when Caelestins letters were read the Synod cried out To Caelestin a second Paule I confesse and did they not the like of Cyrill crying out To Cyrill a second Paule there is but one Caelestin but one Cyrill And what other demaund I pray you did those Legats make but onely that they might haue the Acts to subscribe vnto them a thing not to haue beene denied to anie ordinarie Bishop which had come late as they did And yet Baronius would faine haue it Iterata damnatio that this subscription of theirs was a second sentence confirmatorie of that which had beene giuen by the Councell whereas they themselues writing to the Emperours signifie only this that they are of the same beleefe and opinion with the Synod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now if Cyrill had beene Legat what need of this Or if this were needfull then it followeth that Cyrill was not Legat for the Pope but was onely requested to passe his word vnto the Councell for the Orthodox beleefe of Caelestin Fourthly Philippicus a Priest of Rome and one of the Legats in his speech said that he rejoyced to see that the members did so well agree with their holie Head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 195. And hereupon Baronius maketh a flourish and because these Fathers had the patience to heare him Doest thou see Reader saith he how all these Fathers were content to heare him without repining For my owne part I know not what he would haue had them to doe in this case vnlesse it be that they should haue made an vprore in the Synod and haue fallen by the eares about it He should rather haue considered how at the ouerture of this Councell they placed Christ in his Gospell for Head of this Councell or if the doubt be of the ministeriall Head that then in their Synodal Epistle they call Cyril the Head of the Congregation of Bishops but of euerie such insolent pranke which the Popes or their Legats play Baronius is euer readie to make a Title But will you now know who was Soueraigne in this Councel The Synod by their letters to the Emperours in all humilitie aske leaue to depart euerie man to his owne home seeing that all controuersies were now decided And the Emperour vpon relation of what they had done gaue his confirmation in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pa. 273. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Emperour a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duely informed hath pronounced That the holie Oecumenicall Councell hath done all things according to the Canons and therefore hath displaced and banished Nestorius commaunding the Bishops of the Synod to enter vpon the Church and to elect and consecrate a Bishop of Constantinople and thereupon the Fathers ordained Maximinus And farther the Emperor commaunded them to returne euerie man to his owne home Consider we also that the Fathers of those times speak of this Primacie by vertue of Saint Peters chaire in farre other tearmes than now men vse to doe Saint Ambrose expounding those words of Saint Paul to the Galathians Ambros ad Gala ca. 2. where hee compareth himselfe to Peter He nameth saith he onely Peter and compareth himselfe to him because he had receiued the Primacie to lay the foundation of the Church among the Gentiles Now I would know whether Rome were not of the Gentiles if so to what purpose then serueth the Primacie of Saint Peter But hee addeth yet farther Yet we see ful and absolute authoritie giuen to Saint Peter for the preaching to the Iewes and so likewise full and absolute authoritie was giuen to Paul to preach vnto the Gentiles For which cause also hee tearmeth himselfe the Teacher of the Gentiles in truth and veritie and yet was he neuer Bishop of Rome For saith he euerie man according to his abilitie tooke vnto him as by lot the dispensation And a harder matter it was to draw those vnto the faith which were a farre off than those which were neere at hand as if he meant to preferre Paul before Peter as one which vndertooke the harder taske August in Iohan Tract 124. in Epist Iohan Tract 10. And Saint Augustine The Church saith he is founded vpon the rocke from which rocke Saint Peter tooke his name vpon this stone saith our Sauiour that is vpon this stone which thou hast confessed will I build my Church meaning vpon this faith Those which would build vpon men said I am of Cephas i. of Peter but those who would not build vpon Peter but vpon that stone said I am of Christ. Saint Basil doubtlesse neuer dreamed of this Primacie he saw indeed and grieued to see the pride and hautinesse of the Bishop of Rome for with what indignation speaketh he of him in his tenth Epistle Yea but say they in his 52 Epistle to Athanasius speaking of the combustions in the East he saith That hee purposed to write to the Bishop of Rome I confesse but to what purpose would hee write onely for this Basil Epist 10.50.52 To request him to giue them his aduise and that hee would admonish such as were peruerse How much more gloriously doth he speake of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria saying That it was he which vnderwent the care of all the Churches and calling him the shelter and refuge of them all And speaking of the Church of Antioch Miletius saith he presideth there as ouer the bodie of the Catholike Church Chrysost in Math. c. 16. in serm de Pentecost Euseb Emiss in serm de Natiui Chrysost Homil. 43. in Math. and of which all other Churches are but as parcels And Chrysostome Vpon this stone he saith not vpon Peter for he hath not built his Church vpon a man but vpon that faith and confession and words of pietie And in like manner speaketh Eusebius Emissenus And Chrysostome hauing laid this doctrine for a ground goeth on and speaketh plainely Whosoeuer saith he among the Bishops he excepteth none shall desire this Primacie here on earth shall vndoubtedly find confusion in heauen and be which affecteth to be the first shall not be numbred among the seruants of Christ And vpon the Epistle to the Galathians speaking of Saint Paul He had saith he Idem in Epist ad Galat. c. 2. before declared that he was equall to the rest in honour but now he compareth himselfe to the greatest that is to Saint Peter shewing that euerie of them had receiued equall dignitie Now if the Apostles themselues were equall how commeth there one superiour among their successors And yet this was spoken at what time the Pope began apparently to exalt himselfe aboue his fellowes for of this verie age it was that Socrates speaking of Innocentius Zozimus Boniface and Caelestin Socrat. li. 7. c. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops of Rome vnder the Emperor Theodosius the yonger testifieth That the See of Rome like vnto that of Alexandria passing the bounds and borders of the Priesthood
haue receiued saith he his Synodall Epistle Epist 34. wherein he requireth vs not to trouble the peace of the Church and I haue likewise aduertised him of that superstitious and haughtie name of Vniuersall Bishop that he could haue no peace with vs vnlesse he did reforme the haughtinesse of this word c. otherwise saith he we corrupt the faith of the Vniuersall Church c. and not to speake of the wrong which he doth vnto vs Eleuationem if there be one called Vniuersall Bishop then must the Vniuersall Church goe to the ground if he which is Vniuersall happen to fall but neuer may such foolerie befall vs neuer may this weaknesse come vnto my eares But to Cyriacus himselfe he wrot requesting him at his first entrie to abolish that word of pride by which there was so great scandale giuen in the Church for whosoeuer saith he is desirous of honour contrarie to the honour of God shall neuer be accounted honourable by me tearming this title of Vniuersalitie a thing contrarie to God and to his honour And because Antichrist that enemie of the Almightie Epist 28. is now at hand my earnest desire saith he is that he may find nothing of his owne or anie waies appertaining to him either in the manners or in the names of the Priests And when the Emperour Maurice commanded that for a friuolous name there should no such scandale arise betweene them Consider saith he vnto the Emperour that when Antichrist shall call himselfe God the matter it selfe is but small and friuolous yet most pernitious if you looke to the qualitie of the word it consisteth only of two sillables but if you regard the weight of iniquitie which dependeth thereon you shall see an vniuersall enemie Wherefore I speake it boldly that whosoeuer calleth himselfe or desireth to be called by others the Vniuersall Priest or Bishop is in his elation of mind the forerunner of Antichrist because that in like pride he preferreth himselfe before others like I say for that as that wicked one would seeme as God aboue all men so will this man exalt himselfe aboue all Bishops And in like manner writeth he to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria Epist 30. And that no man may say That Gregorie went to take away that from another which he yet reserued as due vnto himselfe in his Epistle to the same Eulogius he thus writeth You haue beene carefull saith he to aduertise me That you forbeare now to write vnto any by those proud names which spring meerely from the root of vanitie and yet speaking to me you say Sicut iussistis i. As you commaunded Let me I pray you heare no more of this word Commaund for I know well ynough both what I am and what you are In degree you are my Brethren and in maners you are my Fathers Wherefore I commaunded you nothing onely I aduised you what I thought fittest to be done And yet I do not find that you haue perfectly obserued that which I desired to leaue deepest grauen in your best remembrance for I told you That you should not write in any such manner either to me or to any other and yet in the verie Preface of your Epistle you call me by that name of pride and vanitie Vniuersall Pope which I would intreat you to forbeare hereafter seeing that your selues lose whatsoeuer you giue vnduely to another For my owne part I seeke to encrease in vertue and not in vanitie of Titles That addeth nothing to my honour which I see taken from my brethren my honour is the honour of the Vniuersall Church and the sound vigour of my brethren Then am I truely honoured when my brethren haue euerie man his due For if you call me Vniuersall Pope you denie your selues to bee that which indeed you are in that you call me Vniuersall but God forbid let vs rather put farre from vs these words which puffe vs vp to pride and vanitie and woundeth charitie to the death Distinct 99. c. Ecce in praefatio 5. All which part of his Epistle is inserted in the Decret which Gregorie the thirteenth in his Reformation of the Canon Law knew not how to redresse but onely by giuing S. Gregorie the flat lye Now we may not for all this thinke that Gregorie would lose any thing of his owne or was carelesse to set foot and to encroach vpon another mans for it appeareth by his Epistles that he spread his wings as farre and farther than his neast would giue him leaue taking all occasions to gaine credit and to be dealing not onely in Italie but also in other more remote Prouinces of the West making himselfe sometimes arbitrator betweene parties and sometimes Iudge of controuersies betweene Church and Church and eftsoones a sanctuarie and refuge for those who had beene censured and cast out by their own Metropolitans whereof we haue but too many examples in his Epistles And if we will ground our opinion vpon certaine Epistles which goe commonly vnder his name he was the first which brought in the Pall of the Archbishops which was a certaine Mantle or Cloake which he sent vnto them in honour thereby to oblige them to the subiection of his See namely to Virgilius Bishop of Arles and by vertue thereof conferred vpon him his Vicarship ouer the Churches of king Childebert with power to watch ouer their doctrine and behauiours But it hath beene right well obserued that those Epistles are of another growth because the whole course of the Historie of Gregorie of Tours who liued in the same time with Gregorie the Great sufficiently teacheth vs That the authoritie of our Prelats and Archbishops depended not of the Popes neither did they euer heare talke of that Pall which is more than probable Greg. li. 4. Epist 51. 