Englands good Rais'd up a King who crowned with loves peace Brought in new soyes made old griefes to ceaâ—â— Thus from the concave vaults of starlesse night Where neither sunne nor moone vouchsafâ— to shire My wretched Ghost aâ— length is come to light By charâ—ers granted from the powers divine Snake-eating envie ô doe not repine At honouâ—s-shâ—dow doe not bite the dead My pride is past my pompe from th' earth is fleâ— My
hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ— be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sâ—y that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloâ—y and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâ—ror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâ—ken by them at length when fortune began to faâ—â—eâ—h hâ—m and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâ—sh and so drâ—wn through the City with infamy whâ—re loâ—en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâ—k put under his chin to the end he should not loâ—ke downe or hide hiâ— fâ—ce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâ—er many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâ—ur of a muâ—titude whâ—n it is once stirred and hath place of reveâ—ge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants â—n this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâ—er in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâ—ceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mâ—rket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâ—th And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâ—inst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâ—ster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâ—jâ—sties service under this mans brother the Earlâ— of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâ—s former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâ—ster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâ—ving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâ—gh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henâ—y the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâ—s brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâ—h yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâ—hbishop of Canterbury fâ—r Dâ—ctor Iulio his sâ—ke and that in so foule a matteâ— Vpon Sir Iohn Thâ—oâ—maâ—ton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewâ—y and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâ—ssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâ—s place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâ—ng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather â—ouble oppression for their complaining Wherâ—fore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mâ—n my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâ—res together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâ—wed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thâ—t it is a matter sufficâ—ently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ— is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friâ—nds of his in reasoning of these matters deâ—y stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâ—jesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thâ—y alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâ—yes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâ—lecontent in the present government nor hâ—pe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâ—sties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth â—e Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâ—lfâ— or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ— is â—vident that he meaneâ—h to hâ—ve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâ—h other men and to hunt wâ—th Huntington and oâ—hâ—â— hounds in the sâ—me chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plâ—y the Beare when he coâ—eth to divâ—ding of the pray and will snatch the best pâ—rt to himselfe Yea and these sâ—lf same peâ—sons of his traine anâ—â—action whom you call his friend though in publâ—que to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ— plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâ—k it and among thâ—mselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâ—me Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâ—r lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâ—ll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâ—resse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which â—ow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâ—h all Royâ—lties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâ—ly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taâ—â— effect or come to passe To the same point â—ended the words of Mistressâ— Anne West Daâ—e Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâ—r Robert Kâ—owles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâ—esence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâ—in him â—s for dislâ—ke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ— of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâ—ce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâ—s