regions habitable I shal be very short because the same reasons serue for this purpose which were alleged before in the prouing the middle zone to be temperate especially seeing all heat and colde proceed from the Sunne by the meanes either of the Angle which his beames do make with the Horizon or els by the long or short continuance of the Suns presence aboue ground so that if the Sunnes beames do beat perpendicularly at right Angles then there is one cause of heat and if the Sunne do also long continue aboue the Horizon then the heat thereby is much increased by accesse of this other cause so groweth to a kinde of extremity And these two causes as I sayd before do most concurre vnder the two Tropicks and therefore there is the greatest heat of the world And likewise where both these causes are most absent there is greatest want of heat and increase of colde seeing that colde is nothing but the priuation and absence of heat and if one cause be wanting and the other present the effect will grow indifferent Therefore this is to be vnderstood that the neerer any region is to the Equinoctiall the higher the Sunne doth rise ouer their heads at noone and so maketh either right or neere right Angles but the Sunne carieth with them so much the shorter time and causeth shorter dayes with longer and colder nights to restore the domage of the day past by reason of the moisture conâ—umed by vapour But in such regions ouer the which the Sunne riseâ—h lower as in regions extended towards either pole it maketh there vnequall Angles but the Sunne continueth longer and maketh longer dayes and causeth so much shorter and warmer nights as retaining warme vapours of the day past For there are found by experience Summer nights in Scotland and Gothland very hot when vnder thâ— Equinoctiall they are found very cold This benefit of the Sunnes long continuance increase of the day doth augment so much the more in colde regions as they are nerer the poles and ceaseth not increasing vntill it come directly vnder the point of the pole Arcticke where the Sunne continueth aboue ground the space of sixe moneths or halfe a yere together and so the day is halfe a yere long that is the time of the Sunnes being in the North signes from the first degree of Aries vntill the last of Virgo that is aâ—l the time from our 10 day of March vntill the 14 of September The Sunne therfore during the timâ— of these sixe moneths without any offence or hindrance of the night giueth his influence vpon those lands with heat that neuer ceaseth during that time which maketh to the great increase of Summer by reason of the Sunnes continuance Therefore it followeth that though the Sunne be not there very high ouer their heads to cause right angle beames and to giue great heat yet the Sun being there sometime almost 24 degrees high doth cast a conuenient and meane heat which there continueth without hindrance of the night the space of sixe moneths as is before sayd during which time there followeth to be a conuenient moderate and temperate heat or els rather it is to be suspected the heat there to be very great both for continuance and also Quia virtus vnita crescit the vertue and strength of heat vnited in one increaseth If then there be such a moderate heat vnder the poles and the same to continue so long time what should moone the olde writers to say there cannot be place for habitation And that the certainty of this temperate heat vnder both the poles might more manifestly appeare let vs consider the position quality of the sphere the length of the day and so gather the height of the Sunne at all times and by consequent the quantity of his angle and so lastly the strength of his heat Those lands and regions lying vnder the pole and hauing the pole for their zenith must needs haue the Equinoctial circle for their Horizon therefore the Sun entring into the North signes and describing euery 24 houres a parallel to the Equinoctiall by the diurnall motion of Primum mobile the same parallels must needs be wholly aboue the Horizon and so looke how many degrees there are from the first of Aries to the last of Virgo so many whole reuolutions there are aboue their Horizon that dwell vnder the pole which amount to 182 and so many of our dayes the Sunne continueth with them During which time they haue there continuall day and light without any hindrance of moist nights Yet it is to be noted that the Sunne being in the first degree of Aries and last degree of Virgo maketh his reuolution in the very horizon so that in these 24 houres halfe the body of the Sunne is aboue the horizon and the other halfe is vnder his only center describing both the horizon and the equinoctiall circle And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the Sunne is almost 24 degrees it followeth his greatest height in those countreys to be almost 24 degrees And so high is the Sun at noone to vs in London about the 29 of October being in the 15 degree of Scorpio and likewise the 21 of Ianuary being in the 15 of Aquarius Therefore looke what force the Sun at noone hath in London the 29 of October the same force of heat it hath to them that dwell vnder the pole the space almost of two moneths during the time of the Summer solstitium and that without intermingling of any colde night so that if the heat of the Sunne at noone could be well measured in London which is very hard to do because of the long nights which ingender great moisture and cold then would manifestly appeare by expresse numbers the maner of the heat vnder the poles which certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very commodious and profitable if it incline not to ouermuch heat and if moisture do not want For as in October in England we finde temperate aire and haue in our gardens hearbs and floures notwithstanding our cold nights how much more should they haue the same good aire being continuall without night This heat of ours continueth but one houre while the Sun is in that meridian but theirs continueth a long time in one height This our heat is weake and by the coolenesse of the night vanisheth that heat is strong and by continuall accesse is still increased and strengthened And thus by a similitude of the equall height of the Sun in both places appeareth the commodious and moderate heat of the regions vnder the poles And surely I cannot thinke that the diuine prouidence hath made any thing vncommunicable but to haue giuen such order to all things that one way or other the same should be imployed and that euery thing and place should be tollerable to the next but especially all things in this lower world be giuen to man
and dauncing very merily sâ—ill crying Agâ—iâ—ze which in their tongue signifieth Miâ—â—h and Safetie How our Captaine with fiue Gentlemen and twentie armed men all well in order went to see the towne of Hochelaga and the situation of it Chap. 7. OUr Captaine the next day very earely in the morning hauing very gorgeously attired himselfe caused all his company to be set in order to go to see the towne and haâ—itacion of those people and a certaine mountaine that is somewhat neere the citie with whom went also fiue Gentlemen and twentie Mariners leauing the rest to keepe and loâ—ke to our boates we tooke with vs three men of Hochelaga to bring vs to the place All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can be the faireâ—t and best countrey that possibly can be seene full of as goodly great Okes as are in any wood in Frâ—â—ce vnder which the ground was all couered ouer with faire Aâ—ornes After we had gone about foure or fiue miles we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the citie accompanied with many mâ—â— who so soâ—ne as he sawe vs beckned and made signes vpon vs that we must rest vs in that place where they had made a great fire and so we did After that we had rested our selues there a while the said Lord began to make a long discourse euen as we haue saide aboue they are accustomed to doe in signe of mirth and friendship shewing our Captaine and all his company a ioyfull countenance and good will who gaue him two hatâ—hets a paire of kniues and a crosse which he made him to kisse and then put it about his necke for which he gaue our Captaine heartie thankes This done we went along and about a mile and a halfe fartherâ— we began to â—â—â—de goodly and large fieldes full of such corne as the countrie yeeldeth It is euen as the Millet of Bresil as great and somewhat bigger then small pâ—ason wherewith they liue euen as we doe with ours In the midst of those fields is the citie of Hochelaga placeâ— neere and as it were ioyned to a great mountaine that is â—used round about very fertill on the top of which you may see very farreâ— we named it Mount Roiall The câ—â—â—e of Hochelaga is round compassed about with timber wiâ—â— three course of Rampires one within another framed like a sharpe Spire but laide acrosse abouâ— The middlemosâ— of them is made and built as a direct line but perpendicular The Rampires are framed and fashioned wiâ—h peeces of timber lâ—â—d â—long on the ground very well and cunningly ioyned togither after their fashion This enclosure is in height about two rods It hath but one gâ—tâ— or eâ—trie thereat which is shut with piles stakes and barres Ouer it and also in many places of the wall there be places to runne along and ladders to get vp all full of stones for the defence of it There are in the towne about fiftie houses about fiftie paces long and twelue or fifteene â—road built all of wood couered ouer with the barke of the wood as broad as any boord very fiâ—ely and cunningly ioyned togither Within the said houses there are many roomes lodgings and chambers In the middest of euery one there is a great Court in the middle whereof they make their fire They liue in common togither then doe the husbands wiues and children each one retire themselues to their chambers They haue also on the top of their houses certaine garreâ—s wherein they keepe their corne to make their bread withall they call it Carraconny which they make as hereafter shall follow They haue certaine peeces of wood made hollow like those whereon we beat our hempe and with certaine beetles of wood they beat their corne to powder then they make paste of it anâ— of the paste cakes or wreathes then they lay them on a broad and hote stone and then couer it with hote stones and so they bake their bread in stead of Ouens They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said corne and also of pease and of beanes whereof they haue great store as also with other fruits as Muske-Millions and very great Cowcumbers They haue also in their houses certaine vessels as bigge as any But or Tun wherein they preserue and keepe their fish causing the same in sommer to be dried in the sunne and liue therewith in winter whereof they make great prouision as we by experience haue seene All their viands and meates are without any tast or sauour of salt at all They sleepe vpon barkes of trees laide all along vpon the ground being ouer-spread with the skinnes of certaine wilde Beastes wherewith they also cloth and couer themselues The thing most precious that they haue in all the world they call Esurgny it is as white as any snow they take it in the said riuer of Cornibotz in the maner folowing When any one hath deserued death or that they take any of their enemies in Warres first they kill him then with certaine kniues they giue great slashes and strokes vpon their buttocks flankes thighs and shoulders then they cast the same bodie so mangled downe to the bottome of the riuer in a place where the said Esurgny is and there leaue it ten or 12 houres then they taken vp againe and in the cuts find the said Esurgny or Cornibotz Of them they make beads and weare them about thâ—iâ— necks euen as we doe chaâ—nes of gold and siluer accounting it the preciousest thing in the world They haue this vertue and propertie in them they will stop or stanch bleeding at the nose for we haue prooued it These people are giuen to no other exercise but onely to husâ—anâ—râ—e and fishing for their sustenance they haue no care of any other wealth or commoditie in this world for they haue no knowledge of it and that is because they neuer trauell and go out of their countrey as those of Canada and Saguenay doe albeit the Canadians with eight or nâ—â—e Uillages more alongâ—t that riuer be subiects vnto them How we came to the Towne of Hochelaga and the entertainement which there we had and of certaine gifts which our Captaine gaue them with diuers other things Chap. 8. SO soone as we were come neere the Towne a great number of the inhabitants thereof came to present themselues before vs after their fashion making very much of vs we were by our guides brought into the middest of the towne They haue in the middlemost part of their houses a large square place being from side to side a good stones cast whither we were brought and there with signes were commanded to stay theâ— suddenly all the women and maidens of the Towne gathered themselues together part of which had their armes full of young children and as many as could came to rubbe our faces our armes and what part of the bodie soeuer they could touch weâ—ping
armie of the Mongals came vnto the lande of Burithabeth the inhabitants whereof are Pagans and conquered the people in battell These people haue a strange or rather a miserable kinde of custome For when anie mans father deceaseth he assembleth all his kindred and they eate him These men haue no beards at all for we saw them carie a certaine iron instrument in their hands wherewith if any haires growe vpon their chinne they presently plucke them out They are also very deformed From thence the Tartars armie returned to their owne home How they had the repulse at the Caspian mountaynes and were driuen backe by men dwelling in caues Chap. 12. MOreouer Chingis Cham at the same time when he sent other armies against the East hee himselfe marched with a power into the lande of Kergis which notwithstanding he conquered not in that expeditioâ— and as it was reported vnto vs he went on forward euen to the Caspâ—an mountaines But the mountaines on that part where they encamped themselues were of adamant and therefore they drew vnto them their arrowes and weapons of iron And certaine men contained within those Caspian mountaynes hearing as it was thought the noyse of the armie made a breath through so that when the Tartars returned vnto the same place tenne yeeres after they found the mountaine broken And attempting to goe vnto them they could not for there stood a cloud before them beyond which they were not able to passe being depriued of their sight so soone as they approched thereunto But they on the contrary side thinking that the Tartars durst not come nigh them gaue the assault when they came at the cloud they could not proceed for the cause aforesaid Also the Tartars before they came vnto the said mountaines passed for the space of a moneth and more through a vast wildernes departing thence towards the East they were aboue a moneth traueiling through another huge desert At length they came vnto a land wherin they saw beaten waies but could not find any people Howbeit at the last diligently seeking they found a man his wife whom they presented before Chingis Cham and demanding of them where the people of that countrey were they answered that the people inhabited vnder the ground in mountains Then Chingis Cham keeping still the woman sent her husband vnto theÌ„ giuing theÌ„ charge to come at his command And going vnto them he declared all things that Chingis Cham had commanded them But they answered that they would vpon such a day visite him to satisfie his desire And in the meane season by blinde hidden passages vnder the earth assembling themselues they came against the Tartars in warlike manner and suddenly issuing forth they slewe a great number of them This people were not able to endure the terrible noise which in that place the Sunne made at his vprising for at the time of the Sunne rising they were inforced to lay one eate vpon the ground and to stoppe the other close least they should heare that dreadfull sound Neither could they so escape for by this meanes many of them were destroyed Chingis Cham therefore and his company seeing that they preuailed not but continually lost some of their number fled and departed out of that land But the man and his wife aforesaid they caried along with them who all their life time continued in the Tartars countrey Being demaunded why the men of their countrey doe inhabite vnder the ground they sayd that at a certeine time of the yeare when the sunne riseth there is such an huge noyse that the people cannot endure it Moreouer they vse to play vpon cymbals drums and other musicall instruments to the ende they may not heare that sounde Of the statutes of Chingis Cham of his death of his sonnes and of his dukes Chap. 13. BUt as Chingis C ham returned out of that countrey his people wanted victuals suffered extreme famin Then by chance they found y e fresh intrails of a beast which they tooke casting away the dung therof caused it to be sodden brought it before Chingis Cham did eat therof And hereupon Chingis Cham enacted that neither the blood nor the intrails nor any other part of a beast which might be eaten should be cast away saue onely the dunge Wherefore he returned thence into his owne land and there he ordayned lawes and statutes which the Tartars doe most strictly and inuiolably obserue of the which we haue before spoken He was afterward slaine by a thunder clap He had foure sonnes the first was called Occoday the second Thossut Can the third Thiaday the name of the fourth is vnknowen From these foure descended all the dukes of the Mongals The first sonne of Occoday is Cuyne who is now Emperour his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen The sonnes of Thossut Can are Bathy Ordu Siba and Bora. Bathy next vnto the Emperour is richer and mightier then all the rest But Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes The sonnes of Thiaday be Hurin and Cadan The sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne whose name is vnknowen are Mengu Bithar and certaine others The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan and of all others most honoured among the Tartars except the Emperors mother and mightier then any subiect except Bathy These be the names of the dukes Ordu who was in Poland and in Hungarie Bathy also Hurin Cadan and Siban and Ouygat all which were in Hungarie In like maner Cyrpodan who is as yet beyond the sea making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens and other inhabitants of farre countries Others remained in the land as namely Mengu Chyrinen Hubilai Sinocur Cara Gay Sybedey Bora Berca Corrensa There be many other of their dukes whose names are vnknowen vnto vs. Of the authoritie of the Emperour and of his dukes Chap. 14. MOreouer the Emperour of the Tartars hath a wonderfull dominion ouer all his subiects For no man dare abide in any place vnles he hath assigned him to be there Also he himselfe appointeth to his dukes where they should inhabite Likewise the dukes assigne places vnto euery Millenarie or conducter of a thousand souldiers the Millenaries vnto each captaine of an 100. the captaines vnto euery corporall of ten Whatsoeuer is giuen them in charge whensoeuer or wheresoeuer be it to fight or to lose their liues or howsoeuer it be they obey without any gainsaying For if he demandeth any mans daughter or sister being a virgine they presently deliuer her vnto him without all contradiction yea oftentimes he makes a collection of virgines throughout all the Tartars dominions and those whom he meanes to keepe he retaineth vnto himselfe others he bestoweth vpon his men Also whatsoeuer messenger he sendeth or whithersoeuer his subiects must without delay finde them horses and other necessaries In like sorte from what countrey soeuer tribute payers or ambassadours come vnto
had extreame colde weather This lande is full of mountaines and colde beyonde measure and there is little plaine ground to bee seene These two nations last mentioned vsed not to till their grounde but like vnto the Tartars dwelt in cents which the sayde Tartars had destroyed Through this countrey wee were trauailing manie dayes Then entered wee into the lande of the Mongals whome wee call Tartars Through the Tartars lande wee continued our trauaile as wee suppose for the space of some three weekes riding alwayes hastily and with speede and vpon the day of Marie Magdalene we arriued at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect But therefore did we make great haste all this way because our Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring vs vnto the court Imperiall with all speede which court hath beene these many yeeres ordained for the election of the Emperour Wherefore rising earely wee trauailed vntill night without eating of any thing and oftentimes wee came so late vnto our lodging that we had no time to eate the same night but that which we should haue eaten ouer night was giuen vs in the morning And often changing our horses wee spared no Horse-fleshe but rode swiftly and without intermission as fast as our horses could trot How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers Chap. 26. BUt when wee were come vnto the court of Cuyne hee caused after the Tartars manner a Tent and all expenses necessarie to bee prouided for vs. And his people entreated vs with more regarde and courtesie then they did anie other Ambassadours Howbeeit wee were not called before his presence because hee was not as yet elected nor admitted vnto his empire Notwithstanding the interpretation of the Popes letters and the message which we deliuered were sent vnto him by the foresaid Bathy And hauing stayed there fiue or sixe dayes hee sent vs vnto his mother vnder whome there was mainteyned a verie solemne and royall court And being come thither we saw an huge tent of fine white cloth pitched which was to our iudgement of so great quantitie that more then two thousand men might stand within it and round about it there was a wall of planks set vp painted with diuers images Wee therefore with our Tartars assigned to attende vpon vs tooke our iourney thither and there were all the Dukes assembled eche one of them riding vp and downe with his traine ouer the hilles and dales The first day they were all clad in white but the second in skarlet robes Then came Cuyne vnto the saide tent Moreouer the third day they were all in blew robes and the fourth in most rich robes of Baldakin cloth In the wall of boardes about the tent aforesaid were two great gates by one of the which gates the Emperour only was to enter and at that gate there was no gard of men appointed to stand although it stood continually open because none durst go in or come out the same way all that were admitted entred by another gate at which there stood watchmen with bowes swords arrowes And whosoeuer approched vnto the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned being caught was beaten but if he fled he was shot at with arrowes or iron There were many that to our iudgement had vpon their bridles trappers saddles and such like furniture to the value of 20. markes in pure gold The foresaid Dukes as we thinke communed together within the tent and consulted about the election of their Emperor But all the residue of the people were placed farre away without the walles of board in this maner they staied almost til noone Then began they to drink mares milk so continued drinking til euen tide and that in so great quantity as it was wonderfull And they called vs in vnto them and gaue vs of their ale because we could not drink their mares milke And this they did vnto vs in token of great honor But they compelled vs to drink so muchâ— that in regard of our customary diet wee coulde by no means endure it Whereupon giuing them to vnderstand that it was hurtâ—ul vnto vs they ceassed to compel vs any more Without the doore stoode Duke â—eroslaus of Susdal in Russia and a great many Dukes of the Kythayans and of the Solangi The two sonnes also of the king of Georgia the ligier of the Caliph of Baldach who was a Soldan and as we thinke aboue ten Soldans of the Saracens beside And as it was tolde vs by the agents there were more then 4000. ambassadors partly of such as paide tributes and such as presented gifts and other Soldans and Dukes which came to yeeld themselues and such as the Tartars had sent for and such as were gouernours of lands All these were placed without the lists and had drinke giuen vnto them But almost continually they all of them gaue vs and Duke Ieroslaus the vpper hand when we were abroad in their companie How he was exalted to his Empire Chap. 27. ANd to our remembrance we remained there about the space of foure weekes The election was to our thinking there celebrated but it was not published and proclaimed there And it was greatly suspected so to be because alwayes when Cuyne came forth out of the tent he had a noyse of musicke and was bowed vnto or honoured with faire wands hauing purple wooll vpon the tops of them and that so long as he remained abroad which seruice was performed to none of the other Dukes The foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda Departing thence wee all with one accord rode 3. or 4. leagues vnto another place where in a goodly plaine by a riuers side betweene certaine mountaines there was another tent erected which was called the golden Orda For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne Emperiall vpon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie But for the abundance of haile which fell at the same time as is aboue said the matter was deferred There was also a cent erected vpon pillars which were couered with plates of golde and were ioynâ—d vnto other timber with golden nailes It was couered aboue with Baldakin cloth but there was other cloth spread ouer that next vnto the ayre Wee abode therevnto the feast of Saint Bartholomew what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing with their faces towards the South And a certaine number of them beeing a stones cast distant from the residue making continuall prayers and kneeling upon their knees proceeded farther and farther towards the South Howbeit wee not knowing whether they vsed inchantments or whether they bowed their knees to God or to some other woulde not kneele vpon the grounde with them And hauing done so a long time they returned to the tent and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall and his Dukes bowed their knees before him Afterwarde the whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner except our selues for wee were none
ouer that huge and waste desert which is in dimensions like vnto the Ocean Sea Our guide therefore directed vs as we were going on our iourney vnto many of their habitations And they marueiled exceedingly that we would receiue neither gold nor siluer nor precious and costly garments at their hands They inquired also concerning the great Pope whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard For there had gone a report among them that he was 500. yeeres olde They inquired likewise of our countreis whether there were abundance of sheep oxen horses or no Concerning the Ocean Sea they could not cōceiue of it because it was without limits or banks Upon the euen of y e feast of Al Saints we forsook the way leading towards the East because the people were now descended very much South and we went on our iourney by certaine Alpes or mountaines directly Southward for the space of 8. dayes together In the foresaid desert I saw many asses which they cal Colan being rather like vnto mules these did our guide his companions chase very eagerly howbeit they did but lose their labour for the beastes were two swift for them Upon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high mountaines and we entred into a place which was well watered and fresh as a garden and found land tilled and manured The eight day after the feast of All Saints we arriued at a certain towne of the Saracens named Kenchat the gouernour whereof met our guide at the townes end with ale and cups For it is their maner at all townes and villages subiect vnto them to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke At the same time of the yere they went vpon the yce in that countrey And before the feast of S. Michael we had frost in the desert I enquired the name of that prouince but being now in a strange territorie they could not tell mee the name thereof but onely the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince And there descended a great riuer downe from the mountaines which watered the whole region according as the inhabitants would giue it passage by making diuers chanels and sluces neither did this riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea but was swallowed vp by an hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth and it caused many fennes or lakes Also I saw many vines and dranke of the wine thereof How Ban was put to death and concerning the habitation of the Dutch men Chap. 25. THe day following we came vnto another cottage neere vnto the mountains And I enquired what mountains they were which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus which are stretched forth continued on both parts to the sea from the West vnto the East and on the West part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian sea wherinto the riuer of Volga dischargeth his streams I enquired also of the city of Talas wherein were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri of whom Frier Andrew made mention Concerning whom also I enquired very diligently in the courts of Sartach Baatu Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them but onely that their lord master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following This Ban was not placed in good and fertile pastures And vpon a certain day being drunken he spake on this wise vnto his men Am not I of the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can as well as Baatu for in very deede he was brother or nephew vnto Baatu Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia to feed my cattel there as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baatu Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him And they did so Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words And hee confessed that he had Howbeit because it is the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men he excused himselfe that he was drunken at the same time Howe durst thou quoth Baatu once name mee in thy drunkennesse And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off Concerning the foresaid Dutchmen I could not vnderstand ought till I was come vnto the court of Mangu-Can And there I was informed that Mangu-can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward vnto a certaine village called Bolac where they are set to dig gold and to make armour Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them I passed very neere the saide citie in going forth as namely within three dayes iourney thereof but I was ignorant that I did so neither could I haue turned out of my way albeit I had knowen so much From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward by the mountaines aforesaid And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can who in all places sang and daunced before our guide because hee was the messenger of Baatu For this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other namely the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in maner aforesaide and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can Notwithstanding the people of Baatu are more surlie and staute and shewe not so much curtesie vnto the subiectes of Mangu-Can as they doe vnto them A fewe dayes after wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were woont to inhabite And there wee found a mightie riuer insomuch that wee were constrained to imbarke our selues and to saile ouer it Afterward we came into a certaine valley where I saw a castle destroyed the walles whereof were onely mudde and in that place the ground was tilled also And there wee founde a certaine village named Equius wherein were Saracens speaking the Persian language howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from Persia. The day following hauing passed ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great mountains Southward we entred into a most beautiful plaine hauing high mountaines on our right hande and on the left hande of vs a certaine Sea or lake which containeth fifteene dayes iourney in circuite All the foresayde plaine is most commodiously watered with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines all which do fall into the lake In Sommer time wee returned by the North those of the saide lake and there were great mountaines on that side also Upon the forenamed plaine there were wont to bee great store of villages but for the most part they were all wasted in regarde of the fertile pastures that the Tartars might feede their cattel there Wee found one great citie there named Cailac wherein was a mart and great store of Merchants frequenting it In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu who ought to haue accompanied our
colour and Lombards maintenance The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle I trowe That friends should from enimies be knowe Our enimies taken and our friends spared The remedy of hem must be declared Thus may the sea be kept in no sell For if ought he spoken wot yee well We haue the strokes and enemies haue the winning But mayntainers are parteners of the finning We liue in lust and â—ide in couetise This is our rule to maintaine marchandise And policie that wee haue on the sea And but God helpe it will no other bee Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish with an incident of Wales Chap. 9. I Cast to speake of Ireland but a litle Commodities of it I will entitle Hides and fish Salmon Hake Herringe Irish wooll and linen cloth faldinge And marterns goode ben her marchandie Hertes Hides and other of Uenerie Skinnes of Otter Squirell and Irish hare Of sheepe lambe and Fore is her chaffare Felles of Kiddes and Conies great plentie So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea Because the King cleped is Rex Angliae And is Dominus also Hyberniae Did possessed by Progenitours The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend That no enemie should hurt ne offend Ireland ne vs but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea For they haue hauens great and goodly bayes Sure wyde and deepe of good assayes At Waterford and colles many one And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens ships in to ride No more sure for enemies to abide Why speake I thus so much of Ireland For all so much as I can vnderstand It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien loke who lust to knowe So large so good and so commodious That to declare is strange and maruailous For of siluer and golde there is the oore Among the wilde Irish though they be poore For they are rude and can thereon no skill So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine and metal for to pure In wilde Irish might we finde the cure As in London saith a Iuellere Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene As they touch no better could be seene Nowe here beware and heartily take intent As yee will answere at last iudgement That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost For it is a boterasse and a post Under England and Wales another God forbid but ech were others brother Of one ligeance due vnto the king But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement I am aferde that Ireland will be shent It must awey it wol bee lost from vs But if thou helpe thou Iesu gracious And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside For much thing in my herte is hide Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site Of fertile Ireland wich might not be forborne But if England were nigh as goode as gone God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge After her conqueste for our last puissance And hinder vs by other lands alliance Wise men seyn wich felin not ne douten That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs as likenesse may be Like as England to sherris two or three Of this our land is made comparable So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend and of none power That our ground is there a litle corner To all Ireland in true comparison It needeth no more this matter to expon Which if it bee lost as Christ Iesu forbed Farewel Wales then England commeth to dred For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine And other mâ—e as the pety Bretaine And so haue enemies enuiron round about I beseech God that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said aâ—parance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable But all onely for â—erill that I see Thus imminent it 's likely for to bee And well I wotte that from hence to Rome And as men say in all Christendome Is nâ— ground ne land to Ireland liche So large so good so plenteous so riche That to this worde Dominus doe long Then mee semeâ—h that right were and no wrong To get the lande and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dominus And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue thâ— ground obeysant wilde and tame That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect Unto the king wel shal it bee detect In the litle booke that I of spake I trowe reson al this wel vndertake And I knowe wel howe it stante Alas fortune beginneth so to scant Or ellis grace that deade is gouernance For so minisheth parties of our puissance In that land that wee lese euery yere More ground and more as well as yee may here I herd a man speake to mee full late Which was a lord of full great estate Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne Which were it worth yerely if wee not feyne I wol declare who so luste to looke I trowe full plainely in my litle booke But couetise and singularitie Of owne profite enuie crueltie Hath doon vs harme and doe vs euery day And musters made that shame is to say Our money spent al to litle auaile And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte An exhortation to the keeping of Wales BEware of Wales Christ Iesu muâ—t vs keepe That it make not our childers childe to weepe Ne vs also so if it goe his way By vnwarenes seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion By great tokens and ostentation Seche the meanes with a discrete auise And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell that Christ it forbede Looke wel aboute for God wote yee haue neede Unfainingly vnfeyning and vnfeynt That conscience for slought you not atteynt Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed Or afore God mutte yee ben accused Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea with an incident of the keeping of Caleis Chap. 10â— OF Island to write is litle nede Saue of Stock-fish Yet
winde comming about at the Northeast we sailed West Northwest after that the winde bearing to the Northwest we lay with our sailes West southwest about 14. leagues and then descried land and bare in with it being the 28. day finding shoale water and bare in till we came to 3. fadome then perceiuing it to be shoale water and also seeing drie sands we haled out againe Northeast along that land vntil we came to the point therof That land turning to the Westwarde we ran along 16. leagues Northwest then comming into a faire bay we went on land with our boat which place was vnhabited but yet it appeared vnto vs that the people had bin there by crosses and other signes from thence we went all along the coast Westward The fourth day of September we lost sight of land by reason of contrary winds and the eight day we descried land againe Within two dayes after we lost the sight of it then running West and by South about 30. leaâ—â—es we â—at the sight of land againe and bare in with it vntill night then perceiuing it to be a lee shore we gat vs into the sea to the end to haue sea roome The 12. of September we hailed to shoareward againe hauing then indifferent winde and weather then being neere vnto the shoare and the tide almost spent wee ranne to an anker in 30. fadoms water The 13. day we came along the coast which lay Northwest and by West and Southeast and by East The 14. day we came to an anker within two leagues of the shoare hauing 60. fadoms There we went a shore with our boat found two or three good harboroughs the land being rocky and high but as for people could we see none The 15 day we ran still along the coast vntill the 17 day then the winde being coâ—trary vnto vs we thought it best to returne vnto the harbor which we had found before and so we bare roâ—mer with the same howbeit we could not accoÌ„plish our desire that day The next day being the 18 of September we entred into the hauen and there came to an anker at 6 fadoms This hauen runneth into the maine about two leagues and is in bredth halfe a league wherein were very many seale fishes other great fishes and vpon the maine we saw beares great deere foxes with diuers strange beasts as guloines and such other which were to vs vnknowen and also wonderfull Thus remaining in this hauen the space of a weeke seeing the yeare farre spent also very euill wether as frost snow and haile as though it had beene the deepe of winter we thought best to winter there Wherefore we sent out three men Southsouthwest to search iâ— they could and people who went thrâ—e dayes iourney but could finde none after that we sent other three Westward foure daies iourney which also returned without finding any people Then sent we three men Southeast three dayes iourney who in like sorte returned without finding of pâ—ople or any similitude of habitation These two notes following were written vpon the outside of this Pamphlet or Booke 1 The proceedings of Sir Hugh Willoughbie after he was separated from the Edward Bonauenture 2 Our shippe being at an anker in the harbour called Sterfier in the Island Lofoote The riuer or hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughbie with the companie of his two ships perished for cold is called Arzina in Lapland neere vnto Kegor But it appeareth by a Will found in the ship that Sir Hugh Willoughbie and most of the company were aliue in Ianuary 1554. The booke of the great and mighty Emperor of Russia and Duke of Moscouia and of the dominions orders and commodities thereunto belonging drawen by Richard Chancelour FOrasmuch as it is meete and necessary for all those that minde to take in hande the trauell into farre or strange countreys to endeuour themselues not onely to vnderstande the orders commodities and fruitfulnesse thereof but also to applie them to the setting foorth of the same whereby it may incourage others to the like trauaile therefore haue I nowe thought good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my trauaile in Russia and Moscouia and other countreys thereunto adioyning because it was my chaunce to fall with the North partes of Russia before I came towards Moscouia I will partly declare my knowledge therein Russia is very plentifull both of land and people and also welthy for such commodities as they haue They be very great fishers for Salmons and small Coddes they haue much oyle which wee call treine oyle the most whereof is made by a riuer called Duina They make it in other places but not so much as there They haue also a great trade in seething of salte water Toithe North parte of that countrey are the places where they haue their Furres as Sables marterns greesse Beuers Foxes white blacke and redde Minkes Ermines Miniuer and Harts There are also a fishes teeth which fish is called a Morsse The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora which bring them vpon Hartes to Lampas to sell aud from Lampas carie them to a place called Colmogro where the hie market is holden on Saint Nicholas day To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Gratanoue in our language Nouogorode where much fine Flaxe and Hempe groweth and also much waxe and honie The Dutch marchants haue a Staplehouse there There is also great store of hides and at a place called Plesco and thereabout is great store of Flaxe Hempe Waxe Honie and that towne is from Colmogro 120 miles There is a place called Vologda the commodities whereof are Tallowe Waxe and Flaxe but not so great plenty as is in Gratanoue From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a riuer called Duyna and from thence it falleth into the sea Colmogro serueth Gratanoue Vologda and the Mosco with all the countrey thereabout with salte and saltfish From Vologda to Ieraslaue is two hundreth miles which towne is very great The commodities thereof are hides and tallowe and corne in great plenty and some Waxe but not so plentifull as in other places The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundreth miles The countrey betwixt them is very wel replenished with small Uillages which are so well filled with people that it is wonder to see them the ground is well stored with corne which they carie to the citie of Mosco in such abundance that it is wonder to see it You shall meete in a morning seuen or eight hundred sieds comming or going thither that carrie corne and some carie fish You shall haue some that carie corne to the Mosco and some that fetch corne from thence that at the least dwell a thousand miles off and all their cariage is on sleds Those which come so farre dwell in the North partes of the Dukes dominions where the cold will suffer no corne to grow it is so extreme They bring thither fishes furres and
horse to ride from place to place as we had occasion for that the streâ—tes of Mosco are very fowle and mirie in the Summer The 18 of September there were giuen vnto master Standish doctor in Phisick and the rest of our men of our occupations certaine furred gownes of branched veluet and gold and some of red damaske of which master Doctors gowne was furred with Sables and the rest were furred some with white Ermine and some with gray Squirel and all faced and edged round about with blacke beauer The 1 of October in the morning we were commanded to come vnto the Emperors court and when we came thither we were brought vnto the Emperor vnto whom we did our duties accordingly wherupon he willed vs to dine with him that day and so with thanks vnto his maiestie we departed vntill dinner time at which time we came and found the tables couered with bread and salt as at the first after that we were all set vpon one side of the table the Emperors maiestie according to his accustomed maner sent vnto euery man a piece of bread by some of the Dukes which atteâ—ded on his highnesse And whereas the 14 of September we were serued in vessels of gold we were now serued in vessels of siluer and yet not so abundantly as was the first of gold they brought drinke vnto the table in siluer boles which conteined at the least sixe gallons a piece and euerie man had a smal siluer cuppe to drinke in another to dip or to take his drinke out of the great boll withall the dinner being ended the Emperour gaue vnto euery one of vs a cup with meade which when we had receiued we gaue thanks and departed Moreouer whensoeuer the Emperors pleasure is that any strauger shall dine with him he doth send for them in the morning and when they come before him he with his owne mouth biddeth them to dinner and this order he alwaies obserueth The 10 of October the Emperour gaue vnto M. Standish 70 rubles in money and to the rest of our men of occupations 30 rubles apiece The 3 of Nouember we dined againe with the Emperour where we were serued as before The 6 of December being S. Nicholas day we dined againe at the Emperours for that is one of the principall feasts which the Moscouites hold we were serued in siluer vessels and ordered in all points as before and it was past 7 of the clocke at night before dinner was ended The Emperors maiestie vseth euery yeare in the moneth of December to haue all his ordinance that is in the citie of Mosco caried into the field which is without the Suburbs of the citie and there to haue it planted and bent vpon two houses of Wood filled within with earth against which two hoâ—ses there were two faire white markes set vp at which markes they discharge all their ordinance to the ende the Emperour may see what his Gunners can doe They haue faire ordinance of brasse of all sortes bases faulcons minions sakers culuerings cannons double and royall basiliskes long and large they haue sixe great pieces whose shot is a yard of height which shot a man may easily discerne as they flee they haue also a great many of morter pieces or porguns out of which pieces they shoote wild fire The 12 of December the Emperors Maiestie and all his nobility came ino the field on horsebacke in most goodly order hauing very fine Iennets Turkie horses garnished with gold siluer abundantly The Emperors maiestie hauing on him a gowne of rich tissue a cap of skarlet on his head set not only with pearles but also with a great number of rich and costly stones his noble men were all in gownes of cloth of gold which did ride before him in good order by 3. 3. and before them there went 5000 harquebusiers which went by 5 and 5 in a rank in very good order euery of them carying his gun vpon his left shoulder and his match in his right hand and in this order they marched into the field where as the foresayd ordinance was planted And before the Emperors maiestie came into the field there was a certaine stage made of small poles which was a quarter of a mile long and about three score yardes off from the stage of poles were certaine pieces of ice of two foot thicke and sixe foote high set vp which ranke of ice was as long as the stage of poles and as soone as the Emperors maiestie came into the field the harquebusiers went vpon the stage of poles where they setled themselues in order And when the Emperors maiestie was setled where he would be and where he might see all the ordinance discharged and shot off the harquebusiers began to shoot off at the banke of ice as though it had â—in in any skirmish or battel who ceased not shooting vntill they had beaten all the ice flat on the ground After the handguns they shot off their wild fire vp into the aire which was a goodly sight to behold And after this they began to discharge the smal pieces of brasse beginning with the smallest and so orderly bigger and bigger vntill the last and biggest When they had shot them all off they began to charge them againe and so shot them al off 3 times after the first order beginning with the smallest and ending with the greatest And note that before they had ended their shooting the 2 houses that they shot vnto were beaten in pieces yet they were very strongly made of Wood and filled with earth being at the least 30 foote thicke This triumph being ended the Emperour departed and rode home in the same order that he came foorth into the field The ordinance is discharged euery yeare in the moneth of December according to the order before mentioned On Christmas day we were all willed to dine with the Emperors Maiestie where for bread meat and drinke we were serued as at other times before but for goodly and rich plate we neuer saw the like or so much before There dined that day in the Emperors presence aboue 500 strangers and two hundred Russes and all they were serued in vessels of gold and that as much as could stand one by another vpoÌ„ the tables Besides this there were foure cupbords garnished with goodly plate both of gold siluer Among the which there were 12 barrels of siluer conteining aboue 12 gallons a piece and at each end of euery barrell were 6 hoâ—pes of fine gold this dinner continued about sixe houres Euery yeare vpon the 12 day they vse to blesse or sanctifie the riuer Moscua which runneth through the citie of Mosco after this maner First they make a square hole in the ice about 3 fadoms large euery way which is trimmed about the sides edges with white boords Then about 9 of the clocke they come out of the church with procession towards the riuer