52. because that in so many changes of Bishops and Metropolitans as we read of we find no mention at all made thereof Wherefore those words Idem ad Interroga Augustin ca. 9. Quod iuxta antiquum morem Pallij vsum ac vices Apostolicae sedis postulasti And Cum priscam consuetudinem Fraternitas vestra repetat by which they say That Virgilius requested of Gregorie the vse of the Pall and the Vicarship of the Roman See according to the ancient custome were ill deuised And how vnlikely a thing is it that Childebert should intreat the Pope to commit the ouersight and charge of the Churches of his kingdome to the Bishop of Arles who was at that time subiect to king Gontran with whom hee might in time vpon occasion haue open warre Adde we hereunto That notwithstanding this pretended Pall Gregorie expresly forbad Augustine his Legat to exercise any jurisdiction ouer the Churches of France We saith he giue you no authoritie in the Churches of France c. Thou mayest not presume to iudge them by thine authoritie but onely by warning and speaking them faire and by making thy vertues to shine before them To
suffered to doe thus Secondly he sayth That in that decree against Iudgements giuen beyond the seas the Church of Rome was still excepted whereas indeed it was enacted directly against that Church and against no other but for proofe he alledgeth a certaine decretall Epistle of Fabianus In 1. vol. Concil Epist Decret Fabian ad Hilar. 3. Bishop of Rome written to Hilarius with these words Salua in omnibus Apostolica authoritate i. sauing alwayes the authoritie of the See Apostolike as if he had said sauing the case for which the Canon was principally made than which what can be more ridiculously absurd Now as touching all those Epistles which are inserted into the Councels vntill the time of Syricius it is agreed of on all hands that they are of no credit and though they were yet were it reason that Fabianus should be credited in his owne cause But besides the sottishnesse of the stile of this Epistle the verie date which it beareth Baron an 55. art 21. Africano Decio Coss bewrayeth the stampe for they can shew vs no such date either in their Fasti or in Onuphrius himselfe And it is noted in the margent of the first volume of the Councels vpon this Epistle that the greatest part thereof is found word for word in the decree of Sixtus the third which was but as yesterday to speake of a professed Annalist should not so doe Thirdly that notwithstanding all this yet Cyprian did aduow the authoritie of the Church of Rome For sayth he in that Epistle which he wrote to the Clergie of Rome vpon the death of Fabianus he tearmeth him Collegue in regard of his function but Praepositum in respect of his place and dignitie a meere tricke not fitting anie simple scholler much lesse a learned Diuine and Cardinall for what must Praepositus needs signifie a Pope Doth he not in the same Epistle call him a Bishop and doth he not tearme him Praepositus in regard of those to whom he wrote and not of himselfe Or doth he not giue the same style to other Bishops and to himselfe also when as in his seuenth Epistle to Rogatian his Deacon in the Church of Carthage Cyprian epist 7. ad Rogatian editio Pamel congratulating him for the firme and stedfast confession of his Clergie he vseth these words The glorie of the Church is the glorie Praepositi i. of him that is set ouer it meaning himselfe as Bishop as appeareth by the next precedent clause In this common ioy the portion of the Bishop is the greatest Idem epist 11. ad Marty confesso editio Pamel And in the eleuenth Epistle we read Praepositorum est i. It is the part of them which are set ouer the Church to instruct the hastie and ignorant that of Pastors they become not butchers of the flocke to wit in suffering them which had fainted in the confession of Christ to come ouer hastily to the Communion where he expoundeth this word Praepositos by Pastors so likewise in the 13 15 23 27 Epistles as Pamelius himselfe cannot denie But as you see a little stuffe will serue this Cardinall to make the Pope a coat Fourthly he sayth That all questions of heresie were referred to the judgement of the Bishops of Rome exclusiuely to all other at least that others came but onely to stand as cyphers alledging the example of Origen who when he was accused of heresie sent sayth he his confession first of all to Fabian Bishop of Rome as to the Bishop of all the Catholike Church and to this purpose citeth Eusebius but Eusebius joyneth Fabian with others He wrote sayth he to Fabian and to manie other Gouernours of the Church concerning his true profession and so runs the Latine translation and who doubts but that among them all such a man as Fabian Bishop of the imperiall Citie should be respected and written to with the first Fifthly and lastly he saith That Fabian being dead the Clergie of Rome he should haue said the Colledge of Cardinals tooke vpon them the care of all the Churches Baron an 245. ex Euseb lib. 6. c. 8. Grae. ad his proofes in this point are like the rest for sayth he The Clergie of Rome aduertised S. Cyprian of the death of Fabian as appeareth by his third Epistle and knowing that S. Cyprian had withdrawne himselfe from Carthage wrote vnto his Clergie exhorting them to take heed that none went astray Cyprian epist 3. edit Pamel And this they did sayth he Vice Pastoris i. doing as Fabian should haue done if he had liued sending vnto all Churches copies of the order taken at Rome in Lapsorum negotio i. touching their case which had fallen in persecution And what must these mutuall offices of care and loue this interchangeable aduising one another be taken for an argument of soueraigntie and power Cannot one Church consult another but with losse of her libertie nor take counsaile but with prejudice to her freedome or must counsaile serue the giuer for a claime of homage and the taker for a yoke of thrall and bondage Those golden Epistles of S. Cyprian written whether to the Pope or whether to the Clergie of Rome vpon so manie points of great importance wherein he instructs exhorts and sometimes sharpely reproues them shall they serue for so manie presidents to his successors in the Church of Carthage of superioritie and vsurpation ouer other Churches and ouer the Church of Rome it selfe See here Reader the course of their impostures and withall remember which Baronius wittingly suppresseth That this third Epistle of the Clergie of Rome to the Clergie of Carthage on which he grounds himselfe In notis ad epist 3. is not to be found either in the edition of Manutius or in anie manuscript as Pamelius himselfe acknowledgeth 3. PROGRESSION Of the variance which arose betweene S. Cyprian and Stephen Bishop of Rome touching those which had beene baptized by heretikes An. 258. ANother question arose not long after Whether those which had bin baptized by heretikes if afterward they returned to the true Church should be rebaptized or no Stephen held that no Cyprian that they should Stephens cause no doubt was the better had he carried the matter with discretion and sobrietie and had he stood as much vpon ground of argument and reason as he did vpon his authoritie for vnto a letter which was sent vnto him from a Councell consisting of 71 Bishops his answer for all was this Whatsoeuer the heresie be let the partie come to vs let nothing be innouated or changed onely as it hath beene deliuered to vs from hand to hand let them receiue imposition of hands in penance Seeking by authoritie to make the rest of the Churches dance after him and because they would not he excommunicated first the Churches of Africke and then all the Churches of the East which joyned with them OPPOSITION But neither Cyprian nor yet the Churches suffered themselues to
Iulius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which onely permitteth him to take knowledge of the cause anew which in the fift Canon is qualified with this Particle as if say they the Bishop deposed As appealing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall flie for refuge to the Bishop of Rome and as the third Canon so this in the decision concludeth onely for a reuiew of the former sentence so little was this matter of formall Appeales meant or vnderstood in this Councell And this fellow which standeth so much vpon his knowledge of Antiquitie and hath written so manie volumes of it should in all reason haue produced some Canon of the Apostles some Constitution of Clement or of some precedent Councell or some example out of the Historie of the Church and not haue grounded himselfe wholly vpon a certaine Appeale made de facto by Martian Valentinian Fortunatus or some such like heretike and make that his onely title to claime by especially considering that the Councell of Nice setteth downe another order in expresse tearmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil Nicen. can 4. Concil Antioch can 4. sequ namely this that the power of ratifying for so doth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there vsed signifie in good Greeke should belong to the Metropolitan in euerie Prouince where there is no superiour appointed ouer the Metropolitan no not the Patriarch himselfe at that time and yet was the question at that time properly concerning the ordination of Bishops And the Councell of Antioch which was held but a little before that of Sardica giueth to a Bishop deposed by his own Synod no other remedie but onely a reuiew in another Synod And farther all Antiquitie forbiddeth euerie Bishop or Metropolitan to receiue anie Bishop or Priest deposed without those