his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thâ—t she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâ—full speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâ—ve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâ—tâ—er should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâ—lled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâ—uld easily perswade and give satisfactâ—on that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâ—lfe in this suâ—t Whiâ—h three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he â—hâ—t suâ—th to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâ—thinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ— himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâ—eth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâ—ckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâ—ng that alwayâ—s the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to â—he precepâ— it bâ—ginneth
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
Duke when he repâ—rted the same mistrusted not so much my Lords malice therein But the sum of all is this in effect that Leicester having a secret desire to pull down the said Duke to the end that he might have no man above himselfe to hindeâ— him in that which he most desireth by a thousand cunning devices drew in the Duke to the cogitation of that marriage with the Queen of Scotland which afterward was the cause or occasion of his ruine And hee behaved himselfe so dexterously in this drift by setting on the Duke â—n the one side and also by intrapping him on the other as Iudas himselfe never plaid his part more cunningly when hee supped with his Master and set himself so neer as he dipt his spoon in the same dish durst before others aske who should betray him meaning that night to doe it himselfe as he shewed soon after supper when he came as a Captaine with a band of Conspirâ—tors and with a courteous kissâ— delivered his person into the hands of them whom hee well knew to thirst after his bloud The very like did the Earle of Leycester with the Duke of Noâ—foâ—k for the aâ—t of treason though in the parties bâ—trâ—yed there were great difference of innocency Nâ—mely at one time when her Mâ—jesty was at Basing in Hampshire and the Duke attended there to have audience with greâ—t indiffâ—â—ency in himselfe to follow or leave off his suit for marriage for that now he began to suspect her Majesty liked not greatly thereof my Lord of Leycester came to him and counselled him in any case to persevere and not to relent assuring him with many oathes and proâ—estâ—tions that her Mâ—jesty must and should be brought to allow thereof whether she would or no and that himâ—â—lâ—e would seâ—le thâ—t purpose with his blood Nâ—iâ—her wâ—s uâ—to be suffered that her Maiesty should have her will herein with many other like speeches to this purpose which the Duke repeaâ—ed againe then presently to my said friend with often laying his hand upon his bosome and saying I have here which â—ssâ—reth me sufficiently of tâ—e fidelity of my Lord of Leycester meaning not onely the foresaid speeches buâ— also divers letteâ—s which he had written to the Duke of that effâ—ct as likewise he had done to some other person of more importance in the Realme which matter comming afterward to 〈◊〉 he cousened most notably hâ—r Majesty by shewing her a reformed copie of the said Letter for the Letter it selfe But now how well he performâ—d his promise in dealiâ—g with her Majesty for the Duke or against the Duke in this matter her Highnesse can best tell and the event it selfe shewed For the Duke being admitted soon after to her Majesties speech at another place and receiving a farre other answer than he had in hopâ— conceived upon Leycesters promises retyred himselfe to London where the same night following hee received Letters both from Leycester and Sir Nicholas Thregmorton upon Leycesters instigation for they wâ—re at that time both friends and of a fâ—ction that he should presently flye into Norfolk â—s he did which was the last and finall complement of all Lâ—ycest former devices whereby to plâ—nge his friend over the eares in suâ—piâ—ion and disgrace in such sort as he should never be able to dâ—â—w himselfe out of the ditch againe as indeed he was not but dyed in the same And herein you see also the same subtile and Machivilian slight which I mentioned bâ—fore of driving men to attempt somewhat whereby they may incurre danger or remaine in perpetuall suspition or disgrace And this practice hâ— hath long used and doth dayly against such as he hath will to destroy As for example what say you to the device he had of late to intrap his well deserving friend Sir Christopher Hatton in the matter of Hall his Priest whom hee would have had Sir Christopher to send away and hide being touched and detected in the case of Ardent thereby to have drawne in Sir Christopher himselfe as Sir Charles Candish can well declare if it please him being accessary to this plot for the overthrow of Sir Christopher To which intent and most devilish drift pertained I doubt not if the matter were duely examined