pases yet lesse by one quarter then an English mile If the whole dominion of the Russe Emperour were all habitable and peopled in all places as it is in some he would either hardly holde it all within one regiment or be ouer mightie for all his neighbour Princes Of the Soile and Climate THe soyle of the Countrey for the most part is of a sleight sandie moulde yet very much different one place from another for the yeeld of such things as grow out of the earth The Countrey Northwards towards the parts of S. Nicholas and Cola and Northeast towards Siberia is all very barren and full of desert woods by reason of the Climate and extremitie of the colde in Winter time So likewise along the Riuer Volgha betwixt the Countreys of Cazan and Astracan where notwithstanding the soyle is very fruitfull it is all vnhabited sauing that vpon the riuer Volgha on the Westside the Emperour hath some fewe Castels with garisons in them This happeneth by meanes of the Crimme Tartar that will neither himselfe plant Townes to dwel there liuing a wild and vagrant life nor suffer the Russe that is farre off with the strength of his Countrey to people those parts From Vologda which lyeth almost 1700. verst from the port of S. Nicholas downe towards Mosco and so towards the South part that bordereth vpon the Crimme which conteineth the like space of 1700. verst or there abouts is a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey yeelding pasture and corne with woods and waters in very great plentie The like is betwixt Rezan that lyeth Southeast from Mosco to Nouogrod and Vobsko that reach farthest towards the Northwest So betwixt Mosco and Smolensko that lyeth Southwest towards Lituania is a very fruitfull and pleasant soile The whole Countrey differeth very much from it selfe by reason of the yeere so that a man would marueile to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter and the Summer Russia The whole Countrey in the Winter lieth vnder snow which falleth continually and is sometime of a yard or two thicke but greater towards the North. The Riuers and other waters are all frosen vp a yard or more thicke how swift or broade so euer they bee And this continueth commonly fiue moneths viz. from the beginning of Nouember till towardes the ende of March what time the snow beginneth to melâ—â— So that it would breede a frost in a man to looke abroad at that time and see the Winter face of that Countrey The sharpenesse of the aire you may iudge of by this for that water dropped downe or cast vp into the aire congealeth into yce before it come to the ground In the extremitie of Winter if you holde a pewter dish or pot in your hand or any other mettall except in some chamber where their warme stoaues bee your fingers will friese fast vnto it and drawe off the skinne at the pâ—rting When you passe out of a warme roome into a colde you shall sensibly feele your breath to waxe starke and euen sâ—ifeling with the colde as you drawe it in and out Diuers not onely that trauell abroad but in the very markets and streetes of their Townes are mortally pinched and killed withall so that you shall see many drop downe in the streetes many trauellers brought into the Townes sitting dead and stiffe in their Sleds Diuers lose their noses the tips of their eares and the bals of their cheekes their toes feâ—te c. Many times when the Winter is very hard and extreeme the beares and woolfes issue by troupes out of the woods driuen by hunger and enter the villages tearing and rauening all they can finde so that the inhabitants are faine to flie for safegard of their liuesâ— And yet in the Sommer time you shal see such a new hiew and face of a Countrey the woods for the most part wâ—ich are all of firre and birch so fresh and so sweete the pastures and medowes so greene and well growen and that vpon the sudden such varietie of flowers such noyse of birâ—es specially of Nightingales that seeme to be more lowde and of a more variable noâ—e then in other Couâ—treys that a man shall not lightly trauell in a more pleasant Countrey And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there seemeth to proceede from the benefite of the snow which all the Winter time being spread ouer the whole Countrey as a white robe and keeping it warme from the rigour of the froft in the Spring time when the Sunne waxeth warme and dissolueth it into water doeth so throughly drench and soake the ground that is somewhat of a sleight and sandie mould and then shineth so hâ—tely vpon it againe that it draweth the hearbes and plants foorth in great plentie and varietie in a very short time As the Winter exceedeth in colde so the Sommer inclineth to ouer much heat specially in the moneths of Iune Iuly and August being much warmer then the Sommer aire in England The Countrey throughout is very well watred with springs riuers and Ozeraes or lakes Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted for that much of the Countrey being so farre inland as that some part lieth a thousand miles and more euery way from any Sea yet it is serued with faire Riuâ—rs and that in very great number that emptying themselues one into another runne all into the Sea Their lakes are many and large some of 60. 80. 100. and 200 miles long with breadth proportionate The chiefe Riuers are these First Volgha that hath his head or spring at the roote of an Aldeâ—tree about 200. verst aboue Yaruslaue and groweth so bigge by the encrease of other Riuers by that time it commeth thither that it is broad an English nule and more and so runnesh into the Caspian sea about 2800. verst or miles of length The next is Boristhenes now called Neper that diuideth the Countrey from Lituania and falleth into the Euxin sea The third Tanais or Don the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozera and so running through the Countrey of the Chrim Tartar falleth into the great Sea lake or meare called Maeotis by the Citie of Azou By this Riuer as the Russe reporteth you may passe from their Citie Mosco to Constantinople and so into all those parts of the world by water drawing your boate as their maner is ouer a little Isthmus or narrowe slip of land a few versts ouerthwart Which was proued not long since by an Ambassadour sent to Constantinople who passed the Riuer of Moscua and so into another called Ocka whence hee drew his boat ouer into Tanais and thence passed the whole way by water The fourth is called Duyâ—a many hundred miles long that falleth Northward into the bay of S. Nicholas and hath great Alabaster rockes on the bankes towards the sea side The fifth Duna that emptieth into the Baltick sea by the towne Riga The sixt Onega that
A Certaine Cosmographer in his Map of Island reporteth concerning the horses of one parish that they will run 20. leagues at once in a continued race But we account both to bee impossible For Munster writeth that those beasts which excell all other in swiftnesse strength of body called Rangiferi cannot run aboue 30. leagues in 24. houres The foureteenth Section There be seen sometimes neere vnto Island huge Whales like vnto mountains which ouerturne ships vnlesse they be terrified away with the sound of trumpets or beguiled with round and emptie vessels which they delight to tosse vp and downe It sometimes falleth out that Mariners thinking these Whales to be Ilands and casting out ankers vpon their backs are often in danger of drowning They are called in their tongue Trâ—llwal Tuffelwalen that is to say the deuilish Whale LIke vnto mountains Loe here once againe gentle Reader Munsters falsifying eccho and as the prouerbe saieth his blind dreame Such a false and sencelesse ouer-reaching doeth exceedingly disgrace an historie and that by so much the more by how much the lesse necessary it is For to what purpose should an Historiographer make leasings if history be a report of plaine trueth Why should he vse such strange surmountings What is it that he would perswade or whither would he rauish the Reader if he propouâ—â—eth vnto himselfe nothing but the simple declaration of things Poets and Painters had leaue of old To seigne to blaze in all things to be bold But not Historiographers The backs of Whales which they thinke to be Ilands This fable like all the rest was bred of an old ridiculous and vaine tale the credite and trueth whereof is not woorth a strawe And it is this that foloweth namely that the bishop of Breme called by the ancient Norwaies Brandan and by Kranzius if I be not deceiued Alebrandus in old time sent certaine Legates with a Couen of Friers to preach and publish in the North the popish faith which was then thought to bee Christian and when they had spent a long iourney in sailing towards the North they came vnto an Iland and there casting their anker they went a shore and kindled fiers for it is very likely that the Mariners were not a litle vexed with the nipping cold which they felt at sea and so prouided victuals for the rest of their iourny But when their fires grew very hote this Iland sanke and suddenly vanished away and the Mariners escaped drowning very narowly with the boate that was present This is the foundation of the matter but hâ—w incredible it is I appeale to the Reader But what ailed these Mariners or what meant they to doe who in a tempestuous sea seeing a rocke before their eyes or as Munster saieth a little Iland would not rather with all diligence haue auoided it for feare of running a store and shipwracke then to rest in such a dangerous harbour But in what ground should the anker be fastened for Mariners for the most part are destitute of such long cables whereby they may let downe an anker to the bottom of the maine sea therefore vpon the backs of Whales saith Munster But then they had need first to bore a hole for the flouke to take hold in O silly Mariners that in digging cannot discerne Whales flesh froÌ„ lumps of earth nor know the slippery skin of a Whale from the vpper part of the ground without doubt they are woorthy to haue Munster for a Pilot. Uerily in this place as likewise before treating of the land-miracles of Island he gathereth fruits as they say out of Tantalus his garden and foloweth hard after those things which will neuer and no where be found while he endeuoureth to proule here and there for miracles perusing sea and land to stuffe vp his history where notwithstanding he cannot hunt out ought but feigned things But they are called in their language Trollwal Go not farther then your skil Munster for I take it you cannot skill of our tongue and therefore it may be a shame for a learned man to teach others that which he knoweth not himselfe for such an attempt is subiect to manifold errours as we will shew by this your example For while you take in hand to schoole others to teach them by what name a Whale-fish is to be called in our tongue leauing out through ignorance the letter H. which almost alone maketh vp the signification of the worde you deliuer that which is not true for val in our language signifieth not a Whale but chusing or choise of the verbe Eg vel that is to say I chuse or I make choise from whence val is deriued c. But a Whale is called Hualur with vs therefore you ought to haue written Trollhualur Neither doeth Troll signifie the deuill as you interprete it but certaine Giants that liue in mountaines You see therefore and no maruel how you erre in the whole word It is no great iniurie to our language being in one word onely because doubtlesse you knew not more then â—ne Others also do offend in the same fault for it is not to be allowed that a certaine man being about to publish a Map of Island receiued from Islanders themselues had rather marre the fashion of all or in very deed of the most names of Capes Baies mountaines springs riuers homocks valleis hils townes because that being ignorant of our language he was not able to read those things aright which he receiued from our countreymen he had rather I say depraue corrupt them all then learne of the Islanders themselues which at that time namely in the yeere 1585. liued in the vniuersitie of Hasnia or Copen Hagen how euery thing ought to be read and written And we esteeme him for this his wilfull marring of our natiue names and words whereupon it came to passe that we reading the same could acknowledge very few to be our owne that he is no slight offender against our tongue otherwise retaining the pure and the ancient propertie But now we haue after some sort examined most of the myracles of Island which our writers haue mentioned Notwithstanding before we entor into any further matter we thinke it good in this sectioâ— to touch that which the last forenamed maÌ„ in this Map of Island that he caused to be put forth in y e foresaid yeere vnder his own name hath giuen out concerning two other fountains besides the formerâ— whereof the one should die white wooll black the other blacke wooll white Which thing where he receiued it or whence he had it we can by no means imagine for it is not to be found in our own writers nor in y e writers of other countries But whence soeuer it be it is but a tale hath not one iote of trueth in it And although it be incredible That black wooll may be died of a white colour seeing it is affirmed by Plinie that blacke wooll of
gaue vs the force and power so to doe for they were by estimation a hundred against one Also the 22 day of the same moneth of September they fired a mine betweene Italy and Prouence which did no harme Of the terrible mine at the posterne of Auuergne ANd the 23 day of the same moneth they fired two mines one at the posterne of Spaine and the other by the bulwarke of Auuergne the which mine by Auuergne was so terrible that it made all the towne to shake and made the wall to open from aboue to beneath vnto the plaine ground howbeit it fell not for the mine had vent or breath in two places by one of the countermines and by a rocke vnder the Barbican the which did cleaue and by that cleft the sury and might of the mine had issue And if the sayd two vents had not bene the wall had bene turned vpside downe And for truth as it was reported to vs out of the campe the enemies had great hope in the sayd mine thinking that the wall should haue bene ouerthrowen and then they might haue entred into the towne at their pleasures but when they saw the contrary they were very ill pleased And the captaines determined to giue assault at foure places at once to make vs the more adoo and to haue an entrance into the towne by one of the foure And the sayd day and night they ceased not to shoot artillery and there came in hope of the mine threescore thousand men and moe into the trenches How the bulwarke of Spaine was lost and woonne againe THe 24 day of the same moneth a little before day they gaue assault at the breach of Spaine to the bulwarke of England to the posterne of Prouence and at the plaine ground of Italy all at one houre one time The first that mounted to the breach of Spaine was the Aga of the Ianissaries a valiant man and of great courage with his company and bare three score or three score and tenne banners and signes and pight them in the earth of the breach and then fought with our men and mounted on our repaires making other maner of fray and more rigorous then the other that were passed and the sayd skirmish lasted about sixe houres And forthwith as the assault was giuen a great sort of Turks entred into the bulwarke of Spaine and set vp eight or nine signes or banners vpon it and droue our men out I can not tell how vnwares or otherwise And they were lords of it three houres and more Howbeit there were of our men beneath in the mine of the sayd bulwarke the which bulwarke so lost gaue vs euill hope But incontinently the lord great master being at the defence of the posterne of England hauing knowledge of the sayd losse and that there was great fighting and resistance on both sides at the breach of Spaine marched thither with the banner of the crucifix leauing the charge of the sayd bulwarke in the hands of the bailife de la Moree messieur Mery Combant And the lord mounted on the wall of Spaine whereas then began a great skirmish and euery man layed his handâ—s to worke as well to put the enemies out of the breach as to recouer the bulwarke that was lost And the sayde lord sent a company of men into the bulwarke by the gate of the mine or by the Barbican the which entred at the sayd gate and went vp where they found but few Turkes For the artillery of the posterne of England right against the bulwarke of Spaine had so well met and scattered them that within a while our men had slaine all them that were left And thus the sayde bulwarke was gotten and recouered againe and with all diligence were made new repaires and strengths to the sayd place And in like sort the enemies were put from the breech and few of them escaped and all their banners and signes were left with vs. Surely it may be sayd that after the grace of God the trauerses of Spaine and Auuergne and the small artillery set on the houses right against the sayd breaches as it is sayd with the comming and presence of the lord great master hath giuen vs this dayes victory As touching the murder of the people done by the artillery of the bulwarkes of England and Spaine the quantity was such that a man could not perceiue nor see any ground of the ditches And the stench of the mastifs carions was so grienous that we might not suffer it seuen or eight dayes after And at the last they that might saue themselues did so and withdrew themselues to the trenches and the reuerend lord great master abode victorious of the sayd place and in like sort of the other three assaults the which were but little lesse then that of Spaine for they fought long But in conclusion the enemies beaten on all sides and in so many sorts with artillery were put backe and vanquished that there died that day at all the foure places fifteene or sixteene thousand And the slaughter was so great at the plaine Italy of the cursed enemies that the sea was made redde with their blood And on our side also died to the number of an hundred men or more And of men if dignity in the towne hauing charge died Sir Francis de Frenolz commander of Romania which Sir Francis was chiefe captaine of the great ship of Rhodes and he was slaine at the plaine of Italy wounded with two strokes of harquebushes it was great dammage of his death for he was a worthy man perfect and full of vertues There died also messieur Nastasy de sancta Camilla aforenamed hauing two hundred men vnder him of the lord great masters succours There died also diuers other worthy men that day and many were maimed Among all other that lost any member messieur Iohn de le Touz called Pradines being at the sayd bulwarke with a stroke of artillery had his arme smitten away in great danger to haue lost his life howbeit by the helpe of God he died not In like sort the same day was hurt Sir William Weston abouesayd captaine of the posterne of England and had one of his fingers stricken away with an harquebush which knight behaued himselfe right woorthily at all the assaults Of the Turkes part of great men were two principall captaines slaine vnder the Aga of the Ianissaries and another captaine that was come out of Surey to the campe certaine dayes before with sixe hundred Mamelukes and two or three thousand Moores And of them that were hurt of great men the Beglarby of Natolia had a stroke with an arrow as he was in the trench of Prouence And many other were wounded whose names be not rehearsed here because of shortnesse How the great Turke for anger that he could not get the towne would haue put his chiefe captaine to death and how they made â—1 mines vnder the bulwarke of England DUring this assault the great
sayd lord was continually and not to goe away day nor night on the abouesayd payne The sayd cry made each one were obedient for a day or twaine howbeit a yoong Rhodian left his posterne and went to his house which on the next day was hanged for breaking of the lordes commaundement Notwithstanding that by litle and litle the people annoyed them and their heartes failed and left the posternes and breaches in such wise that the enemies might come in without finding great resistaunce but of a fewe that the lord master caused to abide there that is to weet knightes of his succours And in the night he sought out moe people for to keepe y e watch at the said breach and paied to them as much as they would The sayd lord seeing himself thus abandoned and left of his people he sent to aske them againe wherefore they did not their endeuour and why they came not to day as they sayd before Which made answere that they sawe and knew well that the towne was lost for certaine reasons that were told them by occasion whereof they had gaine-said the ordinance of the sayd lord and sayd that they had bene wrong enformed of diuers things and on the other side that they feared that the Turke would not hold his word But sithens they sawe that there was none other remedie but to abide the aduenture and fortune they sayd that they put all to the sayd lord to doe what he thought good and that hee would see what were best for them And required the lord to doe them so much fauour as to let them choose one or two among them for to goe to the great Turke with his ambassadours for to haue suretie of him The which was granted and two ordinarie ambassadours were chosen for them one Nicholas Vergotie and the other Piero of saint Cretice and the foresayd Passin should returne with them for to make the sayd answere Then the great master or they departed prolonging the time as much as he might aduised to send a letter to the great Turke the which his grandfather had written or caused to be written In the which letter he gaue his malediction or curse to his children and successours if they enterprised to besiege Rhodes The sayd Robert Perruse bare the sayd letter and as he was accustomed he went to Acmek Basha for to cause him to haue audience and to present the sayd letter And the Basha sayd hee would see the letter for it is the guise in the great Turkes court that none may speake to him nor giue him a letter but he be aduertised first what shall be said or what shall be written When the Basha had seene the wordes written in the said letter he brake it and cast it on the ground and did tread vpon it saying many iniurious and villanous words to the sayd iudge And bade him returne apace to his great master and bid him to thinke on his businesse and to make answere to the great lord as he had sent and commaunded or els it should not be long or he sawe his dolorous and wofull ende And that same day were taken two men of ours that bare earth toward the bulwarke of England Of whom the sayd Acmek caused an officer to cut off their noses fingers and eares and gaue them a letter to beare to the lord great master wherein were great wordes and threatnings After the sayd Perruse was returned messire Passin was sent againe to the sayde Basha for to know of him if the great Turke would be content with any summe of money for his costes and expenses that he had made for his armie The which answered that such words or offers of siluer were not to bee sayd nor presented to the great lord on paine of life and that hee set more by honour then by siluer And therefore hee bade him returne and say to the great master that hee should make answere to the great lord after his demaund to yeeld or not yeeld the towne The sayd Passin made relation of the wordes of the Basha to the great master the which for the great sorrow that hee had deferred alwayes saw himselfe in such pitious estate Notwithstanding the sayd lord putting all to the wil of our lord considering that there was no remedie to do otherwise nor to resist any more his enemies and being constrained on all sides to make the appointment with great heauinesse inestimable dolours and bewailings at the last gaue his voyce to yeeld the towne with the treatise or offers to him presented which was the 20. day of December the yeere of our lord a thousand fiue hundreth and two and twentie An answere to such as will make question for the deliuerance of the citie of Rhodes ANd if by any it were demaunded wherefore the sayde lord great master hath yeelded the towne to the great Turke requesting it with treatie and couenaunts which was a signe that he feared and would no more fight but goe his way To this I answere Notwithstanding that the great Turke was aduertised by some traitours and by other that fled into the campe that the powder almost failed and that there were but fewe men of warre within the towne yet he beleeued not nor gaue credence of all that was reported to him but thought verily that wee had ynough for a great while and considered that hee must tary till they were wasted and spent where to behooued time And seeing all his estate entered into strange places and into the lands of his enemies and had bene there alreadie sixe moneths and not without great danger of his owne person thinking on the other side that taking the towne by assault he should lose many of his folke and yet when hee had ouercome and wonne the towne they should fall each vpon other in departing of the bootie or pillage doubting finally the hazard of warre For these reasons and other that may be alleaged the great Turke had much rather to haue the towne by composition and treatie then otherwise And it suffised him to driue his olde enemies out of the countreys of Leuant and set the subiects of his countreys in rest and suretie And we of the towne that knew our weaknesse that we might do no more it seemed better to saue so much small people then we and they to fall into the furie of our enemies for otherwise could we not haue done but tempt God and died as in dispaire How the citie of Rhodes was yeelded to the great Turke and of the euil behauiour of certaine Turkes BUt to returne to our principall After that the reuerend great master had giuen his voyce to the yeelding of the towne he sent the said Passin againe for to beare it to the great Turke And with him went the two men that were chosen of the Commons and they went all three together to the tent of Acmek Basha To whom the sayd Passin first made this pitious answere and conclusion
as bigge as salmons like barbils We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of Iune where we made our abode seuen dayes for lacke of camels to cary our goods to Babylon the heat at that time of the yere is such in those parts that men are â—â—ch to let out their camels to trauell This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come downe the riuer the inhabitants are Arabians Not finding camels here we were constrained to vnlade our goods and hired an hundred asses to cary our English marchandises onely to New Babylon ouer a short desert in crossing whereof we spent eighteene houres trauelling by night and part of the morning to auoid the great heat In this place which we crossed ouer stood the olde mighty city of Babylon many olde ruines wherof are easily to be seene by day-light which I Iohn Eldred haue often beheld at my good leasure hauing made three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and Aleppo ouer this desert Here also are yet standing the ruines of the olde tower of Babel which being vpon a plaine grouÌ„d seemeth a farre off very great but the nerer you come to it the lesser and lesser it appeareth sundry times I haue gone thither to see it and found the remnants yet standing aboue a quarter of a mile in compasse and almost as high as the stone-worke of Pauls steeple in London but it sheweth much bigger The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke and three quarters of a yard long being dried in the Sunne onely and betweene euery course of bricks there lieth a course of mattes made of canes which remaine sound and not perished as though they had beene layed within one yeere The city of New Babylon ioyneth vpon the aforsayd small desert where the Olde city was and the riuer of Tigris runneth close vnder the wall and they may if they will open a sâ—uce and let the water of the same runne round about the towne It is aboue two English miles in compasse and the inhabitants generally speake three languages to wit the Persian Arabian and Turkish tongues the people are of the Spaniards complexion and the women generally weare in one of the grisâ—les of their noses a ring like a wedding ring but somewhat greater with a pearle and a Turkish stone set therein and this they do be they neuer so poore This is a place of very great traffique and a very great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo The towne is very well furnished with victuals which come downe the riuer of Tigris from Mosul which was called Niniue in olde time They bring these victuals and diuers sorts of marchandises vpon rafts borne vpon goats skins blowen vp ful of wind in maner of bladders And when they haue discharged their goods they sel the rafts for sixe and let the wind out of their goats skins and cary them home againe vpon their asses by land to make other voyages downe the riuer The building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun and very litle or no stone is to be found their houses are all flat-roofed and low They haue no raine for eight moneths together nor almost any clouds in the skie night nor day Their Winter is in Nouember December Ianuary and February which is as warme as our Summer in England in a maner This I know by good experience because my abode at seuerall times in this city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two yeres As we come to the city we passe ouer the riuer of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chaines of yron From thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong greater then those of Euphrates and were eight and twenty dayes also in passing downe this riuer to Balsara but we might haue done it in eighteene or lesse if the water had bene higher Upon the waters side stand by the way diuers townes resembling much the names of the olde prophets the first towne they call Ozeah another Zecchiah Before we come to Balsara by one dayes iourney the two riuers of Tigris and Euphrates meet and there standeth a castle called Cuma kept by the Turks where all marchants pay a small custome Here the two riuers ioyned together begin to be eight or nine miles broad here also it beginneth to ebbe and flow and the water ouerflowing maketh the countrey all about very fertile of corne rice pulse and dates The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit all the buildings castle and wals are made of bricke dried in the Sun The Turke hath here fiue hundred Ianisaries besides other souldiers continually in garison and pay but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about fiue and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with goodly ordinance To this port of Balsara come monethly diuers ships from Ormuz laden with all sorts of Indian marchandise as spices drugs Indico and Calecut cloth These ships are vsually from forty to threescore tunnes hauing their planks sowed together with corde made of the barke of Date trees and in stead of Occam they vse the shiuerings of the barke of the sayd trees and of the same they also make their tackling They haue no kinde of yron worke belonging to these vessels saue only their ankers From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe they go to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the yere to wit in Iune Iuly August and September My abode in Balsara was iust sixe moneths during which time I receiued diuers letters from M. Iohn Newbery from Ormus who as he passed that way with her Maiesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia vnto the mighty emperour of China was traiterously there arrested and all his company by the Portugals and afterward sent prisoner to Goa where after a long and cruell imprisonment he and his companions were deliuered vpon sureties not to depart the towne without leaue at the sute of one father Thomas Steuens an English religious man which they found there but shortly after three of them escaped whereof one to wit M. Ralph Fitch is since come into England The fourth which was a painter called Iohn Story became religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa as we vnderstood by their letters I and my companion William Shales hauing dispatched our businesse at Balsara imbarked our selues in company of seuenty barks all laden with marchandise hauing euery barke 14 men to draw them like our Westerne bargemen on the Thames and we were forty foure dayes comming vp against the streame to Babylon where arriuing and paying our custome we with all other sorts of marchants bought vs camels hired vs men to lade and driue them furnished
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
a citie called Anagona The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro de Souses in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an anker 7 dayes before vs and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera whereupon wee set saile presently to seeke him The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera where we found our Admirall which was very ioyfull of our comming and we also of his sight In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke in a tall ship and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of Santa Cruz vpon the coast of Barbarie which ship we left there all spoiled Our General marchants bought in the said towne for our prouision 14 buts of wine which cost 15 duckats a but which were offred vs at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8,9 and 10 duckats The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie about 3 leagues off and there tooke in fresh water so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke which is on the coast of Guinea The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke But hauing no knowledge of that coast we went with Cape Blanke and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome water two leagues from the shore The land is very lowe and white sand Upon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke directing our course South and by East South among and fo fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde about 16 leagues and about sixe leagues from the shore The sayd land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder saile being in deed nothing els but the land which was full of Hammoks some high some lowe with high trees on them We bare with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore and then we sounded and found 28 fadome water blacke vase This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swimming with their noses with the brim of the water Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils seeming to vs about a league one from the other which is the Cape and betweene them are great store of trees and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high as the said two hils The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape in a roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water where you may ride in fiue or sixe fadome for the ground is faire and alwayes you shall haue the winde off the shore And as soone as we were all at an anker our Generall came aboord vs and with him the master of the Admirall whose name was William Bars and with them the captaine of the Uiceadmirall whose name was master Edward Fenner and Robert Curtise the master and dined aboord of vs being in the George wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood and Iohn Smith of Hampton master and there we concluded to goe aland which was halfe a mile from vs and by the counsell of William Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without armour for he sayd that although the people were blacke and naked yet they were ciuill so that hee would needs giue the venter without the consent of the rest to go without weapon Thus they rowed to shore where we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked walking to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was waiting for the comming of our men who came too soone and landed to their losse as it fell out afterwards There went a shore the Admirals skiffe and the May Flowers boate and in them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts as M. George Fenner the Generall his brother M. Edward Fenner Thomas Valentine Iohn Worme and Francis Leigh marchants Iohn Haward William Bats Nicholas Day Iohn Tomson and others At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward with their bowes and arrowes our Captaines and merchants talked with them according to the vse of the country the one demanded pledges of the other they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men Our 5 mens names were these Iohn Haward Wil. Bats Nich. Day Ioh. Tomson Iohn Curtise these were deliuered them and we receiued 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe Our men being a shore among the Negros began to talke with them declaring what ware and marchandize we had as woollen cloth linnen cloth iron cheese other things The Negros answered againe they had ciuet muske gold and graines which pleased our captaines and marchants very well Then the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares to the which our marchants were content and forthwith sent aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise and in the meane time while the boate went to the ship our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros and our Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side hauing the 3 Negros with them Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandize with bread wine and cheese which they gaue vnto them Then two of the Negros which were the pledges made themselues sicke desiring to goe a shore promising to send other two for them Captaine Haiward perceiuing that our men had let the Negros come a shore asked what they meant and doubting the worst began to drawe toward the boate and two or three of the Negros folowed him And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him and he made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread notwithstanding when he was entering into the boate one of them caught him by the breeches and would haue staied him but hee sprang from him and leapt into the boate and as soone as hee was in one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe and presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting on the boates side and master Wormes sword by him suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd and cast himselfe into the Sea and swamme a shore and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore and tooke three of them with great violence and tore all their apparell from their backes and left them nothing to couer them and many of them shot so thicke at our men in our boates that they could scarse set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore
Court. If happely in one moneth euery Post be not able to goe so long a way yet doeth there notwithstanding once euery moneth arriue one Poste out of the shire Who so coÌ„meth before the new moone stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntil the moone be changed Then likewise are dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires againe Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee haue to passe through many places and some of great importance For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side that you cannot goe one mile but you shal see some Towne borough or hostry the which are so aboundatly prouided of all things that in the Cities and townes they liue ciuily Neuerthelesse such as dwel abrode are very poore for the multitude of them euery where is so great that out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number of children where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all From these places in number infinite you shall come vnto two Cities very populous and being compared with Cinceo not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them These cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world As you come in to either of them there standeth so great and mighty a bridge that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugal nor else where I heard one of my fellowes say that hee tolde in one bridge 40. arches The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great is for that the Countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low and ouerflowed euer as the sea water encreaseth The breadth of the bridges although it bee well proportioned vnto the length thereof yet are they equally built no higher in the middle then at either ende in such wise that you may see directly from the one ende to the other the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the maner of Rome-workes But that we did most marueile at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones the like whereof as we came in to the Citie we did see many set vp in places dis-habited by the way to no small charges of theirs howbeit to little purpose whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by The arches are not made after our fashion vauted with sundry stones set together but paued as it were whole stones reaching from one piller to an other in such wise that they lye both for the arches heads and galantly serue also for the high way I haue bene astonied to beholde the hugenesse of the aforesaid stones some of them are xii pases long and vpward the least 11. good pases long and an halfe The wayes ech where are galantly paued with fouresquare stone except it be where for want of stone they vse to lay bricke in this voyage wee trauailed ouer certaine hilles where the wayes were pitched and in many places no worse paued then in the plaine ground This causeth vs to thinke that in all the world there bee no better workemen for buildings then the inhabitants of China The Countrey is so well inhabited that no one foote of ground is left vntilled small store of cattell haue we seene this day we saw onely certaine oxen wherewithall the countreymen do plow their ground One oxe draweth the plough alone not onely in this shire but in other places also wherein is greater store of cattell These countreymen by arte do that in tillage which we are constrained to doe by force Here be solde the voydings of close stooles although there wanteth not the dung of beastes and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China The dungfermers seek in euery streete by exchange to buy this durtie ware for herbs and wood The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane There is great aboundance of hennes geâ—se duckes swine and goates wethers haue they none the hennes are solde by weight and so are all other things Two pound of hennes flesh geese or ducke is worth two foi of their money that is d. ob sterling Swines flesh is sold at a penie the pound Beefe beareth the same price for the scarcitie thereof howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the sea-coast there is beefe more plentie and solde better cheape We haue had in all the Cities we passed through great abundance of all these victuals beefe onely excepted And if this Countrey were like vnto India the inhabitants whereof eate neither henne beefe nor porke but keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores they would be sold here for nothing But it so falling out that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world they do feed vpon all things specially on porke which the fatter it is is vnto them the lesse lothsome The highest price of these things aforesaid I haue set downe better cheape shal you sometimes buy them for the great plentie thereof in this countrey Frogs are solde at the same price that is made of hennes and are good meate amongst them as also dogs cats rats snakes and all other vncleane meates The Cities be very gallant specially neere vnto the gates the which are marueilously great and couered with iron The gatehâ—uses are built on high with towers the lower part thereof is made of bricke stone proportionally with the walls from the walls vpward the building is of timber and many stories in it one aboue the other The strength of their townes is in the mightie walles and ditches artillerie haue they none The streetes in Cinceo and in all the rest of the Cities we haue seene are very faire so large and so straight that it is wonderfull to behold Their houses are built with timber the foundations onely excepted the which are layd with stone in ech side of the streetes are pentises or continuall porches for the marchants to walke vnder the breadth of the streets is neuerthelesse such that in them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side As they ride they must needs passe vnder many high arches of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of timber and carued diuersly couered with tiles of fine clay vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter their smaller wares such as list to stand there are defended from raine and the heate of the Sunne The greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of gentlemen that are called Louteas I wil first therefore expound what this word signifieth Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir and when any of them calleth his name he answereth Sir and as we do say that the king hath made some gentleman so say they that there is made a Loutea And for that amongst them the degrees are diuers both in name and office I will tell you onely of some principals being not able to aduertise you of all The
the wings are let leape downe into the water some vnder some aboue woorth the looking vpon each one as he hath filled his bagge goeth to his owne barge and emptieth it which done he returneth to fish againe Thus hauing taken good store of fish they set the crowes at libertie and do suffer them to fish for their owne pleasure There were in that citie where I was twentie barges at the least of these aforesayd crowes I went almost euery day to see them yet could I neuer be throughly satisfied to see so strange a kind of fishing Of the Iland Iapan and other litle Iles in the East Ocean By R. Willes THe extreame part of the knowen world vnto vs in the noble Iland Giapan written otherwise Iapon and Iapan This Island standeth â—n the East Ocean beyond all Asia betwixt Cathayo and the West Indies sixe and thirtie degrees Northward from the Equinoctial line in the same clime with the South part of Spaine and Portugall distant from thence by sea sixe thousand leagues the trauaile thither both for ciuill discord great pyracie and often ship wracks is very dangerous This countrey is â—illie and pestered with snow wherefore it is neither so warme as Portugall nor yet so wealthy as far as we can learne wanting oyle butter cheese milke egges sugar honny vineger saffron cynamom and pepper Barley-branne the Ilanders doe vse in stead of salt medicinable things holsome for the bodie haue they none at all Neuerthelesse in that Iland sundry fruites doe growe not much vnlike the fruites of Spaine and great store of Siluer mynes are therein to be seene The people are tractable ciuill wittie courteous without deceit in vertue and honest conuersation exceeding all other nations lately discouered but so much standing vpon their reputation that their chiefe Idole may be thought honour The contempt thereof causeth among them much discord and debate manslaughter and murther euen for their reputation they doe honour their parents keepe their promises absteine from adulterie and robberies punishing by death the least robbery done holding for a principle that whosoeuer stealeth a trifle will if he see occasion steale a greater thing It may be theft is so seuerely punished of them for that the nation is oppressed with scarcitie of all things necessary and so poore that euen for miserie they strangle their owne children preferring death before want These fellowes doe neither eate nor kill any foule They liue chiefely by fish hearbes and fruites so healthfully that they die very old Of Rice and Wheat there is no great store No man is ashamed there of his pouertie neither be their gentlemen therefore lesse honoured of the meaner people neither will the poorest gentleman there match his childe with the baser sort for any gaine so much they do make more account of gentry then of wealth The greatest delight they haue is in armour each boy at fourteene yeeres of age be he borne gentle or otherwise hath his sword and dagger very good archers they be contemning all other nations in comparison of their manhood and prowesse putting not vp one iniurie be it neuer so small in worde or deede among themselues They feede moderately but they drinke largely The vse of vines they knowe not their drinke they make of Rice vtterly they doe abhorre dice and all games accounting nothing more vile in a man then to giue himselfe vnto those things that make vs greedy and desirous to get other mens goods If at any time they do sweare for that seldome they are wont to doe they sweare by the Sunne many of them are taught good letters wherfore they may so much the sooner be brought vnto Christianitie Each one is contented with one wife they be all desirous to learne naturally inclined vnto honesty courtesie godly talke they listen vnto willingly especially wheÌ„ they vnderstand it throughly Their gouernmeÌ„t coÌ„sisteth of 3 estates The first place is due vnto the high Priest by whose lawes decrees all publike and priuate matters appertayning to religion are decided The sects of their clergie men whom they doe call Bonzi be of no estimation or authoritie except the high Priest by letters patent doe confirme the same be confirmeth and alloweth of their Tundi who be as it were Bishops although in many places they are nominated by sundry Princes These Tundi are greatly honoured of all sorts they doe giue benefices vnto inferiour ministers and do grant licences for many things as to eate flesh vpon those dayes they goe in pilgrimage to their Idoles with such like priuileges Finally this high Priest wont to be chosen in China for his wisedome and learning made in Iapan for his gentry and birth hath so large a Dominion and reuenues so great that efâ—sones he beardeth the perie Kings and Princes there Their second principal Magistrate in their language Vo is the chiefe Herehaught made by succession and birth honoured as a God This Gentleman neuer toucheth the ground with his foote without for faâ—ing of his office he neuer goeth abroad out of his house nor is at all times to be seene At home he is either carried about in a litter or els he goeth in woodden Choppines a foote high from the ground commonly he siâ—teth in his chaire with a sword in one side and a bow and arrowes in the other next his bodie he weareth blacke his outward garments be red all shadowed ouer with Cypresse at his cappe hang certaine Lambeaur much like vnto a Bishops Miter his forehead is painted white and red he eateth his meat in earthen dishes This Herehaught determineth in all Iapan the diuerse titles of honour whereof in that Iland is great plentie each one particularly knowen by his badge commonly seene in sealing vp their letters and dayly altered according to their degrees About this Vo euery Noble man hath his Soliciter for the nation is so desirous of praise and honour that they striue among themselues who may bribe him best By these meanes the Herehaught groweth so rich that although hee haue neither land nor any reuenues otherwise yet may he be accounted the wealthiest man in all Iapan For three causes this great Magistrate may loose his office first if he touch the ground with his foote as it hath beene alreadie said next if he kill any body thirdly if he be found an enemie vnto peace and quietnesse howbeit neither of these aforesaid causes is sufficient to put him to death Their third chiefe officer is a Iudge his office is to take vp and to end matters in controuersie to determine of warres and peace that which he thinketh right to punish relâ—eâ—s wherein he may commaund the noble men to assist him vpon paine of forfeiting their goods neuerthelesse at all times he is not obeyed for that many matters are ended rather by might and armes then determined by law Other controuersies are decided either in the Temporall Court as it seemeth good vnto the Princes or in the