solemne letters certificatorie called Formatae from his owne Metropolitan or Bishop which absolute and generall Law were to little purpose if this Law of Appeales did stand in force And hence came the vse of those Formata which were of so great weight and moment and were neuer granted forth but vpon mature aduise and long deliberation Fifthly here may we see how Baronius abuseth a certaine place of Theodoret Theodor. l. 5. c. 9. where he sayth That Iulius hauing receiued letters from Eusebius the Arrian of Nicomedia who made him Iudge following the Law or Ordinance of the Church commaunded him to come to Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cited Athanasius to appeare there also that is saith Baronius a Canon of the Nicene Councell now lost whereby it was enacted that men might from all parts appeale to Rome so small a piece of ground will serue their turne to found the tyrannie of the Pope vpon for what likelyhood thereof doe they find in anie Historie Wherefore it is more probable to say that seeing this was before that Canon of the Councell of Sardica it was meant rather of the common practise of the Church in those dayes when one Bishop oppressed was wont to flie for reliefe to some other of greater dignitie to cleare himselfe before him who thereupon vsed to call his aduersarie and to heare the cause betweene them according to that vniuersall Bishopricke whereof as sayth S. Cyprian euerie one did administer his portion by himselfe yet so as that no man neglected the whole Bodie or any particular member thereof the Church being a Bodie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sozom. l. 8. c. 13. i. which liued but by one and the selfesame breath As appeareth in the example of Ammonius and Isidore who finding themselues wronged by Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria fled to Chrysostome who receiued them and examined their cause and finding them to haue a right and Orthodox opinion concerning the Deitie wrote to Theophilus to receiue them to Communion if not and that he would yet draw the cause to a farther hearing that then he should send some one or other to make himselfe a partie in it The like was in Athanasius flying to Pope Iulius And yet did not Chrysostome hereupon ground anie pretence either ouer Theophilus in person or ouer the dioces of Alexandria The like was also in Liberius whom the Churches of the East assembled in the Syrmian Councell recommended to Pope Felix and to the Clergie of Rome requiring them to admit him as Collegue in that See which also they obtained And thus you see what that pretended Appeale was Baron an 349. art 6. vnlesse yet perhaps some man may thinke that foolerie of Baronius worth the answering where he sayth that Athanasius calleth the Church of Rome The Church Athanas Apolog 2. idem ad solitarios by excellencie without addition The words of Athanasius are these The Emperour sayth he sent me letters hauing receiued them I went vp to Rome with purpose to visit the Bishop and Church there Who seeth not that this word Rome was omitted in this last place onely to auoid an vnnecessarie repetition of what was necessarily implied Now if we would vrge a saying of the same Father where he calleth Milan the Metropolis of all Italie what rejoinder would he make Nay we may say farther that this Councell had beene ill aduised to draw all to one mans authoritie seeing that Hosius the proposer of this Canon a while after fell away from the true and Orthodox doctrine and that Liberius next successor to Iulius fell vnto Arrianisme excommunicating Athanasius and being therefore himselfe without regard to his pretended supremacie excommunicated by our S. Hilarie Baron an 347. art 25. an 352. art 14. to 3. Baronius seeing the consequence which this Historie draweth with it would faine make it trauersable and sometimes flatly denieth it to be true and which is more enrolleth him in the Catalogue of Saints as he did afterwards the good Hildebrand called Gregorie the seuenth But leaue we him to debate this question with Athanasius and Hilarie with Liberius himselfe whose Epistles Nicholas Faber his trustie friend lately published with the fragments of Hilarie with Bellarmine who as hath beene alreadie shewed so clearely condemneth him and lastly with himselfe for as much as he vseth these fragments of Hilarie so farre forth as they serue his own turne for from thence taketh he a Synodicall Epistle Baron an 357. art 26. written to Iulius from the Councell of Sardica and therefore ought in reason to admit also of that Epistle of Liberius found in the same volume but we need no argument in a thing which himselfe affirmeth so plainely as he doth Baron vol. 4. an 365. art 1 2 3 4 5 sequent By all these things saith he taken partly out of histories partly out of the writing of the Fathers partly out of his owne letters it is impossible to free Liberius from that imputation of communicating with Arrius and of ratifying the sentence by them giuen against Athanasius And if saith he there were no other proofe his owne letters are sufficient to put
away all cause of doubt Because said he In Commonit ad Can. 1. pa. 306. we cannot find that Canon which is alledged by Faustus in the behalfe of Boniface Bishop of Rome which Boniface during this Councell had succeeded Zozimus And farther they required Boniface himselfe to doe the like to the end that these things passing in his presence might be void of suspition and so find the greater credit with him Which copies being after a time sent vnto them in due forme from Cyril Bishop of Alexandria and from Atticus of Constantinople together with their letters which we find recited in the Councell followed that decree which we there read and withall a Synodal letter from them to Caelestin Bishop of Rome who during this pursuit had succeeded Boniface and this Epistle closeth vp that Councell Neither is it vnworthie our obseruation that the copie which Cyril sent taken out of the Archiues of Alexandria came from Rome being long before sent from Marcus Bishop of Rome to Athanasius and to the other Bishops of Aegypt vpon complaint which they had made vnto him That the Arrians had burned all the copies of the Nicene Councel which were to be found in Alexandria In to 1. Cōcil pa. 299. pa. 300. Epist Aegypt ad Marcum Marci ad Aegyptios and we haue the letters of Marcus to testifie as much The decree therefore of that Councell made in confirmation of the Canon of the Mileuitan Councell passed there by generall consent in manner and forme following That Priests Deacons and other inferiour Clerkes appeale not beyond the sea but to the Primats of their Prouince as it hath often beene decided and commaunded in case of Bishops As for those which shall appeale beyond the sea that is as Balsamon expoundeth it to Rome that no man in Africke receiue them to communion Which clause is set downe in as generall tearmes as could be deuised and the letter sent to Caelestin maketh their meaning yet more plaine which letter we find registred in the Councell of Africke according to the old Roman copie it selfe We earnestly intreat you say they Concil African Can. 105. Codex Canonum Vetus Ecclesiae Romanae in Concil African 105. that hereafter you giue no care to those which flie vnto you from hence and that you admit not to your communion such as we haue excommunicated for your Venerablenesse knoweth well that it is so ordered by the Councell of Nice which though it seeme to dispose onely in case of inferiour Clerkes and lay persons yet in reason their mind was that it should be so obserued much more in case of Bishops that those which had beene iustly censured and put from the communion of their owne Church should not ouer hastily be restored by your Holinesse And farther we request your Holinesse that you would repell those Priests and other Clerkes which make you their refuge both because there is no constitution of the Fathers which hath at any time so much derogated from the authoritie of our Churches as also because the Councell of Nice hath apparently left the ordering of all inferiours whether Priests or Bishops to the iudgement of their Metropolitan and with great wisedome and equitie haue they prouided that all matters of controuersie should receiue their finall determination in the place where they began and that the grace of the holie Spirit would not bee so wanting to any Prouince but that the Priests of Christ which word compriseth also Bishops by the helpe thereof wil be able at all times wisely and discreetly to enter into the full knowledge and vnderstanding of causes and according to right and equitie to iudge of them especially considering that euerie man which findeth himselfe aggrieued with the sentence of his Diocesan may if he will forthwith appeale to the Synods of his owne Prouince or if him list to a Generall Councell vnlesse peraduenture anie thinke that God will inspire with this gift of examining causes some one particular man Vni cuilibet and that he will denie the same to an infinite number of Bishops and Priests assembled in a Councell Innumerabilibus sacerdotibus and how can a iudgement giuen beyond the seas be good where witnesses necessarily required in such cases cannot be present either in regard of their sex or of their age or by reason of some other impediment As for your sending of a Legat à Latere A tuae sanctitatis latere we find no such ordinance in anie Councell neither yet in the writings of the Fathers And as touching that which you sent vs by Faustinus our fellow Bishop as a Canon of the Nicene Councell we let you to vnderstand that there is no such Canon to be found in the true and vncorrupt copies of that Councell which haue beene sent vnto vs taken out of the Originals by Cyrill our fellow Bishop of Alexandria and by the reuerend Atticus of Constantinople which copies we also heretofore sent vnto Boniface your predecessor of worthie memorie by Innocentius the Priest and Marcellus a Subdeacon wherein there was no such Canon to be found Now in the whole narration of this Epistle there are manie things worthie our obseruation as first the inscription To our louing and venerable brother Caelestin Secondly that the Popes Legat brought back againe and presented before them Apiarias a Priest whom Vrban Bishop of Sicea had condemned to purge himselfe before the Councell notwithstanding he had fled to Rome Thirdly that it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your Holinesse beleeued that he had appealed vnto you that is your Holinesse was made to beleeue that he had right to appeale vnto you which yet you were not able to proue and therefore his appeale auailed him not as one which was conuicted by his owne confession notwithstanding the sleights and practises of the Legat. Fourthly that Celestin here is fairely entreated no more to protect or receiue their Priests or Bishops as you say they shall find ordained in the Councell of Nice whereas that which you pretend is not there to be found so that the lie was put vpon those three Popes as plainely and as mannerly withall as possibly could be deuised Fifthly that whereas they talke so much of that fountaine of Gods spirit flowing so plentifully at Rome in the person of their Bishop by farre greater reason it is to be presumed that it will not wax drie and faile among so manie holie persons assembled in their owne Prouince Sixtly that they will not heare of anie Legats à Latere that they know not what they meane nor found they anie such officer mentioned in the Canons of the Church as also that they neuer heard of anie such clerkes as lately came by strong hand to put his decrees in execution by which attempts of theirs it appeareth how much ground their ambitious violence had alreadie gotten through the breach which was made in their liberties by those rebell Bishops