the late interception of letters in Paris from one Aldred of Lyons then in Rome to Henr. Vmpton servant to Sir Christopher in which letters Sir Christopher is reported to be of such credit and speciall favour in Rome as if he were the greatest Papist in England What meaneth also these pernitious late dealings against the Earle of Shrewsburie a man of the most ancient and worthiest Nobilitie of our Realm what meane the practises with his nearest both in bed and bloud against him what meane those most false and slanderous rumours cast abroad of late of his disloyall demeanours towards her Maiesty and his countrey with the great prisoner committed to his charge is all this to any other end but onely to drive him to some impatience and thereby to commit or say something which may open the gate unto his ruine Divers other things could I recite of his behaviour towards other noble men of the Realm who live abroad in their countries much injured and malecontented by his insolency albeit in respect of his present power they dare not complaine And surely it is strange to see how little account he maketh of all the ancient nobilitie of our Realme how he contemneth derideth and debaseth them which is the fashion of all such as mean to usuâ—p to the end they may have none who shall not acknowledge their first beginning and advancement from themselves Not only usurpers quoth the Lawyer but all others who rise and mount aloft from base lynage be ordinarily most contemptuous contumultuous and insolent against others of more antiquity And this was evident in this mans father who being a Buck of the first head as you know was intollerable in contempt of others as appeareth by those whom hee trod downe of the Nobilitie in his time as also by his ordinarie jests against the Duke of Somerset and others But among other times sitting one day at his owne table as a Counsellor told mee that was present he took occasion to talke of the Earl of Arundel whom he had then not onely removed from the Counsell but also put into the Tower of London being as is wel known the first and chiefest Earle of the Realme And for that the said Earle shewed himselfe somewhat sad and afflicted with his present state as I marvel not seing himself in prison and within the compasse of so fierce a Beares paws it pleased this goodly Duke to vaunt upon this Earles misery at his owne Table as I have said and asked the noble men and gentlemen there present what Crest or Cognizance my L. of Arundel did give and when every one answered that hee gave the white horse I
wit it seemes impossible By drinkes or charmes this worke to passe to bring Know then that Giges were invisible By turning the sigill of his Ring Toward his palme and thereby slew the King Lay with his wife of any man unseene Lastly did raigne by marrying with the queene King Salomon for Magick naturall Was held a cunning man by some Divines He wrote a booke of Science naturall To bind ill Spirits in their darke confines He had great store of wives and Concubines Yet was a Sacred King this I inferre The wisest man that now doth live may erre Also yee say that when I waxed old When age and time mispent had made me dry For ancient held in carnall Lust is cold Natures defect with Art I did supply And that did helpe this imbecility I us'd strong drinks and Oyntments of great price Whose taste or touch might make dead flesh arise To this I answer that those fine extractions Drams and electuaries finely made Serv'd not so much to helpe veneriall actions As for to comfort nature that 's decaid Which being with indifferent judgment weigh'd In noble men may be allowed I trust As tending to their health not to their lust What if I drinke nothing but liquid gold Lactrina christal pearle resolv'd in wine Such as th' Egyptians full cups did hold When Cleopatra with her Lord did dine A trifle care not for the cost was mine What if I gave Hippomenes to drinke To some fair Dames at smal faults you must wink Ye say I was a traytor to the Queene And thâ—t when Monsieur was in greatest grace I being out of favour mov'd with spleene To see a Frenchman frolique in the place Forth toward Barwick then did post apace Minding to raise up a rebellious rout To take my part in what I went about That I was then a traytor I deny But I confesse that I was Monsieurs foe And sought to breake the league of amity Which then betwixt my Prince and him did grow Doubting Religion might be changed so Or that our Lawes and customes were in danger To be corrupt or altered by a stranger Therefore I did a faction strong maintaine Agâ—inst the Earle of Sussâ—x a stout Lord On Monsieurs side and then Lord Chamberlain Who sought to make that nuptiall accord Which none may breake witnesse the sacred Wordâ— But thus it châ—nced that he striv'd in vaine To knit that kâ—ot which heaven did not ordaine Thus did ye mis-interpret my conceiâ—s That for disloyalty my deâ—ds did blame Yet many men have laid their secret baits T' intrap me in such snares to work my shame Whom I in time sufficiently did tame And by my Soveraignes favour bore them downe Proving my selfe true Liegeman to the