should be done and that against another yeere it should be in better readines the reason why we found it so vnprepared was because in this kings time no Christians had euer resorted thither to lade pepper The next day there were sent vs 12 baskets and so a litle euery day vntill the 9 of March at which time we had made vpon 64 serons of pepper and 28 Elephants teeth In this time of our being at Benin our natures at this first time not so well acquainted with thâ—â— climate we fell all of vs into the disease of the feuer whereupon the Captaine sent me downe with those goods which we alreadie had receiued to the rest of our men at Goto where being arriued I found all the men of our pinnesse sicke also and by reason of their weaknes not able to conuey the pinnesse and goods downe to the place where our ship road but by good hap within two houres after my comming to Goto the boate came vp from the ship to see how all things stood with vs so that I put the goods into the boat and went downe towards the ship but by that time I was come aboord many of our men died namely Master Benson the Cooper the Carpenter 3 or 4 more my selfe was also in such a weake state that I was not able to returne againe to Benin Whereupon I sent vp Samuel Dunne and the Chirurgian with him to our men that were about to let them blood if it were thought needfull who at their comming to Benin found the Captaine and your sonne William Bird dead and Thomas Hempsteede very weake who also died within two dayes after their comming thither This sorrowfull accident caused them with such pepper and teeth as they could then find speedily to returne to the ship as by the Cargason will appeare at their comming away the Veadore tolde them that if they could or would stay any longer time he would vse all possible expedition to bring in more commodities but the common sicknesse so increased and continued amongst vs all that by the time our men which remained were come aboord we had so many sicke and dead of our companie that we looked all for the same happe and so thought to loose both our ship life countrey and all Very hardly and with much adoe could we get vp our ankers but yet at the last by the mercie of God hauing gotten them vp but leauing our pinnesse behinde vs we got to sea and set saile which was vpon the 13 of Aprill After which by little and little our men beganne to gather vp their crums and to recouer some better strength and so sailing betwixt the Islands of Cape Verde and the maine we came to the Islands of the Azores vpon the 25 of Iuly where our men beganne a fresh to grow ill and diuers died among whom Samuel Dun was one and as many as remained liuing were in a hard case but in the midst of our distresse it fell so wel out by Gods good prouidence that we met with your ship the Barke Burre on this side the North cape which did not only keepe vs good coÌ„panie but also sent vs sixe fresh men aboord without whose helpe we should surely haue tasted of many inconueniences But by this good meanes we are now at the last arriued in Plimouth this 9 day of September and for want of better health at this time I referre the further knowledge of more particularities till my comming to London Yours to commaund Anthony Ingram The second voyage to Benin set foorth by Master Iohn Newton and Master Iohn Bird Marchants of London in the yeere 1590 with a ship called the Richard of Arundell of the burthen of one hundreth tunnes and a small pinnesse in which voyage Master Iames Welsh was chiefe Maister THe third of September 1590 we set saile from Ratclife and the 18 of the said moneth we came into Plimouth sound and the two and twentieth we put to sea againe and at midnight we were off the Lisart and so passed on our voyage vntill the 14 of October on which day we had sight of â—orteueâ—tura one of the Canarie Islands which appeared very ragged as we sailed by it The 16 of October in the latitude of 24 degrees and nine minutes we met with a great hollow sea the like whereof I neuer saw on this coast and this day there came to the ships side a monstrous great fish I thinke it was a Gobarto which put vp his head to the sleepe tubs where y e cooke was in shifting the victuals whoÌ„ I thought the fish would haue caried away The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with a countersea out of the North boord and the last voyage in this very place we had the countersea out of the South being very calme weather as now it is also The 24 we had sight of Cauo Verde and the 25 we met with a great hollow sea out of the North which is a common signe that the winde will be Northerly and so it prooued The 15 of Nouember we met with three currants out of the West and Northwest one after another with an houres time betweene each currant This was in the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes The 18 day we met with two other great currants out of the Southwest and the 20 we said another current out of the Northeast and the 24 we had a great current out of the Southsouthwest and at 6 of the clocke towards night we had 3 currents more The 27 we thought that we had gone at the least 2 leagues and a halfe euery watch and it fell out that we sailed but one league euery watch for the space of 24 hours by meanes of a great billow and current that came still out of the South The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast about and lay East Nâ—rtheast and Northeast and here in 5 degrees and a halfe our pinnesse lost vs wilfully The 7 at the going downe of the Sunne we saw a great blacke spot in the Sunne and the 8. day both at rising and setting we saw the like which spot to our seeming was about the bignesse of a shilling being in 5 degrees of latitude and still there came a great billow out of the southerboord The 14 we sounded and had 15 fadom water and grosse red sand and 2 leagues from the shore the currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow still out of the southerboord The 15 we were thwart a rocke somewhat like the Newstone in England it was 2 leagues from vs here we sounded and had 27 fadom but the rocke is not aboue a mile from the shore and a mile farther we saw another rocke and betweene them both broken ground here we sounded and had but 20 fadome and blacke sand and we might see plaine that the rockes went not along the shore but from the land to the seaward and
about 5 leagues to the Southward we sawe a great day here we had 4 degrees and 27 minuts The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur who robbed our pinnesse we sent a letter by him and this night we saw another spot in the Sunne at his going downe And towards euening we were thwart of a riuer and right ouer the riuer was a high tuft of trees The 17 we ankered in the riuers mouth and then we found the land to be Cauo de las Palmas and betweene vs the cape was a great ledge of rockes one league and a halfe into the sea and they bare to the West of the Cape we saw also an Island off the point of the foreland thus it waâ—ed night that we could perceiue no more of the lande but onely that it trended in like a bay where there runneth a streame as if it were in the riuer of Thames and this was the change day of the Moone The 19 a faire temperate day and the wind South we went East and the lande a sterne of vs West and it shewed low by the water side like Islands this was the east of Cauo de las Palmas and it trended in with a great sound and we went East all night and in the morning wee were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore The 20 we were thwart of a riuer called Rio de los Barbos The 21 we went along the shore East 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cauo de tres puntas I find the bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues and at 4 of the clocke the land begun to shewe high and the first part of it full of Palme trees The 24 still going by the shore the land was very low and full of trees by the water side and at 12 of the clocke we ankered thwart of the riuer called Rio de Boilas Here we sent our boate a shore with the marchants but they durst not put into the riuer because of a great billow that continually brake at the enterance vpon the barre The 28 we sailed alongst the shore and ankered at night in seuen fadom because a great current would haue put vs backe which came from the East Southeast from Papuas The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda and there we tooke a Carauel but the men were fled on land then we went aboord her but she had nothing in her but only a litle oyle of Palme trees and a few roots The next morning our Captaine and marchants went to meete Portugals that came in a boate to speake with vs where they communed about the buying of the Carauell of our men againe and the Portugals promised that we should haue for the Carauell certaine bullocks and Elephants teeth and they gaue vs one tooth and one bullocke presently and sayd they would bring vs the rest the next day The first of Ianuarie our Captaine went on land to speake with the Portugales but when he saw they did dissemble he came aboord againe and presently we vnrigged the Carauell and set her on fire before the towne Then we set saile and went along the coast where we saw a Date tree the like whereof is not in all that coast vpon the water side also we fell on ground a litle in one place Thus we went to Villa longa and there ankered The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa where our marchants went a shore and vpon the barre they found 3 fadom flat but they went not in because it was late There is also to the Eastward of this riuer a Date tree higher then all the rest of the other trees thereabout Thus we went along the coast and euery night ankered al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke woods The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy so that we could not see the land and at three of the clocke in the afternoone it cleared vp then we found our selues thwart of the riuer of Iaya and when we found the shallow water we bare into the sea South as we did the voyage before and came to an ancre in fiue fadom water The next day we set saile againe and towards noone we were thwart of the riuer of Benin in foure fadom water The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shallop at 2 a clocke in the afternoone All this weeke it was very foggy euery day vntill ten a clocke and all this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our summer in England This day we went into the road and ankered the west point of the road bare East northeast off vs we riding in foure fadome water The 21 a faire temperate day this day M. Hassald went to the towne of Goto to heare newes of the Captaine The 23 came the Carauell and Samuell in her and she brought 63 Elephants teeth and three bullocks The 28 a faire temperate day and towards night there fell much raine lightning and thunder this day our boate came aboord from Goto The 24 of Februarie we tooke in 298 Cerons or sackes of pepper and 4 Elephants teeth and the winde was at Southeast And the 26 we put the rest of our goods into the Carauell and M. Hassald went with her to Goto The 5 of March y e Carauel came againe brought 21 Cerons of pepper 4 Elephants teeth The 9 of Aprill our Carauell came aboord with water for our prouision for the sea and this day also we lost our shallope The 17 a drowsie rainie day and in the afternoone we saw 3 great spoutes of raine two on our larbord side and one right with the ships head but God be thanked they came not at vs and this day we tooke in the last of our water for the sea and the 26 we victualed our Carauell to go with vs to the sea The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde at Southwest and at two a clocke in the afternoone the riuer of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues from vs. The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine lightning thunder that it tore and split our fore saile and also the Carauels fore-sayle and maine-sayle with the wind at Southeast The 12 a faire temperate day much like our â—ommer mornings in England being but one degree a halfe from the line but at midnight we had a cruell gust of raine the wind at northeast The 24 we were South from from Cauo de las Palmas â—7 leagues The first of Iuly we had sight of the Island of Braua and it bare East 7 leagues off and this Island is one of the Islands of Cauo Verde The 13 of August we spake with the Queenees ships the Lord Thomas Howard being Admirall and sir Richard Greeneuill Uiceadmirall They kept vs in their company vntill the 15
put straight to sea whom all the fleet followed sauing three and thirty which being in the riuer further then he and at the entrance out of the same finding the winde and tide too hard against them were inforced to cast ancre there for that night amongst whom by good fortune was the Foresight and in her sir Edward Norris And the night folowing Generall Norris being driuen from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme for all that day was the greatest storme we had all the time we were out came againe into the Ilands but not without great perill he being forced to trust to a Spanish Fisher-man who was taken two dayes bâ—fore at sea to bring him in The next morning he called a council of as many as he found there holding the purpose he had concluded with sir Francis Drake the day before and directed all their courses for England tarying there all that day to water and helpe such with victuallâ— as were left in wonderfull distrâ—sse by hauing the victuals that came last caried away the day before to sea The next day he set saile and the 10 day after which was the 2 of Iuly came into Plimmouth where he found sir Francis Drake and all the Queens ships with many of the others but not all for the Fleet was dispersed into other harbors some led by a desire of returning froÌ„ whence they came and some being possessed of the hulks sought other Ports from their Generals â—ie where they might make their priuate commoditie of them as they haue done to their great aduantage Presently vpon their arriuall there the Generals dissolued all the armie sauing 8 companies which are yet held together giuing euery souldier fiue shillings in money and the armes hee bare to make money of which was more then could by any means be due vnto them for they were not in seruice three moneths in which time they had their victuals which no man will value at lâ—sse then halfe their pay for such is the allowance in her maiesties ships to her mariners so as there remained but 10 shillings a moneth more to be paid for which there was not any priuate man but had apparel and furniture to his owne vse so as euery common souldier discharged receiued more in money victuals apparell and furniture then his pay did amount vnto Notwithstanding there be euen in the same place where those things haue passed that either do not or will not conceiue the souldiers estate by comparing their pouertie and the shortnesse of the time together but lay some iniuries vpoÌ„ the Generals and the action Where and by the way but especially here in London I find there haue bene some false prophets gone before vs telling strange tales For as our countrey doeth bring foorth many gallant men who desirous of honour doe put themselues into the actions thereof so doeth it many more dull spirited who though their thoughts reach not so high as others yet doe they listen how other mens acts doe passe and either beleeuing what any man will report vnto them are willingly caried away into errors or tied to some greater mans faith become secretaries against a noted trueth The one sort of these doe take their opinions from the high-way side or at the furthest goe no further theÌ„ Pauls to enquire what hath bene done in this voiage where if they meet with any whose capacitie before their going out could not make them liue nor their valour maintaine their reputation and who went onely for spoile complaining on the hardnesse and misery thereof they thinke they are bound to giue credite to these honest men who were parties therein and in very charitie become of their opinions The others to make good the faction they are entred into if they see any of those malecontents as euery iourney yeeldeth some doe runne vnto them like tempting spirits to confirme them in their humour with assurance that they foresaw before our going out what would become thereof Be ye not therefore too credulous in beleeuing euery report for you see there haue bene many more beholders of these things that haue passed then actors in the same who by their experience not hauing the knowledge of the ordinarie wants of the warre haue thought that to lie hard not to haue their meat well dressed to drinke sometimes water to watch much or to see men die and be slaine was a miserable thing and not hauing so giuen their mindes to the seruice as they are any thing instructed thereby doe for want of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things whereas the iourney if they had with that iudgement seene into it which their places required hath giuen them far more honorable purpose and argument of discourse These mens discontentments and mislikings before our comming home haue made mee labour thus much to instruct you in the certaintie of euery thing because I would not willingly haue you miscaried in the iudgements of them wherein you shall giue me leaue somewhat to dilate vpon a question which I onely touched in the beginning of my letter namely whether it bee more expedient for our â—state to maintain an offensiue war against the king of Spaine in the Low countries or as in this iourney to offend him in his neerer territories seeing the grounds of arguing thereof are taken from the experience which the actions of this iourney haue giuen vs. There is no good subiect that wil make questioÌ„ whether it be behoofeful for vs to hold friendship with these neighbours of ours or no aswell in respect of the infinite proportion of their shipping which must stand either with vs or against vs as of the commoditie of their harbors especially that of Vlishing by the fauour whereof our Nauie may continually keepe the Narrow seas and which would harbour a greater Fleete agaynst vs then the Spaniard shall need to annoy vs withall who being now distressed by our common enemie I thinke it most expedient for our safetie to defend them and if it may be to giue them a reentrie into that they haue oâ— late yeeres lost vnto him The one without doubt her maiestie may do without difficultie and in so honorable sort as he shal neuer be able to dispossesse her or them of any the townes they now hold But if any man thinke that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more speedily or conueniently by keeping an armie there then by sending one against him into his owne countrey let him foresee of how many men and continuall supplies that armie must consist and what intollerable expenses it requireth And let him thinke by the example of the duke of Alua when the prince of Orenge had his great armie agaynst him and of Don Iuan when the States had their mightie assembly against him how this wise enemie with whom we are to deale may but by prolonging to fight with vs leaue vs occasions enough for our armie within few moneths to mutine and
or 7 of our men into Captaine Dauis his boate being too much pestered in our owne and retayning with vs some 20 shot in the pinnesse we made way towardes them with all the speede we could By the way as we rowed we saw boates passing betwixt the roaders and the shore and men in their shirtes swimming and wading to shoare who as we perceiued afterwardes were labouring to set those shippes fast on ground and the Inhabitants as busily preparing themselues for the defence of those roaders their Iland and themselues When we came neere them Captaine Lister commaunded the Trumpets to be sounded but prohibited any shot to be discharged at them vntill they had direction from him But some of the companie either not well perceiuing or regarding what he sayd immediatly vpon the sound of the Trumpets discharged their pieces at the Islanders which for the most part lay in trenches and fortefied places vnseene to their owne best aduantage who immediatly shot likewise at vs both with small and great shot without danger to themselues Notwithstanding Captaine Lister earnestly hastened forward the Saylers that rowed who beganne to shrinke at that shot flying so fast about their eares and himselfe first entring one of the shippes that lay a litle further from shoare then the other we spedily followed after him into her still plying them with our shot And hauing cut in sunder her Cables and Hausers towed her away with our Pinnesse In the meane time Captaine Dauis his boate ouertooke vs and entred into the other shippe which also as the former was forsaken by all her men but they were constrayned to leaue her to come againe into their boate whilest shot and stones from shoare flew fast amongst them finding her to sticke so fast a grounde that they could not stire her which the Townesmen also perceiuing and seeing that they were but fewe in number and vs busied about the other ship not comming to ayde them were preparing to haue come and taken them But they returned vnto vs and so together we came away towards the Victory towing after vs the Prize that we had now taken which was lately come from Brasill loden with Sugar In this fight we had two men slaine and 16 wounded and as for them it is like they had litle hurt lying for the most part behind stone walles which were builded one aboue another hard by the sea side vpon the end of the hill whereupon the Towne stoode betwixt two valleyes Upon the toppe of the hill lay their great Ordinance such as they had wherewith they shot leaden bullets whereof one pierced through our Prizes side and lay still in the shippe without doing any more harme The next day we went againe for water to the same Iland but not knowing before the inconuenience and disaduantage of the place where we attempted to land we returned frustrate The same night the 25 of October we departed for S. Georges Iland for fresh water whither we came on Munday following October 27 and hauing espied where a spout of water came running downe the pinnesse and long boate were presently manned and sent vnder the conduct of Captaine Preston and Captaine Munson by whom my Lord sent a letter to the Ilanders as before to grant vs leaue to water onely and we would no further trouble them notwithstanding our men comming on shoare found some of the poore Ilanders which for feare of vs hid themselues amongst the rockes And on Wednesday following our boats returned with fresh water whereof they brought only sixe tunnes for the Victorie alleaging they could get no more thinking as it was supposed that my Lord hauing no more prouision of water and wine but onely 12 tunnes would not goe for the coast of Spaine but stâ—aight for the coast of England as many of our men greatly desired notwithstanding my Lord was vnwilling so to doe and was minded the next day to haue taken in more water but through roughnesse of the seas and winde and vnwillingnesse of his men it was not done Yet his Hon. purposed not to returne with so much prouision vnspent and his voyage as he thought not yet performed in such sort as mought giue some reasonable contentment or satisfaction to himselfe and others Therefore because no more water could now conueniently be gotten and being vncertaine when it could be gotten and the time of our staying aboord also vncertaine the matter being referred to the choyse of the whole companie whither they would carrie longer till wee might be more sufficiently prouided of fresh water or goe by the coast of Spaine for England with halfe so much allowance of drinke as before they willingly agreed that euery mease should bee allowed at one meale but halfe so much drinke as they were accustomed except them that were sicke or wounded and so to goe for England taking the coast of Spaine in our way to see if we could that way make vp our voyage Upon Saturday Octob. 31 we sent the Margaret because she leaked much directly for England together with the Prize of Brasile which we tooke at S. Marie and in them some of our hurt and wounded men or otherwise sicke were sent home as they desired for England but Captaine Monson was taken out of the Megge into the Victorie So we held on our course for the coast of Spaine with a faire winde and a large which before we seldome had And vpon Twesday following being the 4 of Nouemb. we espied a saile right before vs which we chased till about three a clocke in the afternoone at which time we ouertaking her she stroke sayle and being demaunded who was her owner and from whence she was they answered a Portugall and from Pernanbucke in Brasile She was a ship of some 110 tuns burden fraighted with 410 chestes of Sugar and 50 Kintals of Brasill-wood euery Kintall contayning one hundred pound weight we tooke her in latitude nine and twentie degrees about two hundred leagues from Lisbone westwards Captaine Preston was presently sent vnto her who brought the principall of her men aboord the Victorie and certaine of our men mariners and souldiers were sent aboord her The Portugals of this Prize told vs that they saw another ship before them that day about noone Hauing therefore dispatched all things about the Prize aforesaid and left our long boat with Captaine Dauis taking his lesser boat with vs we made way after this other ship with all the sayles we could beare holding on our course due East and giuing order to Captaine Dauis his ship and the Prize that they should follow vs due East and that if they had sight of vs the morning following they should follow vs still if not they should goe for England The next morning we espied not the sayle which we chased and Captaine Dauis his ship and the Prize were behinde vs out of sight but the next Thursday the sixt of Nouember being in latitude 38 degrees 30 minutes and about sixtie
chiefe commaunder vpon the Seas and of all Fleetes or ships and of all places and Islands or lands wheresoeuer he came whereupon the gouernour of Tercera did him great honour and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to conuey them either to Siuill or Lisbon where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiestie of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the siluer with good and safe conuoy Whereupon the said Aluaro Flores stayed there vnder colour of keeping the siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were affraide of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue 50000 Duckats in pearles which he shewed vnto vs sought to sell them or barter them with vs for spices or bils of exchange The said two ships see sayle with 3 or 4 hundred men as well souldiers as others that came with them out of India and being at sea had a storme wherewith the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea not one man saued The Uice-Admirall cut downe her mast and ranne the ship on ground hard by Seruual where it burst in pieces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera◠they met with an English ship which after they had fought long together tooke them both About 7 or 8 moneths before there had beene an English shippe in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island there to lade woad and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streetes to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deede as safe in that Island as if they had beene in prison But in the ende vpon a Sunday all the Saylers went downe behinde the hils called Bresil where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Erle of Cumberlands shippes which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Islands which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats Deere and Sheepe belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their boates and lying at anker that day they fetched as many Goates and sheepe as they had neede of which those of the towne and of the Island well saw and beheld yet durst not once goe foorth so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the said English ship This Master had a brother in lawe dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got license of the Queene of England to set forth a ship there with to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish ships before the Towne the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats he sent al the men on land sauing onely two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a letter to the Gouernor of Tercera wherein he wrote that he should deliuer him his brother he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king of Spaine himselfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where he shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and maner of the Englishmens fighting as also their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuarie 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred shippes which put out from the Firme land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing onely escaped wherin there were great riches many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of 220 ships that for certaine were knowen to haue put out of Noua Spagna S. Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine Portugall there were not aboue 14 or 15 of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Siuil which were most Flieboats of the Low countries and some Britons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of souldiers and wel appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the kings cōmandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut downe their mastes and were in danger to be lost and among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land and was striken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the sea and seperate themselues one from the other where wind and weather would driue them vntill the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anker in whereby they endured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flag in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the hauen as if they had conquered all the realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flag vpon her sterne was entring into the road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paied her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt
testimonies concerning the mighty kingdome of Coray tributary to the king of China and bordering vpon his Northeast frontiers and also touching the warres of Quabacondono the monarch of Iapan against China by the way of Coray pag. 854 A briefe note concerning an extreame Northerly prouince of Iapan called Zuegara situate 30 dayes iourney from Mâ—acó also of a certeine nation of Tartars called Iezi inhabiting on the maine to the North of China pag. 861 Aduertisements touching the ships that goe from Siuil to the Indies of Spaine together with some sea-orders of the Contractation house of Siuil pag. 862 The order of the Carena giuen to the ships that goe out of Spaine to the West Indies pag. 864. The examination of the Masters and Pilots which saile in the fleetâ— of Spaine to the West Indies written in Spanish by Pedro Dias a Spanish Pilot. pag. 864 and 866 THE THIRD AND LAST Volume of the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English Nation made to the Northwest West and Southwest parts of the World with the Letters Priuileges Discourses Obseruations and other necessary things concerning the same The most ancient Discouery of the VVest Indies by Madoc the sonne of Owen Guyneth Prince of North-wales in the yeere 1170 taken out of the history of Wales lately published by M. Dauid Powel Doctor of Diuinity AFter the death of Owen Guyneth his sonnes fell at debate who should inherit after him for the eldest sonne borne in matrimony Edward or Iorwerth Drwydion was counted vnmeet to gouerne because of the maime vpon his face and Howell that tooke vpon him all the rule was a base sonne begotten vpon an Irish woman Therefore Dauid gathered all the power he could and came against Howel and fighting with him slew him and afterwards inioyed quietly the whole land of Northwales vntil his brother Iorwerâ—hs sonne came to age Madoc another of Owen Guyneth his sonnes left the land in contention betwixt his brethren prepared certaine ships with men and munition and sought aduentures by Seas sailing West and leauing the coast of Ireland so farre North that he came vnto a land vnknowen where he saw many strange things This land must needs be some part of that Countrey of which the Spanyards affirme themselues to be the first finders since Hannos time Whereupon it is manifest that that countrey was by Britaines discouered long before Columbus led any Spanyards thither Of the voyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables fained as the common people doe vse in distance of place and length of time rather to augment then to diminish but sure it is there he was And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant and fruitfull countreys that he had seene without inhabitants and vpon the contrary part for what barren wild ground his brethren and nephewes did murther one another he prepared a number of ships and got with him such men and women as were desirous to liue in quietnesse and taking leaue of his friends tooke his iourney thitherward againe Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countreys for it appeareth by Francis Lopez de Gomara that in Acuzamil and other places the people honored the crosse Wherby it may be gathered that Christians had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards But because this people were not many they followed the maners of the land which they came vnto vsed the language they fouÌ„d there This Madoc arriuing in that Westerne country vnto the which he came in the yere 1170 left most of his people there and returning backe for more of his owne nation acquaintance friends to inhabit that faire large countrey went thither againe with ten sailes as I find noted by Gutyn Owen I am of opinion that the land whereunto he came was some part of the West Indies Carmina Meredith filij Rhesi mentionem facientia de Madoco filio Oweni Guynedd de sua nauigatione in terras incognitas Vixit hic Meredith circiter annum Domini 1477. MAdoc wyf mwyedic wedd Iawn genau Owyn Guynedd Ni fynnum dir fy enaid oedd Na da mawr ond y moroedd The same in English Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Gwynedd With stature large and comely grace adorned No lands at home nor store of wealth me please My minde was whole to search the Ocean seas The offer of the discouery of the VVest Indies by Christopher Columbus to king Henry the seuenth in the yeere 1488 the 13 of February with the kings acceptation of the offer the cause whereupon hee was depriued of the same recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the history of Don Fernand Columbus of the life and deeds of his father Christopher Columbus CHristophoro Colon temendo se parimente i Re di Castiglia non assentissero alla sua impresa non gli bisognasse proporla di nuouo à qualche altro prâ—ncipe cosi in cio passasse lungo tempo mando in Inghilterra vn suo fratello che haueua appresso dâ— se chiamato Bartholomeo Colon il qual quantunque non hauesse lettere Latine erà però huomo praâ—tico giudicioso nelle cose del mare sapea molto bene far carte da nauigare sphere altri instrumenti di quella professione come dal suo fraâ—ello era instrutto Partito adunque Bartholomeo Colon per Inghilterra volle la sua sorte che desse in man di cor sali i quali lo spogliarono insieme con gli altri della sua naue Per la qual cosa per la sua pouertà infirmità che in cosi diuerse terre lo assalirono crudelmente prolungo per gran tempo la sua ambasciata fin che aquistata vn poco di faculta con le carte ch' ei fabricaua comincio a far pratiche co ' il Re Enrico settimo padre de 〈…〉 al presente regna a cui appresentò vn mappamondoâ— nel quale erano scritti questi versi che frale sue scriture Io trouas dame saranno qui posts piu tosto per l' antichità che per la loro eleganza Terrarum quicunque cupis foeliciter oras Noscere cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit Quam Strabo affirmat Ptolomaeus Plinius atque Isidorus non vna tamen sententia cuique Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis Hispanis Zona illa priùs incognita genti Torrida quae tandem nunc est notissima multis Et piu di sotto diceua Pro Authore siue Pictore Ianua cui patriae est nomen cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra Rubra opus edidit istud Londonijs anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno Octauo decimáque die cùm tertia mensis Februarij Laudes Christo cantentur abundè Et percioche auuertirà alcuno che dice Columbus de Terra Rubra dico che medesimamente Io viddi alcune
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ— and forâ—mâ—st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ— And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ— Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâ—mpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ„ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâ—mâ—e ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â— fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
Moneth we ranne along Island and had the South part of it at eight of the clocke East from vs ten leagues The seuenth day of this moneth we had a very terrible storme by force whereof one of our men was blowen into the sea out of our waste but he caught hold of the foresaile sheate and there held till the Captaine pluckt him againe into the ship The 25. day of this moneth we had sight of the Island of Orkney which was then East from vs. The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld and so sailed about the coast and ankered at Yarmouth and the next day we came into Harwich The language of the people of Meta incognita Argoteyt a hand Cangnawe a nose Arered an eye Keiotot a tooth Mutchatet the head Chewat an eare Comagaye a legge Atoniagay a foote Callagay a paire of breeches Attegay a coate Polleueragay a knife Accaskay a shippe Coblone a thumbe Teckkeâ—e the foremost finger Ketteckle the middle finger Mekellacane the fourth finger Yacketrone the litle finger The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher made to the West and Northwest Regions in the yeere 1577. with a description of the Countrey and people Written by Master Dionise Settle ON Whitsunday being the sixe and twentieth of May in the yeere of our Lord God 1577. Captaine Frobisher departed from Blacke Wall with one of the Queenes Maiesties ships called The Aide of nine score tunnes or therabouts and two other little Borkes likewise the one called The Gabriel whereof Master Fenton a Gentleman of my Lord of Warwikes was Captaine and the other The Michael whereof Master Yorke a Gentleman of my Lord Admirals was Captaine accompanied with seuen score Gentlemen souldiers and sailers well furnished with victuals and other prouision necessarie for one halfe yeere on this his second voyage for the further discouering of the passage to Cathay and other Countreys thereunto adiacent by West and Northwest nauigations which passage or way is supposed to bee on the North and Northwest pars of America and the said America to be an Island inuironed with the sea where through our Merchants may haue course and recourse with their merchandize from these our Northernmost parts of Europe to those Orientall coasts of Asia in much shorter time and with greater benefite then any others to their no little commoditie and profite that do or shall frequent the same Our said Captaine and General of this present voyage and company hauing the yeere before with two little pinnesses to his great danger and no small commendations giuen a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof is also prest when occasion shall be ministred to the benefite of his Prince and natiue Countrey to aduenture himselfe further therein As for this second voyage it seemeth sufficient that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of those people and Countreys which in his first voyage the yeere before he had found out Upon which considerations the day and yeere before expressed we departed from Blacke Wall to Harwich where making an accomplishment of things necessary the last of May we hoised vp sailes and with a merrie wind the 7. of Iune we arriued at the Islands called Orcades or vulgarly Orkney being in number 30. subiect and adiacent to Scotland where we made prouision of fresh water in the doing whereof our Generall licensed the Gentlemen and souldiers for their recreation to goe on shore At our landing the people fled from their poore cottages with shrikes and alarms to warne their neighbours of enemies but by gentle perswasions we reclamed them to their houses It seemeth they are often frighted with Pirats or some other enemies that mooue them to such sudden feare Their houses are very simply builded with Pibble stone without any chimneis the fire being made in the middest thereof The good man wife children and other of their family eate and sleepe on the one side of the house and the cattell on the other very beastly and rudely in respect of civilitie They are destitute of wood their fire is â—urffes and Cowshards They haue corne bigge and oates with which they pay their Kings rent to the maintenance of his house They take great quantitie of fish which they dry in the wind and Sunne They dresse their meat very filthily and eate it without salt Their apparell is after the rudest sort of Scotland Their money is all base Their Church and religion is reformed according to the Scots The fisher men of England can better declare the dispositions of those people then I wherefore I remit other their vsages to their râ—ports as yeâ—rely repaiâ—ers thither in their course to and from Island for fish We departed herehence the 8. of Iune and followed our course betweene West and Northwest vntill the 4. of Iuly all which time we had no night but that easily and without any impediment we had when we were so disposed the fruition of our bookes and other pleasures to passe away the time a thing of no small moment to such as wander in vnknowen seas and long nauigations especially when both the winds and raging surges do passe their common and wonted course This benefite endureth in those parts not 6. weekes while the sunne is neere the Tropike of Cancer but where the pole is raised to 70. or 80. degrees it continueth much longer All along these seas after we were sixe dayes sailing from Orkney we met floting in the sea great Firre trees which as we iudged were with the furie of great floods rooted vp and so driuen into the sea Island hath almost no other wood nor fuell but such as they take vp vpon their coastes It seemeth that these trees are driuen from some part of the New found land with the current that setteth from the West to the East The 4. of Iuly we came within the making of Frisland From this shoare 10â— or 12. leagues we met great Islands of yce of halfe a mile some more some lesse in compasse shewing aboue the sea 30. or 40. fathoms and as we supposed fast on ground where with our lead we could scarse sound the bottome for depth Here in place of odoriferous and fragrant sinels of sweete gums pleasant notes of musicall birdes which other Countreys in more temperate Zones do yeeld wee tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile in the moneths of Iune and Iuly nothing inferior to our vntemperate winter a sudden alteration and especially in a place or Parallele where the Pole is not eleuate aboue 61. degrees at which height other Countreys more to the North yea vnto 70. degrees shew themselues more temperate then this doth All along this coast yce lieth as a continuall bulwarke so defendeth the Countrey that those that would land there incur great danger Our Generall 3. dayes together attempted with the ship boate to haue gone on shoare which for that without great
perceiue about a mile from vs a certaine place cleare from any yce to the which with an easie breath of wind which our God sent vs we bent our selues And furthermore hee prouided better for vs then we deserued or hoped for for when we were in the foresaid cleare place he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest which set vs cleare without all the yce And further he added more for he sent vs so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before as after punishment consolation Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie tooke in all our sailes and lay a hull praysing God for our deliuerance and slayed to gather together our Fleete which once being done we seeing that none of them had any great hurt neither any of them wanted sauing onely they of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost then at the last wee hoised our sailes and lay bulting off and on till such time as it would please God to take away the yce that wee might get into the Straights And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce which surpassed all the rest that euer we saw for we iudged it to be neere fourescore fathomes aboue water and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceiue being there nine score fathoms deepe and of compasse about halfe a mile Also the fift of Iuly there fell a hidious fogge and mist that continued till the nineteenth of the same so that one shippe could not see another Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue the time but there ran such a current of a tide that it set vs to the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights where through the contagious fogge hauing no sight either of Sunne or Starre we scarce knew where we were In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the company of the Uiceadmirall the Anne Francis the Busie of Bridgewater and the Francis of Foy. The 16. day one of our small Barkes named the Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in with the land to discrie it where being on land they met with the people of the Countrey which seemed very humane and ciuill and offered to traffike with our men profering them foules and skins for kniues and other trifles whose courtesie caused vs to thinke that they had small conuersation with other of the Straights Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland and the eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore and found where the people had bene but we saw none of them This day wee were againe in the yce and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first For through the darknesse and obscuritie of the foggie mist we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we saw them But God euen miraculously prouided for vs opening the fogges that we might see clearely both where and in what danger we presently were and also the way to escape or els without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks When we knew perfectly our instant case wee cast about to get againe on Sea-bord which God be thanked by night we obtained and praised God The cleare conâ—inued scarce an houre but the fogge fell againe as thicke as euer it was Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and rocks strooke their sailes and lay a hull staying to haue the rest of the Fleete come forth which as yet had not found the right way to cleare themselues from the danger of rockes and yce vntill the next morning at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue notice that she had escaped and that the rest by following of her might set themselus free which they did that day Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed voyage bearing off and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the 19. day of Iuly at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed so that we might plainely and clearely behold the pleasant ayre which so long had bene taken from vs by the obscuritie of the foggie mists and after that time we were not much encombred therewith vntill we had left the confines of the Countrey Then we espying a fayre sound supposed it to goe into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound which proued as we imagined For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it who passed through with much difficulty for there ran such an extreme current of a tide with such a horrible gulfe that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stemme it yet at the length with great trauaile they passed it and came to the Straights where they met with the Thomas Allen the Thomas of Ipswich and the Busse of Bridgewater who altogether aduentured to beare into the yce againe to see if they could obtaine their wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they were able to get out againe yet at the last they escaping the Thomas Allen and the Gabriel â—are in with the Westerne shore where they found harbour and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August at which time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and so was mended We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland at the point whereof we met with part of the gulfe aforesayd which place or gulfe as some of our Masters doe credibly report doeth flow nine houres and ebs but three At that point wee discouered certaine lands Southward which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search Then being come to the mouth of the Straights we met with the Anne Francis who had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone neuer finding any of her company We met then also the Francis of Foy with whom againe we intended to venture and get in but the yce was yet so thicke that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea-bord There fell also the same day being the 26. of Iuly such an horrible snow that it lay a foot thick vpon the hatches which frose as it fell We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey yet for all that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs but hurtfull to our voyage we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe to giue the onset The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed and with little trouble God be praysed we passed the dangers by day light Then
it was likely to finde some of the Fleete there which being leake and sore brused with the yce were the rather thought likely to be put into an yll harborough being distressed with foule weather in the last storme then to hazard their vncertaine safeties amongst the yce for about this place they lost them and left the Fleete then doubtfully questioning of harborough It was likely also that they might finde some fitte harborough thereabouts which might bee behoouefull for them against another time It was not likewise impossible to finde some Ore or Mine thereabouts wherewithall to fraight their Shippes which would bee more commodious in this place for the neerenesse to Seaward and for a better outlet then farther within the streights being likely heere alwayes to loade in a shorter time howsoeuer the streight should be pestered with yce within so that if it might come to passe that thereby they might eyther finde the Fleete Mine or conuenient harborough any of these three would serue their present turnes and giue some hope and comfort vnto their companies which now were altogether comfortlesse But if that all fortune should fall out so contrary that they could neyther recouer their Port nor any of these aforesayde helpes that yet they would not depart the Coast as long as it was possible for them to tary there but would lye off and on at Sea athwart the place Therefore his finall conclusion was set downe thus First that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone should consort and keepe company together carefully with the Anne Francis as neere as they could and as true Englishmen and faithfull friends should supply one anothers want in all fortunes and dangers In the morning following euery Shippe to send off his Boate with a sufficient Pylot to search out and sound the harboroughs for the safe bringing in of their Shippes And beeing arriued in harborough where they might finde conuenient place for the purpose they resolued foorthwith to ioyne and sette together the Pinnesse wherewithall the Captaine of the Anne Francis might according to his former determination discouer vp into the streights After these determinations thus set downe the Thomas of Ipswich the night following lost company of the other Shippes and afterward shaped a contrary course homeward which fell out as it manifestly appeared very much against their Captaine Master Tanfieldes minde as by due examination before the Lordes of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell it hath since bene prooued to the great discredite of the Pilot Cox who specially persuaded his company against the opinion of his sayd Captaine to returne home And as the Captaine of the Anne Francis doeth witnesse euen at their conference togither Captaine Tanfield tolde him that he did not a little suspect the sayd Pilot Cox saying that he had opinion in the man neither of honest duetie manhoode nor constancie Notwithstanding the sayde Shippes departure the Captaine of the Anne Francis being desirous to put in execution his former resolutions went with his Shippeboate being accompanied also with the Moones Skiffe to prooue amongst the Ilands which lye vnder Hattons Hedland if any conuenient harborough or any knowledge of the Fleete or any good Ore were there to be found The Shippes lying off and on at Sea the while vnder Sayle searching through many sounds they sawe them all full of many dangers and broken ground yet one there was which seemed an indifferent place to harborough in and which they did very diligently sound ouer and searched againe Here the sayde Captaine found a great blacke Iland whereunto hee had good liking and certifying the company thereof they were somewhat comforted and with the good hope of his wordes rowed cheerefully vnto the place where when they arriued they found such plentie of blacke Ore of the same sort which was brought into England this last yeere that if the goodnesse might answere the great plentie thereof it was to be thought that it might reasonably suffice all the golde-gluttons of the world This Iland the Captaine for cause of his good hap called after his owne name Bestes blessing and with these good tydings returning aboord his Ship the ninth of August about tenne of the clocke at night hee was ioyfully welcommed of his company who before were discomforted and greatly expected some better fortune at his handes The next day being the tenth of August the weather reasonably fayre they put into the foresayde Harborough hauing their Boate for their better securitie sounding before their Shippe But for all the care and diligence that could bee taken in sounding the Channell ouer and ouer againe the Anne Francis came aground vpon a suncken Rocke within the Harborough and lay thereon more then halfe drye vntill the next flood when by Gods Almighty prouidence contrary almost to all expectation they came afloat againe being forced all that time to vndersette their Shippe with their mayne Yarde which otherwise was likely to ouerset and put thereby in danger the whole company They had aboue two thousand strokes together at the Pumpe before they could make their Shippe free of the water againe so sore shee was brused by lying vpon the Rockes The Moone came safely and roade at anchor by the Anne Francis whose helpe in their necessitie they could not well haue missed Now whilest the Mariners were romaging their Shippes and mending that which was amisse the Miners followed their labour for getting together of sufficient quantitie of Ore and the Carpenters indeuoured to doe their best for the making vp of the Boate or Pinnesse which to bring to passe they wanted two speciall and most necessarie things that is certaine principall tymbers that are called Knees which are the chiefest strength of any Boate and also nayles wherewithall to ioyne the plancks together Whereupon hauing by chance a Smyth amongst them and yet vnfurnished of his necessary tooles to worke and make nayles withall they were faine of a gunne chamber to make an Anuile to worke vpon and to vse a pickare in stead of a siedge to beare withall and also to occupy two small bellowes in steade of one payre of greater Smiths bellowes And for lacke of small Yron for the easier making of the nayles they were forced to breake their tongs grydiron and fireâ—houell in pieces The eleuenth of August the Captaine of the Anne Francis taking the Master of his Shippe with him went vp to the toppe of Haâ—tons Hedland which is the highest land of all the streights to the ende to descry the situation of the Countrey vnderneath and to take a true plotte of the place whereby also to see what store of Yce was yet left in the streights as also to search what Mineral matter or fruite that soyle might yeeld And the rather for the honour the said Captaine doeth owe to that Honourable name which himselfe gaue thereunto the last yeere in the highest part of this Hedland he caused his company to make a Columne or Crosse of