had long since aspired vnto a secular kind of soueraigntie and power where the Latine interpreter hath put in Quasi which word is not in the Greeke it selfe Adde hereunto That in those dayes all the Patriarchall Churches were equally called Apostolicall and not the Church of Rome alone Sozom. l. 1. c. 16. edit Graec. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Sozomene speaking of the first generall Councell of Nice In this Synod saith he were present for Apostolicall Sees Macarius Bishop of Ierusalem Eustachius of Antioch Alexander of Alexandria but Iulius Bishop of Rome was absent by reason of his age ranking Iulius in the same order and degree with the rest In which sence the Bishops of the East as Theodoret reporteth writing to Pope Damasus Theodoret. li. 5. ca. 9. call Antioch the most ancient and truely Apostolicall Church and that of Ierusalem they tearme the Mother of all Churches So likewise Ruffine Ruffin li. 2. c. 1. though himselfe a member of the Westerne Church as being a Priest in Aquileia In the citie of Rome saith he Syricius succeeding vnto Damasus and Timotheus in Alexandria vnto Peter and after Timotheus came Theophilus and Iohn in Ierusalem after Cyril restored the Apostolicall Churches And therefore this vsurpation of the Bishop of Rome proceedeth from the diuell and from none other Neither doe wee in all this age find any trace of that pretended donation of Constantine but rather we light vpon many arguments to proue the contrarie witnesse the verie production of the Instrument and the Vatican it selfe And for further proofe when by reason of the schisme between Boniface the first and Eulalius contending together for the Popedome Symmachus gouernour of the citie wrot vnto the Emperour Honorius he saith in this manner Baron vol. 5. an 418. art 81. sequent Absoluta iussione Idem an 419. art 2. 3. That since the knowledge of these matters belonged to him he thought fit to consult his Maiestie out of hand who thereupon rightly informed or not I will not say by his absolute command gaue order That Boniface should presently voyd the place and if hee obeyed not that forthwith he should be cast forth by force And when a little after for his more due information he had assembled a Synod out of diuers Prouinces To the end saith he that the cause being debated to the full in our presence Ib. art 10. sequent may receiue a finall and absolute decision And thereupon he sent for Paulinus Bishop of Nola a man at that time much respected for his sanctitie of life and wrot to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and sent for Italians French Africans and others Ib. art 15. and in the meane time prouided the Church of Rome of a Bishop namely Achillaeus Bishop of Spoleto to the end the people of Rome might not be vnprouided of a Bishop at the feast of Easter Commanding the Church of Lateran to be set open to him and to none other And when Eulalius offered contrary to the Emperors command to intrude himselfe into the citie the Emperour by the aduise of the Bishops there assembled gaue sentence in fauour of Boniface commanding Symmachus the Gouernor to receiue him into the citie which he did accordingly with these words Your Maiestie hath confirmed his Priesthood Statutis coelestibus per me publicatis edictis de more positis c. And when I published your Edict euerie man reioyced thereat And to conclude Boniface falling sicke to preuent the like inconuenience against hereafter wrot to Honorius to prouide by his authoritie that the Popedome might no more be carried by plots and canuasses The Epistle it selfe in the Councels bearing this Title Supplicatio Papae Bonifacij and being ful of these and the like clauses God hath giuen you the regiment of worldlie things and the Priesthood vnto me You haue the gouernment of worldlie matters and therefore wee were worthie to be blamed if what was heretofore obserued vnder Heathen Princes should not now be obserued vnder your glorie c. Vnder your raigne my people hath beene much encreased which now is yours Neither doth the Emperour put this from him as a thing not properly belonging to him But let the Clergie saith he know that if God shall otherwise dispose of you they must refraine all secret plots and practises and if it fall out through their factions that two be named let them likewise know that neither of them shall sit Bishop but he which in a new election shall be by generall consent chosen If therefore the Bishop of Rome had beene at that time Temporall Lord of that citie and territorie thereunto adioining would he haue vsed these kinds of language Neither was it farre from this time that Synesius Bishop of Ptolemais in his 57 Epistle Synes li. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To couple the ciuile power saith he with the Priesthood is to ioyne those things which will not hold together they busie themselues in worldlie causes whereas we were appointed onely for our prayers 11. PROGRESSION Of the Pretence which Pope Leo the first made vnto the Primacie An. 450. Leo. 1. in Anniuersar de Assumpt Serm. 2. 3. ABout the yeare 450 Leo the first would not giue ouer his pretence vnto the Primacie and therefore tooke for a ground those words of our Sauiour Tu es Petrus For saith he Peter is here called a stone or foundation c. and all his power was in his See there his authoritie was principally seene c. He is the Primat of all Bishops c. Whatsoeuer Christ bestowed on the rest he bestowed it by his meanes c. all which we read in those his sermons which he preached among the townesmen of Rome Idem Epist 8. ad Flauia Constantinop And farther he challengeth Flauian Bishop of Constantinople for that he had not first aduertised him of the state of Eutiches cause taking occasion therevpon to doubt of the lawfulnesse of his excommunication and would faine haue persuaded Flauian that he had done much wrong to him and to Eutyches both in not giuing way to the appeale which Eutyches had put in to the See of Rome Idem Epist 89. ad Episc per Viennens prouinc constitut This same Leo also complaineth to the Bishops of Viennois in France That one Hilarie Bishop of Arles tooke vpon him to install and to depose Bishops without his priuitie which he tearmeth to be no lesse than à Petri soliditate deficere to fall away from the soliditie of Peter whom saith he our Lord associated to himself in the indiuiduall vnitie and commaunded him to be called as himselfe was called And yet in the end he flattereth our Bishops of France willing them to remember that their auncestors oftentimes were pleased to consult the Seo Apostolike seeking by these sugred words to make them swallow the bitter pill of his tyrannous Supremacie and branding Hilarie with the name of a
euident example hereof in the first Action where those Iudges ordained Concil Chalced. Act. 1. Cognit 2. That the Patriarche should take each of them one or two of his owne Prouince vnto him that they might handle the points of faith each of them with their seuerall companies and so report to the whole Synod what they in particular had agreed vpon Whereas if the Popes Legats had presided this action should haue belonged to them and not vnto the Iudges Yea but saith Bellarmine They sat first Bellar. de Concil Eccles l. 1. c. 19. a good argument for their precedencie and they spake first no good argument for their presidencie for euerie man knoweth that the argument had beene stronger if they had spoken last But he saith yet farther That they pronounced in the name of the Pope and of all the Councell the definitiue sentence against Dioscorus and that they degraded him from his Priesthood But he should remember that it is one thing for a man to giue his voice as Paschasin did and that first before all others for Leo and another thing to giue a sentence In which matter we shall need the lesse proofe because Paschasin himselfe hauing giuen his voice Concil Chalced. Action 3. addeth farther Let the holie Synod saith he now decree meaning of Dioscorus his cause Then followeth Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople and the rest euerie one in his order which take vp ten or twelue leaues and then in the end and not before was his condemnation signed To conclude saith Bellarmine the Synodall Epistle it selfe written vnto Leo sayth Tu sicut membris caput praeeras i. Thou wert there ouer the rest as a Head ouer the members in the person of those who supplied thy roome I graunt in order of sitting as for the Presidencie read on and thou shalt find toward the end of the letter that the Emperours themselues Imperatores ad ornandum decentissime praesidebant to grace and honour that assemblie presided in a comelie order But graunt we that the Pope did preside in that Councell in the person of his Legats what getteth he thereby more than this That to his face and in the middest of all his ruffe he lost his cause condemning himselfe by his owne mouth and pronouncing equalitie where he pretended superioritie and that in so great and so renowmed a Councell as that of Chalcedon was Neither may we here forget how that when as about this time the Bishops began too licentiously to abuse their authoritie the Emperour Valentinian thought it fit to meet with this inconueience by making a law against them Manie saith he complaine of Episcopall iurisdiction it is fit therefore to make a law for the restraint thereof Iurgium If therefore there shall happen to fall anie brawle or debate betweene clerkes and the parties shall be pleased to compromit the matter let the Bishops heare the cause and determine of it Which course is also permitted to lay men if the parties can so agree vpon it otherwise we no waies suffer them meaning the Bishops to be Iudges In Cod. Theodos inter Nouell Valentinian lib. 2. tit 12. For it is apparent that by the lawes Bishops and Priests haue no iurisdiction neither ought they to take knowledge of anie causes by the lawes and ordinances of Honorius and Arcadius contained in the Theodosian Code saue onely in cases of religion If both parties or either of them being