one pronounced the blessing word by word till the three verses were ended And the people answered not after every verse but they made it in the Sanctuary one blessing And when they had finished all the people answered Blessed be the Lord God the God of Israel for ever and ever Id. Ibid. By which we may preceive most clearly first that the Priests were tyed precisely to a form of blessing prescribed by the Lord himself And secondly that to this form of blessing thus prescribed by God the Church did after add of her own Authority not only several external and significant rites but a whole clause to be subjoyned by the people after the Priest had done his part Now as the Priests were limited by Almighty God unto a set and prescribed form wherewith they were to bless the people in the Name of God So did he also set a form unto the People in which they were to pay their Tithes and First-fruits to the Lord their God towards the maintenance of the Priests First for the form used at the oblation of the First-fruits it was this that followeth the words being spoke unto the Priest I profess this day unto the Lord thy God that I am come unto the Countrey which the Lord sware unto our Fathers to give us Which said and the Oblation being placed by the Priest before the Altar the party which brought it was to say A Syrian ready to perish was my Father and he went down into Egypt and sojourned there with a few and became there a Nation great mighty and populous And the Egyptians evil intreated us and afflicted us and laid upon us hard bondage And when we cryed unto the Lord God of our Fathers the Lord beard our voice and looked on our affliction and our labour and our oppression And the Lord brought us forth of Egypt with a mighty hand and with an out-stretched arm and with great terribleness and with signs and with wonders And he hath brought us into this place and hath given us this Land even a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey And now behold I have brought the First-fruits of the Land which thou O Lord hast given unto me Then for the tendry of the Tithe of the third year which only was payable to the Priest those of the other two years being due to the Levites in the Countrey it was to be brought unto Hierusalem and tendred in these following words viz. I have brought away the hallowed thing out of mine House and also have given them unto the Levite and unto the Stranger to the Fatherless and to the Widow according to all thy Commandments which thou hast commanded me I have not transgressed thy Commandments neither have I forgotten them I have not eaten thereof in my journeying neither have I taken away ought thereof for any unclean use nor given ought thereof for the dead but I have bearkened to the voice of the Lord my God and have done according to all that thou hast commanded me Look down from thy holy habitation from Heaven and bless thy people Israel and the Land which thou hast given us as thou swarest to our Fathers a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey Of this see Deut. 26. from the 1 verse to the 16. Led by these precedents and guided by the Wisdom of the Spirit of God the Church in the succeeding times prescribed a set form to be used in burning their leaven which after they had searched for with such care and diligence that a Mouse-hole was not left unransacked they threw it in the fire with this solemn form of execration viz. Let all that Leaven or whatsoever leavened thing is in my power whether it were seen of me or not seen whether cleansed by me or not cleansed let all that be scattered destroyed and accounted of as the dust of the Earth A prescribed form they also had in a constant practice for the confession of their sins to the Throne of God The ground thereof they took indeed from the holy Scripture where the Lord God commanded saying And Aaron shall lay both his hands upon the head of the live Goat and confess over him all the Iniquities of the Children of Israel and all their Transgressions in all their sins putting them upon the head of the Goat c. Lev. 16.21 Ask Lyra what kind of Confession is there meant and he will tell you that it was a general Confession of the peoples sins made by the mouth of the Priest for and in their names sicut facimus in Confessione in principio Missae as we the Priests are wont to make in the beginning of the Mass The Learned Morney comes more home and informs us thus Lyr. in Levit. cap. 18.21 Confessio olim in sacrificio solennis Ejus praeterquam in lege vestigia in Prophetis formulam habemus In ipsis Judaeorum libris verba tanquam concepta extant quae sacerdos pronunciare solitus Of old they had a solemn or set manner of Confession Mornaeus de Missal 1. cap. 5. whereof besides those footsteps of it which are remaining in the Law the form is extant in the Prophets And in the Jewish Liturgy the express words are to be seen which were pronounced by the Priest Now if we ask of Paulus Phagius than whom none more acquainted with the Jewish Liturgies what the precise form was which the Priest did use he will thus inform us Forma confessionis qua tum usus est summus Pontifex secundum Hebraeorum relationem haec fuit c. The form saith he used then by the High Priest in Confessing the peoples sins as the Hebrew Doctors have recorded was as followeth P. Phagius in Chaldaea Paraphr in cap. 16. Levit. O Lord thy People of the House of Israel have sinned they have done wickedly they have grievously transgressed before thee O Lord make Atonement now for the Sins and for the Iniquities and for the Trespasses that thy People the House of Israel have sinned and unrighteously done and trespassed before thee as it is written in the Law of Moses thy Servant that in this day he shall make Atonement for you This for the people on the Scape-goat And there were two other Confessions made by the Priest also as the Rabbins testifie one for himself Maymoni apud Aynsw in cap. 16. Levit. the other for himself with the other Priests both on the Bullock of the Sin-offering mentioned v. 6. each of which also had their certain and prescribed forms For when he offered the Bullock for a Sin-offering for himself he said O Lord I have sinned and done wickedly and have grievously transgressed I beseech thee now O Lord be merciful unto those sins and iniquities and grievous transgressions wherein I have sinned P. Phagius loco supr citato done wickedly and transgressed against thee And when he offered for himself and the rest of the Priests then he used these words saying