Master the rest Mariners The 7. of Iune the Captaine and the Master drewe out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals The 8. day the wind being at Southwest and West southwest we put in for Falmouth where we remained vntil the 13. The 13. the wind blew at North and being faire weather we departed The 14. with contrary wind we were forced to put into Silley The 15. wee departed thence hauing the wind North and by East moderate and faire weather The 16. wee were driuen backe againe and were constrained to arriue at newe Grymiby in Silley here the winde remained contrary 12. dayes and in that space the Captaine the Master and I went about all the Ilands and the Captaine did plat out and describe the situation of all the Ilands rocks and harboroughs to the exact vse of Nauigation with lines and scale thereunto conuenient The 28. in Gods name we departed the wind being Easterly but calme The first of Iuly wee sawe great store of Porposes The Master called for an harping yron and shot twise or thrise sometimes he missed and at last shot one and stâ—ooke him in the side and wound him into the ship when we had him aboord the Master sayd it was a Darlie head The 2. we had some of the fish sodden and it did eat as sweete as any mutton The 3. wee had more in sight and the Master went to shoote at them but they were so great that they burst our yrons and we lost both fish yrons pastime and all yet neuerthelesse the Master shot at them with a pike and had welnigh gotten one but he was so strong that he burst off the barres of the pike and went away then he tooke the boat-hooke and hit one with that but all would not preuaile so at length we let them alone The 6. we saw a very great Whale and euery day we saw whales continually The 16. 17. and 18. we saw great store of Whales The 19. of Iuly we fell into a great whirling and brustling of a tyde setting to the Northwards and sayling about halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea which bent to the Southsouthwest Here we heard a mighty great roaring of the Sea as if it had bene the breach of some shoare the ayre being so foggie and full of thicke mist that we could not see the one ship from the other being a very small distance asunder so the Captaine and the Master being in distrust how the tyde might set them caused the Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound but they could not finde ground in 300. fathoms and better Then the Captaine Master and I went towards the breach to see what it should be giuing charge to our gunners that at euery glasse they should shoote off a musket-shot to the intent we might keepe our selues from loosing them Then comming nere to the breach we met many Ilands of yce floting which had quickly compassed vs about then we went vpon some of them and did perceiue that all the roaring which we heard was caused onely by the rowling of this yce together Our companie seeing vs not to returne according to our appoyntment left off shooting muskets and began to shoote falkonets for they feared some mishap had befallen vs but before night we came aboord againe with our boat laden with yce which made very good fresh water Then wee bent our course toward the North hoping by that meanes to double the land The 20. as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake vp and we discouered the land which was the most deformed rockie and mountainous land that euer we saw The first sight whereof did shew as if it had bene in forme of a sugar-loafe standing to our sight aboue the cloudes for that it did shew ouer the fogge like a white liste in the skie the tops altogether couered with snow and the shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea making such yrkesome noyse as that it seemed to be the true patterne of desolation and after the same our Captaine named it The land of Desolaâ—ion The 21. the winde came Northerly and ouerblew so that we were constrained to bend our course South againe for we perceiued that we were runne into a very deepe Bay where wee were almost compassed with yce for we saw very much toward the Northnortheast West and Southwest and this day and this night wee cleared our selues of the yce running Southsouthwest along the shoare Upon Thursday being the 2â— of this moneth about three of the clocke in the morning wee hoysed out our boate and the Captaine with sixe saylers went towards the shoare thinking to â—ind a landing place for the night before we did perceiue the coast to be voyde of yce to our iudgement and the same night wee were all perswaded that we had seene a Canoa rowing along the shoare but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it but we had no great reason so to doe The Captaine rowing towards the shoare willed the Master to beare in with the land after him and before he came neere the shoare by the space of a league or about two miles hee found so much yce that hee could not get to land by any meanes Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish because there were so many seales vpon the coast and the birds did beate vpon the water but all was in vaine The water about this place was very blacke and thicke like to a filthy standing poole we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms While the Captaine was rowing to the shoare our men sawe woods vpon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland but I could not discerne them yet it might be so very well for we had wood floting vpon the coast euery day and the Mooneshine tooke vp a tree at Sea not farre from the coast being sixtie foote of length and foureteene handfuls about hauing the roote vpon it After this the Captaine came aboord the weather being very calme and faire we bent our course toward the South with intent to double the land The 23. we coasted the land which did lie Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest The 24. the winde being very faire at East we coasted the land which did lie East and West not being able to come neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce At this place because the weather was somewhat colde by reason of the yce and the better to encourage our men their allowance was increased the captaine and the master tooke order that euery messe being fiue persons should haue halfe a pound of bread and a kan of beere euery morning to breakfast The weather was not very colde but the aire was moderate like to our April-weather in England when the winde came from the land or the ice it was somewhat colde but when it came off the sea it was very hote
when they are dry they packe them vp in the top of their houses If we would goe thither to fishing more then we doe we should make it a very good voyage for wee got an hundreth greene fish in one morning Wee found heere two English men with a shippe which came out of England about Easter day of this present yeere 1586 and one of them came aboord of vs and brought vs two lambs The English mans name was M. Iohn Roydon of Ipswich marchant hee was bound for London with his ship And this is the summe of that which I obserued in Island We departed from Island the sixteenth day of Iune in the morning and our course was Northwest and we saw on the coast two small barkes going to an harborough we went not to them but saw them a farre off Thus we continued our course vnto the end of this moneth The third day of Iuly we were in betweene two firme lands of yce and passed in betweene them all that day vntill it was night and then the Master turned backe againe and so away we went towards Groenland And the seuenth day of Iuly we did see Groenland and it was very high and it looked very blew we could not come to harborough into the land because we were hindered by a firme land as it were of yce which was along the shoares side but we were within three leagues of the land coasting the same diuers dayes together The seuenteenth day of Iuly wee saw the place which our Captaine M. Iohn Dauis the yeere before had named The land of Desolation where we could not goe on shore for yce The eighteenth day we were likewise troubled with yce and went in amongst it at three of the clocke in the morning After wee had cleared our selues thereof wee ranged all along the coast of Desolation vntill the ende of the aforesayd moneth The third of day August we came in sight of Gilberts sound in the latitude of 64. deg 15. min. which was the place where wee were appoynted to meete our Generall and the rest of our Fleete Here we came to an harborough at 6. of the clocke at night The 4. day in the morning the Master went on shore with 10. of his men and they brought vs foure of the people rowing in their boats aboord of the ship And in the afternoone I went on shore with 6. of our men and there came to vs seuen of them when we were on land We found on shore three dead people and two of them had their staues lying by them and their olde skinnes wrapped about them and the other had nothing lying by wherefore we thought it was a woman We also saw their houses neere the Seaside which were made with pieces of wood on both sides and crossed ouer with poles and then couered ouer with earth we found Foxes running vpon the hilles as for the place it is broken land all the way that we went and full of broken Islands The 21. of August the Master sent the boate on shore for wood with sixe of his men and there were one and thirtie of the people of the countrey which went on shore to them they went about to kill them as we thought for they shot their dartes towards them and we that were aboord the ship did see them goe on shore to our men whereupon the Master sent the pinnesse after them and when they saw the pinnesse comming towards them they turned backe and the Master of the pinnesse did shoote off a caliuer to them the same time but hurt none of them for his meaning was onely to put them in feare Diuers times they did waue vs on shore to play with them at the foot-ball and some of our company went on shore to play with them and our men did cast them downe as soone as they did come to strike the ball And thus much of that which we did see and do in that harborough where we arriued first The 23. day wee departed from the Merchants Isle where wee had beene first and our course from thence was South by West and the wind was Northeast and we ran that day and night about 5. or 6. leagues vntill we came to another harborough The 24. about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone wee entred into the aforesayd new harborow and as wee came in we did see dogs running vpon the Islands When we were come in there came to vs foure of the people which were with vs before in the other harborough and where we rode we had sandie ground We saw no wood growing but found small pieces of wood vpon the Islands some small pieces of sweete wood among the same We found great Harts hornes but could see none of the Stagges where we wentâ— but we found their footings As for the bones which we receiued of the Sauages I cannot tell of what beasts they be The stones that we found in the countrey were black and some whiâ—e as I thinke they be of no value neuerthelesse I haue brought examples of them to you The 30. of August we departed from this harborough towards England the wind tooke vs contrary so that we were faine to go to another harborough the same day at 11. of the clocke And there came to vs 39. of the people and brought vs 13. Scale skins and after we receiued these skins of them the Master sâ—nt the carpenter to change one of our boates which wee had bought of them before and they would haue taken the boats from him perforce and when they sawe they could not take it from vs they shot with their dartes at vs and stroke one of our men with one of their dartes and Iohn Filpe shot one of them into the brest with an arrow And they came to vs againe and foure of our men went into the shipboate and they shot with their dartes at our men but our men tooke one of their people in his boate into the shipboate and he hurt one of them with his knife but we killed three of them in their boates two of them were hurt with arrowes in the brests and he that was aboord our boat was shot in with an arrow and hurt with a sword and beaten with staues whome our men cast ouerboord but the people caught him and carried him on shore vpon their boates and the other two also and so departed from vs. And three of them went on shore hard by vs where they had their dogs and those three came away from their dogs and presently one of their dogs came swimming towards vs hard aboord the ship whereupon our Master caused the Gunner to shoote off one of the great pieces towards the people and so the dog â—urned backe to land and within an houre after there came of the people hard aboord the ship but they would not come to vs as they did come before The 31. of August
I gaue God prayse it was good and knewe how farre I was off the land and was in hâ—pe to come to the lande within two or three dayes and sayde they were but threescore leagues from the lande when they were seuentie all to put them in comfort Thus we continued the third and fourth day without any sustenance saue onely the weedes that swamme in the Sea and salt water to drinke The fifth day Hedly dyed and another moreouer then wee desired all to die for in all these fiue dayes and fiue nights we saw the Sunne but once and the Starre but one night it was so foule weaâ—her Thus we did remaine the sixt day then we were very weake and wished all to die sauing onely my selfe which did comfort them and promised they should come soone to land by the helpe of God but the company were very importunate and were in doubt they should neuer come to land but that I promised them the seuenth day they should come to shore or els they should cast me ouer boord which did happen true the seuenth day for at eleuen of the clocke wee had sight of the land and at 3. of the clocke at afternoone we came on land All these seuen dayes and seuen nights the wind kept continually South If the wind had in the meane time shifted vpon any other point wee had neuer come to land we were no sooner come to the land but the wind came cleane contrary at North within halfe an houre after our arriuall But we were so weake that one could scarcely helpe another of vs out of the boate yet with much adoe being come all on shore we kneeled downe vpon our knees and gaue God praise that he had dealt so mercifully with vs. Afterwards those which were strongest holpe their fellowes vnto a fresh brooke where we satisfied our selues with water and berries very well There were of al sorts of beâ—ries plentie as goodly a Countrey as euer I saw we found a very faire plaine Champion ground that a man might see very farre euery way by the Sea side was here and there a little wood with goodly trees as good as â—uer I saw any in Norway able to mast any shippe of pyne trees spruse trees â—irre and very great birch trees Where we came on land we made a little house with boughes where wâ— rested all that night In the morning I deuided the company three and three to goe euery way to see what foode they could find to sustaine themselues and appointed them to meete there all againe â—t noone with such foode as they could get As we went aboord we found great store of peason as good as any wee haue in England a man would thinke they had bene sowed there We rested there three dayes and three nights and liued very well with pease and berries wee named the place Saint Lauâ—ence because it was a very gâ—odly riuer like the riuer of S. Laurence in Canada and we found it very full of Salmons When wee had well rested our selues wee rowed our boate along the shore thinking to haue gone to the Grande Bay to haue come home with some Spanyards which are yeerely there to kill the Whale And when we were hungry or at â—irst we put our boate on land and gathered pease and berries Thus wee rowed our boate along the shore fiuâ— dayes about which time we came to a very goodly riuer that ranne farre vp into the Countrey and saw very goodly growen trees of all sortes There we happened vpon a ship of Saint Iohn de Luz which ship brought vs into Biskay to an Harborough called The Passage The Master of the shippe was our great friend or else we had bene put to death if he had not kept our counsayle For when the visitors came aboord as it is the order in Spaine they demaunding what we were he sayd we were poore fishermen that had cast away our ship â—n Newfound land and so the visitors inquired no more of the matter at that time Assoone as night was come he put vs on land and bad vs shifâ— for our selues Then had wee but tenne or twelue miles into France which we went that night and then cared not for the Spanyard And so shortly after we came into England toward the end of the yeere 1583. A true Report of the late discoueries and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of England of the Newfound Lands By that valiant and worthy Gentleman Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight VVherein is also briefly set downe her highnesse lawfull Title thereunto and the great and manifold commodities that are likely to grow therby to the whole Realme in generall and to the Aduenturers in particular Together with the easinesse and shortnesse of the Voyage Written by Sir George Peckham Knight the chiefe aduenturer and furtherer of Sir Humfrey Gilberts voyage to Newfound Land The first Chapter wherein the Argument of the Booke is contained IT was my fortune good Reader not many dayes past to meete with a right honest and discreete Gentleman who accompanied that valiant and worthy Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert in this last iourney for the Westerne discoueries and is owner and Captaine of the onely vessell which is as yet returned from thence By him I vnderstand that Sir Humfrey departed the coast of England the eleuenth of Iune last past with fiue sayle of Shippes from Caâ—shen bay neere Plimmouth whereof one of the best forsooke his company the thirteenth day of the same moneth and returned into England The other foure through the assistance of Almighty God did arriue at Saint Iohns Hauen in Newfound land the 3. of August last Upon whose arriuall all the Masters and chiefe Mariners of the English Fleet which were in the said Hauen before endeuoring to fraight themselues with fish repaired vnto Sir Humfrey whom he made acquainted with the effect of his Commission which being done he promised to intreat them and their goods well and honourably as did become her Maiesties Lieutenant They did all welcome him in the best sort that they could and shewed him aâ—d his all such courtesies as the place could affoord or yeelde Then he went to vâ—ew the Countrey being well accompanied with most of his Captaines and souldiers They found the same very temperate but somewhat warmer then England at that season of the yeere râ—plenished with Beasts and great store of Foule of diuers kinds And Fish of sundry sortes both in the salt water and in the fresh in so great plentie as might suffice of victuall an Armie and they are very easily taken What sundry other commodities for this Realme right necessarie the same doeth yeelde you shall vnderstand in this treatise hereafter in place more conuenient On Munday being the fift of August the Generall cauâ—ed his tent to be set vpon the side of an hill in the viewe of all the Fleete of English men and strangers which were in number betweene
but in very deede they are all firme land and if you come on the South and Southwest side you shall see a hill diuided into 2. parts which I called The three hillockes which is right within the hauen And for another better marke of the sayd harbour you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest a quarter to the North and South And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble stone to drie fish vpon But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey and there is a banke of sand which runneth the length of a cable hauing not past one fathom water vpon it From the sayde Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West and you shall see as it were a great forrest running Eastwaâ—d and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt and is great and red toward the Sea And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part and there is good shingle to drie fish on And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water neere a league and an halfe from shore and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water which was nothing so and I haue sounded comming neere the shore in more or lesse depth The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle vnto the entrance of a riuer where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen accounting small and great where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates and within are two or three fathoms water From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp which is twentie leagues in circuit and is like the edge of a knife vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse there are Morses vpon it but they bee hard to be taken From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest which is all that I haue seene to wit the two sides and one ende of the Isle And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe I would haue aduenturâ—d to haue sayled South-southeast to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle In your returne to the East as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground where there is an hauen toward the Southeast and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side a dented Cape all of redde land And you cannot enter into the said hauen but with the flood because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest but when the wind is very great it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood But ordinarily it sloweth fiue foote and an halfe The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord and the poynt of â—he hauen towarde the West hath a thick Island which you shall see on the other side and it hath a little round Buttresse which lyeth on the East side of the Island There are also two other buttresses more easie to bee seene then hidden these are not to the East but to the West and they haue markes on â—hem Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre And the sounding is stone and rough ground At your entring in when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape then you are vpon the barre and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre when you haue brought an Island euen which lyeth to the westward without with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West you shall bee past the barre and the chanell runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke landâ— which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand where the passage is but narrow And you must anker surely for there goeth a great tyde for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more then in There is good ground and ankorage here and you shall ride in three fathom water And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you for you are free from all winds And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen you may seeke an entrance which is right ouer against the small Island named before which is called The Isle of Cormorants and you may enter in theâ—e as at the other hauen at a full sea And you must passe vp on the West side and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea foureteene foote water and great depth when you are entred in for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place and the entrie theâ—eof lyeth Southeast and Northwest Right ouer against you on the other side you may passe with boates at a full sea And all these entrances make all but one hauen which is good within I sayâ— his because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest It is but two bankes of sande whereof one is like to that of S. Malo which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers To anker in the sayd harbour you must not ride farthâ—r then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen A letter sent to the right Honorable Sir VVilliam Cecill Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea dated the 14 of September 1591. RIght Honourable my humble duetie to your good Lordship done I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner called the Pleasure sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard for her Maiesties seruice Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd
there is a bracke looking toward the North. It is a very low countrey There is also betweene the Sea a certaine poole a plaine field and from that Cape of land and the poole vnto another Cape there are about 14 leagues The land is fashioned as it were halfe a circle all compassed about with sand like a ditch ouer which as farre as ones eye can stretch there is nothing but marrish grounds and standing pooles And before you come to the first Cape very neere the maine land there are two little Ilands About fiue leagues from the second Cape toward the Southwest there is another Iland very high and pointed which we named Alezai The first Cape we named S. Peters Cape because vpon that day we came thither Of the Cape called Cape Orleans of the Riuer of Boates of Wilde mens Cape and of the qualitie and temperature of the countrey FRom Brions Iland to this place there is good anckorage of sand and hauing sounded toward South west euen to the shoare about fiue leagues wee found twentie and fiue fadome water and within one league twelue fadome and very neere the shoare sixe fadome rather more then lesse and also good anckorage But because wee would bee the better acquainted with this stonie and rockie ground wee strooke our sailes lowe and athwart The next day being the last of the moneth saue one the winde blewe South and by East Wee sailed Westward vntill Tuesday morning at Sunne rising being the last of the moneth without any sight or knowledge of any lande except in the euening toward Sunne set that wee discouered a lande which seemed to be two Ilands that were beyond vs West southwest about nine or tenne leagues All the next day till the next morning at Sunne rising wee sailed Westward about fourtie leagues and by the way we perceiued that the land we had seene like Ilands was firme land lying South southeast and North northwest to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans Al the said land is low and plaine and the fairest that may possibly be seene full of goodly medowes and trees True it is that we could finde no harborough there because it is all full of shelues and sands We with our boats went on shore in many places and among the rest wee entred into a goodly riuer but very shallow which we named The riuer of boats because that there wee saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the riuer We had no other notice of the said wild men for the wind came from the sea and so beat vs against the shore that wee were constrained to retire our selues with our boates toward our ships Till the next day morning at Sunne rising being the first of Iuly we sailed Northeast in which time there rose great misles and stormes and therefore wee strucke our sailes till two of the clocke in the afternoone that the weather became cleare there we had sight of Cape Orleance and of another about seuen leagues from vs lying North and by East and that we called Wilde mens Cape On the Northside of this Cape about halfe a league there is a very dangerous shelfe and banke of stones Whilest wee were at this Cape we sawe a man running after our boates that were going along the coast who made signes vnto vs that we should returne toward the said Cape againe We seeing such signes began to turne toward him but he seeing vs come began to flee so soone as we were come on shoare we set a knife before him and a woollen girdle on a litle staffe and then came to our ships againe That day we trended the said land about 9. or 10. leagues hoping to finde some good harborough but it was not possible for as I haue said already it is a very low land and enuironed round about with great shelues Neuerthelesse we went that day on shore in foure places to see the goodly and sweete smelling trees that were there we found them to be Cedars eweâ—rees Pines white elmes ashes willowes with many other sorts of trees to vs vnkowen but without any fruit The grounds where no wood is are very faire and all full of peason white and red gooseberies strawberies blackeberies and wilde corne euen like vnto Rie which seemed to haue bene sowen and plowed This countrey is of better temperature then any other that can be seene and very hote There are many thrushes stockdoues and other birds to be short there wanteth nothing but good harboroughs Of the Bay called S. Lunario and other notable Bayes and Capes of land and of the qualitie and goodnesse of those grounds THe next day being the second of Iuly we discouered and had sight of land on the Northerne side toward vs that did ioyne vnto the land abouesaid al compassed about and we knew that it had about * in depth and as much athwart we named it S. Lunarios Bay and with our boats we went to the Cape toward the North and found the shore so shallow that for the space of a league from land there was but a fadome water On the Northeast side from the said Cape about 7. or 8. leagues there is another Cape of land in the middest whereof there is a Bay fashioned triangle-wise very deepe as farre off as we could ken from it the same lieth Northeast The said Bay is compassed about with sands and shelues about 10. leagues from land and there is but two fadome water from the said Cape to the bank of the other there is about 15. leagues We being a crosse the said Capes discouered another land and Cape and as farre as we could ken it lay North and by East All that night the weather was very ill and great winds so that wee were constrained to beare a smal saile vntil the next morning being the thirde of Iuly when the winde came from the West and we sailed Northward to haue a sight of the land that we had left on the Northeast side aboue the low lands among which high and low lands there is a gulfe or breach in some places about 55. fadome deepe and 15. leagues in bredth By reason of the great depth and bredth of the gulfe and change of the lands we conceiued hope that wee should finde a passage like vnto the passage of The Castles The said gulfe lieth East Northeast and West southwest The ground that lieth on the Southside of the said gulfe is as good and easie to be manured and full of as goodly fields and meadowes as any that euer wee haue seene as plaine and smooth as any die and that which lyeth on the North is a countrey altogether hilly full of woods and very high and great trees of sundry sorts among the rest there are as goodly Ceders and Firre trees as possibly can be seene able to make mastes for ships of three hundred Tunne neither did we see any place that was not full of the saide trees
except two onely that were full of goodly medowes with two very faire lakes The middest of the said Bay is 47. degrees and halfe in latitude Of the Cape D'Esperance or the Cape of Hope and of S. Martins Creeke and how 7. boats full of wilde men comming to our boat would not retire themselues but being terrified with our Culuerins which we shot at them and our lances they fled with great hast THe Cape of the said South land was called The Cape of Hope through the hope that there we had to finde some passage The fourth of Iuly we went along the coast of the said land on the Northerly side to finde some harborough where wee entred into a creeke altogether open toward the South where there is no succour against the wind we thought good to name it S. Martines Creeke There we stayed from the fourth of Iuly vntil the twelfth while we were there on Munday being the sixth of the moneth Seruice being done wee with one of our boates went to discouer a Cape and point of land that on the Westerne side was about seuen or eight leagues from vs to see which way it did bend and being within halfe a league of it wee sawe two companies of boates of wilde men going from one land to the other their boates were in number about fourtie or fiftie One part of the which came to the said point and a great number of the men went on shore making a great noise beckening vnto vs that wee should come on land shewing vs certaine skinnes vpon pieces of wood but because we had but one onely boat wee would not goe to them but went to the other side lying in the Sea they seeing vs flee prepared two of their boats to follow vs with which came also fiue more of them that were comming from the Sea side all which approached neere vnto our boate dancing aâ—d making many signes of ioy and mirth as it were desiring our friendship saying in their tongue Napeu tondamen assurtah with many other words that we vnderstood not But because as we haue said we had but one boat wee would not stand to their courtesie but made signes vnto them that they should turne back which they would not do but with great furie came toward vs and suddenly with their boates compassed vs about and because they would not away from vs by any signes that we could make we shot off two pieces among them which did so terrifie them that they put themselues to flight toward the sayde point making a great noise and hauing slaid a while they began anew euen as at the first to come to vs againe and being come neere our boat wee strucke at them with two lances which thing was so great a terrour vnto them that with great hast they beganne to flee and would no more follow vs. How the said wilde men comming to our ships and our men going toward them both parties went on land and how the said wilde men with great ioy began to trafique with our men THe next day part of the saide wilde men with nine of their boates came to the point and entrance of the Creeke where we with our ships were at road We being aduertised of their comming went to the point where they were with our boates but so soone as they saw vs they began to flee making signes that they came to trafique with vs shewing vs such skinnes as they cloth themselues withall which are of small value We likewise made signes vnto them that we wished them no euil and in signe thereof two of our men ventured to go on land to them and cary them kniues with other Iron wares and a red hat to giue vnto their Captaine Which when they saw they also came on land and brought some of their skinnes and so began to deale with vs seeming to be very glad to haue our iron wares and other things stil dancing with many other ceremonies as with their hands to cast Sea water on their heads They gaue vs whatsoeuer they had not keeping any thing so that they were constrained to goe backe againe naked and made vs signes that the next day they would come againe and bring more skinnes with them How that we hauing sent two of our men on land with wares there came about 300. wilde men with great gladnesse Of the qualitie of the countrey what it bringeth foorth and of the Bay called Baia du Chaleur or The Bay of heat VPon thursday being the eight of the moneth because the winde was not good to go out with our ships we set our boates in a readinesse to goe to discouer the said Bay and that day wee went 25. leagues within it The next day the wind and weather being faire we sailed vntil noone in which time we had notice of a great part of the said Bay and how that ouer the low lands there were other lands with high mountaines but seeing that there was no passage at all wee began to turne back againe taking our way along the coast sayling we saw certaine wilde men that stood vpon the shore of a lake that is among the low grounds who were making fires and smokes wee went thither found that there was a chanel of the sea that did enter into the lake and setting our boats at one of the banks of the chanell the wilde men with one of their boates came vnto vs and brought vp pieces of Seales ready sodden putting them vpon pieces of wood then retiring themselues they would make signes vnto vs that they did giue them vs. Wee sent two men vnto them with hatchets kniues beads other such like ware whereat they were very glad and by and by in clusters they came to the shore where wee were with their boates bringing with them skinnes and other such things as they had to haue of our wares They were more then 300. men women and children some of the women which came not ouer wee might see stand vp to the knees in water singing and dancing the other that had passed the riuer where we were came very friendly to vs rubbing our armes with their owne handes then would they lift them vp toward heauen shewing many signes of gladnesse and in such wise were wee assured one of another that we very familiarly began to trafique for whatsoeuer they had til they had nothing but their naked bodies for they gaue vs all whatsoeuer they had and that was but of small value We perceiued that this people might very easily be conuerted to our Religion They goe from place to place They liue onely with fishing They haue an ordinarie time to fish for their prouision The countrey is hotter then the countrey of Spaine and the fairest that can possibly be found altogether smooth and leuel There is no place be it neuer so little but it hath some trees yea albeit it be sandie or else is full of wilde corne that hath an
for very ioy that they saw vs shewing vs the best countenance that possibly they could desiâ—ing vs with their signes that it would please vs to touch their children That done the men caused the women to withdraw themselues backe then they euery one sate downe on the ground round about vs as if they would haue shewen and rehearsed some Comedie or other shew then presently came the women againe euery one bringing a foure square Matte in manner of Carpets and spreading them abroad on the ground in that place they caused vs to sit vpon them That done the Lord King of the countrey was brought vpon 9 or 10 mens shoulders whom in their tongue they call Agouhanna sitting vpon a great Stagges skinne and they laide him downe vpon the foresaid mats neere to the Captaine euery one beckning vnto vs that hee was their Lord and King This Agouhanna was a man about fiftie yeeres old he was no whit better apparelled then any of the rest onely excepted that he had a certaine thing made of the skinnes of Hedgehogs like a red wreath and that was in stead of his Crowne He was full of the palsie and his members shronke togither After he had with certaine signes saluted our Captaine and all his companie and by manifest tokens bid all welcome he shewed his legges and armes to our Captaine and with signes desired him to touch them and so he did rubbing them with his owne hands then did Agouhanna take the wreath or crowne he had about his head and gaue it vnto our Captaine that done they brought before him diuerse diseased men some blinde some criple some lame and impotent and some so old that the haire of their eyelids came downe and couered their cheekes and layd them all along before our Captaine to the end they might of him be touched for it seemed vnto them that God was descended and come downe from heauen to heale themâ— Our Captaine seeing the misery and deuotion of this poore people recited the Gospel of Saint Iohn that is to say In the beginning was the word touching euery one that were diseased praying to God that it would please him to open the hearts of this poore people and to make them know his holy word and that they might receiue Baptisme and Christendome that done he tooke a Seruice-booke in his hand and with a loud voyce read all the passion of Christ word by word that all the standers by might heare him all which while this poore people kept silence were maruellously attentiue looking vp to heauen and imitating vs in gestures Then he caused the men all orderly to be set on one side the women on another likewise the children on an other to the chiefest of them he gaue hatchets to the other kniues to the women beads such other small trifles Then where y e children were he cast rings counters brooches made of Tin whereat they seemed to be very glad That done our Captaine commanded Trumpets and other musicall instruments to be soundedâ— which when they heard they were very merie Then we tooke our leaue and went to our boate the woman seeing that put themselues before to stay vs and brought vs out of their meates that they had made readie for vs as fish potâ—age beanes and such other things thinking to make vs eate and dine in that place but because the meates had no fauour at all of salt we liked them not but thanked them and with signes gaue them to vnderstand that we had no neede to eate When wee were out of the â—owâ—e diuerse of the men and women followed vs and brought vs to the tâ—ppe of the foresaid mountaine which wee named Mount Roial it is about a league from the Towne When as we were on the toppe of it we might discerne and plainely see thirtie leagues about On the Northside of it there are many hilles to be seene running West and East and as many more on the South amongst and betweene the which the Countrey is as faire and as pleasant as possibly can be seene bring leuell smooth and very plaine â—it to be husbanded and tilled and in the middest of those fieâ—des we saw the riuer further vp a great way then where we had left our boates where was the greatest and the swiftest fall of water that any where hath beene seene and as great wide and large as our sight might disceâ— ne going Southwest along three faire and round mountaines that wee â—awe as we â—â—â—ged about fifteene leaguâ—s â—rom vs. Those which brought vs thither tolde and shewed vs that in the sayd riuer there wâ—re three such falles of water more as that was where we had left our bâ—ates but because we could not vnderstand their language we could not knowe how farre they were one from another Moreouer they shewed vs with signes that the said three fals being past a man might sayle the space of three monethes more alongst that Riuer and that along the hilles that are on the North side there is a great riuer which euen as the other commeth from the West we thought it to be the riuer that runneth through the Countrey of Saguâ—nay and without any signe or question mooued or asked of them they tooke the chayne of our Captaines whisile which was of siluer and the dagger-haft of one of our fellow Mariners hanging on his side being of yellow copper guilt and shewed vs that such stuffe came from the said Riuer and that there be Agouionda that is as much to say as euill people who goe â—ll armed euen to their fingers â—â—â—s Also they shewed vs the manner and making of their armour they are made of cordes and wood â—inely and câ—â—ninglâ— wrought togither They gaue vs also to vnderstande that those Agouionda doe continually warre â—nâ— against another but because we did not vnderstand them weâ—l we could not perâ—â—iue how faâ—re it was to that Countrey Our Captaine sheâ—ed them râ—dâ—e Copper which in their language they call Caignetadze and lâ—oking â—â—warde that Countrey with signes asked them if any came from thence they shaking their heads answereâ— no but they shewed vs that it came from Sagâ—enay and that lyeth cleane coâ—â—rary to the other After we had heard and seene these things of them we drewe to our boatâ—â— accompaâ—â—ed with a great multitude of those people some of them when as they sawe any of our followes weary would take them vp on their shoulders and carry them as on horsebacke So soone as we came to our boates we hoysed saile to goe toward our Pinnesse doubting of some mischance Our departure grieued and displeased them very much for they followed vs along the riuer as farre as they couâ—â— we went so fast that on muâ—day being the fourth of October wee came where our Pinâ—esse was The Tuesday following being the fift of the moneth we hoysed saile and with our Pinnesse and boates departed from thence toward
Damoseâ—s euen as our schooles are full of children in France to learne to reade Moreouer the misrule and riot that they keepe in those houses is very great for very wantonly they sport and dally togither showing whatsoeuer God hath sent them They are no men of great labour They digge their grounds with certaine peeces of wood as bigge as halfe a sword on which ground groweth their corne which they call Offici it is as bigge as our small peason there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill They haue also great store of Muske-milions Pompâ—ons Gourds Cucumbers Peason and Beanes of euery colour yet differing from ours There groweth also a certaine kind of herbe whereof in Sommer they make great prouision for all the yeere making great account of it and onely men vse of it and first they cause it to be dried in the sunne then weare it about their neckes wrapped in a little beasts skinne made like a little bagge with a hollow peece of sâ—oue or woodlike a pipe then when they please they make pouder of it and then put it in one of the ends of the said Cornet or pâ—pe and laying a cole of fire vpon it at the other ende sucke so long that they fill their bodies full of smoke till that it commeth out of their mouth and nostrils euen as out of the â—onnell of a chimney They say that this doth keepe them warme and in health they neuer goe without some of it about them We our selues haue tryâ—d the same smoke and hauing put it in our mouthes it seemed almost as hot as Pepper The women of that countrey doe labour much more thâ—n the men as well in fishing whereto they are greatly giuen as in tilling and husbanding their grounds and other things as well the men as women and children are very much more able to resist cold then sauage beastes for wee with our owne eyes haue seene some of them when it was coldest which cold was extreme raw and bitter come to our ships starke naked going vpon snow yce which thing seemeth incredible to them that haue not seene it When as the snow and yce lyeth on the ground they take great store of wilde beasts as Faunes Stags Beares Marterns Hares Fores with diuers other sorts whose flesh they eate raw hauing first dried it in y e sunne or smoke and so they doe their fish As farre foorth as we could perceiue and vnderstand by these people it were a very easie thing to bring them to some familiaritie ciuility and make them learne what one would The Lord God for his mercies sake set therunto his helping hand when he seeth cause Amen Of the greatnesse and depth of the said riuer and of the sorts of beasis birdes fishes and other things that we haue seene with the situation of the place Chap. 11. THe said riuer beginneth beyond the Iland of The Assumption ouer against the high mountaines of Hognedo and of the seuen Ilands The distance ouer from one side to the other is about 35 or 40 leagues In the middest it is aboue 200 fadome deepe The surest way to sayle vpon it is on the South side And toward the North that is to say from the said 7 Ilands from side to side there is seuen leagues distance where are also two great riuers that come downe from the hils of Saguenay and make diuers very dangerous shelues in the sea At the entrance of those two riuers we saw many great store of Whales and Sea horses Ouerthwart the said Ilands there is another little riuer that runneth along those marrish grounds about 3 or 4 leagues wherin there is great store of water foules From the entrance of that riuer to Hochelaga there is about 300 leagues distance the originall beginning of it is in the riuer that commeth from Saguenay which riseth and springeth among high sâ—eepe hils it entreth into that riuer before it commeth to the Prouince of Canada on the North side That riuer is very deepe high and streight wherefore it is very dangerous for any vessell to goe vpon it After that riuer followeth the Prouince of Canada wherein are many people dwelling in open boroughes and villages There are also in the circuit and territorie of Canada along and within the said riuer many other Ilands some great some small among which there is one that containeth aboue ten leagues in length full of gooâ—ly and high trees and also many Uines You may goe into it from both sides but yet the surest passage is on the South side On the shore or banke of that riuer Westward there is a goodly faire and delectable bay or creeke conuenient and fit for to harborough ships Hâ—rd by there is in that riuer one place very narrow deepe swist running but it is not passing the third part of a league ouer against the which there is a goodly high peece of land with a towne therein and the countrey about it is very well tilled wroughtâ— as good as possibly can be seene That is the place and abode of Donnacona and of our two men we tooke in our first voyage it is called Stadacona But before we come to it there are 4 other peopled townes that is to say Ayrasâ—e Starnatan Tailla which standeth vpon a hill Scitadin and then Stadagona vnder which towne toward the North the riuer and port of the holy crosse is where we sâ—aied from the 15 of September vntill the 16 of May 1536 and there our ships remained dry as we haue said before That place being past we found the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi standing vpon an high mountaine and the valley of Hochelay which standeth in a Champaigne countrey All the sayd countrey on both sides of the riuer as farre as Hochelay beyond is as faire and plaine as euer was seene There are certaine mountaines farre distant from the said riuer which are to be seene aboue the foresaid townes from which mountaines diuers riuers descend which fall into the said great riuer All that countrey is full of sundry sorts of wood and many Uines vnlesse it be about the places that are inhabited where they haue pulled vp the trees to 〈◊〉 and labour the ground and to build their houses and lodgings There is great store of Stags Deere Beares and other such like sorts of beasts as Connies Hares Marterns Foxes Otters Beuers Weaâ—ls Badgets and Rats exceeding great and diuers other sortes of wilde beastes They cloth themselues with the skinnes of those beasts because they haue nothing else to make them apparell withall There are also many sorts of birdes as Cranes Swannes Bustards wilde Geese white and gray Duckes Thrushes Black-birdes Turtles wilde Pigeons Lenites Finches Red-breasts Stares Nightingales Sparrowes and other Birdes euen as in France Also as we haue said before the said riuer is the plentifullest of fish that euer hath of any man bene seene or