Clergie refuse to stand to the iudgement of the Bishop then let the cause be decided according to the common lawes of the Empire But if the plaintife be a lay man and the cause either ciuile or criminall then it shall be lawfull for him to make the defendant being Clergie to answere vnto him by course of law before the publike Magistrate which course we will and commaund also to be obserued in the person of Bishops But if an action of Batterie or other enormous iniurie offered be brought against a Clergie man then let him answere the plaintife before the publike Magistrat in course of law by their lawfull Atturney But because this law is long and extendeth it selfe to so manie particulars therefore I referre the reader to the place it selfe where this law is set downe at large But welfare Baronius Baron vol. 2. an 452. art 52 53. who sayth That the making of this law incensed the wrath of God and caused Attila with the Hunnes to come downe vpon the Empire And why should we not rather beleeue the Writers of those times who impute that calamitie to the corruption of the Church and Churchmen witnesse Saluianus Bishop of Marscilles Baron an 444. vol. 6. art 30. But to returne from whence we came Baronius is bold ynough to affirme were we as forward to beleeue that the Popedome gat ground exceedingly vnder the reigne of Leo the first And first he saith that Dioscorus that coile-keeper which gaue fire to the Eutychian heresie in the East so soone as he was created Bishop of Alexandria according to the custome saith he dispatched away letters vnto Leo which dispatch of his Baronius interpreteth for no lesse than a plaine homage But can or will he be ignorant of this custome vsed among them namely that Bishops especially those of the greater Sees so soone as they were elected were wont to send away their letters generall to all the Churches at least to the most principall among them together with a briefe confession of their faith thereby to aduertise them both of their election and also of their true profession for the better maintenance of that bond of peace and loue which was betweene them How manie such entercourses and reciprocall letters haue we recorded betweene the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople Ep. 42. edit Pamel And so likewise did Cornelius Bishop of Rome aduertise those in Afrike of his election whereupon S. Cyprian and his Collegues congratulate him and which is more approue of his election for the verie Epistle which Cyprian wrote vnto him in answere to his letter beareth this inscription Of the election of Cornelius approued by him the said Cyprian And yet he neuer demanded Annats by vertue of such his approbation Yea but saith he Leo reproued Dioscorus for certaine ceremonies vsed in the Church of Alexandria and calleth him backe to the vsages and customes of the Church of Rome because that S. Marc was a disciple of S. Peter Leo. ep 81. No man can doubt but that Leo was euer harping vpon this string but tell me Cyprian ep 68. when Cyprian Bishop of Carthage either brotherly admonished Cornelius or sharpely reproued Steuen both Bishops of Rome did he thereby pretend or chalenge anie primacie ouer them if so by the like reason we may say that S. Paule chalenged a superioritie ouer S. Peter Paulus Ep. ad Galat. 1. when he withstood him to the face Secondly in the case of Hilarie Bishop of Arles Baronius
doe otherwise than this were to thrust thy sickle into another mans corne Wherefore what euer is to be done by authoritie leaue vnto the Bishop of Arles whose iurisdiction reacheth as far as to Lions The like may be said of that Pall which they say was sent to Siagrius Bishop of Authun and many such forgeries may we find in those Epistles as we may ghesse by the priuiledge there granted to S. Medard Bishop of Soissons bearing date the yeare 593 Indictione 2 whereunto Theodoric his hand is set as if he had beene then raigning in Soissons who yet was neuer there and was scarce of age to speake at what time that priuiledge beareth date neither did the Popes of that time date after the manner which is there expressed But this I say that Gregorie had that name of Vniuersal Bishop in such abhomination that as he condemned it in another so he would neuer accept thereof in himselfe being verily persuaded that whensoeuer it came to be accepted the morrow after Antichrist should set foot into the Church It remaineth now that we see what Baronius replieth to all this Baron vol. 8. an 595. art 27. Saint Gregorie saith he imitated our Sauiour who stroue not with Sathan in his diuine Maiestie but in the humble and low estate of his flesh A weake ward to beare off so great a blow for did Christ to ouerthrow Sathan play Sathan himselfe For what else did Gregorie when he called euerie man the forerunner of Antichrist and Sathan himselfe if in the meane time he reserued this high Title and prerogatiue to himselfe Secondly he saith That Gregorie would not indeed be called Vniuersall Ib. art 32 33 34 as Father of all the world because the other Bishops were not his children but his brethren But in another sence saith he he doth not refuse it namely that they remaining his brethren and fellow Bishops he might yet bee reputed and taken as superiour vnto all In which sence he calleth himselfe by that Title in his Epistle Of the Priuiledges of Saint Medard to all Bishops But I would learne where they can find a ground for this distinction in Saint Gregories owne words seeing that he so often repeateth these and the like words That none would euer be called by that name and taketh offence that his brethren the Patriarches call him so and reckoneth thereof as of a great wrong done vnto him Me thinke so great an Annalist should haue brought some better proofe than that priuiledge of S. Medard which who so doth but see it condemneth presently as a fable and which himselfe confesseth to be subscribed by those Bishops which were not at that time created Bishops namely by Augustine Bishop of Canterburie and Mellitus Bishop of London whereas they were not yet passed ouer into England And how came Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria to subscribe this priuiledge Neither did Theodoric at that time raigne in France as Baronius himselfe confesseth Ib. art 81. an 593. but Childebert and Gontran And who can warrant vs that there is more truth in the priuiledge it selfe than there is in the subscription or is not the falshood of the subscription ynough to ouerthrow the instrument it selfe And yet is he not ashamed of this false coyne clipt by himselfe and rounded at his pleasure but vseth this forged instrument not onely as a law to bind vs poore men withall but euen as a definitiue sentence against the liues and Crownes of Princes For saith hee Gregorie pronounceth That Sedes Roma speculationem suam toti orbi indicit i. The See of Rome enioyneth her speculation to all the world and sendeth out her new constitutions vnto all Perfect good Latine no doubt but he goeth on If any King Bishop or Iudge violate or infringe the Decrees of our Apostolike authoritie and of this our commaundement of what degree or estate soeuer he be let him be depriued of his honour and cut off from the communion of Christ that is saith Baronius Kings from their kingdomes for violating the priuiledge of one poore hospitall Greg. 7. li. 8. Epist 21. li. 4. Epist 2. 23. And so did Gregorie the seuenth vnderstand and extend these words And is it then possible that hauing himselfe cried downe this Epistle he will now so much enhaunce the price of this base coyne Thirdly saith he when Pelagius predecessor vnto Gregorie saith in his first Epistle That no Patriarch may presume to vse this prophane name his meaning was that none of the foure Patriarches of the East should vse it to the exclusion of him of Rome that is in effect to take it from them and to appropriat it to himselfe And for proofe he alledgeth a certaine Epistle of Gregorie to Natalis where indeed he speaketh of foure Patriarches Epist 37. li. 2. but not a word to this purpose But not to goe farther a man that readeth the text it selfe had need to blush for him which cannot blush for himselfe for these words follow immediatly vpon the former Pela 2. Epist 1. ad vniuers Epise If saith he the Soueraigne and chiefe Patriarch such as hee supposeth himselfe to be in all that Epistle be called Vniuersall then is the name of Patriarch taken from all others but farre be this from the thought of a Christian Which then of these two did he Did he giue the Title of Soueraigne Patriarch to any one of the Patriarches of the East or did he denie himselfe to be a Christian or when he forbiddeth them to giue this Title of Vniuersall to any man doth he exclude himselfe out of the number of men Fourthly he saith That this verie Iohn of Constantinople Baron vol. 8. an 565. art 34. who chalenged this Title yet still acknowledged Gregorie as Head or Chiefe aboue him as appeareth saith he in the case of Iohn of Chalcedon which stood condemned of Heresie and yet Iohn of Constantinople suffered him to carrie his cause by Appeale to Rome and for proofe hereof alledgeth the Epistles of Gregorie to Iohn of Constantinople Greg. Epist 52. 64. li. 2. and vnto Narses It is true that in the former of those Epistles he complaineth That whereas hee hauing written to him concerning certaine wrongs done to Iohn of Chalcedon and to other Monkes of Isauria he made him answer That he knew of no such matter Wherupon he stormed and wrot to him againe That if he had made him a more direct answer he would haue sent them backe to him againe without more adoe and would neuer haue spoken of that which of right belongeth to him by the Canons which also he repeated vnto Narses Now no man euer doubted of their protections But what is all this to an Appeale to Rome seeing that there is not so much as the name either of an Appeallant or of an Appeale to be found in all those Epistles And as for those 15 16 17 Epistles of Gregorie which he citeth out of his