Crowne Thinke yee I could forget my Soveraigne Lady Thâ—t was to me so gracious and so kinde How many triumphs for her glory made I O I could never blot out of my minde What Characters of grace in her have shin'd But some of you which were by her pâ—efer'd Have with her bones almoâ—â— her name inter'd When she was gone which of you all did weep What mournfull song did Pâ—ilomela sing Alâ—s when she in deaths cold bed did sleep Which of you all her dolefull knell did ring How long wâ—ll yee now love your crowned King If you so soon forget your old Queen dead Which foure and fourty yeares hath governed Yee say I sought by murder to aspire And by strong poyson many men to slay Which as ye thought might crosse my high desire And â—loud my long expected golden day Perhaps I laid some blocks out of my way Which hindred me from comming to the Bower Whâ—re Cynthia shin'd like lamps in Pharohs tower Alas I came not of a Tygers kinde My hands with bloud I hated to defile But when by good experience I did finde How some with fained love did me beguile Perchance all pitty then I did exile And as it were against my will was prest To seek their deaths that did my life detest Lo then attend to heare a dolefull tale Of those whose death yâ—e doe suppose I wrought Yet wish I that the world beleeve not all That hath of me by envious men been wrought But when I for a Kingly fortune sought O pardon me my sâ—lfe I might forget And cast downe sâ—me my state aloft to set My first wife fell downe from a paire of staires And brake her neck and so at Comner dy'd Whilst her true servants led with small affaires Unto a Fure at Abingdon did ride This dismall hap did to my wife betide Whether yee call it chance or destiny Too true it is shâ— dâ—d untimely dye O had I now a showrâ— of teares to shed Lockt in the empty circles of my â—yes All could I shed in mourning for the dead That lost a spouse so young so faire so wise So faire a corps so foule a coarse nâ—w lies My hope t' have married with a famous Queene Drave pitty back and kept my teares unseene What man so fond that would not lose a Pearle To finde a Diamond leave brasse for gold Or who would not forsake a gallant gitle To win a Qâ—een great men in awe to hold â—o rule â—he â—tate and of none be control'd O but the stâ—ps that lead unto a â—hrone Aâ—e dâ—ngerous for men to tread upon Tâ—e Cardinall Chatillion was my foe Whose death peradventure did compact Because he let Queen Elizâ—beth to know My false report given of a former act How I with her had made a precontract And the great Princes hope I bar'd thereby That sâ—ught to marry with her Majesty The Prelate had bin better held his tongue And kist his holy Fathers feet in Rome A Masse the sooner for his soule was sung But he might thanke me had he staid at home Or late or never he to heaven had come Therefore I sent him nimbly from the coasts Perhaps to supper with the Lord of hosts When death by hap my first wives neck had crackt And that my suit unto the Queene â—ll sped It chaâ—ced that I made a post contract And did in sort the Lâ—dy Sheffâ—â—ld wed Of whom I had two goodly children bred For the Lord Sheffeild died as I was sure Of a Catarie which physicke could not cure Some thinke thâ— rhume was artificiall Which this good Lord befoâ—â— his end did take Tush what I gave to her was naturâ—ll My plighted troth yet some amends did make Though her at length unkinde I did forsâ—ke She must not blame me for a higher reach Made my sure promise finde a sudden breach The valiant Earle whom absent I did wrong In breaking Hymeneus holy band In Ireland did protract the time too long Whilst some in â—ngland ingled under hand And at his coming homeward to this land He dyed with poyson as they say infected Not without cause for veâ—geance I suspâ—cted Because this fact notorious scandall bred And â—or I did his gallant wife abuse To salve â—his sore
when this brave Lord was dead I for my selfe did this faire Lady chuse And flesh is fraile deare Lady me excuse It was pure love that made me undertake This haplesse recontract with thee to make Now in Joves pallace that good Lord doth sup And drinkâ— full bowles of Nector in the skie Hunnies his pâ—ge that tasted of that cup Did onely loose his hâ—ire and did not dye True-noble Earle thy fame to heaven doth flye He doth repent his fault and pâ—rdon crave That marr'd thy bed and too soon made thy grave Thou didst behinde thee leave a matchlesse Sonne A peerelâ—sse paterne for all princâ—ly peeres Whose spaâ—ks of glory in my time begun Kindled wâ—th hope flâ—m'd highly in few yeeres But death him struâ—k and drown'd this land in teares His Sonne doth live true imâ—ge of him dead To grace this soil whâ—re showers of tears were shed Thâ—y were to blame that said the Queen should marry With me her Hors keeper for so they call'd me But thou Throgmarton whâ—ch â—his tale didst carry From France to England hast more shâ—rply gall'd me Sith my good Qâ—eene in office high extold me For I was Mâ—ster of her Highnesse Horse I scorne thy words which did my hate inforce But tell me then how didst thou likâ— thy fare When I to supper last did