drawing three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea and at a low water there is nothing but a chanell of a foote deepe or thereabout On both sides of the said Riuer tâ—ere are very good and faire grounds full of as faire and mightie trees as any be in the world and diuers sorts which are aboue tenne fathoms higher then the rest and there is one kind of tree aboue three fathoms about which they in the Câ—untrey call Hanneda which hath the most excellent vertue of all the trees of the world whereof I will make mention hereafter Moreouer there are great store of Okes the most excellent that euer I saw in my life which were so laden with Mast that they cracked againe besides this there are fairer Arables Cedars Beethes and other trees thâ—n grow in France and hard vnto this wood on the South side the ground is all couered with Uines which we found laden with grapes as blacke as Mulbertes but they be not so kind as those of France because the Uines bee not tilled and because they grow of their owne accord Moreuer there are many white Thornes which beare leaues as bigge as oken leaues and fruit like vnto Medlers To bee short it is as good a Countrey to plow and mannure as a man should fiâ—d or desire We sowed seedes here of our Countrey as Cabages Naueaus Lettises and others which grew and sprong vp out of the ground in eight dayes The mouth of the riuer is toward the South and it windeth Northward like vnto a snake and at the mouth of it toward the East there is a high and steepe cliffe where we made a way in maner of a payre of staires and aloft we made a Fort to keepe the nether Fort and the ships and all things that might passe aswell by the great as by this small riuer Moreouer a man may behold a great extension of ground apt for tillage straite and handsome and somewhat enclining toward the South as easie to be brought to tillage as I would desire and very well replenished with faire Okes and other trees of great beauty no thicker then the Forrests of France Here wee set twenty men to worke which in one day had laboured about an acre and an halfe of the said ground and sowed it part with Naneaâ—s or small Turneps which at the ende of eight dayes as I said before sprang out of the earth And vpon that high cliffe wee found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort adioyning whereunto we found good store of stones which we esteemed to be Diamants On the other side of the said mountaine and at the foote thereof which is towards the great Riuer is all along a goodly Myne of the best yron in the world and it reacheth euen hard vnto our Fort and the sand which we tread on is perfect refined Myne ready to be put into the fornace And on the waters side we found certaine leaues of fine gold as thicke as a mans nayle And Westward of the said Riuer there are as hath bene sayd many faire trees and toward the water a goodly Medow full of as faire and goodly grasse as euer I sawe in any Medowe in France and betweene the sayd Medow and the Wood are great store of Uines and beyond the said Uines the land groweth full of Hempe which groweth of it selfe which is as good as possibly may be seene and as strong And at the ende of the sayd Medow within an hundred pases there is a rising ground which is of a kind of state stone blacke and thicke wherein are veines of mynerall matter which shewe like gold and siluer and throughout all that stone there are great graines of the sayd Myne And in some places we haue found stones like Diamants the most faire pollished and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see when the Sunne shineth vpon them they glister as it were sparkles of fire How after the departure of the two shippes which were sent backe into Britaine and that the Fort was begun to be builded the Captaine prepared two boates to goe vp the great Riuer to discouer the passage of the three Saults or falles of the Riuer THe sayd Captaine hauing dispatched two ships to returne to carry newes according as hee had in charge from the king and that the Fort was begun to be builded for preseruation of their victuals and other things determined with the Uicount of Beaupâ—e and other Gentlemen Masters and Pilots chosen for counsayle to make a voyage with two boates furnished with men and victuals to goe as farre as Hochelaga of purpose to view and vnderstand the fashion of the Saults of water which are to be passed to goe to Saguenay that hee might be the readier in the spring to passe farther and in the Winter time to make all things needefull in a readinesse for their businesse The foresaid boates being made ready the Captaine and Martine de Painpont with other Gentlemen and the remnant of the Mariners departed from the sayd place of Charlesburg Royal the seuenth day of September in the yeere aforesayd 1540. And the Uicount of Beaupre stayed behind for the garding and gouernement of all things in the Fort And as they went vp the riuer the Captaine went to see the Lord of Hochelay which dwelleth betweene Canada and Hochelaga which in the former voyage had giuen vâ—to the said Captaine a little girle and had oftentimes enformed him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya whom the Captaine in his former voyage had caried into France would haue wrought against him In regard of which his curtesie the said Captaine would not passe by without visiting of him and to let him vnderstand that the Captaine though himselfe beholding vnto him hee gaue vnto him two yong boyes and left them with him to learne their language and bestowed vpon him a cloake of Paris red which cloake was set with yealow and white buttons of Tinne and small belles And with all hee gaue him two Basins of Laton and certaine hachets and kniues whereat the sayde Lord seemed highly to reioyce and thanked the Captaine This done the Captaine and his company departed from that place And wee sailed with so prospercus a wind that we arriued the eleuenth day of the moneth at the first Sault of water which is two leagues distant from the Towne of Tutonaguy And after wee were arriued there wee determined to goe and passe as farre vp as it was possible with one of the boates and that the other should stay there till it returned and wee double manned her to rowe vp against the course or streame of the sayde Sault And after wee had passed some part of the way from our other boate wee found badde ground and great rockes and so great a current that wee could not possibly passe any further with our Boate. And the Captaine resolued
vpon the instant whereof they would haue knocked out my braines The same order was giuen to certaine of his fellowes for M. Heriots so for all the rest of our better sort all our houses at one instant being set on fire as afore is saide and that as well for them of the fort as for vs at the towne Now to the ende that we might be the fewer in number together and so bee the more easily dealt withall for in deed tenne of vs with our armes prepared were a terrour to a hundred of the best sort of them they agreed and did immediatly put it in practise that they should not for any copper sell vs any victuals whatsoeuer besides that in the night they should sende to haue our weares robbed and also to cause them to bee broken and once being broken neuer to be repaired againe by them By this meanes the King stood assured that I must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance there to disband my company into sundry places to liue vpon shell fish for so the Sauages themselues doe going to Hatorask Croatoan and other places fishing and hunting while their grounds be in sowing and their corne growing which failed not his expectation For the famine grew so extreeme among vs our weares failing vs of fish that I was enforced to sende Captaine Stafford with 20. with him to Croatoan my Lord Admirals Iland to serue two turnes in one that is to say to feede himselfe and his company and also to keepe watch if any shipping came vpon the coast to warne vs of the same I sent M. Pridiox with the pinnesse to Hatorask and ten with him with the Prouost Marshal to liue there and also to wait for shipping also I sent euery weeke 16. or 20. of the rest of the company to the maine ouer against vs to liue of Casada and oysters In the meane while Pemisapan went of purpose to Dasamonquepeio for three causes The one to see his grounds there broken vp and sowed for a second crop the other to withdrawe himselfe from my dayly sending to him for supply of victuall for my company for hee was afraid to deny me any thing neither durst hee in my presence but by colour and with excuses which I was content to accept for the time meaning in the ende as I had reason to giue him the iumpe once for all but in the meane whiles as I had euer done before I and mine bare all wrongs and accepted of all excuses My purpose was to haue relied my selfe with Menatonon and the Chaonists who in trueth as they are more valiant people and in greater number then the rest so are they more faithfull in their promises and since my late being there had giuen many tokens of earnest desire they had to ioyne in perfect league with vs and therefore were greatly offended with Pemisapan and Weopomeiok for making him beleeue such tales of vs. The third cause of his going to Dasamonquepeio was to dispatch his messengers to Weopomeiok and to the Mandoages as aforesaid all which he did with great imprest of copper in hand making large promises to them of greater spoile The answere within few dayes after came from Weopomeiok which was deuided into two parts First for the King Okisko who denied to be of the partie for himselfe or any of his especiall followers and therefore did immediatly retire himselfe with his force into the maine the other was concerning the rest of the said prouince who accepted of it and in like sort the Mandoags receiued the imprest The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak was appointed the 20. of Iune all which the premises were discouered by Skyco the King Menatonon his sonne my prisoner who hauing once attempted to run away I laid him in the bylboes threatning to cut off his head whom I remitted at Pemisapans request whereupon hee being perswaded that hee was our enemie to the death he did not onely feed him with himselfe but also made him acquainted with all his practises On the other side the yong man finding himselfe as well vsed at my hande as I had meanes to shew and that all my company made much of him he flatly discouered al vnto me which also afterwards was reueiled vnto me by one of Pemisapans owne men that night before he was slaine These mischiefes being all instantly vpon me and my company to be put in execution it stood mee in hand to study how to preuent them and also to saue all others which were at that time as aforesaid so farre from me whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of his head that I meant presently to go to Croatoan for that I had heard of the ariuall of our Fleete though I in trueth had neither heard nor hoped for so good aduenture and that I meant to come by him to borrow of his men to fish for my company to hunt for me at Croatoan as also to buy some foure dayes prouision to serue for my voyage He sent me word that he would himselfe come ouer to Roanoak but from day to day he deferred onely to bring the Weopomeioks with him the Mandoags whose time appointed was within eight dayes after It was the last of May 1586 when all his owne Sauages began to make their assembly at Roanoak at his commandement sent abroad vnto them and I resolued not to stay longer vpon his comming ouer since he meant to come with so good company but thought good to go and visit him with such as I had which I resolued to do the next day but that night I meant by the way to giue them in the Island a canuisado and at the instant to seize vpon all the canoas about the Island to keepe him from aduertisements But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to them the occasion was this I had sent the Master of the light horseman with a few with him to gather vp all the canoas in the setting of the Sun to take as many as were going from vs to Dasamonquepeio but to suffer any that came from thence to land He met with a Canoa going from the shore and ouerthrew the Canoa and cut off two Sauages heads this was not done so secretly but he was discouered from the shore wherupon the cry arose for in trueth they priuy to their owne villanous purposes against vs held as good espiall vpon vs both day and night as we did vpon them The allarme giuen they tooke themselues to their bowes and we to our armes some three or foure of them at the first were slaine with our shot the rest fled into the woods The next morning with the light horsman one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians and the Sergeant maior I went to Dasamonquepeio and being landed sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne Sauages that met me at the shore that I was going to Croatoan and meant to take him in
or by men of skill to be prouided as by way of traffique and exchange with our owne nation of England will inrich your selues the prouiders those that shall deale with you the enterprisers in generall and greatly profit our owne countreymen to supply them with most things which heretofore they haue bene faâ—ne to prouide either of strangers or of our enemies which commodities for distinction sake I call Merchantable In the second I will set downe all the commodities which we know the countrey by our experience doth yeeld of it selfe for victuall and sustenanâ—e of mans life such as are vsually fed vpon by the inhabitants of the countrey as also by vs during the time we were there In the last part I will make mention generally of such other commodities besides as I am able to remember and as I shall thinke behoouefull for those that sâ—all inhabit and plant there to know of which specially concerne building as also some other necessary vses with a briefe description of the nature and maners of the people of the countrey The first part of Merchantable commodities SIlke of grasse or Grasse silke There is a kind of grasse in the country vpon the bladeâ— whereof there groweth very good silke in forme of a thin glittering skin to be stript off It groweth two foot an halfe high or better the blades are about two foot in length and halfe an inch broad The like groweth in Persia which is in the selfe same climate as Virginia of which very many of the Silke works that come from thence into Europe are made Hereof if it be planted and ordered as in Persia it cannot in reason be otherwise but that there will rise in short time great profit to the dealers therein seeing there is so great vse and vent thereof aswel in our countrey as elswhere And by the meanes of sowing and planting it in good ground it will be farre greater better and more plentifull then it is Although notwithstanding there is great store thereof in many places of the countrey growing naturally and wild which also by proofe here in England in making a piece of Silke grogran we found to be excellent good Worme silke In many of our iourneys we found Silke-wormes faire and great as bigge as our ordinary Walnuts Although it hath not bene our hap to haue found such plenty as â—lsâ— here to be in the countrey we haue heard of yet seeing that the countrey doth naturally breed and nourish them there is no doubt but if arte be added in planting of Mulberieâ—rees and others fit for them in commodious places for their feeding nourishing and some of them carefully gathered husbanded in that sort as by men of skil is knowen to be necessary there will rise as great profit in time to the Uirginians as thereof doth now to the Persians Turks Italians and Spanyards Flaxe and Hempe The trueth is that of Hempe and Flaâ—e there is no great store in any one place together by reason it is not planted but as the soile doth yeeld of it selfe and howsoeuer the leafe and stemme or stalke do differ from ours the stuffe by iudgement of men of skill is altogether as good as ours and if not as further proofe should finde otherwise we haue that experience of the soile as that there cannot be shewed any reason to the contrary but that it will grow there excellent well and by planting will be yeelded plentifully seeing there is so much ground whereof some may well be applied to such purposes What benefit heereof may grow in cordage and linnens who cannot easily vnderstand Allum There is a veine of â—arth along the sea coast for the space of forty or fifty miles whereof by the iudgement of some that haue made triall here in England is made good Allum of that kind which is called Roch allum The richnesse of such a commodity is so well knowen that I need not to say any thing thereof The same earth doth also yeeld White coprasse Nitrumâ— and Alumen plumeum but nothing so plentifully as the common Allum which â—e also of price and profitable Wapeih A kind of earth so called by the naturall inhabitants very like to Terra sigillara and hauing bene refined it hath bene found by some of our Physicians and Chyrurgians to be of the same kind of vertue and more effectuall The inhabitants vse it very much for the cure of sores and wounds there is in diuers places great plenty and in some places of a blew sort Pitch Tarre Rozen and Turpentine There are those kinds of trees which yeeld them abundantly and great store In the very same Island where we were seated being fifteene miles of length and fiue or sixe miles in breadth there are few trees els but of the same kinde the whole Island being full Sassafras called by the inhabitants Winauk a kind of wood of most pleasant and sweet smell and of most rare vertues in physicke for the cure of many diseases It is found by experience to be far better and of more vses then the wood which is called Guaiacum or Lignum viâ—ae For the description the maner of vsing and the manifold vertues thereof I refer you to the booke of Monardes translated and entituled in English The ioyfull newes from the West Indies Cedar A very sweet wood and fine timber whereof if nests of chests be there made or timber thereof fitted for sweet and fine bedsteds tables desks lutes virginals and many things els of which there hath bene proofe made already to make vp fraight with other principall commodities will yeeld profit Wine There are two kindes of grapes that the soile doth yeeld naturally the one is small and sowre of the ordinary bignesse as ours in England the other farre greater and of himselfe lushious sweet When they are planted and husbanded as they ought a principall commodity of wines by them may be raised Oile There are two sorts of Walnuts both holding oile but the one farre more plentifull then the other When there are mils and other deuices for the purpose a commodity of them may be raised because there are infinite store There are also three seuerall kindes of betries in the forme of Oke-akornes which also by the experience and vse of the inhabitants we find to yeeld very good and sweet oile Furthermore the beares of the countrey are commonly very fat and in some places there are many Their faâ—nesse because it is so liquid may well be teâ—med oile and hath many speciall vses Furres All along the Sea coast there are great store of Oâ—ters which being taken by weares and other engines made for the purpose wil yeeld good profit We hope also of Marterne furres and make no doubt by the relation of the people but that in some places of the countrey there are store although there were but two skinnes that came to our hands Luzernes also we haue vnderstanding of although for the time we saw none Deers skinnes
which two are ripe in eleuen twelue weeks at the most sometimes in tenne after the time they are set and are then of height in stalke about sixe or seuen foot The other sort is ripe in foureteene and is about tenne foot high of the stalks some beare foure heads some three someone and some two euery head câ—nteining fiue sixe or seuen hundred graines within a few more or lesse Of these graines besides bread the inhabitants mâ—ke viâ—tuall either by parâ—hing them or seething them whole vntill they be broken or boiling the flowre with water into a pap Okindgier called by vs Bâ—anes because in greatnâ—sse and partly in shape they are like to the beaneâ— in England sauing that they are flatter of more diuers colours and some pide The leafe also of the stemme is much different In taste they are altogether as good as our English peaze Wickonzowr called by vs Peaze in respect of the Beaâ—es for distinction sake because they are much lesse although in forme they litle differ but in goodnesse of taste much like and are far better then our English peaze Both the beanes and peaze are ripe in ten weeks after they are set They make them victuall either by boiling them all to pieces into a broth or boiling them whole vntill they be soft and beginne to breake as is vsed in England either by themselues or mixtly together sometime they mingle of the Wheat with them sometime also being whole sodden they bruse or punne them in a morter and therof make loaues or lumps of doughish bread which they vse to eat for variety Macocquer according to their seueral formes called by vs Pompions Melons and Goâ—rds because they are of the like formes as those kinds in England In Virginia such of seuerall formes are of one taste and very good and do also spriâ—g from one seed There are of two sorts one is ripe in the spate of a moneth and the other in two moneths There is an herbe which in Dutch is called Melden Some of those that I describe it vnto take it to be a kinde of Orage it groweth about foure or fiue foot high of the â—â—ed thereof they make a thicke broth and pottage of a very good taste of the stalke by burning into ashes they make a kinde of salt earth wherewithall many vse sometimes to season their brothsâ— other salt they know not We our selues vsed the leaues also for pot-herbs There is also another great herbe in forme of a Marigolde about sixe foot in height the head with the floure is a spanne in breadth Some take it to be Planta Solis of the seeds hereof they make both a kinde of bread and broth All the aforesayd commodities for victuall are set or sowed sâ—metimes in grounds apart and seuerally by themselues but for the most part together in one ground mixtly the maner thereoâ— with the dressing and preparing of the ground because I will note vnto you the fertility of the soile I thinke good briefly to describe The ground they neuer fatten with mucke dung or any other thing neither plow nor digge iâ— as we in England but onely prepare it in sort as followeth A few dayes before they sowe or set the men with woodden instruments made almost in forme of mattocks or hoes with long hanâ—dles the women with short peckers or parers because they vse them sitting of a foot long and about fiue inches in breadth doe onely breake the vpper part of the ground to raise vp the weeds grasse and olde stubbes of corne stalks with their roots The which after a day or two dayes drying in the Sunne being scrapt vp into many small heaps to saue them labour foâ— carying them away they burne into ashes And whereas some may thinke that they vse the ashes for to better the ground I say that then they would either disperse the ashes abroad which wee obserued they do not except the heaps be too great or els would take speciall care to see their corne where the ashes lie which also wee finde they are carelesse of And this in all the husbanding of their ground that they vse Then their setting or sowing is after this maner First for their corne beginning in one corner of the plot with a pecker they make a hole wherein they put foure graines with care that they touch not one another about an inch a sunder couer them with the molde againe and so thorowout the whole plot making such holes and vsing them after such maner but with this regard that they be made in ranks euery ranke differing from other halfe a fadome or a yard and the holes also in euery ranke as much By this meanes there is a yard spare ground betweene euery hole where according to discretion here and there they set as many Beanes and Peaze in diuers places also among the seeds of Macocquer Melden and Planta solis The ground being thus set according to the rate by vs experimented an English acre conteining forty pearches in length and foure in breadth doth there yeeld in croppe or of â—ome of corne Beanes and Peaze at the least two hundred London bushels besides the Macocquer Melden and Planta solis when as in England forty bushels of our Wheat yeelded out of such an acre is thought to be much I thought also good to note this vnto you that you which shall inhabit and plaint there may know how specially that countrey corne is there to be preferred before ours besides the manifold wayes in applying it to victual the increase is so much that small labour paines is needful in respect of that which must be vsed for â—urs For this I can assure you that according to the rate we haue made proofe of one man may prepare and husband so much grounâ— hauing once borne corne before with lesse then foure and twenty houres labour as shall yeeld him victual in a large proportion for a twelue moneth if he haue nothing els but that which the same ground will yeeld and of that kinde onely which I haue before spoken of the sayd ground being also but of fiue and twenty yard squâ—re And if need require but that there is ground enough there might be raised out of one and the selfesame ground two haruests or of comes for they sow or set and may at any time when they thinke good from the midst of March vntill the end of Iune so thaâ— they also set when they haue eaten of their first croppe In some places of the countrey notwithstanding they haue two haruests as we haue heard out of one and the same ground For English corne neuerthelesse whether to vse or not to vse it you that inhabit may doe as you shall haue further cause to thinke best Of the growth you need not to doubt for Barley Oats and Peaze we haue seene proofe of not being purposely soâ—en but fallen casually in the woorst sort of ground and yet to be as faire as any we
will and pleasure and as by his wisedome he had ordeined to be best Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly and shortly after according to their desires they thought neuerthelesse it came to passe by our meanes that we in vsing such speeches vnto them did but dissemble the matter and therefore came vnto vs to giue vs thankes in their maner that although we satisfied them not in promise yet in deedes and effect we had fulfilled their desires This marueilous accident in all the Countrey wrought so strange opinions of vs that some people could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men and the rather because that all the space of their sicknes there was no man of ours knowen to die or that was specially sicke they noted also that we had no women amongst vs neither that we did care for any of theirs Some therefore were of opinion that we were not borne of women and therefore not mortal but that we were men of an old generation many yeeres past then risen againe to immortalitiâ— Some would likewise seeme to prophecie that there were more of our generation yet to come to kill theirs and take their places as some thought the purpose was by that which was already done Those that were immediatly to come after vs they imagined to be in the aire yet inuisible and without bodies and that they by our intreatie and for the loue of vs did make the people to die in that sort as they did by shooting inuisible bullets into them To confirme this opinion their Phisitions to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease would not be ashamed to say but earnestly make the simple people beleeue that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sicke bodies were the strings wherewithall the inuisible bullets were â—ied and cast Some also thought that wee shot them our selues out of our pieces from the place where wee dwelt and killed the people in any Towne that had offended vs as wee listed howe farre distant from vs soeuer it were And other some said that it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes as we our selues haue cause in some sort to thinke no lesse whatsoeuer some doe or may imagine to the contrary specially some Astrologers knowing of the Eclipse of the Sunne which we saw the same yeere before in our voyage thitherward which vnto them appearâ—d very terrible And also of a Comet which began to appeare but a fewe dayes before the â—eginning of the saide sicknesse But to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an accident there are further reasons then I thinke fit at this present to be alleadged These their opinions I haue set downe the more at large that it may appeare vnto you that there is good hope they may be brought through discreete dealing and gouernment to the imbracing of the trueth and consequently to honour obey feare and loue vs. And although some of our company towards the end of the yeere shewed themselues too fierce in slaying some of the people in some Townes vpon causes that on our part miâ—â—t eâ—sily ynough haue bene borne withall yet not withstanding because it was on their part iustly deserued the alteration of their opinions generally and for the most part conâ—erning vs is the lesse to be doubted And whatsoeuer els they may be by carefulnesse of our selues neede nothing at all to be feared The best neuerthelesse in this as in all actions besides is to be endeuoured and hoped and of the worst that may happen notice to be taken with consideration and as much as may be eschewed The conclusion NOw I haue as I hope made relation not of so few and small things but that the Countrey of men that are indifferent and well disposed may bee sufficiently liked If there were no more knowen then I haue mentioned which doubtlesse and in great reason is nothing to that which remaineth to be discouered neiâ—her the soyle nor commodities As we haue reason so to gather by the difference we found in our trauaâ—les for although al which I haue before spoken of haue bâ—ne discouered and experimented not farre from the Sea coast where was our abode and most of our trauailing yet sometimes as we made our iourneys further into the maine and Counâ—rey we found the soile to be fatter the trees greâ—ter and to grow thinner the ground more firme and deeper mould more and larger champions finer grasse and as good as euer we saw any in England in some places rockie and farre more high and hilly ground more plentie of their fruites more abundance of beastes the more inhabited with people and of greater pollicie and larger dominions with greater townes and houses Why may wee not then looke for in good hope from the inner parts of more and greater plentie as well of otheâ— things as of those which wee haue already discouered Unto the Spaniards happened the like in discoâ—ering the maine of the West Indies The maine also of this Countrey of Virginia extending sâ—me wayes so many hundreds of leagues as otherwise then by the relation of the inhabiâ—ants wee haue most certaine knowledge of where yet no Christian prince hath any possession or dealing â—annot but yeelde many kinds of excellent commodities which we in our discouery haue not yet seene What hope there is els to bee gathered of the nature of the Climate being answerable to the Iland of Iapan the land of China Persia Iury the Ilands of Cyprus and Candy the South parts of Greece Italy and Spaine and of many other notable and famous Countreys because I meane not to be tedious I leaue to your owne consideration Whereby also the excellent temperature of the aire there at all seasons much warmer then in England and neuer so vehemently hot as sometimes is vnder and betweene the Tropikes or neere them cannot be knowen vnto you without further relation For the holsomnesse thereof I neede to say but thus much that for all the want of prouision as first of English victuall excepting for twentie dayes we liued onely by drinking water and by the victuall of the Countrey of which some sorts were very strange vnto vs and might haue bene thought to haue altered our temperatures in such sort as to haue brought vs into some grieuous and dangerous diseases Secondly the want of English meanes for the taking of beastes fish and foule which by the helpe onely of the inhabitants and their meanes could not bee so suddenly and easily prouided for vs nor in so great number and quantities nor of that choise as otherwise mighâ— haue bene to our better satisfaction and contentment Some want also we had of clothes Furthermore in al our trauailes which were most specially and often in the time of Winter our lodging was in the open aire vpon the ground And yet I say for all this there were but foure of our whole company being one hundreth and eight that died all the yeere
child of 8. yeeres olde The young woman was laden likewise with as many but when our men came vnto them the women cried out the olde woman made signes that the men were fledde vnto the woods Assoone as they saw vs to quiet them and to winne their fauour our men gaue them such victuals as they had with them to eate which the old woman receiued thankfully but the yong woman disdained them all threw them disdainfully on the ground They tooke a child from the olde woman to bring into France and going about to take the yong woman which was very beautiful and of tall stature they could not possibly for the great outcries that she made bring her to the sea and especially hauing great woods to passe thorow and being farre from the ship we purposed to leaue her behind bearing away the child onely We found those folkes to be more white then those that we found before being clad with certaine leaues that hang on boughs of trees which they â—ewe together with threds of wilde hempe their heads were trussed vp after the same maner as the former were their ordinary foode is of pulse whereof they haue great store differing in colour and taste from ours of good and pleasant taste Moreouer they liue by fishing and fowling which they take with ginnes and bowes made of hard wood the arrowes of Canes being headed with the bones of fish other beasts The beasts in these parts are much wilder then in our Europe by reason they are continually chased and hunted We saw many of their boats made of one tree 20. foote long and 4. foote broad which are not made with yron or stone or any other kind of metall because that in all this countrey for the space of 200. leagues which we ranne we neuer saw one stone of any sort they helpe themselues with fire burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the hollownesse of the boat the like they doe in making the sterne the forepart vntill it be fit to saile vpon the sea The land is in situation goodnes and fairenesse like the other it hath woods like the other thinne and full of diuers sorts of trees but not so sweete because the country is more Northerly and colde We saw in this Countrey many Uines growing naturally which growing vp tooke holde of the trees as they doe in Lombardie which if by husbandmen they were dressed in good order without all doubt they would yeeld excellent wines for hauing oftentimes seene the fruit thereof dryed which was sweete and pleasant and not differing from ours wee thinke that they doe esteeme the same because that in euery place where they growe they take away the vnder branches growing round about that the fruit thereof may ripen the better We found also roses violets lilies and many sorts of herbes and sweete and odoriferous flowers different from ours We knewe not their dwellings because they were farre vp in the land and we iudge by many signes that we saw that they are of wood of trees framed together We doe beleeue also by many coniectures and signes that many of them sâ—eeping in the fields haue no other couer then the open sky Further knowledge haue we not of them we thinke that all the rest whose countreys we passed liue all after one maner Hauing made our aboade three dayes in this country and ryding on the coast for want of harboroughs we concluded to depart from thence trending along the shore betweene the North and the East sayling onely in the day-time and riding at anker by night In the space of 100. leagues sayling we found a very pleasant place situated amongst certaine litle sâ—eepe hils from amidst the which hils there ran downe into the sea an exceeding great streme of water which win the mouth was very deepe from the sea to the mouth of the same with y e tide which we found to rise 8. foote any great ship laden may passe vp But because we rode at anker in a place well fenced from the wind we would not venture our selues without knowledge of the place and we passed vp with our boat onely into the sayd Riuer and saw the countrey very well peopled The people are almost like vnto the others and are clad with the feathers of fowles of diuers colours they came towards vs very cheerefuly making great showts of admiration shewing vs where we might come to land most safely with our boat We entred vp the said riuer into the land about halfe a league where it made a most pleasant lake about 3. leagues in compasse on the which they rowed from the one side to the other to the number of 30. of their small boats wherein were many people which passed from one shore to the other to come and see vs. And behold vpon the sudden as it is woont to fall out in sayling a contrary flaw of wind comming from the sea we were inforced to returne to our ship leauing this lande to our great discontentment for the great commodity and pleasantnesse thereof which we suppose is not without some riches all the hils shewing minerall matters in them We weyed anker and sayled toward the East for so the coast trended and so alwayes for 50. leagues being in the sight thereof we discouered an Iland in forme of a triangle distant from the maine land 10. leagues about the bignesse of the Iland of the Rhodes it was full of hils couered with trees well peopled for we saw fires all along the coast wee gaue it the name of your Maiesties mother not staying there by reason of the weather being contrary And we came to another land being 15. leagues distant from the Iland where we found a passing good hauen wherein being entred we found about 20. small boats of the people which with diuers cries and wondrings came about our ship comming no neerer then 50. paces towards vs they stayed and beheld the artificialnesse of our ship our shape apparel then they all made a loud showt together declaring that they reioyced When we had something animated them vsing their gestures they came so neere vs that we cast them certaine bels and glasses and many â—oyes which when they had receiued they looked on them with laughing and came without feare aboard our ship There were amongst these people 2. kings of so goodly stature and shape as is possible to declare the eldest was about 40. yeeres of age the second was a yong man of 20. yeeres olde Their apparell was on this maner the elder had vpon his naked body a Harts skin wrought artificially with diuers branches like damaske his head was bare with the hayre tyed vp behind with diuers knots about his necke he had a large chaine garnished with diuers stones of sundry colours the yong man was almost apparelled after y e same maner This is the goodliest people of
to resolue with himselfe he referred it vntil the next day The morning being come he proposed to all the company what was best to be done to the end that with good aduisement euery man might deliuer his opinion Some made answere that according to their iudgement he had occasion fully to content himselfe considering that he could doe no more laying before his eyes that he had discouered more in sixe weekes then the Spaniards had done in two yeres in the conquest of their New Spaine and that he should do the king very great seruice if he did bring him newes in so short a time of his happy discouerie Other shewed vnto him the losse and spoile of his victuals and on the other side the inconuenience that might happen by the shallow water that they found continually along the coast Which things being well and at large debated we resolued to leaue the coast forsaking the North to take our way toward the East which is the right way and course to our France where we happily arriued the twentieth day of Iuly the yere 1562. The state and condition of those which were left behind in Charles-fort OUr men after our departure neuer rested but night and day did fortifie themselues being in good hope that after their fort was finished they would begin to discouer farther vp within the riuer It happened one day as certaine of them were in cutting of rootes in the groues that they espied on the sudden an Indian that hunted the Deere which finding himselfe so neere vpon them was much dismayed but our men began to draw neere vnto him and to vse him so courteously that he became assured and followed them to Charles-fort where euery man sought to doe him pleasure Captaine Albert was very ioyfull of his comming which after he had giuen him a shirt and some other trifles he asked him of his dwelling the Indian answered him that it was farther vp within the riuer and that he was vassal of king Audusta he also shewed him with his hand the limits of his habitation After much other talke the Indian desired leaue to depart because it drew toward night which Captaine Albert granted him very willingly Certaine dayes after the Captaine determined to saile toward Audusta where being arriued by reason of the honest entertaynment which he had giuen to the Indian he was so courteously receiued that the king talked with him of nothing else but of the desire which he had to become his friend giuing him besides to vnderstand that he being his friend and allie he should haue the amitie of foure other kings which in might authoritie were able to do much for his sake Besides all this in his necessitie they might be able to succour him with victuals One of thâ—se kings was called Mayoâ— another Hoya the third â—ouppa and the fourth Stalame He told him moreouer that they would be very glad when they should vnderstand the newes of his comming and therefore he prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them The Captaine willingly consented vnto him for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that place Therefore they departed the next morning very earely and first arriued at the house of king Touppa and afterward went into the other kings houses except the house of king Stalame He receiued of each of them all the amiable courtesies that might be they shewed themselues to be as affectioned friends vnto him as was possible and offered vnto him a thousand small presents After that he had remained by space of certaine daies with these strange kings he determined to take his leaue and being come backe to the house of Audusta he commanded al his men to goe aboord their Pinnesse for he was minded to goe towardes the countrey of king Stalame which dwelt toward the North the distance of 15 great leagues from Charles-fort Therefore as they sailed vp the riuer they entred into a great current which they followed so farre till they came at the last to the house of Stalame which brought him into his lodging where he â—ought to make them the best cheere he could deuise He presented immediatly vnto Captaine Albert his bow and arrowes which is a signe and confirmation of alliance betweene them He presented him with Chamoys skinnes The Captaine seeing the best part of the day was now past tooke his leaue of king Stalame to returne to Charles-fort where hee arriued the day following By this time the friendship was growne so great betweene our men and king Audusta that in a manner all things were common betweene him and them in such sort that this good Indian king did nothing of importance but he called our men thereunto For when the time drew neere of the celebrating their feasts of Toya which are ceremonies most strange to recite he sent Ambassadours to our men to request them on his behalfe to be there present Whereunto they agreed most willingly for the desire that they had to vnderstand what this might be They imbarked themselues therefore and sailed towards the kings house which was already come forth on the way towards theÌ„ to receiue them courteously to bid them welcome bring them to his house where he sought to untreat them the best he might In the meane while the Indians prepared themselues to celebrate the feast the morrow after and the king brought them to see the place wherein the feast should be kept where they saw many women round about which laboured by al meanes to make the place cleane neat This place was a great circuit of ground with open prospect and round in figure On the morrow therefore early in the morning all they which were chosen to celebrate the feast being painted and trimned with rich feathers of diuers colours put themselues on the way to go froÌ„ the kings house toward the place of â—oya whereunto when they were come they set themselues in order followed three Indians which in painting and in gesture were differing from the rest each of them bare a Tabret in their hand dancing singing in a lamentable tune when they began to enter into the middest of the round circuit being followed of others which answered them again After that they had sung danced and turned 3 times they set on running like vnbridled horses through the middest of the thickest woods And then the Indian women continued all the rest of the day in teares as sad woful as was possible in such rage they cut the armes of the yong girles which they lanced so cruelly with sharpe shels of Muskles that the blood followed which they flang into the ayre crying out three times He Toya The king Audusta had gathered all our men into his house while the feast was celebrated and was exceedingly offended when he saw them laugh This he did because the Indians are very angry when they are seene in their ceremonies
our men ledde him into his Country to obtaine some victuals he saw along the high wayes arrowes stucke vp at the endes whereof long haires were fastened which was a certaine signe of open warre proclaimed which arrowes the Captaine also carried with him to the fort He said further that in respect of the good will he bare to the Captaine he forewarned his Lieutenant that his subiects were determined to cut downe the trees and cause them to fall a thwart the little riuer where the boates were to keepe them from departing thence that they might fight with them at their ease and that if it thus fell out he assured him for his part he would not be there to meddle in the matter And that which much more augmented the suspition of warre was that as my messengers departed from Vtina they heard the voyce of one of my men which during the voyage had alwayes beene among the Indians and whom as yet they would neuer render vntill they had gotten their pledges home This poore fellow cryed out a maine because two Indians would haue carried him into the wooâ—s to haue cut his tâ—roat whereupon he was succoured and deliuered These admonitions being well vnderstoode after ripe deliberation thereof Monsieur de Ottigny resolued to retire himselfe the seuen and twentieth of Iuly Wherefore he set his souldiers in order and deliuered to ech of them a sacke full of mill and afterward hee marched toward his barkes thinking to preuent the enterprise of the sauages There is at the comming foorth of the village a great alley about three or foure hundred paces long which is couered on both sides with great trees My Lieutenant disposed his men in this alley and set them in such order as they desired to march for he was well assured that if there were any ambush it would be at the comming out of the trees Therefore he caused Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne to march somewhat before with 8 harquebusiers to discouer whether there were any danger besides he commanded one of my Sergeants Corporâ—ls to march on the out side of the alley with foure harquebusiers while he himselfe conducted the rest of his company through it Now as he suspected so it fell out for Monsieur de Arlac met with two or three hundred Indians at the end of the alley which saluted him with an infinite number of their arrowes with such furie that it was easie to see with what desire they sought to charge vs. Howbeit they were so well sustaâ—ned in the first assault which mine Ensigne gaue them that they which fell downe dead did somewhat abate the choler of those which remained aliue This done my Lieutenant hasted to gaine ground in such sort as I haue already said After he had marched about foure hundred paces he was charged afresh with a newe troope of Sauages which were in number about 300 which assayled him before while the rest of the former set vpon him behind This second assault was so valiantly sustayned that I may iustly say that Monsieur de Ottigny so well discharged his dutie as was possible for a good Captaine to doe And so it stood them vpon for he had to deale with such kind of men as knewe well how to fight and to obey their head which conducted them and which knewe so well to behaue themselues in this conflict as if Ottigny had not preuented their practise he had beene in danger to haue bene defeated Their maner in this fight was that when two hundred had shot they retyred themselues and gaue place to the rest that were behind and all the while had their eye and foot so quicke and readie that assoone as euer they saw the harquebuze laide to the cheeke so soone were they on the ground and eftsoone vp to answere with their bowes and to flie their way if by chance they perceiued we went about to take them for there is nothing that they feare so much because of our swords and daggers This conflict continued and lasted from nine of the clocke in the morning vntill the night departed them And if Ottigny had not be thought himselfe to cause his men to breake the arrowes which they found in the way so to depriue the Sauages of the means to beginne againe without all doubt he should haue had very much to do for by this meane they lacked arrowes and so were constrained to retire themselues During the time of the conflict they cryed and made signes that they were the Captaines and Lieutenants friends and that they fought for none other cause but to be reuenged on the souldiers which were their mortall enemies My Lieutenant â—eing come vnto his boates tooke a reuiew of his companie and found two men wanting which were killed of whom the one was called Iames Sale and the others name was Mesureur He found moreouer 22 of them wounded which with much adoe he caused to be brought vnto the boates All the mill that he found among his company came but to two mens burdens which he deuided equally among them For assoone as the conflict began euery man was constrained to leaue his sacke to put his hand to his weapon In this meane while I remained at the Forte and caused euery man diligently to trauell hoping that my Lieutenant would bring vs victuals But seeing the time conâ—ume away I began to suspect the truth of that which fell out whereof I was assured immediately after at their returne Seeing therefore mine hope frustrate on that side I made my prayer vnto God and thanked him of his grace which hee had shewed vnto my poore souldiers which were escaped Afterward I thought vpon new meanes to obtaine victuals aswell for our returne into France as to driue out the time vntill our embarking I was aduertised by certaine of our company which vsually went on hunting into the woods and through the villages that in the village Sarauahi situated on the other side of the riuer and two leagues distant from the Forte and in the village Emoloa there were fields wherein the mill was very forward and that there was thereof in those partes in great abundance Wherefore I caused my boates to be made ready and sent my Sergeant thither with certaine souldieurs which vsed such diligence that wee had good store of mill I sent also to the riuer which the Sauages call Iracana named by Captaine Ribault the Riuer of Somme where Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant arriued with two boates and their ordinary furniture and found thâ—re a great assembly of the Lords of the countrey among whome was Athore the sonne of Sarourioua Apalou and Tacadocorou which were there assembled to make merrie because that in this place are the fairest maids and women of all the countrey Captaine Vasseur in my name gaue certaine small trifles to all the Lords to the Queene to the maids and women of the