with manie others by which the cognisance of such causes is committed to the Ciuile magistrat And now what maketh all this for that absolute authoritie of the Pope Moreouer the Councell of Toledo which was held vnder King Gondemar in the time of Pope Boniface the third and that after that Decree of Phocas declareth that of Toledo to be the first See Concil Tolet. sub Rege Gondemaro not so much by vertue of anie new graunt as by the Synodall Decree of the auncient Fathers commanding all Bishops to vaile bonnet vnto him vnder paine of Anathema Which Decree of the Synod was also confirmed by the King Gondemar As for the Pope in all that long Epistle we find no one word spoken of him Baron an 610. art 14. and yet Baronius is not ashamed to auerre That the Church of Toledo had this priuiledge from Rome when as yet the Pope was not absolute Monarch in Italie itselfe for the Bishops of Istria and Venetia vnder their Patriarchs stood oâ—â— against them so also did the Bishops of Lumbardie as appeareth by that Epistle of Gregorie to Constantius Bishop of Milan Brixia ep 37. lib. 3. whom a certaine Bishop of Bresse would not acknowledge because it seemed that he as well as the Bishop of Rome derogated from the authoritie of the Chalcedon Councell But vnder his successor Sabinian the matter went a little farther Baron an 605. art 2 3 4. For we may learne out of a certaine Councell held at Mantua for which we are beholding to Baronius his Librarie That when as there was question about the choice of a new Patriarch of Aquileia and Agilulphaâ— the King of the Lumbards had caused one Iohn to be elected the Exarch of Rauenna to gratifie the Pope set vp against him one Candidian at Grado and so were there for a long time two Patriarchs of which he which sat at Aquileia would neuer acknowledge the Popes authoritie 23. PROGRESSION Of the attempt of Honorius against the Bishops beyond the Po. THe Lumbards at that time lying heauie vpon Italie on the one side and the Exarchs of Rauenna for the Emperour on the other caused the Popes to pull in their hornes and to make little vse or shew of their new title purchased from Phocas though in the meane time their ambitious humor and desire of soueraignetie and power neuer ceased to put forth vpon all occasions Honorius therefore Bishop of Rome about the yeare 623 tooke his aduantage vpon a lamentable and wretched accident The Bishops of Istria Venetia and Lumbardie as we haue alreadie said held no good correspondencie with the Bishop of Rome and it came to passe that Adelwaldus fift King of Lumbards fell somewhat distracted in mind whether by force of a poyson which is said to haue beene giuen him by Eusebius the Emperours embassador Sigonius de Reg. Ital. lib. 2. at his comming out of the Bath or otherwise it is a thing hard to say but in this case he made away twelue of the most principall men of charge in the kingdome and grew dangerous to the rest The Lumbards to preuent a mischiefe called a Councell and deposed him placing Adoaldus his brother in law in his roome yet was the kingdome hereupon drawne into factions some holding for the old King some for the new and among others they beyond the Po held for the new election as well clerkes as lay men Which Honorius perceiuing tooke presently part with the aduerse faction and dealt with the Exarch to reestablish Adelwaldus but aboue all to apprehend those Bishops and to send them safe to Rome to answere there for their offences to the end saith he that this their wickednesse may not escape vnpunished But the worst was that the Exarch was too weake a partie and not able to performe what he vndertooke and thereupon those Bishops persisted in their former resolution being now more incensed against him than before OPPOSITION If that Decree of Phocas made in fauour of Boniface the third found such opposition at home we may easily conceiue what light regard was had thereof in more remote Prouinces and Churches especially in that point which Boniface so much enforced That no prouision of a Bishop was good in law without his authoritie for the fourth and sixt Councels of Toledo at also the first and second of Bracara which were all held vnder Honorius make open shew thereof seeing that the Bishops assembled in these Councels openly professe that they were assembled by the care and industrie of Sisinandus their King Eius imperijs et iussia commoniti Chintillae salutaribus hortamentis who roused them vp by his commands to the due handling of matters concerning the discipline of the Church as likewise speake the fift and sixt By the wholesome exhortations of King Chintilla and the first of Bracara By the commaundement of King Arimire Moreouer we find the Chapter of the Greeke Synods translated by Martin Bishop of Bracara as we find them in the second Tome of the Councels authorised in that Synod for the Bishops are there prouided in full Synod by their Metropolitan who yet did nothing without the aduice of the other Bishops As for running to Rome for Buls or Pals not a word there to be found if the Pope sent it to anie it was his kindnesse but no man was bound of necessitie to accept it and if it happened vpon the accusation of anie Bishop that the Synod could not agree they neuer sent to Rome for a resolution but for a finall definition say they of this dissention this holie Synod hath thought fit that another Metropolitan of some bordering Prouince should be sent for to confirme and ratifie that opinion which he should thinke most agreeable to the Canons But here is to be noted that not long after this ordinance of Phocas made in fauour of the See of Rome the Church might plainely see in the person of this Honorius whom we now speake of how dangerous a thing it was that she should depend of one man Which Gregorie well foresaw when he said That if there should be one Vniuersall Bishop and he should happen to fall the whole Church must needs vnto the ground For the heresie of the Monothelites then rising in the Church Honorius with the first fell into it and was conuicted thereof by his owne hand writing which he had sent to Sergius Bishop of Constantinople neither was this a small heresie or of anie meane consequence for that not to acknowledge two wils in Christ is consequently to denie two natures in him also His letters were produced in the sixt Generall Councell Action 12. 13. 2. To. Concil Act. 12. 13. Concil Vniuers 6. and were there by generall consent condemned to the fire the summe of them was this That neither Gospell nor Epistle neither yet the Synods did euer teach vs these two faculties or powers in Christ That these were words inuented by some
the Popish Histories doe witnesse That the Clergie of Rome were growne to that passe and so ambitious in those dayes that they made no conscience to obtaine the Popedome by fraud by force or by corruption it being an ordinarie practise for the successor to reuerse the Acts of his predecessor thereby reuenging the delay of his owne aduancement Platina in Stephan 6. whereof we need no other author but Platina himselfe But what thinke we did the Christian world then say when they saw one Pope dig another out of his graue degrade those Bishops which another had consecrated the Acts which one made by another disallowed all ordinances vocations missions and the whole administration reuoked and vtterly abolished and one Synod to contradict and ouerthrow another and yet both the one and the other boldly and peremptorily vsing these words Per sancti Spiritus iudicium edicimus interdicimus c. We say and vnsay commaund and forbid by the sentence of the holie Ghost The Spirt of God then if you beleeue them must be contrarie to it selfe and so must the truth And neuerthelesse they sticke not boldly to affirme D. 19. c. Enim vero Luitprand l. 1. c. 8. That whatsoeuer the Church of Rome doth appoint or ordaine must be for euer and irreuocably obserued of all Luitprand being greatly offended with the fact of Formosus ingeniously acknowledgeth the errour of Stephen Most holie Father saith he hereby you may know how wickedly he dealt that is to say to abrogat all those ordinances that were made by Formosus because they that receiued the Apostolicall benediction of Iudas before his treason were not after it depriued thereof except it were by their owne sinnes for that benediction that is giuen by the Ministers is not infused by that Priest that is seene but by him that is inuisible Iesus Christ our Lord. Bellarmine goes about to salue the matter saying That he degraded not those that were ordained by Formosus by a formall decree but that onely de facto he made them to be reordered A commaund saith he Bellarm. l. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 12. that did not proceed of ignorance but of hatred against Formosus But yet wee find by their owne Authors that this was done by the authoritie of a Synod celebrated at Rome and by an expresse Decree But if such tergiuersations may serue turne what wickednesse is there that cannot be defended This Heresie of Stephen yea of the Councell of Rome was it but small when Stephen in his Synod declared Formosus neither to be nor to haue beene Pope who I say made himselfe the Head of the Church being deceiued in his knowledge of the Head of the Church let any man looke into his conscience and his knowledge whether he fell into a light Heresie or no. But here he will follow Sigebert for his Author An. 902. Sigebertus in Chron. That notwithstanding the contradiction of the greater part Stephen the sixt degraded those that had been ordained by Formosus And is he not therefore so much the more an Heretike by how much the more obstinat he was to be ordered by the counsell of his brethren But Sigebert in the yeare 902 peremptorily affirmeth That all his ordinances were to be made void and did other things against him horrible to be spoken This then was a decree An. 903. and in the yere 903 speaking of the Synod held by Pope Iohn at Rauenna the Archbishops of France being present Before them saith he was the Synod burnt which Stephen had made for the condemnation of Formosus This decree was concluded in the next full Synod and in the yeare 900 he affirmed That by this occasion this question had beene for manie yeares disputed in the Church not without great scandale the one part iudging the consecration of those that Formosus had ordained to be nothing the other by a more holie counsell iudging them to be of force This was a question of law not of fact and consequently the solution of Bellarmine altogether void Baron to 10. an 897. art 4. an 900. art 2 3 4. Truly Baronius speaking of these times is strucken with a kind of horror and cals them infelicissima luctuocissima ecclesiae Romanae tempora The most vnfortunat and lamentable times of the Church of Rome worse than the persecutions of the Pagan Emperours Heretikes Schismatikes But he layed the fault vpon the Tusculan princes then powerfull in Rome as if the other part had yeelded Popes more holie and as if both the one and the other had not entred by theft and consequently come in at the window and not at the dore When sayth he the Church of Rome suffered the Princes of Tuscane to beare rule whether by money or by armes ouer the people and Clergie of Rome they thrust into the Chaire of Peter the throne of Christ men monstrous and infamous in their liues dissolute in their manners and wicked and villanous in all things and then the Queene of Nations so he calleth the Church of Rome being robbed of the garments of her glorie and ioy sits in heauinesse mourning and lamenting Let the Reader here note what helpe they giue vs to argue against the perpetuitie of their pretended succession when by his owne confession he here spake of ten Popes that did immediatly succeed one another but he addes that God would haue it so to giue the world to vnderstand that the Church as a Commonwealth dependeth not vpon the wisdome or vertue of those which gouerned but from the efficacie of the promise of God which makes it firme and constant for euer Why then should it seeme strange that there should be anie interruption in this personall succession For hath he euer seene families continued by monsters And when they happen in the Church as he acknowledgeth is not the mercie of God to be acknowledged therein which euen of stones raiseth seed vnto Abraham and beateth downe Antichrists sitting in the seat of Christ with the breath of his mouth Jbid. art 6. Moreouer Baronius acknowledgeth that whilest Stephen digged vp the carkas of Formosus the Church of Latran the chiefe seat of the Pope by the diuell was vtterly ouerthrowne to the ground from the Altar to the gates euen that saith he in which Pope Stephen kept his residence Which is an argument vnto vs that we are admonished by this destroying Angell that we are hereafter to seeke here the rubbish of the Church Neither let vs forget that Stephen for his wickednesse was strangled in prison and neuerthelesse Iohn the tenth his successor cals him Stephen of happie memorie in the acts of the Councell of Rauenna which saith Baronius was done in reuerence of his predecessor Baron vol 10. an 904. art 4. We may rather say because all impietie was with them pietie that vertue and vice were with them onely measured by commoditie But at this time Theophilact the Archbishop of the Bulgarians