was one hundred in the total Out of the residue being 5900 bushels the first Tithe payable to the Levites which lived dispersed and intermingled in the rest of the Tribes came to 590 bushels and of the residue being 5310 bushels 531 were paid for the second Tithe unto the Priests which ministred before the Lord in his holy Temple yet so that such as would decline the trouble of carrying it in kind unto Hierusalem might pay the price thereof in money according to the estimate which the Priests made of it To which a fift part being added as in other cases did so improve this Tithe to the Priests advantage as that which being paid in kind was but ten in the hundred being thus altered into money made no less than twelve Now lay these several sums together and of 6000 bushels as before was said there will accrew 1121 to the Priest and Levite and but 4779 to the Lord or Tenant By which accompt the Priests and Levites in the tithing of 6000 bushels received twice as much within a little as is possessed or claimed by the English Clergy even where the Tithes are best paid without any exemptions which are so frequent in this Kingdom But then perhaps it will be said that the Levites made up one of the twelve Tribes of Israel and having no inheritance amongst the rest but the Tithes and Offerings besides the 48 Cities before mentioned were to be settled in way of maintenance correspondent unto that proportion But so they say it is not in the case of the English Clergy who are so far from being one of twelve or thirteen at most that they are hardly one for an hundred or as a late Pamphlet doth infer not one for five hundred Who on this supposition Tithe-gatherers no Gospel-Ministers that there are 500 Men and Women in a Country Parish the Lands whereof are worth 2000 l. per annum and that the Minister goeth away with 400 l. a year of the said two thousand concludeth that he hath as much for his own particular as any Sixscore of the Parish supposing them to be all poor or all rich alike and then cries out against it as the greatest Cheat and Robbery that was ever practised But the answer unto this is easie I would there were no greater difficulties to perplex the Church First for the Tribe of Levi it is plain and evident that though it pass commonly by the name of a Tribe yet was it none of the twelve Tribes of Israel the House of Joseph being sub-divided into two whole Tribes those namely of Ephraim and Manasses which made up the Twelve And secondly it is as evident that it fell so short of the proportion of the other Tribes as not to make a Sixtieth part of the House of Jacob. For in the general muster which was made of the other Tribes of men of 20 years and upwards such only as were fit for arms and such publick services the number of them came unto 635500 fighting men to which if we should add all those which were under 20 years and unfit for service the number would at least be doubled But the Levites being all reckoned from a month old and above their number was but 22000 in all of which see Numb 1.46 3.39 which came not to so many by 273. as the only First-born of the other Tribes And therefore when the Lord took the Levites for the First-born of Israel the odd 273 were redeemed according to the Law at five Shekels a man and the money which amounted to 1365 Shekels was given to Aaron and his Sons Numb 7.47 48. Which ground so laid according to the holy Scriptures let us next take a view of the English Clergy and allowing but one for every Parish there must be 9725. according to the number of the parish Churches or say ten thousand in the total the residue being made up of Curates officiating in the Chappels of Ease throughout the Kingdom and reckoning in all their Male-children from a month old and upwards the number must be more than trebled For although many of the dignified and beneficed Clergy do lead single lives yet that defect is liberally supplied by such Married Curates as do officiate under them in their several Churches And then as to the disproportion which is said to be between the Clergy and the rest of the people one to five hundred at the least the computation is ill grounded the collection worse For first the computation ought not to be made between the Minister and all the rest of the Parish Men Women and Children Masters and Dames Men-servants and Maid-servants and the Stranger which is within the gates but between him and such whose Estates are Titheable and they in most Parishes are the smallest number For setting by all Children which live under their Parents Servants Apprentices Artificers Day-labourers and Poor indigent people none of all which have any interest in the Tithable Lands The number of the residue will be found so small that probably the Minister may make one of the ten and so possess no more than his own share comes to And then how miserably weak is the Collection which is made from thence that this one man should have as much as any Sixscore of the rest of the Parish supposing