thee invite If I did rid thee of a world of care By giving â—hee a Salet gentle Knight With gastly lookes doe not my soule affrâ—ght Lester I was whom England once did dread But now I am like thee Throgmarton dead My Lord of Sussex was too cholerick That call'd me traitor and a traitors sonne But I serv'd him a fine Italian triâ—k Had not I done so I had bin undone Now marke the end what conquest hath he won A litle scruple that to him I sent Did purge his choler till hâ—s life was spent He was a gallant Noble man indeed O but his life did still my life decrease Therefore I sent him with convenient speed To rest amongst his ancestors in peace â—y rage was pacifi'd at his decease And now I come t' imbrace his love too late Him did I love whom living I did hate I came to visit as I chanc'd to walke My Lady of Lenox whom I found not well I took her by the hand hâ—d private talke And so departed a short tale to tell When I was gone into a flux she fell That never ceast her company to keep Till it had brought her to a senslesse sleep I dream'd she had not many dayes to live And this my dreame did shortly fall out true So as her Ghostly Father I did give Some comfort to her soule for well I knew That she would shortly bid the world adiew Some say I gave such physick as did spill her But I suppose that mâ—ere conceit did kill her Some will object perhaps I did pretend To meet the Earle of Ormond on a day In single fight our quarrell for to end But did command my servant Killygray To lye in ambush that stout Lord to slay But heaven did not consent to work his spoile That was the glory of the Irish soile Perhâ—ps I doubted that I was too weake And loath I was he should the conquest win If in this cause I did my promise breake I hope men will not count it for a sin Is it not gâ—od to sleep in a whole skin When Hannibal could not prevaile by blowes He used stratagems to kill his foes If I the death of Monsieur Simiers fought When he from France Ambâ—ssadour was sent I had just cause to seeke it as I thought For towards me he bore no good intent Had he not fled betimes perhaps I ment T' have sent him in embassage for my pleasure To the black king that keeps Avernus treasuâ—e For when no man about the Court durst speak That I the Lady Lettice married This pratling Frenchman first the ice did breake And to the Quâ—ene the fact discovered Which not without just cause the anger bred Thus th'ape did play his part control'd of none When he espi'd the Beare from home was gone One Salvadore an Italian borne Having once wâ—tâ—ht with me till mid'st of night Was found slaine in his bed the next day morne Alas poore man I ruâ— his wofull plight That did in nothing but in sinne deâ—ight Had he to honest actions bent his wit He might have longer liv'd and scap'd this fit But what reward should such a man expect Whom gold to any lewdnesse could entice Ones turne once serv'd why should we not reject So vilde an instrument of damned vâ—ce What if he were dispâ—tched in a trice Was it not better this mans blood to spill Then let him live the world with sinne to â—il I doubted lest that Dâ—ughty would bewray My counsell and with othâ—rs party tâ—ke Wherefore the sooner him to rid away I sent him forth to sea with Captaine Dâ—â—kâ— Who knew how t' entertain him for my sake Before he went his lot by me was câ—st His death was plotted and perform'd in hast He hoped well but I did so dispose That he at Port St. Iulian lost his head Having no time permitted to disclose The inward griefes that in his heart were bred We need not feare the biting of the dead Now let him goe transported to the seas And tell my secrets to th' Antipodes My servant Gates did speed as ill or worse To whom I did my close intents impart And at his need with money stuft his purse And wil'd him still take courage at his heart Yet in the end he felt the deadly smart He was inveigled by some subtle witted To rob so he was taken and committed Of pardon I did put him still in hope When he of felony was guilty found And so condemn'd till his last friend the Pope Did him uphold from falling to the ground What hope of grace where vice did so abound He was beguil'd like birds that use to gape At Zâ—uxes table for a painted grape Yet I did to the man no injury And gave him time and leasure to repent And well he knew he had deserv'd to dye Therefore all future mischiefe to prevent I let him slip away with my consent For his reprivall lâ—ke a crafty Fox I sent no pardon but an empty Box. Else as unfaithfull Banester betraid The Dâ—ke of Buckinghâ—m his Master deare When he of Richards tyranny afraid Fled to his servants house for succour there So might my man for gaine or forc'd for feare Have brought my corps with shame unto my grave By too much trusting on a paltry knave Me seems at me great Norfolkes Duke doth frowne Because he thinkes I did his death contrive Perswading some he aimed at the Crowne And that by royall match he meant to strive A kingdome to his Lordship to revive Alas good Dâ—ke he was too meek and milde And I too faithlesse that his trust beguil'd For that I found his humour first was bent To take the