humane necessitie directly oppugning the Popes Decree From hence there arose new matter of malice against Henrie because he did not his best endeuour to countenance the Bulls of Gregorie But another thing there was that troubled him more which was the right of inuestiture which Gregorie called simonie for which Alexander the second had already threatned to excommunicat him because according to the manner of his predecessors he confirmed by his authoritie such as were chosen Bishops by the Clergie and people and perhaps tooke some money for those great reuenues they possessed thereby which Gregorie would willingly haue got into his owne purse For let no man thinke he did it out of zeale to discharge the Clergie of that burthen because the historie witnesseth that there was none of his predecessors that made a more publike sale of Church liuings and dignities than he did He giues him therefore to vnderstand That vnder paine of excommunication he must abstaine from inuestitures and presently excommunicated Otho Bishop of Ratisbone Otho of Constance Bernard of Lozanna and the Earles Eberardus and Vlricus his counsellors and he sent presently into Germanie the Bishops of Ostia Prenest Coire and Come to enquire into the matter who meteing the Emperour at Noremberge refused to speake with him because he had beene excommunicated by Alexander But yet neuerthelesse they demaund a generall assemblie in Germanie in which they were to inquire of Simoniacall Bishops and Abbots amongst whom they shut them especially out of the Church that were knowne to be ordained by Henrie and first of all the Bishop of Bamberge An. 1075. And in the yeare 1075 the Emperor hauing appointed a meeting of the Bishops and Princes at Goslaer to deliberat of this businesse in the name of the Pope they let him vnderstand That the second weeke in Lent he must make his personall appearance at Rome to answer to such crimes as should be obiected against him otherwise he was againe to bee cut off from the bodie of the Church Malmesb. l. 3. de Gestis Regum Anglor And this is that which William of Malmesburie said speaking of Gregorie That which precedent Popes spake as it were betweene their teeth this pronounceth with open mouth excommunicating the elect who had receiued their inuestiture into the Churches from the hands of a lay man by the ring the staffe Which the Clergie of Lieg do likewise affirm in their Apologie in the yere 1106 Hildebrand and onely hath offered violence to the sacred Canons c. deriding that zeale which he pretended The Princes therefore and people of Saxonie being for some pretended griefes moued against the Emperour and obiecting against him for the better strengthening of their cause his youthfull lasciuious life craued the helpe of Gregorie who presently sets spurres to those that were forward ynough of themselues to rebell promising to be the first day with them in Germanie and to free them from the power of the Emperour But yet for as much as this was an enterprise of weight and difficultie he joyned himselfe in league with a more strict band than before with the Countesse Mathilda whose possessions and wealth were then great in Italie and also with the Normans then lords of Apulia and Calabria which he performed so much the easier because the diminution of the power of Henrie made much for the increase of both their goods But indeed the Pope had another purpose that once hauing gotten authoritie he might thrust out both Mathilda to whose dominions he chalenged a right and the Normans who defended themselues by no other title than of robbers and theeues Leo Ostiens l. 3. c. 48. And therefore saith Leo of Ostia The Countesse Mathilda fearing the armie of Henrie the Emperour deuoutly offered to Pope Gregorie and the holie Church of Rome the Prouinces of Liguria Tiguria and Tuscia Which was the first ground from whence sprung the seed of hatred and discord betwixt the Pope and the Emperour Whereupon the Pope tooke occasion to excommunicat the Emperour for vsurping the rights of the Church But he addeth in his Epistle That he commaunded Mathilda vpon remission of her sinnes to make warre with the Emperour wherein it shall be necessarie to note the diuinitie of this good man Henrie in the meane time omitting no opportunitie to procure peace Clerus Leodiens in Apolog. an 1106. Auentinus l. 5. Annalium Baior sent Orators to Gregory to justifie himselfe against the calumnies of the Saxons but saith Auentine The Emperours messengers who came to confute those crimes that were obiected by the Saxons and to withstand their attempts he cast into prison tormented them with cold and hunger and thirst and being lead vp and downe through the citie draue them out of Rome because saith he he ought to haue come in his owne person Henrie therefore his patience being so much moued that he could beare no longer commanded a meeting at Wormes to which there came many Bishops out of Italie and out of France and Germanie all except those of Saxonie yea and from Rome it selfe came Cardinall Hugo Blancus with letters from the Cardinals and principall of the people of Rome wherein they accused Hildebrand of ambition and periurie Lambert Schaffnab de rebus Germ. Sigon de Regno Ital. l. 9. Author vitae Henrici 4. complaining that he had done many things couetously and proudly and therefore this their Pastor being reiected they desire another There vpon mature deliberation a sentence is pronounced against Hildebrand Hildebrand who calls himselfe Gregorie is the first that without our consent against the will of the Roman Emperour established by God himselfe against the customes of the Elders against the lawes hath by his ambition long since inuaded the Popedome He will doe whatsoeuer pleaseth him whether by right or by wrong He is an Apostat Monke who by his new opinions adulterateth the sacred diuinitie the Scriptures by his false and forced interpretations he accommodates to his owne affaires and purposes he breakes the peace and concord of the Colledge he mingleth things sacred with prophane diuine with humane and polluteth both the one and the other he lendeth an eare and giues credit to the diabolicall and impure and false accusations of our deadliest enemies to the maledictions of wicked men He is both witnesse and Iudge and accuser and partie himselfe He seperateth husbands from their wiues preferres whores before chast matrons whoredome incest adulterie before chast mariage He stirreth vp the people against the Priests the vulgar sort against the Bishops He teacheth that there is no man truely initiated but he that begs his Priesthood of him or buyes it of his bloud-suckers He studieth how to gratifie the baser sort and deceiueth and circumuenteth the common sort of people Insenatulo muliercularum In a Councell-house of women he discourseth of the holie mysteries of religion the law of God wherewith he hath bound himselfe he loosseth as the Decij and
commended by all Histories for his pietie vertue clemencie forgetfulnesse of all iniuries whereby he left a desire in all men of his continuance yet no man euer endured greater more vnjust dealings by the Popes Through his death arose many molestations to his son Henrie as well in Germanie as in Italie But the thing that most troubled him was to get into his possession the kingdome of Sicilie in the right of Constance his wife by the death of William the which Pope Clement for want of an heire male challenged to belong to the church and had sent his forces to inuade it if the States and gouernours thereof had not opposed against him one Tancred the Bastard son of Roger by which meanes the inuasion of Clement being delayed Henrie had the better opportunitie to prouide for himself Thus did he obserue the promise made by his predecessor to those that went into the holie Land to defend and protect their estates and rights in that state they should leaue them Platina in Clement 3. Frederic being dead in this expedition his sonne Henrie besides the griefe for the losse of his father through so extraordinarie and vnexpected an accident was no lesse diuersly disquieted and disturbed in the kingdome of Germanie But Clement while he was endeauouring to put by Henrie from the imperiall Diademe died in Aprill in the yeare 1191 whom Cardinall Iacynthus succeeded a Citizen in Rome and was called Celestine the third By this change Henrie sped the better and with all diligence came to Rome where he was crowned by Celestine whom hee had before bound vnto him Naucler vol. 2. Gener. 40. by restoring into his hands the citie of Tusculus which had been deliuered into his protection a meanes for Celestine to gratifie the Romans because that for the space of 50 yeares before it had beene either the cause or pretence of many dissentions and brawles betweene them and the Popes Vignier ex Chron. Germā manuscr Baro an 1191. Sect 1. 