destroy them all and that the Brigandine wherof I spake before was not sufficient to transport them considering the season of the yeere wherein wee were The bruite and mutiny increased more and more for after that the Generall was returned to his ships he told certaine gentlemen and souldiers which went to see him partly to make good cheere with him hee declared I say vnto them that he greatly doubted that hardly we should be able to passe safely in those vessels which we had and that in case we should enterprise the same we should no doubt be in great ieopardy notwithstanding if I were so contented he would transport part of my men in his ships and that he would leaue me a small ship to transport the rest The souldiers were no sooner come home but they signified the offer vnto their companions which incontinently consented together that in case I would not accept the same they would embarke themselues with him and forsake mee so that he would receiue them according to his promise They therefore assembled themselues alltogether and came to seeke me in my chamber and signified vnto me their intention whereunto I promised to answere within one houre after In which meane space I gathered together the principall members of my company which after I had broken the matter with them answered me all with one voyce that I ought not to refuse this offer nor contemne the occasion which presented it selfe and that they could not thinke euill of it in France if being forsaken as we were we aided our selues with such means as God had sent vs. After sundry debatings of this matter in conclusion I gaue mine aduise that wee ought to deliuer him the price of the ship which he was to leaue vs and that for my part I was content to giue him the best of my stuffe and the siluer which I had gathered in the countrey Wherupon notwithstanding it was determined that I should keepe the siluer for feare lest the Queene of England seeing the same should the rather bee encouraged to set footing there as before she had desired that it was far better to carie it into France to giue encouragement vnto our Princes not to leaue off an enterprise of so great importance for our commonwealth and that seeing wee were resolued to depart it was farre better to giue him our Artillerie which otherwise we should be constrained to leaue behind vs or to hide it in the ground by reason of the weakenesse of our men being not able to embarke the same This paine being thus concluded and resolued on I went my selfe vnto the English Generall accompanied with my Lieutenant and Captaine Vasseâ—r Captaine Verdiâ—r and Trenchant the Pilot and my Sergeant all men of experience in such affaires and knowing sufficiently how to driue such a bargaine We therefore tooke a view of the ship which the Generall would sell whom we drew to such reason that he was content to stand to mine owne mens iudgement who esteemed it to be worth seuen hundreth crowns whereof we agreed very friendly Wherefore I deliuered him in earnest of the summe two bastards two mynions one thousand of iron one thousand of powder This bargaine thus made he considered the necessity wherin we were hauing for all our sustenance but mill and water wherupon being moued with pitie he offred to relieue with 20 barels of meale sixe pipes of beanes one hogshead of salt and a hundred of waxe to make candels Moreouer forasmuch as he sawe my souldiers goe barefoote hee offred me besides fifty paires of shoes which I accepted and agreed of a prier with him and gaue him a bill of mine hand for the same for which vntill this present I am indebted to him He did more then this for particularly he bestowed vpon my selfe a great iarre of oyle a iarre of vineger a barell of Oliues and a great quantitie of Rice and a barell of white Biscuit Besides he gaue diuers presents to the principall Officers of my company according to their qualities so that I may say that we receiued as many courtesies of the Generall as it was possible to receiue of any man liuing Wherein doubtlesse he hath wonne the reputation of a good and charitable man deseruing to be esteemed asmuch of vs all as if he had saued all our liues Incontinâ—nt after his departure I spared no paint to hasten my men to make biscuits of the meale which he had left me and to hoope my caske to take in warter needfull for the voyage A man may well thinke what diligence we vsed in respect of the great desire we had to depart wherein we continued so well that the fifteenth day of August the biscuit the greatest part of our water all the souldiers stuffe was brought aboord so that from that day forward wee did nothing but stay for good windes to driue vs into France which had freed vs from an infinite number of mischiefes which afterward wee suffred if they had come as we desired but it was not Gods good pleasure as shall appeare hereafter Being thus in a readinesse to set sayle we be thought our selues that it would doe well to bring certaine men and women of the countrey into France to the end that if this voyage should be taken in hand againe they might declare vnto their Kings the greatnesse of our King the excellencie of our Princes the goodnesse of our Countrey and the maner of liuing of the Frenchmenâ— and that they might also learne our language to serue our turnes thereby in time to come Wherein I tooke so good order that I found meanes to bring away with me the goodliest persons of all the countrey if our intentions had succeeded as I hoped they would haue done In the meane season the Kings my neighbours came often to see and visite me which after that they vnderstood that I would returne into France demanded of mee whether I meant to returne againe or no and whether it should be in short time I signified vnto them that within tenne Moones so they call their Moneths I would visite them againe with such force that I would be able to make them Conquerours ouer all their enemies They prayed me that I would leaue them my house that I would forbid my souldiers to beate downe the Fort and their lodgings and that I would leaue them a boate to ayde them withall in their warre against their enemies Which I made as though I would grant vnto them to the end I might alwaies remaine their friend vntil my last departure The third voyage of the Frenchmen made by Captaine Iohn Ribault vnto Florida AS I was thus occupied in these conferences the winde and the tide serued well to set sayle which was the eight and twentieth of August at which instant Captaine Vasseur which commanded in one of my shippes and Captaine Verdier which was chiefe in the other now ready to goe foorth
and without thornes These plaines on the right hand made a bay into a valley which seemed to be a piece of a mountaine the rest shewed to be al plaines without any â—histles or weedes but full of grasse â—â—od for cattel very green and faire as I haue said Chap. 8. One of their ships by tempest was separated from the other and afterward meeting with her conâ—ort she reporteth that the land stretcheth to the West by the mouth of the great lake The Pilots are of diuers iudgements touching the state of this coast inhabited by Chichimecas They enter into an hauen to take in fresh water and are suddenly assayled by two squadrons of Indians They defend themselues valiantly and the Captaine with some of his souldiers are grieuously wounded THe 26 of this moneth being Wednesday at night the North wind tooke vs which still increased more and more so greatly that it put vs to much trouble for it continued two dayes in which the Sea was alwayes boisterous and this night againe we lost the Trinity being beaten with the North winde aforesaid and we had sight of her on munday the 24 wherewith we were all of vs greatly agrieued both Captaines Souldiers and Mariners because we saw we were left alone and our ship call Santa Agueda wherein we were was but badly conditioned and this grieued vs more then the trouble which we had with the boisterousnesse of the Sea imagining that if we should leese the Trinity or if any mishap should fall vnto vs we should not be able to follow our voyage according to our Captaines and our owne desire This said 24 day being munday we saw a Countrey with high mountaines toward the Northwest and it seemed that the land stretched on still forward whereat we exceedingly reioyced because we iudged that the lande grew alwayes broader and broader and that wee should meete with some speciall good thing Whereupon we desired that it would please God to send vs good weather for our voyage which hitherto we found alwayes contrary so that in 26 dayes we sayled not aboue 70 leagues and that with much trouble sometimes riding at anker and sometimes sayling and seeking the remedies and benefite of the shore to auoide perils In this Countrey which we discouered the 26 day we alwayes saw as I haue said along the shore and within the land goodly plaines without any tree in the midst wherof was a lake or gathering together of the Sea-water which to our iudgement was aboue 12 leagues in compasse and the sea-coast reached to the mountaines before mentioned And this day we saw our ship called the Trinitie which rode 2 leagues distant from vs which so soone as she saw vs set saile and we came together and reioyced greatly They brought vs great quantity of gray fishes and of another kinde for at the point of those mountaines they found a fishing which was very wonderfull for they suffered themselues to be taken by hand and they were so great that euery one had much adoe to finde roome to lay his fish in They found also on the said point a fountaine of fresh water which descended from those hilles and they told vs that at the same place they had found a narrow passage whereby the Sea entered into the said lake They comforted vs much with the report of these things and in telling vs that the lands trended to the West for the chiefe Pilot thought and the other Pilot was of the same opinion that we should finde a good Countrey This night we set saile to goe to that point to take in fresh water which we wanted and to see this lake and to put some men on shore and after midnight the winde came vpon vs so forcibly at the North that we could not stay there whereupon weâ— were constrained to put further into the Sea and returned the same way backe againe vnto thâ— shore with much adoe and came to an anker a great way short of the place from whence we were driuen and there we rode vntill Thursday at noone with this bitter North winde and on Friday about noone when we most thought it would haue ceased it beganne to increase againe which grieued vs not a little seeing the weather so contrary hoping alwayes that it would cease and that some winde would blow from the shore whereby we might recouer the point of land to take in fresh water and to search whether there were any people about that lake Here we lay from the 26 of the saide moneth till the 29 driuing vp and downe the Sea winding in by little and little vntill we had gotten vnder the shelter of those mountaines which being obtayned wee rode the sayd 29 of the moneth halfe a league from those wooddy mountaines which we had seene in the Sea We stayed in this place at our ease all the Sunday and Iuan Castilio the chiefe Pilot went that day in the bote on shore with seuen in his company and they landed neere the Sea and on a certaine low ground they found foure or fiue Indians Chichimecas of great stature and went toward them who fled away like Deere that had beene chased After this the Pilot went a little way along the Sea-shore and then returned to his boate and by that time he was entered thereinto he saw about fifteene Indians of great stature also with their bowes and arrowes which called vnto him with a loude and strong voice making signes with their bowes but the Pilot made no account of their gesture but rather returned to the shippes and declared what had passed betweene him and the Indians The same day the Captaine commaunded that our caske should be made readie against the next morning to take in water for in both the shippes there were about fiue and twentie buttes emptie The first of December and the second day in the morning the Captaine went with both the barkes on shore with some dozen souldiers and the greatest part of the Mariners which laboured in filling of water leauing in the shippes as many as were needefull and as soone as wee were come on shore at the watering place the Captaine caused the buttes to be taken out to the ende they might be filled with water and while they returned to fetch the barrels and hogsheads of the shippe the Captaine walked a turne or two vpon the shore for the space of one or two crossebow shoots and afterwarde we went vp to certaine of those mountaines to view the disposition of the countrey and in trueth we found it in that place very bad to our iudgement for it was very ragged full of woods and caues and so stonie that we had much adoe to goe Being come vnto the top we found certaine small hilles full of woods and cliffes that were not so craggie although very troublesome to climbe vp and while we looked from these little hilles we could not discerne any more mountaines but rather iudged that from that place
scarse a stones cast but the Indians were come vpon them to shoot at them with their arrowes and because they were vnaâ—med they would not fight with them hauing gone on shore for no other purpose but to sound the mouth and enterance of that lake On Thursday the 4 of December we set saile with a frâ—sh gale of winde and sayled some 8 or 10 leagues and came vnto certaine mouthes or inlets which seemed to all of vs as though they had beene Ilands and we entered into one of them and came into an hauen which we called Baya del Abad all inclosed and compassed with land being one of the fairest hauens that hath beene seene and about the same especially on both sides the lande was greene and goodly to behold we discryed certaine riuers on that part which seemed greene therefore we returned backe going out at that mouth wherby we came in alwayes hauing contrary wind yet the Pilots vsed their best indeuour to make way and we saw before vs certaine wooddy hils and beyond them certaine plaines this we saw from the Friday the 5 of the said moneth vntill the Tuesday which was the ninth As we drew neere to these woods they seemed very pleasant and there were goodly and large hilles and beyond them towardes the sea were certaine plaines and through all the countrey we saw these woods From the day before which was the Conception of our Lady we saw many great smokes whereat we much maruelled being of diuerse opinions among our selues whether those smokes were made by the inhabitants of the countrey or no. Ouer against these woods there fell euery night such a dew that euery morning when we rose the decke of the ship was so wet that vntill the sunne was a good height we alwaies made the decke durtie with going vpon it We rode ouer against these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set saile vntill Thursday about midnight when a cruell Northwest winde tooke vs which whither we would or no inforced vs to way our anker and it was so great that the ship Santa Agueda began to returne backe vntill her cable broke and the ship hulled and suddenly with a great gust the trinker and the mizâ—n were rent asunder the Northwest winde still growing more and more within a short while after the maine saile was rent with a mighty flaw of winde so that we were inforced both souldiers captaine and all of vs to doe our best indeuor to mend our sailes and the Trinitie was driuen to do the like for she going round vpon her anker when she came a-head of it her cable broke so that there we lost two ankers each ship one We went backe to seeke Baya del Abad for we were within 20 leagues of the same and this day we came within foure leagues of it and being not able to reach it by reason of contrary windes we rode vnder the lee of certaine mountaines and hilles which were bare and almost voide of grasse neere vnto a strand full of sandie hilles Neere vnto this road wee found a fishing-place vnder a point of land where hauing let downe our lead to see what ground was there a fish caught it in his mouth and began to draw it and he which held the sounding-lead crying and shewing his fellowes that it was caught that they might helpe him as soone as he had got it aboue the water tooke the fish and loosed the cord of the sounding-lead and threw it againe into the sea to see whether therâ— were any good depth and it was caught againe whereupon he began to cry for helpe and all of vs made a shout for ioy thus drawing the fish the rope of the sounding-lead being very great was crackt but at length we caught the fish which was very faire Here we stayed from Friday when we arriued there vntill the Munday when as it seemed good to our Captaine that we should repaire to the watering place from whence we were some sixe leagues distant to take in 12 buttes of water which wee had drunke and spent because he knew not whither we should from thencefoorth finde any water or no and though we should finde water it was doubtfull whither we should be able to take it by reason of the great tide that goeth vpon that coast We drewe neere to that place on Munday at night when as we sawe certaine fires of the Indians And on Tuesday morning our Generall commaunded that the Trinitie should come as neere our ship to the shore as it could that if we had neede they might helpe vs with their great ordinance and hauing made 3 or 4 bourds to draw neere the shore there came 4 or 5 Indians to the sea-side who stood and beheld while we put out our boat and anker marking also how our bwoy floated vpon the water and when our boat returned to the ship two of them leâ—pt into the sea and swamme vnto the bwoy and beheld it a great while then they tooke a cane of an arrow and tyed to the sayd bwoy a very faire and shining sea-oyster of pearles and then returneâ— to the shore neere to the watering-place Chap. 10 They giue vnto the Indians many trifles which stand vpon the shore to see them and seekâ— to parley with them by their interpreter which was a Chichimeco who could not vnderstand their language They go to take fresh water Francis Preciado spendeth the time with them with many signes and trucking and being afeard of their great multitude retireth himselfe wisely with his companions returning with safety to the ships WHen the Captaine and we beheld this we iudged these Indians to be peacable people whereupon the Captaine tooke the boat with 4 or 5 mariners carrying with him certain beades to truck and went to speake with them In the meane while he commanded the Indian interpreter our Châ—chimeco to be called out of the Admirall that he should parley with them And the Captaine come vnto the bâ—y and laid certaine things vpon it for exchange made siâ—nes vnto the Sauages to câ—me and take them and an Indian made signes vnto our men with his hands his armes and head that thâ—y vnderstood them not but signified that they should go aside Whereupon the Captaine deparâ—ed a smal distance from that place with his boat And they made signes againe that he should get him further whâ—reupon we departing a great way off the saide Indians leapâ— into the water came vnto the boy and tooke those beades and returnâ—d backe againe to land and â—hen came vnto the other three and all of them viâ—wing our things they gaue a bowe and certaine arrowes to an Indian and sâ—nt him awâ—y running with all haste on the shore and made signes vnto vs that they had sent word vnto their lord what things we had giuen them and that he would come thither Within a while after the said Indian returned running as he did before and
Cedars to discouer the same and to seeke water and wood They are assailed of the Indians and many of them wounded with stones but at length getting the vpper hand they goe to their cottages and ranging farther vp into the Iland they find diuerse things which the Indians in their flight had left behind them ON Friday the 13 of Ianuary the Captaine commanded vs to hoise out our boates and to goe on shore which was done accordingly and we did row along the shore for the space of a good halfe league and entered into a valley for as I said all this country was full of high and bare hils of such qualitie as I mentioned before and in this and other small valleys we found some water which was brackish and not farre from thence certaine cottages made of shrubs like vnto broome like wise we found the â—ootings of Indians both small and great whereat we much maruelled that in so rough and wilde a countrey as farre as we could discerne there should be people Here we stayed all day making foure or fiue pits to take in water which we wanted which though it were bad and in small quantitie we refused not and so the euening being come we returned to our boates and so came vnto our ships which rode a good league from the shore The next day being Wednesday the fourteenth of the said moneth our Generall commanded vs to set saile and we sailed about the said Iland on the same side which we coasted when we came from Nueua Espanna for when we arriued on the coast we saw fiue or sixe fires wherefore he desired to see and learne whether it were inhabited and at the farthest ende of this inlet or bay where we rode there came out before vs a Canoa wherein were foure Indians which came rowing with certaine small oares and came very neere vs to see what we were whereupon we tolde our Generall that it were best to send some of vs out with our boates to take these Indians or some one of them to giue them something that they might thinke vs to be good people but hee would not consent thereto because he minded not to stay hauing then a prety gale of winde whereby he might saile about this Iland hoping that afterward we might finde and take some others to speake with them and giue them what we would to carry on shore and as we sayled neere the land we saw a great hill full of goodly trees of the bignesse of the trees and Cypresses of Castile We found in this Iland the footing of wilde beasts and coâ—ies and saw a peece of pinetree-wood whereof we gathered that there was store of them in that countrey Thus sayling neere vnto the shore we sawe another Canoa comming toward vs with other foure Indians but it came not very neere vs and as we looked forward we sawe toward a point which was very neere before vs three other Canoas one at the head of the point among certaine flattes and the other two more into the sea that they might descry vs without comming ouer neere vs. Likewise betweene certaine hilles which were neere the point there appeared here three and there foure of them and afterward we saw a small troope of some twentie of them together so that all of vs reioyced greatly to behold them On this side the land shewed greene with pieces of plaine ground which was neere the sea and likewise all those coasts of hils shewed greene and were couered with many trees although they grew not very thicke together Here at euening we rode neere the shore hard vpon the said point to see if we could speake with those Indians and likewise to see if we could get fresh water which now we wanted and still as soone as we were come to an anker we saw the Indians shew themselues on land neere vnto their lodgings comming likewise to descry vs in a Canoa by sixe and seuen at a time whereat we maruelled because we neuer thought that one of those Canoas would hold so many men In this wise we stayed looking still what would be the successe and in the place where we rode we were two small leagues distant from the shore where we found these Indians in their Canoas whereupon wee maruelled not a little to see so great an alteration in so small a distance of countrey as well because we still discouered pleasant land with trees whereas on the other side of the isle there were none as also because it was so well peopled with Indians which had so many Canoas made of wood as we might discerne and not raftes or Balsas for so they call those floats which are made all flat with canes The next day being Thursday the fifteenth of the said moneth about breake of day foure or fiue Indians shewed themselues at the head of that point who as soone as they had spyed vs retired behind the point and hid themselues among the bushes vpon certaine small hilles that were there from whence they issued forth and couered all the greenehils and mountaines which were along that coast wherâ— upon we gathered that they had their dwellings there in regard of the coÌ„moditie of the water and the defence against ill weather and the benefite of fishing At sun-rising we saw the Indians appeare in greater companies going vp vnto the hilles in small troopes and from thence they stood and beheld vs. Immediatly we saw fiue or sixe Canoas come out into the sea a good distance from vs and those which were in them stood often on their tip-toes to view and descry vs the better On the other side we stirred not at all for all these their gestures but stood still riding at anker and the Generall seemed not to be very willing to take any of them but this day in the morning very â—arly commanded the Masters mate to conueigh him to our other shippe caâ—â—â—â— The Trinitie Things passed in this sort when about ten of the clocke we saw three Canoas lanth farre into the sea to fish very neere vnto vs whereat we tooke great pleasure At 12 of the clocke the Generall returned from the Trinitie and commanded the boat men to be made readie as well souldiers as mariners and that we should goe on shore to see if we could get any wood and water and catch one of those Indians to vnderstand their language if it were possible anâ— so all the men that were readie went into the Admirals boate and went toward the Trinitie which by this time with the other ship had a small gale of wâ—nde wherewith they entered farther within the point and we discouered the lodgings and houses of the Indians saw neere the waters side those fiue or sixe Canoas which at the first came out to view vs drawen on shore and ouer against this place the ships cast anker in 30 and 35 fadome water and we were very neere the land whereat we maruelled much to find so
great depth of water so neere the shore Being gone abord our botes we made toward the shore ouer against a village of the Indians who as soone as they saw vs about to come on laud left an hill whereon they stood to behold what we did came downe to the shore where we were prepared to come on land but before they came against vs they caused their women and children to fly into the mountaines with their goods then came directly towards vs threatning vs with certaine great staâ—es which they carried in their handes some 3 yardes long and thicker then a mans wrest but perceiuing that for all this we ceased not to come neere the sea shore to come on land they began to charge vs with stones and to fling cruelly at vs and they hit 4 or 5 men among whom they smote the Generall with two stones In the meane while the other bote landed a little beneath whereupon when they saw that they were forced to diuide themselues to keepe the rest of our company from comming on land they began to be discouraged and did not assaile the Generals boate so fiercely who began to cause his people to goe on shore with no small trouble for albeit he was neere the land yâ—â— as soone as they leape out of the boat they sunke downe because they could finde no fall footing and thus swimming or otherwise as they could first a souldier called Spinosa got on land and next to him the General and then some of the rest and began to make head against the Indians and they came hastily with those staues in their hands for other kinds of weapons we saw none sauing bowes and arrowes of pine-tree After a short combate they brake in pieces the targets of the Generall and of Spinosa In the meane while those of the other boat were gotten on land but not without much difficultie by reason of the multitude of stones which continually rained downe vpon them and they stroke Terazzo on the head a very shrowd blow and had it not bene for our targets many of vs had beene wounded and in great distresse although our enemies were but few in number In this maner all our company came on shore with swimming and with great difficultie and if they had not hoâ—pen one another some of them had bene drawned Thus we landed and within a while after those of the other bote were come on land the Indians be tooke themselues to flight taking their way toward the mountaines whether they had sent their women children and goods on the other side we pursued them one of those Indians which came to assaile the Generals boat was slaine vpon the strand two or three others were wounded and some said more While we pursued them in this maner our mastiue dogge Berecillo ouertooke one of them not farre from vs who because we were so wet could not run very fast and pulled him downe hauing bitten him cruelly and doubtlesse he had held him till we had come vnlesse it had happened that another of his companions had not followed that Indian which the dogge had pulled downe who with a staffe which he had in his hands gaue the dogge a cruell blow on the backe and without any staying drew his fellow along like a Deere and Berecillo was faine to leaue him for paine neither had he scarse taken the dogge off on him but the Indian got vp and fled so hastily towarde the mountaine that within a short while hee ouertooke his fellowe which had saued him from the pawes of the dogge who as it appeared betooke him Iustily to his heeles and thus they came vnto their fellowes which descended not downe to the shore being about some twentie and they were in all about fiftie or sixtie After we had breathed our selues a while we viewed their houses where they stood which were certaine cottages couered with shrubs like broome and rosemary with certaine stakes pight in the ground and the Generall willed vs to march all together without dispersing of our selues a little way vp those mountaines to see if there were any water and wood because we stood in great neede of them both And while we marched forward we saw in certaine little vallies the goods which the women had left there behind them in their flight for the Indians as soone as they saw vs pursue them ouertooke the women and for feare charged them to flie away with their children leauing their stuffe in this place We went vnto this booty and found good store of fresh-fish and dried fish and certaine bags containing aboue 28 pound weight full of dried fish ground to pouder and many seal-skins the most part dressed with a faire white graine vpon them and others very badly dressed There were also their instruments to fish withall as hookes made of the prickes of certaine shrubs and trees Here we tooke the said skins without leauing any one in the place and then we returned to the sea because it was â—ow night or at least very late and found our botes waiting for vs. Chap. 13. A description of the Canoas of the Indians of the I le of Cedars and how coasting the same to find fresh water they found some and desiring to take thereof they went on shore and were diuersly molested with the weapons of the Indians They christen an old Indian and returne vnto their ships THe Canoas which they had were certaine thicke trunkes of Cedars some of them of the â—hicknesse of two men and three fadome long being not made hollow at all but being laid along and fastened together they shoue them into the sea neither were they plained to any purpose for we found no kind of edge-toole sauing that there were certaine sharp stones which we found vpon certaine rockes that were very keene wherewith we supposed that they did cut flea those seales And neere the shore we found certaine water wherewith we filled certaine bottles made of the skins of those seales contayning ech of them aboue a great paile of water The next day our Generall commanded vs so set saile whereupon saâ—ling with a fresh gale about 2 leagues from the shore of this Iland trending about the same to see the end thereof and also to approch neere the firme land to informe our selues of the state thereof because we had seene 5 or 6 fires we compassed the same about for by this meanes we performed 2 or 3 good actions namely we returned to our right course and searched whether any riuer fell out of the coast of the firme land or whether there were any trees there or whether any store of Indians did shew themselues or no. In this maner proceeding on our way all the Friday being the 16 of Ianuary at euening and seeking to double the point of the Iland so fierce and contrary a Northren winde encountered vs that it draue vs backe that night ouer against the lodgings and
greene shrubs very pleasant to behold although there grew no trees there The situation shewed their length and breadth This day was little winde â—â— being in a manner calme to our no small griefe and the father frier Raimund sayd vs a drie masse and gaue vs ashes preaching vnto vs according to the time and state wherein we were with which sermon we were greatly comforted After noonetide we had contrary wind which still was our enemie in all our iourney at the least from the point of the port of Santa Cruz. Here we were constrained to anker in fiue fadome water and after wee rode at anker wee began to viewe the countrey and tooke delight in beholding how goodly and pleasant it was and neere vnto the sea wee iudged that wee saw a valley of white ground At euening so great a tempest came vpon vs of winde and raine that it was so fearefull and dangerous a thing that a greater cannot bee expressed for it had like to haue driuen vs vpon the shore and the chiefe Pilot cast out another great anker into the sea yet all would not serue for both these ankers could not stay the ship Whereupon all of vs cryed to God for mercy attending to see how he would dispose of vs who of his great goodnesse while we were in this danger vouchsafed a little to take the tempest and with great speede the chiefe Pilot commanded the mariners to turne the capsten and the Generall commanded and prayed all the souldiers to helpe to turne the capsten which they were nothing slow to performe and thus we beganne to weigh our ankers and in weighing of one which was farre greater â—hen the other the sea was so boisterous thaâ— it forced the capsten in such sorte that the men which were at it could not rule the same and iâ— strooke a Negro of the Generals such a blowe that it cast him downe along vpon the decke and did the like vnto another mariner and one of the barres strookâ— our fire-furnace so violently thaâ— it cast it ouer-boord into the sea Yet for all these troubles wee weighed our ankers and seâ— sayle and albeit we had great tempests at sea yet made wee no account thereof in respect of the ioy which we conceiued to see our selues â—reed of the perill of being cast on that shore with on ships especially seeing it fell out at midnight at which time no man could haue escaped but by meere myracle from God Wee sayled vp and downe the sea all Thursday and vntill Friday in the morning being thâ— fourteeneth day of February and the waues of the sea continually came raking ouer oâ—â— deckes At length on Saturday morning at breake of day we could finde no remedy against the contrary windes notwithstanding the Generall was very obstinate to haue vs keepe out at sea although it were very tempestuous least we should be driuen to put backe againe but not diligence nor remedie preuailed for the windes were so boysterous and so contrary that they could not he worse and the sea went still higher and swelled more and more and that in such forte that we greatly fâ—aâ—ed wee should all perish Whereupon the Pilot thought it our best course tâ— returne to the Isle of Cedars whither wee had repaired three or foure times before by reason of the selfe same contrary windes for wee tooke this Island for our father and mother although we receiued no other benefite thereby saue this onely namely to repaire thither in these necessities and to furnish our selues with water and with some small quantitie of fish Being therefore arriued at this Island and riding vnder the shelter thereof the contrary windes did alwayes blow very strongly and here we tooke water which we drunke and wood for our fewel and greatly desired that the windes would bee more fauourable for proceeding on our iourney And though we rode vnder the shelter of the Isle yet felt wee the great fury of those windes and the rage of the sea and our ships neuer ceased rolling At breake of day the twentieth of February wee found the cable of our Admirall cracked whereupon to our great griefe we were constrained to setsayle to fall downe lower the space of a league and the Trinitie came and rode in our company Chap. 15. They goe on land in the isle of Cedars and take diuers wilde beasts and refresh and solace themselues They are strangely tossed with the Northwest winde and seeking often to depart they are forced for the auoiding of many mischiefes to repaire thither againe for harbour THe two and twentieth of February being the second Sonday in Lent the General went on shore with the greatest part of his people and the friers neere vnto a valley which they sawe before them And hearing masse on land certaine souldiers and mariners with certaine dogges which we had in our company went into the said valley and we met with certaine deere whereof we tooke a female which was little but fat whose haire was liker the haire of a wild goat then of a deere and we found her not to be a perfect deere for she had foure dugs like vnto a cowe full of milke which made vs much to marueâ—le And after we had stayed off her skinne the flesh seemed more like the flesh of a goate then of a deere We killed likewise a gray conie in shape like vnto those of Nueua Espanna and another as blacke as heben-wood In the cottages at the shelter aboue where we brake our cable we found many pine-nuts opened which in mine opinion the Indians had gathered together to eate the kernels of them On Munday the 23 of the said moneth we rode at anker taking our pleasure and pastime with fishing And the Northwest winde began to blow which wared so great a little before midnight as it was wonderfull so that although we were vnder the shelter of the Island and greatly defended from that wind yet for all that it was so furious and the sea became so raging and boisterous that it greatly shook our ships and we were in great feare of breaking our cables whereof to say the trueth we had very much neede for hauing spent longer time in this voyage then we looked for wee had broken two and lost two of our best ankers This furious winde continued vntill the next day being Tewsday the 24 when as we went on shore with the friers who sayd vs masse recommending our selues to God beseeching him to vouchsafe to succour and help vs with some good weather that we might proceede on our voyage to the aduancement of his seruice And still the winds were so high and outragious that the deuill seemed to be loosed in the aire Whereupon the Pilots caused all the masts to be let downe least they should be shaken with the wind and tooke off all the shrowds and likewise caused the cabbens in the sterne to be taken away that the winds might haue more free passage for the
they stayed themselues and seeing this I drewe neerer the shore and they with great reyes came to keepe mee from the shore of the riuer making signes that I should not come any farther putting stakes in my way betweene the water and the sand and the more I lingered the more people still flocked together Which when I had considered I beganne to make them signes of peace and taking my sword and target I cast them downe in the boate and set my feete vpon them giuing them to vnderstand with this and other tokens that I desired not to haue warre with them and that they should doe the like Also I tooke a banner and cast it downe and I caused my company that were with mee to sit downe likewise and taking the wares of exchange which I carried with mee I called them to giue them some of them yet for all this none of them stirred to take any of them but rather flocked together and beganne to make a great murmuring among themselues and suddenly one came out from among them with a staffe wherein certayne shelles were set and entred into the water to giue them vnto mee and I tooke them and made signes vnto him that hee should come neere me which when he had done I imbraced him and gaue him in recompence certaine beades and other things and he returning with them vnto his fellowes began to looke vpon them and to parley together and within a while after many of them came toward me to whom I made signes to lay downe their banners and to leaue their weapons which they did inconâ—â—uently then I made signes that they should lay them altogether and should goe aside from them which like wise they did and they caused those Indians which newly came thither to leaue them and to lay them together with the rest After this I called them vnto me and to all them which came I gaue some smal trifle vsing them gently and by this time they were so many that came thronging about mee that I thought I could not stay any longer in safety among them and I made signes vnto them that they should withdraw themselues and that they should stand al vpon the side of an hill which was there betweene a plaine the riuer and that they should not presse to me aboue ten at a time And immediatly the most ancient among them called vnto them with a loud voyce willing them to do so and some ten or twelue of them came where I was whereupon seeing my selfe in some securitie I determined to goe on land the more to put them out of feare and for my more securitie I made signes vnto them to sit downe on the ground which they did but when they saw that ten or twelue of my companions came a shore after me they began to be angry and I made signes vnto them that we would be friends and that they should not feare herewithal they were pacified and sate down as they did before and I went vnto them imbraced themâ— giuing them certain trifles commanding mine interpreter to speake vnto them for I greatly desired to vnderstand their maner of speech and the cry which they made at mee And that I might knowe what maner of foode they had I made a signe vnto them that wee would gladly eate and they brought mee certaine cakes of Maiz and a loafe of Mizquiqui and they made signes vnto mee that they desired to see an harquebuse shotte off which I caused to be discharged and they were all wonderfully afraid except two or three olde men among them which were not mooued at all but rather cried out vpon the rest because they were afrayd and through the speach of one of these olde men they began to rise vp from the ground and to lay hold on their weapons whom when I sought to appease I would haue giuen him a silken girdle of diuers colours and hee in a great rage bitte his nether lippe cruelly and gaue mee a thumpe with his elbowe on the the brest and turned in a great furie to speake vnto his company After that I saw them aduance their banners I determined to returne my selfe gently to my boates and with a small gale of wind I set sayle whereby wee might breake the current which was very great although my company were not well pleased to goe any farther In the meane space the Indians came following vs along the shore of the riuer making signes that I should come on land and that they would giue mee food to eate some of them sucking their fingers and others entred into the water with certaine cakes of Maiz to giue me them in my boate Chap. 2. Of the habite armour and stature of the Indians A relation of many others with whom he had by signes traffique victuals and many courtesies IN this sort we went vp two leagues and I arriued neere a cliffe of an hill whereupon was an arboue made newly where they made signes vnto me crying that I should go thither shewing me the same with their handes and telling nice that there was meate to eate But I would not goe thither seeing the place was apt for some ambush but followed on my voyage within a while after issued out from thence aboue a thousand armed men with their bowes and arrowes and after that many women and children shewed themselues toward whom I would not goe but because the Sunne was almost set I rode in the middest of the riuer These Indians came decked after sundry fashions some came with a painting that couered their face all ouer some had their faces halfe couered but all be smouthed with cole and euery one as it liked him best Others carried visards before them of the same colour which had the shape of faces They weare on their heads a piece of a Deeres skinne two spannes broad set after the maner of a helmet and vpon it certaine small sticks with some sortes of fethers Their weapons were bowes and arrowes of hard wood and two or three sorts of maces of wood hardened in the fire This is a mightie people well feitured and without any grossenesse They haue holes bored in their nostrels whereat certaine pendents hang and others wearâ— shelles and their eares are full of holes whereon they haâ—g bones and shelles All of them both great and small weare a girdle about their waste made of diuerse colours and in the middle is fastened a round bunch of feathers which hangeth downe behind like a tayle Likewise on the drawne of their armes they weare a streit string which they wind so often about that it becommeth as broad as ones hand They weare certaine pieces of Deeres bones fastened to their armes werewith they strike off the sweate and at the other certaine small pipes of canes They carry also certaine little long bagges about an hand broade tyed to their left arme which serue them also in stead of brasers for their bowes full
commaundement Our Captaine replied that hee was in an Armada of the Queenes Maiesties of England and sent about other her affaires but driuen besides his pretended voyage was inforced by contrary windes to come into those parts where he hoped to finde such friendship as hee should doe in Spaine to the contrary whereof hee knewe no reason in that there was amitie betwixt their princes But seeing they would contrary to all reason go about to withstand his trafique he would it should not be said by him that hauing the force he hath to be driuen from his trafique perforce but he would rather put it in aduenture to try whether he or they should haue the better and therefore willed them to determine either to giue him licence to trade or else to stand to their owne harmes So vpon this it was determined hee should haue licence to trade but they would giue him such a price as was the one halfe lesse then he had sold for before and thus they sent word they would do and none otherwise and if it liked him not he might do what he would for they were not determined to deale otherwise with him Whereupon the captaine waying their vnconscionable request wrote to them a letter that they deaâ—t too rigorously with him to go about to cut his throte in the price of his coÌ„modities which were so reasonably rated as they could not by a great deale haue the like at any other mans handes But seeing they had sent him this to his supper hee would in the morning bring them as good a breakefast And therefore in the morning being the 21. of May hee shot off a whole Culuering to summon the towne and preparing one hundred men in armour went a shore hauing in his great boate two Faulcons of brasse and in the other boates double bases in their noses which being perceiued by the Townesmen they incontinent in battell aray with their drumme and ensigne displayed marched from the Towne to the sands of footemen to the number of an hundred and fiftie making great bragges with their cries and weauing vs a shore whereby they made a semblance to haue fought with vs in deed But our Captaine perceiuing them so bragge commanded the two Faulcons to be discharged at them which put them in no small feare to see as they afterward declared such great pieces in a boate At euery shot they fell flat to the ground and as wee approched neere vnto them they broke their aray and dispersed themselues so much for feare of the Ordinance that at last they went all away with their ensigne The horsemen also being about thirtie made as braue a shew as might be coursing vp and downe with their horses their braue white leather Targets in the one hand and their iauelings in the other as though they would haue receiued vs at our landing But when wee landed they gaue ground and consulted what they should doe for little they thought wee would haue landed so boldly and therefore as the Captaine was putting his men in aray and marched forward to haue encountred with them they sent a messenger on horsebarke with a flagge of â—rute to the Captaine who declared that the Treasurer marueiled what he meant to doe to come a shore in that order in consideration that they had granted to euery reasonable request that he did demaund but the Captaine not well contended with this messenger marched forwards The messenger prayed him to stay his men and saide if hee would come apart from his men the Treasurer would come and speake with him whereunto hee did agree to commune together The Captaine onely with his armour without weapon and the Treasurer on horsebacke with his iaueling was afraide to come neere him for feare of his armour which he said was worse then his weapon and so keeping aloofe communing together granted in fine to all his requests Which being declared by the Captaine to the company they desired to haue pledges for the performance of all things doubting that otherwise when they had made themselues stronger they would haue bene at defiance with vs and seeing that now they might haue what they would request they iudged it to be more wisedome to be in assurance thâ—n to be forced to make any more labours about it So vpon this gages were sent and we made our trafique quietly with them In the meane time while we stayed here wee watered a good breadth off from the shore where by the strength of the fresh water running into the Sea the salt water was made fresh In this Riuer we saw many Crocodile of sundry bignesses but some as bigge as a boate with 4. feete a long broad mouth and a long taile whose skinne is so hard that a sword wil not pierce it His nature is to liue out of the water as a fregge both but he is a great deuourer and spareth neither fish which is his common food nor beastes nor men if hee take them as the proofe thereof was knowen by a Negro who aâ— hee was filling water in the Riuer was by one of them caried cleane away and neuer seene after His nature is euer when hee would haue his prey to cry and sobbe like a Christian body to prouoke them to come to him and then hee snatcheth at them and thereupon came this prouerbe that is applied vnto women when they weepe Lachrymae Crocodili the meaning whereof is that as the Crocodile when hee crieth goeth then about most to deceiue so doeth a woman most commonly when she weepeth Of these the Master of the Iesus watched one and by the banks side stroke him with a pike of a bill in the side and after three or foure times turning in sight hee sunke downe and waâ— not afterward seene In the time of our being in the Riuers Guinie wee sawe many of a monstrous bignesse amongst the which the captaine being in one of the Barks comming downe the same shot a Faulcon at one which very narowly hee missed and with a feare hee plunged into the water making a streame like the way of a boate Now while we were here whether it were of a feare that the Spaniards doubted wee would haue done them some harme before we departed or for any treason that they intended towards vs I am not able to say but then came thither a Captaine from some of the other townes with a dozen souldiers vpon a time when our Captaine and the treasurer cleared al things betweene them and were in a communication of a debt of the gouernours of Burboroata which was to be payd by the said treasurer who would not answere the same by any meanes Whereupon certaine words of displeasure passed betwixt the Captaine and him and parting the one from the other the treasurer possibly doubting that our Captaine would perforce haue sought the same did immediately command his men to armes both horsemen and footemen but because the Captaine was in the Riuer on the backe side
their example against any other time of like occasion But because it may bee supposed that heerein wee forgette not the priuate benefite of our selues and are thereby the rather mooued to incline our selues to this composition wee doe therefore thinke good for the clearing of our selues of all such suspition to declare heereby that what part or portion soeuer it bee of this ransome or composition for Cartagena which should come vnto vs wee doe freely giue and bestowe the same wholy vpon the poore men who haue remayned with vs in the Uoyage meaning as well the Sayler as the Souldier wishing with all our hearts it were such or so much as might seeme a sufficient rewarde for their painefull indeuour And for the firme confirmation thereof we haue thought meete to subsigne these presents with our owne hands in the place and time aforesayd Captaine Christopher Carliell Lieutenant Generall Captaine Goring Captaine Sampson Captaine Powell c. But while wee were yet there it happened one day that our watch called the Centinell vpon the Church-steeple had discouered in the Sea a couple of small Barkes or Boates making in with the Harbour of Cartagena whereupon Captaine Moone and Captaine Varney with Iohn Grant the Master of the Tyger and some other Sea-men embarked themselues in a couple of small Pinnesses to take them before they should come nigh the shore at the mouth of the Harbour left by some stragling Spanyardes from the Lande they might bee warned by signes from comming in which sell out accordingly notwithstanding all the diligence that our men could vse for the Spanish Boates vpon the sight of our Pinnesses comming towardes them ranne themselues ashore and so their men presently hidde themselues in bushes hard by the Sea side amongst some others that had called them by signes thither Our men presently without any due regard had to the qualitie of the place and seeing no man of the Spanyards to shew themselues aboorded the Spanish Barkes or Boates and so standing all open in them were suddenly shotte at by a troope of Spanyardes out of the bushes by which volley of shotte there were slaine Captaine Varney which dyed presently and Captaine Moone who dyed some fewe dayes after besides some foure or fiue others that were hurt and so our folkes returned without their purpose not hauing any sufficient number of souldiers with them to fight on shore For those men they caryed were all Mariners to rowe few of them armed because they made account with their ordinance to haue taken the Barkes well enough at sea which they might full easily haue done without any losse at all if they had come in time to the harbour mouth before the Spaniards boates had gotten so neere the shore During our abode in this place as also at S. Domingo there passed diuers courtesies betweene vs and the Spaniards as feasting and vsing them with all kindnesse and fauour so as amongst others there came to see the Generall the Gouernour of Cartagena with the Bishop of the same and diuers other Gentlemen of the better sort This towne of Cartagena we touched in the out parts consumed much with fire as we had done S. Domingo vpon discontentments and for want of agreeing with vs in their first â—reaties touching their ransome which at the last was concluded between vs should be 100 and 10000 Ducats for that which was yet standing the Ducat valued at fiue shillings sixe pence sterling This towne though not halfe so bigge as S. Domingo giues as yon see a farre greater ransome being in very deede of farre more importance by reason of the excellencie of the Harbour and the situation thereof to serue the trade of Nombre de Dios and other places and is inhabited with farre more richer Merchants The other is chiefly inhabited with Lawyers and braue Gentlemen being the chiefe or highest appeale of their suites in law of all the Islands about it and of the maine land coast next vnto it And it is of no such accompt as Cartagena for these and some other like reasons which I could giue you ouer long to be now written The warning which this towne receiued of our comming towards them from S. Domingo by the space of twentie dayes before our arriuall here was cause that they had both fortified and euery way prepared for their best defence As also that they had caried and conueyed away all their treasure and principall substance The ransome of an hundred ten thousand Ducats thus concluded on as is aforesaid the same being written and expressing for nothing more then the towne of Cartagena vpon the payment of the sayd ransome we felt the said towne and drewe some part of our souldiers into the Priorie or Abbey standing a quarter of an English mile belowe the towne vpon the harbour water-side the same being walled with a wall of stone which we told the Spaniards was yet ours and not redeemed by their composition whereupon they finding the defect of their contract were contented to enter into another ransome for all places but specially for the sayde house as also the Blocke house or Castle which is vpon the mouth of the inner harbour And when wee asked as much for the one as for the other they yeelded to giue a thousand Crownes for the Abbey leauing vs to take our pleasure vpon the Blockehouse which they sayd they were not able to ransome hauing stretched themselues to the vttermost of their powers and therefore the sayd Blockehouse was by vs vndermined and so with gunne powder blowen vp in pieces While this latter contract was in making our whole Fleete of ships fell downe towards the harbour mouth where they anchored the third time and imployed their men in fetching of fresh water aboord the ships for our voyage homewards which water was had in a great wâ—ll that is in the Island by the harbour mouth which Island is a very pleasant place as hath bene seene hauing in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant fruites as the Orâ—nge trees and others being set orderly in walkes of great length together Insomuch as the whole Island being some two or three miles about is cast into grounds of gardening and orchards After sixe weekes abode in this place we put to sea the last of March where after two or three dayes a great ship which we had taken at S. Domingo and thereupon was called The new yeeres gift fell into a great leake being laden with ordinance hides and other spoyles and in the night she lost the company of our Fleete which being missed the next morning by the Generall hee cast about with the whole Fleete fearing some great mischance to bee happened vnto her as in very deede it so fell out for her leake was so great that her men were all tyred with pumping But at the last hauing found her the Barke Talbot in her company which stayed by great hap with her they were ready to take their men out