10. ex Rogero authore Coaetaneo parte posteriore in Richardo primo But as soone as hee had restored it vnto them hee refrained not any kind of crueltie that he might practise against those miserable people But the manner of his coronation is worthie to bee noted After the Emperour had taken his oath to defend the Church and the patrimonie of Saint Peter and to restore whatsoeuer belonged to the Church whole and entire if any thing were withheld or detayned from it the Emperour and the Empresse are brought into the Church by the Pope and Masse being solemnely celebrated by him he annoynteth first the Emperour with words instituted to that purpose and afterward the Empresse Then sitting downe in his pontificall Chaire holdeth the imperiall Crowne betweene his feet and the Emperour bowing downe his head and likewise the Empresse receiue it from his feet And after this immediatly the Pope striking the Crowne with his foot kickes it from his head to the ground in token hee hath power if his merits so deserue to depose him then the Cardinals standing round about receiue the same Crowne and reuerently puts it vpon the heads of the Emperour and the Empresse Baronius himselfe is the Author and likewise Ranulph in the same words Ranulph in Polycr l. 7. ca. 26. Thus this proud mysterie did still rise by degrees Now by the death of the Bastard Tancred it was the easier for Henrie to make his peace with the kingdome of Sicilia But Celestine was now readie to excommunicate Henrie and also his brother Philip if his death had not preuented it by an auntient pretence wherby he had vsurped the possessions of the Countesse Mathilda though before to the end that Henrie should ruinate and destroy Tancred whom hee saw now established by the States hee had inuested the sayd Henrie into these dominions as his feudatarie But Henrie dying in the yeare 1197 left onely a sonne by Constance his wife of the age of one yeare and the troubles that euerie-where rise about the succession gaue Celestine meanes or rather a fit opportunitie to his successour Innocent the third to doe whatsoeuer they would in prejudice of the Empire For as Philip the brother of Henrie and Otho Duke of Saxonie striued for the Kingdome of Germanie Innocent taking an oath of faithfull homage of the Gouernour of the Citie of Rome inuadeth the Dukedome of Tuscane which Henrie had giuen to Philip his brother and sending to the Bishoppes of Germanie commaundeth them to deliuer the hostages which Henrie had brought out of Sicilia with him namely Sibilla the widow of Tancred his children and the Archbishoppe of Salerne Butt if Vezilus de Berco their keeper should refuse to deliuer them then they should excommunicate him by which meanes he seemed to haue composed the businesse of Sicilia to his owne desires The verie same way partly by force and partly by excommunication hee chased away Marcoaldus out of Romania and Conradus out of the Dukedome of Spoleto whom Henrie had inuested and interdicted all the Cities that any whit fauoured them and strengthened and confirmed the Cities of Lombardie in their societie to remayne free in such sort that the Emperours who afterward came into Italie found they had no authoritie left vnto them Furthermore hee enforced Constantia the widow of Henrie to take an oath to hold of him and his successours in homage Apulia and Calabria paying yearely sixe hundred squifats and for the Countrie of Mercia foure hundred vpon condition that her sonne comming to age shall take the same oath And as Constancia not long after chaunced to dye hee tooke vpon him to bee the Tutor and Gardian of the child who was Frederic the second and by these cunning sleights hath made himselfe Arbiter of the Kingdome Againe in Germanie he refused the election of Philip brother of Henrie as excommunicated by him and approued that of Otho Duke of Saxonie thereby taking from his pupill the support and helpe of the Vncle neither doth hee dissemble it that what hee did was in hatred of his predecesours who had opposed themselues against due See of Rome that is to say for defending the rights of their Empire And here the Reader may see the care they had of the affaires of the East that whilest they were bent wholly to the care of themselues all things went to ruine And here we make an end of the twelfth age OPPOSITION I willingly omit those frequent contentions betweene the Emperours and the Popes in these times contenting my selfe to haue noted here what the better sort haue thought of the Church of Rome Clement the third solicited the kings of Fraunce and England to the voyage of the holie Land who for the differences that grew betweene them thought it not fit and conuenient for them to go forward into a strange Countrie vnlesse the cause of the discord were first taken away and it seemed to Clement that Philip the second our king was
se due reggimenti Cade nel fango se bruta la soma The Church of Rome which now will needs confound And joyne in one two diuers gouernements Her selfe defiles in dirt and brings her keyes to ground He refutes also the donation of Constantine that it neither was de facto nor could be de iure and therefore by some he was condemned of heresie There are a third sart saith he whom they call Decretalists ignorant and vnlearned in all Diuinitie and Philosophie who cleauing absolutely to their Decretalls putting all their hope as I suppose in the vigour and force of them they derogate from the Empire And no maruell when I haue heard one of them say constantly auerre That the traditions of the Church were the foundation of faith which wicked opinion and beleefe let them banish away far from them those men I meane which before the traditions of the Church did beleeue in Christ the Sonne of God either to come present or past and so beleeuing they hoped and hoping were enflamed with charitie and being thus diuinely enflamed the world makes no doubt but they shall be coheires with him In his Poeme of Paradise written in Itaalian he complaines That the Pope of a Pastor was become a Wolfe and diuerted Christs sheepe out of the true way and therefore the Gospell was forsaken the writing of the Fathers neglected they relied onely on Decretals no man thinkes on Nazareth where Gabriel displayes his wings but the Popes and Cardinals only repaire to the Vatican and some other selected places of Rome These things saith he were the absolute euersion of Christs warfare imposed vpon Peter whose pure doctrine in the meane while lyes deepely buried at Rome In times past war was made vpon the Church by the sword but now the same is inflicted by a famine that is by taking away the bread which God allotted for the nourishment thereof Dante del Paradiso C. 9. 20. Del Purgatorio C. 32. this being denyed to no man which is the preaching of the holie word But thou saith he addressing his speech to the Pope which by the Chancellor onely writest thus Cogita Petrum Paulum qui mortem oppetiuere Propter vineam quam vastas etiamnum viuere Potes tu quidem dicere firmum habeo desiderium Sic ad eum qui voluit viuere solus Quique per saltus fuit pertractus ad supplicium At qui nec piscatorem agnosco nec Paulum In another place he deliuers what an vnworthie thing it was that the holie Scriptures were either wholly layd apart or violently peruerted That there was no consideration had with how much bloud they were planted in the world and how highly they accept of him that comes to them in humilitie of heart and spirit Whereas on the other side euerie man applauded himselfe in his owne Fictions and Comments but the Gospell was buried in silence The publike chayres and Oratories resounded nothing all the yeare long but vaine questions and meere fables and so the poore sheep being fed with the puffes of wind pined and consumed away with many other things which might bee produced out of his workes against the Popes Indulgences and the abuses of the Roman Church the which he so liuely describes that one may most easily perceiue how he plainly acknowledged her to be that Whore in the Apocalyps It is a thing verie memorable That at this time Frederick the third king of Sicilia a most religious Prince was so moued with the depraued gouernement of the Church of Rome that he began to doubt of the veritie of the Gospell but being vrged by a vision wherein his mother appeared to him with her face vncouered and whom he knew by these words My sonne I giue thee my blessing Colloquium Frederici Regis Arnoldi de Villa noua that thou mayest studie daily to obey the trueth hee sent for Arnold de Villa noua who was then of great estimation amongst all men that by his assistance he might bee resolued in his doubts His principall doubt was this Whether the doctrine of the Gospell was an humane inuention or a diuine tradition And here three things principally disturbed his mind First That the whole Clergie as well great as small conformed their liues no wayes according to the Gospell they discharged sacred offices but euen for forme sake only or else in verie mockerie scorne and for the gouernement of soules they tooke no care being contrariwise transported with all violence to vice and vaineglorie Secondly In that the Monks who seemed to draw neerer to Apostolicall integritie they were now so swarued and strayed from the wayes of God that in respect of them not onely the secular Clerkes but euen lay men themselues might rather bee justified they being serpents and vipers without any spirit of pietie And there he deciphers them by all the notes of dishonestie by hypocrisie impietie crueltie rapine wantonnesse diuine contempt incredulitie and also about the verie Gospell it selfe Thirdly That in a doctrine so weightie and of such â—onsequence he could not sufficiently wonder at the negligence and carelesnesse of the See Apostolicall When he sent into diuers countries he was by some inquisitiue what progression the Gospell made who returned him answer They could discerne no such matter and that outwardly no course nor care was taken for the propagation of the Gospell as also inwardly no greater studie imployed for the extinguishing of schismes but rather of nourishing and setting them on fire The Legats were daily entangled in worldlie affaires being little carefull either for the promotion or preseruation of the Gospell And consulting with some Friers about his vision many made answer it was but an illusion Diuers out of this made implication That his mother was yet in Purgatorie and wanted prayers and suffrages But Arnold de Villa noua by many reasons and examples and especially in that her admonition was consonant to the words of the Gospell plainely affirmed That questionlesse this vision was of God and thereupon exhorted him earnestly to serue God according to his vocation to performe justice and charitie to prouide as well for the cause of the poore as of the rich and for matters belonging to God hee should continually preferre them before all humane respects and considerations For the doctrine of the Gospell that he must firmely auerre and beleeue that all the doctrine of the Euangelists is the verie doctrine of God That Iesus of Nazareth is the Christ promised vnto the Auncients for a Sauiour euen God himself which created the whole world which may be confirmed not onely out of the Articles of the Creed but also by such euident demonstration as no man could oppugne or infringe And setting downe the same in writing he deliuered it him Then for the reasons of his wauering and being in doubt they were of that nature as they rather strengthened the beleefe and truth thereof than any wayes impaired