18 tun for the most part with tronnels and very few nailes As for tackling we made a voyage aboord the ship before the split and cut downe her shrowds and so we tackled our barke and rigged her In stead of pitch we made lime and mixed it with the oile of tortoises and assoone as the carpenters had calked I and another with ech of vs a small sticke in our hands did plaister the morter into the seames and being in April when it was warm and faire weather we could no sooner lay it on but it was dry and as hard as a stone In this moneth of April 1594 the weather being very hot we were afrayd our water should faile vs and therfore made the more haste away and at our departure we were constrained to make two great chests and calked them and stowed them on ech side of our maine mast and so put in our prouision of raine-water and 13 liue tortoises for our food for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland In the South part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs but they are so leane that you can not eat them by reason the Island is so barren but it yeeldeth great store of fowle fish and tortoises And to the Eastward of the Island are very good harbours so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land-locked without any danger with water enough Also in this Island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West Indies but that the place is subiect to foule weather as thundering lightning and raine but in April and part of May we had very faire and hot weather The 11 of May it pleased God to set vs cleere of the Island to the no little ioy of vs all after we had liued in the same almost the space of 5 moneths And the 20 of May we fell with the land nere to Cape Briton where we ran into a fresh water riuer whereof there be many and tooke in wood water and ballast And here the people of the countrey came vnto vs being clothed all in furs with the furred side vnto their skins brought with them furres of sundry sorts to sell besides great store of wild ducks so some of our company hauing saued some small beads bought some of their ducks Here we stayed not aboue foure houres and so departed This should seeme to be a very good countrey And we saw very fine champion ground and woods From this place we ranne for the banke of Newfoundland where as we met with diuers but none would take in a man of vs vntill it pleased God that wee met with a barke of Falmouth which receiued vs all for a little time and with her we tooke a French ship wherein I left capitan de la Barbotier my deere friend and all his company and stayed my selfe aboord the English barke and hauing passage in the same in the moneth of August I arriued at Falmouth 1594. A voyage of the honourable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley now knight to the Isle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria with his returne home by the Isles of Granata Santa Cruz Sant Iuan de puerto rico Mona Zacheo the shoalds called Abreojos and the isle of Bermuda In which voyage he and his company tooke and sunke nine Spanish ships wherof one was an armada of 600 tunnes Written at the request of M. Richard Hakluâ—t HAuing euer since I could conceiue of any thing bene delighted with the discoueries of nauigation I fostered in my selfe that disposition till I was of more yeres and better ability to vndertake such a matter To this purpose I called to me the aduise of sufficient seamen and principally vndertooke a voyage for the South seas but by reason that many before had miscaried in the same enterprise I could not be suffered to hazard more of her Maiesties subiects vpon so vncerteine a ground as my desire which made me by constraint great charges already by me defrayed to prepare another course for the West Indies without hope there to doe any thing woorth note and so common is it indeed to many as it is not woorth the registring Neuerthelesse I haue yeelded to your former importunity and sent you this my iournall to supply a vacant roome amongst your more important discourses Nowe being prouided for this last enterprize rather to see some practise and experience then any wonders or profice I weighed ancker from Southampton road the sixth of Nouember 1594. But the winde falling scant it was the 17. day of the same moneth before I could put into the Sea Upon this day my selfe in the Beare a shippe of 200. tunnes my Admirall and Captaine Munck in the Beares whelpe vice-admirall with two small pinnesses called the Frisking and the Earewig passed through the Needles and within two dayes after bare in with Plimmouth My busines at this port-towne dispatched I set saile whither againe by contrary winds to my great misfortune I was inforced to returne backe I might call it misfortune for by this meanes I vtterly for all the voyage lost my vice-admirall which was the cause likewise of loosing mine owne pinnesse which three were the principall stay of my voyage For at this last leauing of England in a storme I lost mine owne pinnesse as is be foresaid Notwithstanding all these crosses all alone I went wandering on my voyage sailing along the coast of Spaine within view of Cape Finister and Cape S. Vincent the North South capes of Spaine In which space hauing many chases I could meet with none but my couÌ„treymen or countreys friends Leauing these Spanish shores I directed my course the 14. of December towards the isles of the Canaries Here I lingered 12 dayes for two reasons The one in hope to meete my vice-admiral The other to get some vessel to remoue my pestered men into who being 140. almost in a ship of 200. tunnes there grew many sicke The first hope was frustrated because my vice-admiral was returned into England with two prizes The second expectation fell out to our great comfort for I tooke two very fine Carauels vnder the calmes of Tenerif and Palma which both refreshed and amended my company and made me a Fleete of 3. sailes In the one Carauel called The Intent I made Beniamin Wood Captaine in the other one Captaine Wentworth Thus cheared as a desolate traueller with the company of my small and newe erected Fleete I continued my purpose for the West Indies and first for Cape Blanco in Africa vpon the deserts of Libya My last hope was to meete my lost ship and withall to renue my victuals vpon the Canthers which are Portugal fishermen but the Canthers had bene so frighted by Frenchmen as I could get none Riding vnder this White Cape two daies and walking on shore to view the countrey I found it a waste desolate barren and sandie place the sand running in drifts like snow and being very
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â— degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ— then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and â—yeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâ—ut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ— thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile â—nd thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steâ—rage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare â—ot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâ—de of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
currents Remember that when you see one league before you a Rocke and a Shoald that hath vpon it but 2. fathomes water and your marke if you come out of the sea is an Hill and the Hil is not very hie it standeth East and West and vpon it are some little risings and they are not very high and vpon these risings stand two round homocks close together you shall see the Teates of Hauana To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca the markes are these A little to the Westward one league you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken and that broken Hill is ouer tâ—â— Harbour of Xaroca and then a little more to the Westward a league there is another broken Hill And you shall see that North and South from these broken hits is a Flat off And from that to Hauana is 7. leagues and it is all cleane ground and you may goe along the shore till you come to Hauana To know the harbour of Hauana you shall see before you come at it one litle rocke of stone not very hie and smooth toward the sea vpon the rocke standeth a litle white tower wherein they keepe watch And then if you haue the winde large you shall see the harbour open and then you may beare in with it Your shippe being of great burthen when you are within then keepe on the West side â—ecâ—â—se on the East side on the West end of the Rocke aforesayde there lieth a ledge to the Westward which hath but three or foure fathoms ½ vpon it If your ship be of small burthen you may run along the weather shore vntill you come right against the Castle and then halfe the Bay ouer you may come to an anchor How to worke comming through the olde Chanell if you be not minded to goe ouer the Pracellas or shoalds If you will come through the olde Chanel when you come as hie as the Shoalds comming vpon your course from the Caio de Moa as I told you keepe 2. leagues from the Pracel or shoald and then set our course West vnto the low islands of the Firme land And vpon this course you shal kea the Flats on the point of Caio Romano and within it is one Flat higher then the other and smooth vpon and in the middest it maketh as it were broken land and when you are in the chanel in the day time you must take heede you come not neere the shore by 2. leagues and by your sounding no neerer then 3. fathoms And you must take heede stil when y e night commeth to keepe 2. or three leagues off for feare of the shoalds And in the night you must goe Northwest as is aforesaid And also you must take heed that you keepe in the middle of the chanel as nere as you can toward the shoald And finding much wind being benighted from midnight till day stirre West Northwest and when it is towards day then you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid And as you stirre hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the inwards of the Chanell you shall see the firme land of Cuba and other markes and among the rest around hamocke which you may easily know It is called Alcane de Barasoga And from thence to Sauano and to Basquo is 6. leagues and likewise Hauana 6. leagues And from thence to crosse vnder the Fort is 45. leagues And stirre hence vpon your course aforesaid And if you haue gone from Barasoga 30. leagues you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala And giue them a bredth off two or three leagues and keepe your course West Northwest as aforesayd vntill it be day and presently you may edge round to the Flats And thus stirring keepe your course vntill you see the hilles of Camaloqua And looke that when you come from Caio de Moa along the Pracel or shoald by night close by it you shall not see what land it is till it be day and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesayd vntill you see the shoald and in seeing it you may stirre on your course as is aboue menâ—ioned vntill you come to Hauana For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano when you are North and South with the point of Mance you shall stirre thence West Northwest vntil you thinke you be Northeast and Southwest with the hill of Hama And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stirre Northwest and by West and vpon this course you may be bolde to see Caio Romano And the marke of this Flat is that it maketh an hie land and smooth vpon the top and in the middest of it it sheweth as it were broken And when you come to it you must take heede you come not neere it by 2. leagues because it is sowle And looke that you bring not your selfe too neere the hill of Hama by night For you must take heede of Caio Romano to keepe off it vntill Morning in the Morning you may goe your course vntill you see it and then set your course as is abouesaid A principal ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries the small Isles called Las Antillas along the South parts of the Isles of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Hispaniola and Cuba and from Cabo de Corrientes or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the litle Isles called Los Alacranes to the port of S. Iuan de Vllua in Nueâ—a Espanna and the course from thence backe againe by Hauana and through the Chanell of Bahama to Spaine together with the speciall markes of all the Capes Islands and other places by the way and a briefe declaration of their latitudes and longitudes IF you depart from the barre of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West Indias in the Summer time you must stirre a way Southwest vntill you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga vpon the Isle of Tenerif But if your departure be from the sayd barre in the Winter you must stirre away Southwest and by South vntill you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Babarie the markes and signes whereof be these following The markes to know Cape Canâ—in CApe Cantin is a lowe Câ—pe and small to the sea-ward and maketh a snowt like the nose of a galley and hath vpon the tâ—p of the poynt a Heath or shrubby place and on the toppe thereof staâ—d two homocks that to the sea-ward being higher then the other but that on the Souther side sheweth like a tower and this Cape is in 32. degrees and ½ And he that wil seeke from this Cape to discouer Punta de Naga beforesayd must stirre away Southwest and by West
it it will make all a whole land Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona If you will seeke Mona fro Cape roxo you must stirre away West and by North. Markes of the Isle of Mona THe Isle of Mona is a low round and smooth Island lying lowe by the sea and full of treesâ— and to goe from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stirre away West and if you fall with it in the night season and come any thing neere the land then stirre away West and by South vntill it be neere day that you may keepe your selfe by the land and if so be that in the Morning you see it not then stirre away Northwest and so shall you finde it and if it be faire weather and you perceiue that the current hath set you to the Southwest then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you goe cleare off the land Markes of the Isle of Saona IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona it is an Island smooth with the sea and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and you shall see the trees before you see the Island and on the Southwest end of this Island appeareth a great high banke of white sand which is called the head of Saonaâ— And if you would come to an anchor you may for all is cleare ground And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina you must stirre away Norhtwest Markes of the Isle of Santa Catelina SAnta Catelina is a litle lowe Island all full of low rockes euen from the water and hath not any trees and it is close by the land and if you doe not run along the coast of Hispaniola you shall not see it and from the Island to goe to Saint Domingo you shall sayle along as the land lyeth West anâ— by North and before you come to the point called Causedo you shall see certaine holes in rockes which lye alongst as the rocks doe that cast vp the water which will shew like to the spâ—uting of Whales And a litle ahead off that you shall see the point of Andresa and ahead thereof the poynt of Causedo This poynt of Causedo lyeth lowe close by the water and passing thereby the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues And if the winde chop vp at North vpon you by meanes whereof you should be cast oâ—f from the coast or Port and that you happen to see the olde Mines called Siâ—â—ras de las minas viejas beare Northwest off you and The reates which are within the land be open of you then shal you be North and South with the harbâ—ur and if The old Mines beare North off you then shall you be below the harbour Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueua Espanna IF you will sayle from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueua Espanna stirre away Southsouthwest vntil you come vp as farre as the point of Niçao and from thence stirre away Westsouthwest and so you shall finde the Isle of Beaâ—a And if you saile from this point of Niçao for Ocoa you must passe along the coast West and by North vntill you come to Puerto Hermoso or The beautifull hauen which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo and if you proceede from Puerto Hermoso for Nueua Espanna you must stirre away Southsouthwest vntill you looke out for Beata and Alto velo Markes of the Isle of Beata BEata is a small Island and not very high you may passe along the outside thereof and there is no danger but that you may see and by and by you shall raise Alto velo and from thence you muâ—t stirre away West and by South to giue a birth from the Islands called Los Frailes or The Friers And when you are as farre ahead as the Frailes then must you stirre away West and by North and so shall you goe right with Bacoa and before you come to it you shall see high craggie cliffes and at the descending of them white paths like great sheetes these high craggie mountaines are called Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the sayde point of Bacoa you shall discouer a little lowe Island euen with the Sea and full of trees which is called Isla Baque Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon IF you will goe from the Island Baque or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon or to the isle of Nauaza you must stirre away Westnorthwest and edge in somewhat to the Northwest and you shall passe betweene Nauaza and Cape Tiburon Markes of Cape Tiburon which is the Western cape of Hispaniola CApe Tiburon lyeth sliding downe to the Seaward and maketh a sharpe cliffe like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish and vpon the top thereof it appeareth like white wayes with certaine gullets or draines vpon it which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountaine in the Winter time Markes of the Isle of Nauaza NAuaza is a litle round Island full of low trees or shrubs and it lyeth East and West from Cape Tiburon and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre or The mountaines or mines of Copper vpon the Southeast part of Cuba you must stirre away Northnorthwest Directions from Cape Tibuâ—on to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba IF you will saile from Cape Tibuâ—on to Cape de Cruz in Cuba you must stirre away Northwest and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines de Cobre and from thence you may goe along the coast West towardes Cabo de Cruz and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarquiâ—â— and from this Tarquino you shall haue to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues and this great Tarquino is the highest land vpon all that coast and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino from whence to the foresayd Cape you haue 12. leagues and â—o shall you goe discouering the coast vntill you come to Cabo de Cruz. Markes of Cabo de Cruz. CApe de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs and from thence Westward you shall see no landâ— for the distance or bay is great between the sayd Cape and thâ— Isles called Los Iardines Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos IF you sayle from Cape de Cruz to seeke the Island of Pinos you must stir away Westnorthwest And note that if in this course you happen to sounde doe not feare for you haue nine fathoms If also going this course you meete with certaine little Islands vpon the larboord side which are called The Caimanes or The crocodiles hauing sight of them â—â—ir away Northwest and so shall you finde the Island of Pinos And if by seeing the sayde Islands called Caimanes you are amazed you shall knowe by the latitude whither they â—ee The Iardines or no for if you finde your selfe in one and twentie degrees then bee you
suâ—e they are The Iardines and then stir out againe South till you bee cleare of them and when you haue brought them North of you then may you stirre away West if it bee by day if it bee bynight West and by South till you see the Island of Pinos The markes of Isla de Pinos THe Island of Pinos stretcheth it selfe East and West and it is full of homocks and if you chance to see it at full sea it will shewe like 3. Islands as though there weâ—e diuers soundes betweene them and that in the midst is the greatest and in rowing with them it will make all a firme lande and vpon the East side of these three homocks it will iâ—â—we all ragged and on the West side of them will appeare vnto you a lowe point euen with the sea and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discerne the point Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes IF you saile from the foresayde Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes stir away West and by North and before you come to the sayd Cape vpon the Northside of you you shall see certâ—ine mountaines all full of homocks which are called Las Sierras de Guanaguaâ—ico and that vpon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other Markes of Cape de Corrientes CApe de Corrientes is a lowe Cape though not so low as the other part of the land that lyeth along by it for it is more lowe and hath vpon it 4. or 5. great splats like vnto oxen and the very point of the Cape is all white sand and from thence Westward you shall discerne no lande for it maketh a great bay and from hence you must saile to Cape de Sant Anton. Markes of Cape de Sant Anton. THe cape of Sant Anton is lowe by the sea and all full of shrubs or trees and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water and if you want water there you may water and vpon the North side of the said Cape you shall discerne a palme tree higher then the rest of the trees and it sheweth round like a bowle at the top like to the top of a ship and North from the Cape are certaine sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueua Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you will sayle from Cape Sant Anton to Nueua Espanna with a North winde then stirre away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees and then sound vpon the pracel or flat and if you see by this direction that you holde water then stir away Northwest vntill you lose the ground and then follow your course againe vntill you haue brought your selfe into 24. degrees and ½ and then saile West vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the Isle Veâ—meja or The red Isle then stir away Southwest and by this way you shall finde Villa rica on the coast of Nueua Espanna And if by going this course you be in 19. degrees and ½ and chance not to see the lande then stir away West vntill you see Villa rica and from thence saile you South for the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua and if you should be neere the land you must stir South and by West towardes the same harbour And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to beare west by South from you then know that the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua shal be East and west off you Markes of Villa rica VIlla rica standeth in 19. degres and ½ and the signes thereof are certaine high hilles full of homocks of many heads which haue on the top of theÌ„ certain white patches after the maner of white beaten wayes and these hils lie Northeast and Southwest And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hils of S. Martin wet your lead or sound and if you finde bottome they are the Sierras of Villa rica and saile you to the landward and looke by how much you come neerer the land so much will they seeme lower vnto you but so doe not the hilles of S. Martin for the neerer you come to them the higher will they appeare to you and likewise if they â—e the hilles of Sâ— Martin you shall not finde bottome but euen at land it selfe Markes of Rio de las palmas and of the riuer of mountaines called Rio de las montannas IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas or The riuer of palmes or els with the riuer of Mountaines it is all of plaine lande and full of trees and certaine woodie homocks and among them certaine heapes of saâ—d and all this along by the sea side and if you went by land to the riuer of Panuco you shall haue many mouthes or openings of plaias or strands where also are many lizas or oazy places which â—â—retch to Rio Hermoso You must beware what part soeuer you happen of this coast to fall withall to discouer it and although you knowe it you must sound the depth because if the windes bee Easterly the current setteth there much to the North but if you should be 40. leagues at sea then this current setteth to the Northeast Markes of Rio Hermoso or The beautifull riuer IF you wil seeke the riuer talled Rio Hermoso looking well within the land you shal see three homocks of an high hill and those two which are to the landward within are rounder theÌ„ the other which is neerest the sea for that it is longer and bigger and lyeth North and South and you shall bâ— 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them and they are called The sierraâ— or mountaines of Tamaclipa and from thence to the riuer of Panuco there is no high land but all lowe and euen with the sea and full of palme trees and other trees Markes of the riuer of Panucâ— IF you fall with the riuer of Panuco betweene which and the foresayde Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seales the markes bee these From the mouth of the riuer it maketh a great day without and at the ende of this bay vpon the Northside there is oazy low and bare ground altogether without trees and at the out ende of the oazy lowe place vpon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head and when you see the aforesayde cliffe you shall bee in the opening of the mouth of the sayd riuer and then shall you see a little low tower hauing on the top of it a crosse which the fishermen call Marien and this barre hath on it 2. fathom waterâ— and 2. and ½ and you neede not to stay for the tyde for that it floweth not there and that you may the better knowe whether you bee in this bay
this that by how much you come neerer them so much the higher will they shewe vnto you neither shall you finde any bottome till you bee at the very shoare The course from Roca partida or The clouen rocke to S. Iuan de Vllua IF you depart from Roca partida or The clouen rocke for Sant Iuan de Vllua you must stir away Westnorthwest and so shall you fetch or fall with the point of Anton Miliarco and if you happen to sound vpon The sunken rocks called Cabe ças anegadas you shall haue black sand and 17. fathom water and you shall bee but a league from the land and if you bee 2. leagues from the land you shall haue 34. fathoms The course from Sant Iuan de Vllua in the bay of Mexico to Spaine in Europe IF you depart from S. Iuan de Vllua to Hauana you must stir away Northeast vntill you bring your selfe in 25. degrees and from thence you must stir away East from the little Islands called Las Tortugas vntill you haue the sounding of them and if you finde white sande very small you shall bee East and West with them and if your sounding bee shellie ground and perwinkles or small shelles or skales then shall you be Northeast and Southwest and the shelles or skales must bee red and if at some time you take vp blacke sande then are you North and South with the sayd Tortugas Markes of The Tortugas IF you chance to fall with The Tortugas they are 5. or 6. little Islands of white sand lowe and close by the sea sauing one which hath on it some shrubs or bushes of trees and they are in 25. degrees The course from The Tortugas toward Hauana IF you depart from The Tortugas towards Hauana with a fresh winde you must stir away Southwest and if it be faire weather and a small gale of winde then stir South that the current may not draw you in nor set you too much to the Westward and if you fall with Los Organos they are a ranke of high and low hilles with many sharpe heads like vnto Organ pipes and at the entring thereof on the South side is Rio de puercos or The riuer of hogs and at the surther â—â—de is the deepe bay called Baya honda and there is the round loafe or heape called El pan de baya honda that is to say The loafe of the deepe bay and from this place vntill you come to Cape de S. Anton all is sholdes and flats 4. or 5. leagues into the sea euen as farre as the sayde Cape and from Baya honda or The deepe bay to Hauana all the coast is full of high and lowe hilles which they call La Quadrilla de sierras which is as much to say as A companie of hilles together like souldiers on a heape and more to the Eastward you shall descry an high hill which is called El pan de Cabannas And if you fall with Hauana you shall see on the Southwest side an hill called La meza de Marien or The Table of Marien and if it be cleare you shall see lower to the Westwarde the heape or loafe that is called El pan de Cabannas You must note that about Hauana it is all lowe land euen with the sea till you come to Mesa de Marien and then looke well within the lande and you shall see 2. little round trees like to the teaâ—es of womens breasts and bringing your selfe North and South you shall be with the harborough of Hauana and then shall you soone perceiue the tower that is vpon the cliffes of Hauana Markes of the hauen or port called Puerto de Marien PVerto de Marien is a harbour that you may enter into without any danger or feare but at the entrance thereof you must borrow on the West side by reason of the rockes and shelues and when you are within then borrow on the East shoare and leaue the other side and so shall you enter safe and from this place to Hauana is all lowe lande Note that if you ouerpasse the harborough of Hauana to the Eastward or if the current hath set you past it by meanes of calmes then shall you perceiue at full sea vpon the coast certaine broken places like the enterances of harbours because the lande is lowe and comming neere the shoare you shall see in some places of the coast Playas or strandes of sande which shew like vnto Chipiona and looking Eastward along the sea coast you shall see a round loafe which is called Elpon de Matanças and also you shall perceiue in certaine places round white heapes of sande called Barrancas along the coast close by the lande for the current runneth very swift in the chanell and there is no feare but of that which you may see for all the coast is cleane ground The course from Hauana to Spaine IF you will saile from Hauana to Spaine you must stirre away Northeast till you come to the head of The Martires called La Cabeça de los Martires If it chance before you come to the said head that the winde should chop vp at North on you then stand to the Eastward vntill you bring your selfe as farre ahead as Matanças then cast about to the West to discouer the lande of The Martires or of Florida that the current may not set you on The Mimbres and if by chance you see The Pan de Matanças at ful sea it hath these markes following It is a round heape or loafe and high withall and on the Westerne side thereof appeareth a rocke like to the head of a Tortoise and betweene this Pan and the hilles of Seluco there will appeare vnto you a great broken lande like as it were sunken places and vpon the East side of this Pan toward Punta de los Puercos it is all lowe lande and you shall see no high lande as all and being so farre shot that this Pan de Matanças shall beare Westnorthwest and Southsoutheast off you and being desirous also to auoyde the furie of the current of the chanell of Bahama stir away Northnortheast and by this course you shall passe the chanell and win the coast of Florida Markes of the head of The Martires called Cabeza de los Martires THe head of The Martires are three heapes of white sande full of trees and that in the midst hath on the top a crowne as it were of white sande and is higher and bigger then the other two and to know whether you be entred into the chanell marke well how the coast lyeth off you and if you perceiue that the coast beareth off you East and West you are not in the chanell but if the coast should beare off you Northeast and Southwest then are you in the chanell and taking your heigth you shall know for if you finde your selfe in 24. degrees and ½ then are you East and West with
de Cruz to Hauana if it be by day stir away West Northwest but if it be by night then stir a point more to the Westward and if in this course you chance to see the Parcell feare not for in the lowest water there are sixe fathomes then cast about to the Southwestward to get out about two glasses and then stir away Westnorthwest vntill it be day and so shall you goe by the Cayos and in this course you must keepe twentie foure leagues or thereabout And from this Cayo de Cruz sixe or seuen leagues lyeth another Cayo vpon the Northeast and by North which is great and white and all euen But the point on the Southwest is smaller and vpon the said point is a shrub or bush which sheweth like a saile also there is a banke of white sand along by the sea-side which in the middest thereof maketh a cliff full of trees that seemeth like a sadle and vpon the Northeast side for on this maner the coast lyeth along from the Cape going by the chanell you shal see certaine hilles eighteene or twentie leagues long lying Northeast and Southwest being all saddle-like and bringing the poynt Southwest off you you shall be in the middest of the chanell and from thence you haue as farre to Matanças as to Cayo Romano Likewise from thence on the side of Hauana you shall see certaine hilles which shewe to be three and ly Northeast and Southwest and that on the Southwest is highest they are called Las Sierras de Guana and North and South from them lyeth a flat which is called Cayo de Nicola which stretched out two leagues into the Sea and in the middle of the sayde flatte there is a little Island of white sand and from thence you must sayle to Cruz del Padre Markes of Cruz del Padre CRuz del Padre is a Cape all broken in pieces and from thence you must stir away Northeast because of the Bay that is there called the Bay of Conell and this Bay stretcheth to the Bay of Caos which is within 20 leagues of the sayd point and then stir away West Northwest to goe with the Port of Matanças and with the hilles of Camoniaca Markes of the hilles of Camoniaca THe hilles of Camoniaca ly Northwest and Southeast and the Southeast side is lowe land and euen also vpon the Northeast side it is euen land and runneth towards the Bay of Matanças and in the middle of these hilles there is one high hill and vpon the Northeast side there appeareth a round heape and if you see this hill at West Southwest the Pau or round heape of Matanças will beare off you West and by South Markes of the round hill called El pan de Matanças THis Pan is a round heape standing on a lowe land ◠and if you bring your selfe North and South with it it will make you two saddles and on the West side it maketh a great parted lande as it were sinking with the sea Note that wheresoeuer you shall goe to seeke the Tortugas and shall come with the coast and finde it beare off you Northeast and Southwest I aduise you to goe along the coast to the Southwestward you may not deepen more then fortie fiue fathomes for if you doe you shall cast your selfe without the Tortugas Also you must note that if by chance you finde your selfe shotte betweene the Tortugas and the Martyres and that you cannot goe on the out-side of the sayde Tortugas then cause one to goe to the top to see if you can descry them and if you cannot see them stir away Southwest vntill you see them and hauing gotten sight of them sounde and you shall finde eighteene or nineteene fathomes and so sholding stir away South and by West and goe by this course And feare you not the sholding for you shall meete with 12 fathoms and shall haue blacke sand in your sounding And going neerer to the ende of the said Tortugas for hee that is on the toppe shall see them all as you passe by you shall finde but eight fathomes and stony ground and that is the sholdest water you shall haue And you shall passe by a bustling of a tyde that shoules out of the chanel that way but you neede not feare any thing for you shall haue no lesse then eight fathome water and being past the said bustling but a minion shot you shal loose the ground and be in the chanell An aduertizment VVHen you shall passe this course goe not out of sight of the Tortugas And if you will goe from thence to Hauana hauing a faire winde stir away Southwest because the current may not set you off and if with a fresh winde and Northerly then stir away Southerly Here follow the latitudes of the headlandes Capes and Islands as well of Madera The Canaries and the West Indies as of the Açores and the Isles of Cabo Verde  Degrees of latitude THe island called Puerto santo standeth in 33 The isle Madera standeth in 32½ The isle Saluaja in 30 The isle of Alagrança in 29½ The isle of Fuerte ventura in 28½ The Grand Canaria in 28½ The isle of Palma and the point called Punta de Naga in Teneris in 28½ The isle of Gomera in 27½ The latitudes of the Islands of the VVest Indies  Degrees of latitude The island of Fonçeca standeth in 11¼ The isle Tabago in skant 11 The Barbudos in 13 The isle of Trinidad vpon the North side in 10 The isle of Granata in 11¼ The isle of Sant Vincent in 12 The isle of santa Lucia in 12¾ The isle of Dominica in 14 The isle of Matalina or Martinino in 14½ The isle of Marigalante in 15 The isle of Deseada in 15½ The isle of Monserate in 16 The isle called La Antigua in 17 The isle called La Baruada in 17 The isle of S. Bartholomew in 17 The isle of S. Martin in 17½ The isle called La Anguilla in skant 18 The isle of Sombrero in 18½ The isle Anegada in 18⅔ The isle called La isla de Avez in 15½ The isles called Las Virgines in 18 The isle of Santa Cruz in 17 The isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico  On the North side in 18½ On the South side in 17 2 4 Cape del Enganno vpon the East part of Hispaniola in 18½ The point of the isle of Saona in 17½ The Cape called Punta de Nicao neere S. Domingo in Hispaniola in 17½ The isle Beata on the South side of Hispaniola in 17 The point of Bacao on the South side of Hispaniola in 17½ Cape Tiburon vpon the West part of Hispaniola and the isle of Nauaza in 18⅓ The isle of Iamaica  On the South side in 17¼ On the North side in 18½ Cape de Cruz on the South side of Cuba in 20 The 3 Isles called Caimanes or Crocodiles South of Cuba in 19¼ The dangerous isles called Los Iardines South of Cuba
euery part of the Riuer so as we incamped vpon the bankes adioyning and sent off our Orenequepone which came with vs from Morequito to giue knowledge to the nations vpon the Riuer of our being there and that wee desired to see the Lordes of Canuria which dwelt within the prouince vpon that Riuer making them know that we were enemies to the Spaniards for it was on this Riuer side that Morequito slewe the Frier and those nine Spaniards which came from Manoa the Citie of Inga and tooke from them fourtie thousande pezos of golde so as the next day there came downe a Lord or Casique called Wanuretona with many people with him and brought all store of prouisions to entertaine vs as the rest had done And as I had before made my comming knowen to Topiawari so did I acquaint this Casique therewith and howe I was sent by her Maiestie for the purpose aforesaide and gathered also what I could of him touâ—hing the estate of Guiana and I founde that those also of Caroli were not onely enemies to the Spaniards but most of all to the Epuremei which abound in golde and by this Wanuretona I had knowledge that on the head of this Riuer were three mighty nations which were seated on a great lake from whence this Riuer descended were called Cassipagotos Eparagotos and Arawagotos and that all those either against the Spaniards or the Epuremei would ioyne with vs and that if wee entred the land ouer the mountaines of Curaa we should satisfie our selues with gold and all other good things he told vs farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri before spoken off that held dayly warre with the Epuremei that inhabited Macureguarai the first ciuill towne of Guiana of the subiects of Inga the Emperour Upon this riuer one Captaine George that I tooke with Berâ—eo colde mee there was a great siluer Mine and that it was neere the banckes of the saide riuer But by this time as well Orenoque Caroli as all the rest of the riuers were risen foure or fiue foote in height so as it was not possible by the strength of any men or with any boat whatsoeuer to rowe into the Riuer against the streame I therefore sent Captaine Thyn Captaine Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gylbert my cosen Butshead Gorges Captaine Clarke and some thirtie shotte more to coast the Riuer by land and to goe to a towne some twentie miles ouer the valley called Amnatapoi and they found guides there to goe farther towards the mountaine foote to another great towne called Capurepana belonging to a Casique called Haharacoa that was a nephew to olde Topiawari King of Arromaia our chiefest friend because this towne and prouince of Capurepana adioyned to Macureguarai which was a frontier towne of the Empire and the meane while my selfe with Captaine Gifford Captaine Calfield Edward Hancocke and some halfe a dosen shotte marched ouer land to viewe the strange ouerfals of the riuer of Caroli which rored so farre off and also to see the plaines adioyning and the rest of the prouince of Canuri I sent also Captaine Whiddon William Connecke and some eight shotte with them to see if they coulde finde any Minerall stone alongst the riuer side When we were come to the tops of the first hilles of the plaines adioyning to the riuer we behelde that wonderfull breach of waters which ranne downe Caroli and might from the mountaine see the riuer howe it ranne in three parts aboue twentie miles off and there appeared some tenne or twelue ouerfals in sight euery one as high ouer the other as a Church-tower which fell with that fury that the rebound of water made it seeme as if it had bene all couered ouer with a great shower of raine and in some places wee tooke it at the first for a smoke that had risen ouer some great towne For mine owne part I was well perswaded from thence to haue returned being a very ill footeman but the rest were all so desirous to goe neere the saide strange thunder of waters as they drew me on by little and little till wee came into the next valley where we might better discerne the same I neuer saw a more beautifull countrey nor more liuely prospects hils so raised here and there ouer the valleys the riuer winding into diuers branches the plaines adioyning without bush or stubble all faire greene grasse the ground of hard sand easie to march on either for horse or foote the deere crossing in euery path the birdes towards the euening singing on euery tree with a thousand seuerall tunes cranes and herons of white crimson and carnation pearching in the riuers side the aire fresh with a gentle Easterly winde and euery stone that we stouped to take vp promised either golde or siluer by his complexion Your Lordship shall see of many sorts and I hope some of them cannot bee bettered vnder the Sunne and yet we had no meanes but with our daggers and fiâ—gers to teare them out here and there the rockes being most hard of that minerall Sparre aforesaide which is like a flint and is altogether as hard or harder and besides the veines lye a fathome or two deepe in the rockes But we wanted all things requisite saue onely our desires and good will to haue performed more if it had pleased God To be short when both our companies returned each of them brought also seuerall sorts of stones that appeared very faire but were such as they found loose on the ground and were for the most part but coloured and had not any golde fired in them yet such as had no iudgement or experience kept al that glistered and would not be perswaded but it was rich because of the lustre and brought of those and of Marquesite with all from Trinidad and haue deliuered of those stones to be tried in many places and haue thereby bred an opinion that all the rest is of the same yet some of these stones I shewed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caracas who tolde mee that it was El Madre del oro that is the mother of gold and that the Mâ—ne was farther in the ground But it shall be found a weake policie in me either to betray my selfe or my countrey with imaginations neither am I so farre in loue with that lodging watching care perill diseases ill sauours bad fare and many other mischiefes that accompany these voyages as to wâ—o my selfe againe into any of them were I not assured that the Sunne couereth not so much riches in any part of the earth Captaine Whiddon and our Chirurgâ—on Nicholas Millechap brought mee a kinde of stones like Saphires what they may proue I know not I shewed tâ—em to some of the Orenoqueponi and they promised to bring mee to a mountaine that had of them very large pieces growing Diamond wise whether it be Christall of the mountaine Bristol-Diamond or Saphire I doe not yet knâ—w but I hope the
is as rich as the earth yeeldeth any of which I know there is sufficient if nothing else were to bee hoped for But besides that we were not able to tarrie and search the hils so we had neither pioners barres sledges nor wedges of yron to breake the ground without which there is no working in mines but wee saw all the hilles with stones of the colour of gold and siluer and we tried them to be no Marquesite and therefore such as the Spaniards call El madre del oro or The mother of gold which is an vnâ—oubted assurance of the generall abundance and my selfe saw the outside of many mines of the Sparre which I know to be the same that all coueâ— in this world and of those more then I will speake of Hauing learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia and receiued a faithfull promise of the principallest of those prouinces to become seruants to her Maiestie and to resist the Spaniards if they made any attempt in our absence and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa and those Iwarawaqueri I then parted from olde Topiawari and receiued his sonne for a pledge betweene vs and left with him two of ours as aforesayd To Francis Sparrowe I gaue instructions to trauell to Marcureguarai with such merchandizes as I left with them thereby to learne the place and if it were possible to goe on to the great citie of Manoa which being done we weyed ankor and coasted the riuer on Guiana side because wee came vpon the North side by the launes of the Saima and Wikiri There came with vs from Aromaia a Cassique called Putijma that commanded the prouince of Warapana which Putijma slewe the nine Spaniards vpon Caroli before spoken of who desired vs to rest in the Porte of his countrey promising to bring vs vnto a mountaine adioyning to his towne that had stones of the colour of golde which hee perfourmed And after wee had rested there one night I went my selfe in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company ouer land towards the said mountaine marching by a riuers side called Mana leauing on the right hand a towne called Tuteritona standing in the Prouince of Tarracoa of the which Wariaaremagoto is principall Beyond it lieth another towne towards the South in the valley of Amariocapana which beareth the name of the sayd valley whose plaines stretch themselues some sixtie miles in length East and West as faire ground and as beautifull fields as any man hath euer seene with diuers copsies scattered here and there by the riuers side and all as full of deere as any forrest or parke in England and in euerâ—e lake and riuer the like abundance of fish and foule of which Irraparragota is lord From the riuer of Mana we crost another riuer in the said beautiful valley called Oiana resâ—ed our selues by a cleere lake which lay in the middle of the said Oiana and one of our guides kindling vs fire with two stickes wee stayed a while to drie our shirts which with the heate hong very wette and heauie on our sholders Afterwards wee sought the ford to passe ouer towards the mountaine called Iconuri where Putijma a foretold vs of the mine In this lake we saw one of the great fishes as big as a wine pipe which they call Manati being most excellent and holsome meate But after I perceiued that to passe the said riuer would require halfe a dayes march more I was not able my selfe to indure it and therefore I sent Captaine Keymis with sixe shot to goe on and gaue him order not to returne to the port of Putijma which is called Chiparepare but to take leisure and to march downe the sayd valley as farre as a riuer called Cumaca where I promised to meete him againe Putijma himselfe promising also to bee his guide and as they marched they left the townes of Emparepana and Capurepana on the right hand and marched from Putijmas house downe the sayd valley of Amariocapana and wee returning the same day to the riuers side saw by the way many rockes like vnto gold ore and on the left hand a round mountaine which consisted of minerall stone From hence we rowed downe the streame coasting the prouince of Parino As for the branches of riuers which I ouerpasse in this discourse those shall be better expressed in the description with the mountaines of Aio Ara and the rest which are situate in the prouinces of Parino and Carricurrina When we were come as farre down as the land called Ariacoa where Orenoque diuideth it selfe into three great branches each of them being most goddly riuers I sent away captaine Henrie Thin and captaine Greeneuile with the galley the neerest way and tooke with mee captaine Gifford captaine Calfield Edward Porter and captaine Eynos with mine owne barge and the two wherries and went downe that branch of Orenoque which is called Cararoopana which leadeth towards Emeria the prouince of Carapana and towards the East sea as well to finde out captaine Keymis whome I had sent ouer land as also acquaint my selfe with Carapana who is one of the greatest of all the lords of the Orenoqueponi and when I came to the riuer of Cumaca to which Putijma promised to conduct captaine Keymis I left captaine Eynos and master Porter in the sayd riuer to expect his comming the rest of vs rowed downe the streame towards Emeria In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly Islands some of sixe miles long some of ten and some of twenty When it grew towards sunne-set we entred a branch of a riuer that fell into Orenoque called Winicapora where I was enformed of the mountaine of Christall to which in trueth for the length of the way and the euill season of the yeere I was not able to march nor abide any longer vpon the iourney wee saw it afarre off and it appeared like a white Curch-tower of an exceeding height There falleth ouer it a mighty riuer which toucheth no part of the side of the mountaine but rusheth ouer the toppe of it and falleth to the ground with so terrible a noyse and clamor as if a thousand great bels were knockt one against another I thinke there is not in the world so strange an ouer-fall nor so wonderfull to behold Berreo told mee that there were Diamonds and other precious stones on it and that they shined very farre off but what it hath I know not neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the sayd mountaine those people adioyning being his enemies as they were and the way to it so impassable Upon this riuer of Winicapora wee rested a while and from thence marched into the countrey to a town called after the name of the riuer whereof the captaine was one Timitwara who also offered to conduce mee to the top of the sayd mountaine called Wacarima
whereof and of the setting together of a pinnesse which they were about the French admiral and the carauel stayed behind So wee in the Watte and the other 6. ships weyed the 10. of Februarie and stood away for the isle of Mayo This night the other two French shippes that came from Sal with vs as it seemeth of purpose because their consorts were not with them lost vs. The next morning wee sawe Maio. So wee and the flieboate of Dartmouth compassed the Northermost part of the Island and master Beniamin Wood in the China-fleete the Southermost and came all to an anker together at the Southwest part thereof where rode sixe sayles oâ— Flemmings lading salte who had brought their horses and cartes and wheele-barrowes and plankes for their barrowes to runne vpon Here is abundance of salte in this Island made by Gods hande without mans labour These tolde vs that there were thirtie sayles more which fell to leeward of Fogo who as I heard since beat it vp with much adoe came thither also for salte This trade may bee very beneficiall to England considering the dearnesse of salte Of goates on this Island there is such store as is incredible but to those that haue seene them and it is a wonder howe they liue one by the other the ground being stonie and barren It is thought that there are dwelling in it some twentie Mountainiers which got one of the Flemmings men stragling and God knowâ—th what they did with him for they sawe him no more This Island is somewhat lowe and round hauing no great mountaines vpon it Here ended our determination concerning the inuading of Fogo And here wee leâ—t the flie-boat of Dartmouth lading salte and the China-fleete to refresh themselues with goates who as I haue heard since had at the village from whence the Mountainiâ—rs were fledde into the furthest partes of the Island and rocks great store of dryed goates which they carried along with them which wâ—re like to bee a great helpe vnto them in their long voyage So vpon Saturday the 12 of Februarie at night wee set saile and stood for the coast of Wiana which wee were bound for Upon Sunday the twentieth of Februarie wee came into the maine current that setteth from the Cape of Buena Esperança along the coast of Brasil and so toward the West Indies for the most part setting away Northwest The Tuesday night following whereas before our course was Westsouthwest wee stoode away West and by South by reason wheâ—eof and of the current that set vs to the Northward wee were the next day by noone twentie minutes further to the Northward then the day before So that then wee lay away Southwest because wee were loath to fall to the Northward of our place intended which if wee should bee put to leeward of there was small hope left to recouer it By Thursday wee were within out degree ½ of the Equinoctiall line therefore this day wee halled away West and by South and West among This night wee â—ounded but had no ground at 90 fathoms The next day in the morning the colour of the water began to change and to bee more white so wee made another sound and had ground at thirtie fathoms but saw no lande and in the afternoone wee halled away Westnorthwest Northwest and Northnorthwest In the night wee sounded diuers times and had twelue ten and nine fathoms water All Saturday wee had a thick red water and had seuen and eight fathoms both day and night and vpon Sunday morning by day being the seuen and twentieth of Februarie wee made the lande which appeared lowe and trended neerest as we fell with it South and by East North and by West about two degrees ½ toward the North. Right on head of vs was a Cape or headland so that had wee beene shot a little further into the bay the winde being more Northerly wee should hardly haue doubled it off For with much adoe making many boords and stopping euery tyde it was the Tuesday following before wee cleered our selues of the bay and recouâ—red the Cape Nowe the lande trended Northwest and by North and Southeast and by South And still wee were faine to anker euery tyde sometimes in foure fathoms and sometimes in three as farre as wee could see lâ—nd So about night we sawe Cape Cecill and after some two houres came to an anker Betweene these two Capes the lande lyeth â—owe and euen Upon Wednesday morning hauing the winde large at Eastnortheast wee layd it away vpon a board into the bay of Wiapoucou and came to an anker in the riuers mouth in two fathoms ouer the barre there is little water as 6 and 7 foote and lesse in many places And this riuer of Wiapoucou standeth almost in 4 degrees to the Northward of the line The next morning wee weyed and standing in with our pinnesse by night wee got some eight leagues vp the riuer This day sometimes wee had but 5 â—oote water and drew 7 foot but being soft oaze we went cleere and a little before wee came to anker wee were on ground vpon a rocke but with some trouble and labour wee got off and had no hurt Upon Friday the 4 of March towards night wee came to the falles The next day M. Leonard Berrie our captaine the Master my selfe and some 5 more went through the woods and spent all the day in searching the head of the falles but could not finde it for though wee passed by many yet were there more still one aboue the other So that finding no Indians in this riuer to buy victuals of neither any kind of thing that might intice vs to come to so short allowance as we must haue done if wee had spent any long time here finding it ouer hard to passe the falles wee fell downe the riuer againe and by Friday the 11 of March wee cleered our selues of the riuer and bay This riuer from the mouth to the falles is some 16 leagues in many places a mile ouer but for the most part halfe a mile There are many Islands in it as are also in most of the riuers vpon the coast This night wee ankered against Cawo in two fathoms whereinto wee thought to haue put with our pinnesse but found the water so shoald and the sea so growâ—n that neither with our shippe nor shallope wee durst goe in On Saturday by noone wee came to anker vnder one of the 7 Islands vpon which going on shoare wee found neither man nor beast but great store of yellow plumbes which are good to eate Upon Sunday after dinner our Master William Dowle and 6 more went off with our boat to a towne called Aramatto where they found many inhabitants and brought victuals and some Tabacco with them and one Indian named Caprima who lying aboord all night the next day being Munday the 14 of March went with our Captaine into Wias and there traded with the
as they molested vs in our watering so they stept not in other deuises but put in practise to burne our ships or remoue them out of the harbour For within some 20 dayes after our comming in they had prepared 5 Carauels and filled them with such tâ—ings as would best take fire and burne these they brought within a mile or little more of our ships and there set them on fire for neerer they could not well come because of our watch of boates for as is aboue said the Admirall had alwaies 6 boates that kept watch aboue halfe a mile from the ships for feare of such exploytes as these which was the cause they could not fire them so neere the ships as they would haue done But these fired Carauels had the tide with them and also the little winde that blewe was in their fauour which caused them to come downe the streame the faster which our boats perceiuing made to them with as much expedition as conueniently they could but the tide and wind both seruing them they approched toward the ships with great expedition Our men in the towne began to be in some feare of them yet no man mooued or started froÌ„ his quarter more then if there had bene nothing to doe Also the masters and such as were aboord were somewhat amased to see 5 so great fires to be comming downe among their ships but they prepared for to cleere thâ—m of it as well as they could being prouided afore hande iudging that some such sâ—râ—tagems would be there vsed the riuer being very fit therefore But God be thanked who was alwaies with vs our best defence in this voyage by whose assistance we performed this so great an attempt with so small forces Our companie in the boats so played the men when they saw the fires come neere our ships that casting grapnels with yron chaines on them as euery boat had one for that purpose some they towed aground and some they brought to a bitter or anker where thâ—y rode tâ—ll all their force was burned out so we were deliuered by Gods helpe from this fearefull danger Within some 6 nights after this which might be about the 26 day after our comming in abode there about 11 of the clocke at night came driuing downe other 3 great raftes burning with â—he hugest fires that I haue seene These were eâ—ceeding dangerous for when our men approched theÌ„ thinking to clap their grapnels vpon them as they had done vpon the Carauels the night before they were preuented for there stooke out of the rafts many poles which kept them from the body of the rafts that they could not come to throw their grapnels into theÌ„ yet they had this inconuenience worse then al the rest which most troubled vs. There stooke out among the poles certaine hollow trunks filled with such prouision of fire-workes that they ceased not stâ—lâ— as the fire came downe to those trunks to set theÌ„ on fire to spout out such sparkles that our boats hauing powder in them for our mens vse durst not for feare of fyring theÌ„selues with their owne powder come nâ—ere those sparkles of the raftes but seeing them to driue neerer neerer our ships they wet certain clothes and laid vpon their flaskes and bandelers and so ventured vpon them with their grapnels tooke holde of them and so towed them on ground where they stooke fast were not burnt out the neâ—â— day in the morning Diuerse logs and timbers came driuing along by our ships and burning but with our boats we easily defended them And thus God be praysed we escaped the second fires A third firing was prepared as a Negro gaue vs to vnderstand but this we preuented by our departure For this third firing were very great preparations and we were credibly informed of certainetie that this firing should be such as we should neuer be able to preuent and assuredly these fires be dangerous things and not to be preuented vpon the sudden vnlesse it be afore prepared for and foreseene For when it commeth vpon the sudden and vnlooked for and vnprouided for it bringeth men into a great amazement and at their wits ende And therefore let all men riding in riuers in their enemies countrey be sure to looke to be prouided before hand for against fire there is no resistance without preparation Also it is a practise in these hot countreys where there be such expert swimmers to cut the cables of ships and one night it was practised to cut the Admirals cable and yet the boate rode by the cable with two men in her to watch all the night and the bwoy onely was cut but not the cable but after that night seeing then our good watch they neuer after attempted it While all these things passed our ships God be thanked thorow the industry of our gouernours and diligent labour of our men began to be wholly laden and all the best marchandize conueyed aboord our ships so that our Admirall ment to depart that night which was the 31 day after our entrance or else on the next day at the farthest and so warning was giuen to all men to make themselues readie Our Admiral being aboord his ship y e same morning espyed in the sands right against the place where the ships rode that there was a small banke of sand newly cast vp vnder which he perceiued now and then some people to be presently he tooke his boat and went to the towne and called all the Captaines together declaring that the enemies were about some pretence right against the ships consulting whether it were best to sally out see what they were doing or depart that euening according to the former determination The Admirall was of opinion to depart that night saying it was but folly to seeke warres since we had no neede to doe it other affirmed it were good to see what they did least the winde might be contrarie and the ships not get out and so our enemies may build vpon vs to our great disaduantage Well said the Admiral the matter is not great for there can be no danger in this sally for where they worke it is within Falkon-shot of the ships and if any power should come against you the ships may play vpon them with 40 peeces of ordinance at the least so that a bird cannot passe there but she must be slaine I am somewhat vnwilling you should go for I haue not bene well these two dayes and I am not strong to march vpon those heauie sands they answered all at once you shall not neede to trouble your selfe for this seruice for you see it is nothing and of no danger being so neere the ships doubt you not we will accomplish this seruice well ynough and returne againe within this houre The Admirall answered the danger cannot be great but yet you shall goe out strong for feare of the worst And so the Admirall marshalled them 275 men French and English
Nouember Take this aduise that if thou depart in February or March from Lisbone then thou shalt goe to beare with the land in nine degrees because that from March forwards raigne most commonly Southeast and Southwest windes And if by this height and course thou bring thy selfe nigh to the shore feare not to bring thy ship into 18 or 20 fadomes for all the coast is cleane and there are no more dangers but such as the sea doth breake vpon And if after thy fall with the land thou haue occasion to goe to the Northward and so going seest certaine sholdes doubt not to come for the North and thou shalt see the cape of Saint Augustine which lyeth as it were sloaping to the seaward and hath as it were a Whales head and hath vpon it a round hill with many hilles round about it And if thou come along the sea coast much about the depth aboue mentioned thou shalt see a little Island called Saint Alexio And from this Island to the cape of Saint Augustine are foure leagues and it standeth in eight degrees and three quarters The course that a man must keepe to the bay called A Bahia de Todos os Santos that is to say The bay of all Saints which lieth on the foresayd coast of Brasil IF thou goe for Bahia de Todos os Santos thou must keepe the course which I haue already set downe and shalt obserue the time from March forwards as also from October forwards Thou shalt vnderstand that the Bahia de Todos os Santos standeth in 13 degrees and â…“ and if thou goe in October or after October then goe to fall with the land in 12 degrees or 12 and a halfe And take this for a warning that when thou seest a white land and long bankes of white sand which shew much like linnen cloth when it is in whiting then thou must go along from the North to the South vntill this white land doe end and thou needest not to feere to goe along the coast for there are no sholds Before thou be cleane past the white land or white sands thou shalt haue sight of an Island that standeth along the bay I say on the Northside of the bay which is called Tapaon and here the land lieth West and by South When thou art so farre shot as Tapaon thou shalt see a certaine great tree which is round and standeth neere the sea vpon the very point of the entrance into Bahia on the Northside And marke well that if thou looke to the Southward and seest no white grounds such as I wrote of before but that they be all behind thee to the Northward then when thou seest none to the Southward thou mayest bee bold to beare in with Bahia And if when thou goest into Bahia to the Northwest and seest the sea to breake feare nothing for it is the breach of a certaine banke whereon thou shalt haue alwayes 5 or 6 fadomes water and this be sure of Thou shalt vnderstand that if thou come for this place from March to the end of April I would wish thee not to fall to the Southward of 13 degrees and a halfe And falling with the land and not seeing the white sands thou shalt striue to goe to the Northward And seeing the land in 13 degrees and a halfe thou shalt haue sight of an hill along the sea And if thou be nigh the land and cannot make it certaine what land it is thou shalt marke if it bee a round high hill along the sea that it is O morro de San Paulo or The hill of Saint Paul and it lieth blacke and bare on the top And from thence to Bahia is tenne leagues And here along this hill on the Northwest side there is a great riuer called Tinsare and it is a very good riuer And in the entrance of Bahia there are sixe or seuen fadomes water in the chanell And I aduise thee that being in the height of 13 degrees and a halfe thou come not neere the land for it hath a bay very dangerous And if thou goe from Bahia to Fernambuck then I aduise thee that thou take good heede of the coast on the Northeast and Southwest and thou shalt goe East if the winde will suffer thee to goe East and so goe thirtie or forty leagues off to the sea I aduise thee that thou beare not in with the land of Fernambuck but in the height of 9 or 10 degrees because that in 11 degrees thou shalt fall with the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris Also if thou come from Portugal and fallest with the land in eleuen degrees beare not in with it neither come neere it for thou mayest hurt thy selfe in so doing but thou shalt shunne it and goe to the Southward For if thou lie to the North thou shalt bring thy selfe into some trouble This Bay of All Saints standeth in thirteene degrees And from thence to Fernambuck thou hast a hundreth leagues and the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest And from thence to Rio das Ilhas that is the riuer of the Islands the coast runneth Northeast and Southwest I meane taking a quarter of the North and South The course for Baia das Ilhas that is The bay of the Islands which lie on the sayd coast of Brasil the marks for the finding of them IF thou goe for Baia das Ilhas thou must looke for it in fifteene degrees lacking a quarter If thou be minded as I sayd to goe for these Isles if it bee from March forward thou shalt fall with the land in 15 degrees and a halfe and though it be in 15 degrees and 2 3 it is all the better And if thou haue sight of certaine high hilles that seeme to reach to the skie these hilles are called As Serras Raiemores Then hauing sight of these hilles thou shalt goe along the coast and feare nothing for there are no sholdes along to the North. And when thou seest the Islands thou mayest make accompt they be these which thou seekest for there are no other on al this coast and thou shalt see a round hil along the sea Thou shalt vnderstand that on the North side of this hill is the going in of the riuer But if it chance that thou finde thy selfe in a time that will not suffer thee to goe in then goe along the Islands giuing them a bredth off And thou mayest well come to an ankor hard aboord them for all is cleane ground And thou shalt finde eight or nine fadomes and from thence thou mayest goe into the riuer hard aboord the shore And if it chance that thou goe from the North to the South all along the great Island thou must keepe thy selfe from the land and when thou hast brought it Eastnortheast then thou mayest ankor two cables length from the shore for all is cleane ground If thou chance to arriue on this coast
in the time of the Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
Eastsoutheast till sixe a clocke at night that wee sawe the lande of Guinie which bare Northeast of vs about 12 leagues off which seene wee sounded and had no ground then went I and our Master and Pilot aboord the Admirall and after mâ—ny debatements concluded to run in Northeast by East and at eleuen at night wee came aboord againe and went all night Northeast by East The 4 at eight a clocke in the forenoone wee were within 2 leagues of the lande which bare off vs Northeast which rose like a hill full of woods and on each side low land wee being perswaded by our pilots that it was the entrance into Sierra leona went in Northeast vntill wee were within an halfe league of the shoar and had brought thâ— South point Southeast by East off vs. At eleuen a clocke finding it a bay and not Sierra leona wee brought our tacks aboord and stoode along West by North and West larboord tacked In this time our Admirals pinnesse rowed in and went on land vpon the South side of the bay and the Elizabeths boate with her They found houses of boughes and in one of the houses the tongue of a beast and a bullocks tongue fresh killed also a lake with plentie of fresh water and fresh-water-fish in it had by the sea side they found drie pomegranates and pease like nurs with other vnknowen fruites vnder the trees The Elizabeth ranne in and brought the South poinâ— South by West of her and ankered within Faulcon shot of the shore in seuen fathom oaze where they tooke fish with hookes while hee stayed for the boates The 4 all the afternoone wee ran along the coast which lyeth Northwest and by North and Southeast by South West and within a point one way or the other seeing the lande vnder our â—ee three or foure leagues off and all night likewise The 9 at three a clock in the morning our Admiral shot off a peece and at foure wee weyed and went hence Northeast At fiue in the morning wee saw the land along and the Island which wee saw the night before and diuers other Islands about it so ran in Northeast vntil we had brought our selues thwart of the riuer and then ran in East about sixe at night being a league within the riuer Our Admirall shot off a peece and there wee ankered in eight fathâ—m sand Being at anker I manned our boate and would haue gone aboord the Admirall but could not the flood was bent so strong and she rode halfe a mile beneath vs in the tyde but we had no tyde The 10 in the morning at fiue a clocke I sent our skiffe with our pilot in her to find a roade and a watring place in the meane time at sixe a clocke we set saile with our ship and bâ—ing calme wee towed with our boat vntill ten and then ankered a mile short of the watering place After dinner I wâ—nt on land with my skiffe to finde timber to fish our maste and searching along the shoare we found a good watring place and further seeking in the wood which all the countrey is full of and of diuers sorts wee found Limmon trees full of fruits also trees growing by the water side with the stalkes hung full of oysters and great periwinkles and crabs amongst them wee found drie pomegranates with many other fruits vnknowen to vs. In the meane time our Admirall and the Edward with the barkes hauing a gale at West set saile and ran vp and ankered in the rode before the accustomed watering place The 22 day certaine Portugals which had bene with vs before came down and brought some other Portugals and Negros with them in a shippe-boate wherein they brought vs 80 mewes of rice 500 and odde weight of Elephants teeth and a Negro boy which boy they gaue the Generall and the rice and teeth for the Elizabeth which wee solde them with all her tackle and sailes hauing neede of the rice because our meale which wee brought out of England was decayed and naught whereof wee had into the Edward 30 bushels which is a mewe and a halfe the Francis had 5 bushels and the Gallion had the rest And wee had 200 weight of Elephants teeth and the Gallion 300 and a halfe and sixe pound During this time we sent our skiffe with the Admiralls pinnesse vp the riuer to meete with a Gundall which the Portugals had sent for fresh victuals for vs who not finding her returnâ—d at night All this day I with M. Walker remainâ—d aboord with the Admirall and after their dinner and supper wee ended our businesse and returned aboord hauing had many good speaches with the Portugals The 26 day being Sunday Captaine Hawkins M. Maddox M. Hall M. Bannister Captaine Drake M. Euans M. Hoode and others came aboord and heard the Sermon and dined with me after dinner wee went on shoare to the lower point where we followed the footing of an Elephant but saw him not and so spent the time to and fro till supper time and then came aboord and supped together which done each man departed to his abode This night I was very sicke and so were all they that were on shoare with mee with eating of a fruite of the countrey which wee found on trees like nuts whereof some did eate foure some fiue some sixe and more but wee vomitted and scoured vpon it without reason The 27 day in the afternoone the olde Greeke Fracisco came aboord to me with request that hee might haue the Francis boate to goe vp for his owne boate which was not come downe with whom I talked of this Countrey and Countrey-people vntill fiue of the clocke at night that the flood was come and then I went aboorde to the Admirall and got his consent and sent themselues in her viz. Ferdinando the Portugall Master and his Negro In the meane time I sent foure of my men to watch in the Elizabeth all night The 28 day in the morning at foure a clocke I sent my skiffe with the Admirals pinnesse down to the West point to fish who came aboorde againe at one in the afternoone and brought as much fish as all our companies could eate During the time that our boates were a fishing came downe the riuer a canoa and the Portugals former boate with hennes orenges plantans which they presented the Generall and mee with and also the rest of the rice due to vs for the payment of the Elizabeth For the partitions whereoâ— I went aboord the Admirall where I dined After dinner M. Euans began to barter awâ—y certaine of the ships commodities with the Negros without acquainting the Generall or any other vntill hee had done whereof grâ—we more wordes then presite as by the bookes of marchandise appeareth Which done I came aboord and had two of the Portugals to supper with mee About two of the clocke in the morning we had a Ternado and much raine The 29 about 4
it not the best course at the last but rather kept off in the sea from the coast And vpon Saturday the 17. of September wee fell with the coast of Barbarie and the 18. halled in with the roade of Santa Cruz. The 21. day wee â—â—ll with one of the ylands of the Canaries called Forteuentura In running alongst this yland we espied vpon a hill by the water side one wauing with a white flagge whereupon wee manned both our boates and sent them towards the shoare to vnderstand what newes They found them to bee two ragged knaues and one horseman and they tolde vs that Lanzarota was taken and spoyled in August by the Turkes when we saw they had nothing else to say we left them and proceeded on our course and fell againe with the coast of Barbarie The 25. day of September about 10. of the clocke we fell with Rio del Oro standing iust vnder our Tropike we anckered in the mouth of it in 8. â—adom the entrance of it is about 2. leagues ouer And the next day our Captaine with the boate searched the riuer and found it to be as broad 14. or 15. leagues vp as at the entrie of it but found no towne nor habitation sauing that there came downe two poore men and one of them spake good Spanish and told our Captaine that certaine Frenchmen vsed to come thither and laded some oxe hides and goats hides but other commoditie there was none We departed thence the 27 day â— the last day of the moneth being calme we went abord our General there consented to goe for Sierra Leona to wood and water From thence till the 10. of October wee were much becalmed with extreeme hot weather much lightning and great store of raine This 10. day we sounded finding a great current as we supposed by the ripling water which after wee found to bee an ordinary tide the flood setting to the Northwest and the ebb Southeast and here we had but 18. fathome water and no lande to bee seene it was on the Southermost part of the showles that lie in about 11. degrees but halling South off againe it presently deeped vnto 50. fathome and after halling Southeast and by East and East southeast we sounded but had no ground in 120. fathome The 21. of October wee fell with land vpon the coast of Guinea in the height of 8. degrees a very high land but of no great length it was the high land ouer Sierra Leona Wee drewe in to the land and found neere the shoare more water then in the offing at the Northren end of the high land we anckered about a mile and somewhat more from the shoare in 11. fathome To goe into the harbor of Sierra Leona we did borrow vpon the South side hauing no ground in 10. fathome halfe a mile from the shoare Upon the Northside of this harbour is very shoale water but on the Southside no feare more then is to be seene The 23. day being Sunday wee came to an ancker in the bay of fresh water and going ashoare with our boate wee spake with a Portugal who tolde vs that not farre off there were Negros inhabiting and that in giuing to the king a Botija of wine and some linnen cloth hee would suffer vs to water and wood at our pleasure But our Captaines thinking it not good to giue any thing for that which they might take freely landed and certaine of our men with them whereupon the Portugall and the Negros ranne all away into the woods Then wee returned againe into our boates and presently went and landed in another place thinking to haue fetcht a walke and so to come to our boats againe But wandering through a little wood we were suddenly and vnawares vpon a towne of the Negros whereupon they strooke vp their drumme giuing withall a great showe and off went their arrowes as thicke as haile Wee were in number about 30. caleeuers and 20. with our weapons which wee also let flie into the woods among them and what hurt we did we know not Then wee returned to our boates and tooke wood and water at our pleasure and reasonable store of fish and amongst the rest we halled vp a great foule monster whose head and backe were so hard that no sword could enter it but being thrust in vnder the belly in diuers places and much wounded hee bowed a sword in his mouth as a man would do a girdle of leather about his hande and likewise the yron of a boare speare He was in length about nine foote and had nothing in his belly but a certaine quantitie of small stones to the value of a pottell The fourth of Nouember wee went on shore to a towne of the Negros which stoode on the Southeast side of the harbour about a Sacar shot from the roade which we found to be but lately built it was of about two hundreth houses and walled about with mightie great trees and stakes so thicke that a rat could hardly get in or out But as it chanced wee came directly vpon a port which was not shut vp where we entred with such fiercenesse that the people fled all out of the towne which we found to bee finely built after their fashion and the streetes of it so intricate that it was difficult for vs to finde the way out that we came in at Wee found their houses and streets so finely and cleanly kept that it was an admiration to vs all for that neither in the houses nor streets was so much dust to bee found as would fill an egge shell Wee found little in their houses except some matts goards and some earthen pots Our men at their departure set the towne on fireâ— and it was burnt for the most part of it in a quarter of an houre the houses being couered with reed and straw After this wee searched the countrey about it where wee found in diuers plaines good store of rice in stacks which our men did beate out and brought abord in the huske to the quantitie of 14. or 15. tunnes in both our ships The 17. day of Nouember wee departed from Sierra Leona directing our course for the Straights of Magellan In this harbour diuers of our men fell sicke of a disease in the belly which for the time was extreeme but God bee thanked it was but of small continuance Wee founde also in diuers places of the woods images set vpon pinnes with diuers things before them as eggs meale rice round shot of stones and diuers other things such as the barbarous people had to offer vp When we came neere to the Line wee found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona by reason of the great winde and raine About the 24. day of Nouember one or two of our men died and others also were sicke of a Calentura The second day of Ianuary we had a little sight of land being about the
The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Ilande and ranne South Southwest to King Philips citie which the Spaniards had built which Towne or citie had foure Fortes and euery Fort had in it one cast peeâ—e which pâ—â—â—es were buryed in the ground the cariages were standing in their places vnburied wee digged for them and had thâ—m all They had contriâ—ed their Citie veâ—y well and seated it in the best place of the Stâ—eights for wood and water they hâ—d builded vp their Churches by themselues they had Lawes very seuere among themselues for they had â—recâ—ed a Gibeâ— whereon they had done execution vpon some of their company It seemed vnto vs that thâ—ir whole liuing for a greaâ— space was altogethâ—r vpon muskles and lympits for there was not any thing else to bee had except some Deere which came out of the mâ—untaines downe to the fresh riuers to drinke These Spaniards which were there were only come to forâ—â—fie the Streights to the ende that no other nation should haue passage through into the Sâ—uâ—h sea sauing onely their owne but as it appeared it was not Gods will so to haue it For during the time that they were there which was two yeeres at the least they could neuer haue any thing to growe or in any wise prosper And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed vpon them vntill their victuals grewe so short their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spaine and hauing no meanes to renew the same that they dyed like dogges in their houses and in their clothes wherein we found them still at our comming vntill that in the ende the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the sauour of the dead people the rest which remayned aliue were driuen to burie such things as they had therein their towne either for prouision or for furniture and so to forsake the towne and to goe along the sea-side and seeke their victuals to preserue them from steruing taking nothing with them but euery man his harquebuze and his furniture that was able to cary it for some were not able to cary them for weakenesse and so liued for the space of a yeere and morâ— with rootes leaues and sometimes a foule which they might kill with their peece To conclude they were determined to haue trauailed towards the riâ—â—r of Plate only bâ—ing left aliue 23. persons wâ—â—reof two were wâ—men which were the râ—mâ—inder of 4. hundred In this place we watered and woodded wâ—ll and quietly Our Generall named this towne Port famine it standeth in 53. degrees by obseruation to the Southward The 14. day we departed from this place and ran South southwest and from thence southwest vnto cape Froward 5. leagues West Southwest which Cape is the Southermost part of all the streights and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees Frâ—m which cape we ran Wâ—st and by north 5. leagues and put into a bay or Coue on the south side which we called Muskle-Coâ—e because there were great store of them we ridde therein 6. dayes the wind being still Westerly The 21. day of Ianuarie we departed from Muskle-â—oue and went Northwest and by West 10. leagues to a very faire sandie Baye on the North side which our Generall called Elizabeth Baye and as wee ridde there that night one of our men dyed which went in the Hugh Gallant whose name was Grey a Carpenter by his occupation and was buryed there in that Baye The 22. wâ—e departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoone and went about 2. leagues from that place where there was a fresh water riuer where our Generall went vp with the ship-boate about three myles which riuer hath very good and pleasant ground about it and it is lowe and champion soyle and so we saw none other ground els in all the Streights but that was craggie rocks and monstrous high hilles and mountaines In this riuer are great store of Sauages which wee sawe and had conference with them They were men-â—aterâ— and fedde altogâ—ther vpon rawe flesh and other filthie foode which people had preyed vpon some of the Spaniardes before spoken of For they had gotten kniues and peeces of Rapiers to make darces of They vsed all the meanes they could possibly to haue allured vs vp farther into the riuer of purpose to haue betrayed vs which being espyed by our Generall hee caused vs to shoote at them with our harquebuzes whereby we killed many of them So wee sayled from this riuer to the Chaneâ—l of Saint â—erome which is 2. leagues off From the riuer of Saint Ierome about three or foure leagues wee ranne West vnto a Cape which is on the North side and from that Cape vnto the mouth of the Streights the course lyeth Northwest and by West and Northwest Betweene which place and the mouth of the Streights to the Southward we lay in Harborough vntill the three and twentieth of Februarie by reason of contrary windes and most vile and filthie fowle weather with such rayne and vehement stormie windes which came downe from the mountaines and high hilles that they hazarded the best cables and anchors that we had for to holde which if they had fayled wee had bene in great danger to haue bene cast away or at the least famished For during this tâ—me which was a full moneth we fedde almost altogether vpon muskles and limpits and birds or such as we could get on shore seeking euery day for them as the fowles of the ayre doe where they can finde foode in continuall raynie weather There is at euery myle or two myles ende an Harborough on both sides of the land And there we betweene the riuer of Saint Ierome and the mouth of the Streights going into the South sea about 34. leagues by estimation So that the length of thâ— whole Sreights is about 90. leagues And the said mouâ—h of the Streights standeth in the same hâ—â—ght that the entrance standeth in when we passe out of the North sea which is about 52. degrees and â…” to the Southward of the line The 24. day of February wee entred into the South sea and on the South side of the going out of the Streights is a faire high Cape with a lowe poynt adioyning vnto it and on the North side are 4. or 5. Ilands which lye 6. leagues off the mayne and much broken and sunken ground about them by noone the same day wee had brought these Ilands East of vs 5. leagues off the winde being Southerly The first of March a storme tooke vs at North which night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant beeing in 49. ½ and 45. leagues from the land This storme continued 3. or 4. dayes and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other 2. ships looked euery houre to sinke our barke was so leake and our selues so diluered and weakened with freeing it of water that
the mountaines where euery man drunke of the Riuer and refreshed themselues Hauing so done we returned to our Ships the likest way that we thought their Towne should bee so wee trauailed all the day long not seeing any man but we meete with many wilde dogges yet there were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day by meanes of the Spaniard which they had taken the day before from vs who had tolde them that our force was but small and that wee were wonderfully weake who though they did espie vs that day yet durst they not giue the on-sette vpon vs. For wee marched along in array and obserued good order whereby wâ—e seemed a great number more then we were vntill we came vnto our ships that night againe The next day being the first of April 1587 our men went on shoare to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the waters side and being earely hard at their businesse were in no readinesse In which meane while there came powring downe from the hilles almost 200 horsemen and before our people could returne to the rockes from the watering place twelue of them were cut off part killed and part taken prisoners the rest were rescued by our souldiers which came from the rocks to meete with them who being but fifteene of vs that had any weapons on shoare yet we made the enemie retire in the end with losse of some foure and twentie of their men after we had skirmished with them an houre The names of our men that were slaine were these Out of the Admirall Thomas Lucas of London souldier Richard Wheeler of London Robert Pitcher of Norstolke souldier Iohn Langston of Glocestershire William Kingman of Dorsetshire souldier William Hilles of Cornewall Killed out of the viceadm 1 Willian Byet of Weymouth 2 Laurence Gamesby of Newcastle Killed out of the Hugh Gallant 1 Henry Blackenals of Weymouth 2 Williams Steuens of Plymmouth gunner 3 William Pitte of Shereborne in Dorsetshire 4 Humphrey Derricke of London After the losse of these men wee rid in the roade and watered in despight of them with good watch and ward vntill the fift of the sayd moneth The fift day wee departed out of this bay of Quintero and off from the bay there lyeth a little Iland about a league distant whereon there are great store of penguins and other fowles wherof we tooke to serue our turnes and sailed away North and North and by West for so lyeth the coast along in this place The fifteenth wee came thwart of a place which is called Morro moreno which standeth in 23 degrees ½ and is an excellent good harborough and there is an Iland which maketh it an harborough and a ship may go in at either end of the Iland here we went with our Generall on shore to the number of 30 men and at our going on shore vpon our landingâ— the Indians of the place came downe from the rockes to meete with vs with fresh water and wood on their backes They are in maruellous awe of the Spaniaâ—ds and very simple people and liue maruellous sauagely For they brought vs to their bidings about two miles from the harborough where wee saw their women and lodging which is nothing but the skin of some beast layd vpon the ground and ouer them in stead of houses is nothing but fiue or sixe sticks layd acrosse which stand vpon two forkes with stickes on the ground and a fewe boughes layd on it Theiâ— diet is raw fish which stinketh most visely And when any of them die they burie their bowes and aâ—rowes with them with their canoa and all that they haue for wee opened one of their graâ—es â—nd saw the order oâ— them Their canoas or boates are maruellous â—rtificially made of two skinnes like vnto bladders and are blowen full at one ende with quilles they haue two of these bladders blowen â—ull which are sowen together and made fast with a sinew of some wild beast which when they are in the water swell so that they are as tight as may bee They goe to sea in these boates and catch very much fish with them aâ—d pay much of it for tribute vnto the Spaniards but they vse it maruellous beastly The 23 in the morning we tooke a small barke which came out of Arica road which wee kept and called The George the men forsooke it and went away with their boate Our admirals pinnesse followed the boate the Hugh Gallants boate tooke the baâ—ke our admirals pinnesse could not recouer the boat before it got on shoare but went along into the road of Arica and layd aboord a great shippe of an hundreth tunnes riding in the road right afore the towne but all the men and goods were gone out of it onâ—ly the bare ship was left alone They made three or foure very faire shots at the pinnesse as shee was comming in but missed her very narrowly with a Minion shot which they had in the fort Whereupon wee came into the road with the admirall and the Hugh Gallant but the Content which was viceadmirall was behinde out of sight by meanes whereof of and for want of her boate to land men withall wee landed not other wise iâ— wee had bene together our Generall with the companie would resolutely haue landed to take the â—owne whatsoeuâ—r had come of it The cause why the Content stayed behind was that shee had â—ound about 14 leagues to the Southward of Arica in a place where â—he Spaniards had landed a whole ships lading of botijas of wine of Castillia whereof the sayd Content tooke into her as many as shee could conueniently carrie and came after vs into the road of Arica the same day By this time wee perceiued that the towne had gathered all their power together and also conueyed all their treasure away and buried it before wee were come neere the towne for they had heard of vs. Nowe because it was very populous with the ayde of one or two places vp in the land our Generall sawe there was no landing without losse of many men wherefore hee gaue ouer that â—nterprise While wee rid in the road they shot at vs and our ships shot at thâ—m againe for euery sâ—ot two Moreouer our pinnesse went in hard almost to the shoare and fetchâ—d out another barke which rid there in despight of all their forts though they shot still at the pinnesse which thâ—y could neuer hit After these things our Generall sent a boate on shoare with a flag of truce to knowe if they would redeeme their great shippe or no but they would not for they had receiuâ—d speciall commandement from the viceroy from Luna not to buy any shippe nor to ransome any man vpon paine of death Our Generall did this in hope to haue redeemed some of our men which were taken prisoners on shoare by the horsemen at Quintero otherwise hee would haue made thâ—m no offer of parley
called the Alcatrarza and there he foure little ilands about it Also you may know it by the trending of the land vnto the Southwards Item If you will go in at the Northermost end of S. Sebastian you must take heed of a sand that lieth on the Northeast part of the iland but you may be bolde to borrow on the iland for thâ— sand lieth off the maine side Also you mâ—y anker on the Northermost part of the iland in tennâ— fadoms and the maine is distant from you where you shall ride two leagues off Item If you will come in at the Southermost end of the iland of S. Sebastian your course from the Alcatrarza is Southwest Northeast and their distance is 6 leagues the one from the other Item Unto the Southwards of the riuer Plate being in the latitude of 45 degrees and 60 leagues off the maine you shall haue shoalding in 60 fadoms or 65 fadoms oazie sand and then halling in for the shore Westsouthwest â—6 leagues you shall haue 50 fadoms oaze and you shall haue faire shoalding all along Item In the latitude of 47 â…“ you shall see about one mile in length not passing one league oâ— the shore a ledge of broken ground but no danger Also you shall haue very faire shoalding all along the coast and the land lying South and North vntill you come vnto port Desire which standeth in 48 degrees Item If you will go into port Desire on the North side there lieth one ledge of rocks about league distant from the shore Also on the North side at the mouth of the harborow there lieâ— couple of rocks which are at halfe flood vnder water but be bolde to borrow on the Southermost shore for there is no danger and you shall haue no lesse then 6 fadâ—ms water at a low water the harborow lying East and West Also you may know the harborow by one litle iland that lieth Southeast off the mouth of the harborow and it is distant 4 leagues Furthâ—rmore you may know the harborow by an high rocke that â—tandeth on the South side and this rocke is very much like a watch tower Also if you be any thing in you may anker in 5 fadoms at a low water Item It floweth there South and North and higheth at spring â—ides 3 fadoms and an halfe water and in the offing the flood setteth to the Northward Item In the latitude of 48 degrees 50 minuts you shall haue 44 fadoms blacke sand about 5 leagues off and about 3 leagues off you shall haue 25 fadoms and great shingle stones Item in the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall haue sounding in 38 fadoms oazie sand Item In the latitude of 51 degrees 10 minuts you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the shore in 44 fadoms small blacke stones Soundings within the entrance of the Streights ITem About 2 leagues from the Northermost shore you shall haue 38 fadoms blacke sand and all along you shall haue deepe watâ—r not lesse then 18 or 20 fadoms in the faire way Soundings on the coast of Chili in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 36 degrees you shall haue soundings in 12 fadoms 2 miles from the sand browne sand Item In the latitude of 35 degrees you shall haue soundings one league off from the land in 10 fadoms wâ—ite sand Soundings on the coast of New Spaine in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 14 degrees to the North of the line you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the land in 30 fadoms browne sand Item From the latitude of 14 degrees vnto the latitude of 15 degrees you shall haue faire shoalding 3 leagues from the land Soundings on the coast of Africa vnto the Eastward of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues ITem To the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues in the latitude of 34 degrees and 10 minuts 8 leagues from the land you shall haue 65 fadome and browne sand A note of the lying of the land vnto the Southward of Port Desire IN primis Seales bay standeth vnto the Southwards of Port Desire 12 leagues Southsouthwest Furthermore vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 3 leagues you shall haue very low land Also more vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 7 leagues in the heighth of 48 degrees 40 minuts you shall see a râ—cke 5 leagues off the shore the land lying Southwest and by South Item In the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall see a small flat Iland about a league and an halfe off the shore the land lying Sâ—utâ—west and by South Furtheâ—more from the latitude of 49 degrees vnto the lâ—tâ—tude of 50 degrees the land lieth Souâ—h and by West and is high land Item From the latâ—tude of 50 degrees vnto the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minuts the land lieth Southwest and by South Furthermore frâ—m the latitude of 50 dâ—grees 40 minuts vnto the latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts the land lieth South and by West North and by East Item In the sayd latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts there goeth in an harborow which is to be knowen by a long beache that lieth on the South side of the harborow Moreouer the sayd harborow standeth 12 leagues vnto the Northwards of Cape Ioy. Furthermore from the latitude of 52 degrees 17 mâ—nuts vnto the latitude of 52 dâ—grees 40 minuts in which heigâ—h standeth Cape Ioy the land lieth Southsoutheast and Northnorthwest Item Comming from the Northwards yâ—u shall see before you come â—o Cape Ioy a very long beach about the length of 8 leagues being 5 leagues short of the cape vnto the Northwards Also vnto the Southwards of the cape you shall see another beach about a league long adioyning hard vnder the cape about which beach is the entrance of the Streights of Magellan the which Straights me in breadth sixâ— leagues ouer from the cape vnto the South shore lying South and by East Item From Cape Ioy being the entrance of the streight of Magellan vnto the first narrow passage of the sayd streight the course is West and by North and East and by South and are distant 18 leagues the land being in breadth from the one side to the other one league Item From the first narrow vnto the second narrow passage the course is West by Southâ— and East and by North and the distance is 12 leagues and in breadth the one side is from the other about two leagues ouer Item From the second narrow vnto the islands that be called Elizabeth Bartholomew and Penguin ilands the distance is 5 leagues and the course is Southwest and Northeast the ilandâ— being distant a league and an halfe the one from the other Item From the sayd ilands vnto Port Famine is 16 leagues the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast Moreouer from Port Famine vnto Cape Froward the course is South and by West and North and by East and they are distant 8 leagues asunder Item From Cape Froward