that the Parish did contain 500 persons or that his having of so much were a Cheat and Robbery And as for that objection which I find much stood on that the Levites had no other Inheritance but the Tithes and Offerings Numb 18.23 whereas the English Clergy are permitted to purchase Lands and to Inherit such as descend unto them the Answer is so easie it will make it self For let the Tithes enjoyed by the English Clergy descend from them to their Posterity from one Generation to another as did the Tithes and Offerings on the Tribe of Levi And I persuade my self that none of them will be busied about Purchasing Lands or be an eye-sore to the people in having more to live on than their Tithes and Offerings Till that be done excuse them if they do provide for their Wives and Children according to the Laws both of God and Nature And so much for the Parallel in point of maintenance between the Clergy of this Church and the Tribe of Levi. Proceed we next unto the Ministers of the Gospel at the first Plantation during the lives of the Apostles and the times next following and we shall find that though they did not actually receive Tithes of the people yet they still kept on foot their right and in the mean time till they could enjoy them in a peaceable way were so provided for of all kind of necessaries that there was nothing wanting to their contentation First that they kept on foot their Right and thought that Tithes belonged as properly to the Evangelical Priesthood as unto the Legal seems evident unto me by S. Pauls discourse who proves Melchisedechs Priesthood by
point unto an end with some small alteration of my Authors words To him who doth consider the grievous and scandalous inconveniencies whereunto they make themselves daily subject when any blind and secret corner is made a fit place for Common-Prayer the manifold Confusions which they fall into which cry down all the difference of days and times the irksome Deformities whereby through endless and senseless Effusions of indigested Prayers they oftentimes disgrace in most unsufferable manner the worthiest part of Christian duty towards God who being subject herein to no certain order do pray both what they list and how they list to him I say which duly weigheth all these things the reason cannot be obscure why God so much respects in publick Prayer not only the solemnity of places where and the conveniency of the times when but also the precise appointment even with what words or sentences his Name should be called on amongst his people I have said little all this while of the Priest or Minister with whom Gods people are to joyn themselves in this publick action as with him that standeth and speaketh for them in the presence of God because I could not tell what place or Ministry to assign him in the discharge of this imployment unless we first premise a set form of Prayer as a point necessary to be granted For in effusion of extemporal Prayers I cannot see what greater priviledge belongs to him than any other of the People or why each member of the Congregation may not as well express his own conceptions in the House of God as he who calls himself the Minister For being that the ability if I may so call it of pouring out extemporary prayers doth come by gifts and not by study in which regard themselves entitle it most commonly the gift of Prayer Why may not other men pretend unto that gift as much as he or on opinion that they have it may not make use thereof in the Congregation Why may not any one so gifted or so opinionated of his gift say unto his Minister as Zedekiah did unto Micaiah in case he do not also strike him upon the cheek Mene ergo dimisit Spiritus Domini locutus est tibi 1 King 22 24. Which way went the Spirit of the Lord from me to speak unto thee Assuredly the gift of prayer is as much restrained in the People by hearkening only to those expressions which are delivered by their Minister as that of the Minister can be be he who he will by tying up his spirit to those forms which are prescribed by the Church This if it be a quenching of the Spirit as some please to make it is such a quenching of the Spirit as hath good ground from God himself who did not only prescribe unto his Priests those very words Numb 6.23 wherewith they were to bless the People as we shall see hereafter in due place and time Mat. 6.9 but did instruct both Priests and People both the Apostles and Disciples how they were to pray in what set form they might present their souls and desires unto him So little priviledge hath the Priest or Minister more than other People to speak his own thoughts in the Congregation by way of voluntary and extemporal prayers on the grounds they go on that on the same the meanest of the multitude may pretend the like and that as well in other parts of publick worship as in that of prayer which what a Chaos of devotion it would introduce I leave to every sober minded man to judge by that which followeth For if we look into the publick Service of Almighty God according as it standeth in all well-regulated Churches it doth consist of these three parts Prayer Praise and Preaching Taking the word Preaching here in the largest sense for publishing or making known the will of God by whatsoever means it be touching mans salvation The Church of England so conceives it when in the general Invitation she informs her Children that the chief reasons why they do assemble and meet together Dearly beloved Brethren c. are to set forth Gods most holy praise to hear his most holy Word and to ask those things which are requisite and necessary as well for the body as the soul The Brethren of the Separation as they call themselves do conceive so too though with some variation of the terms saying there be three kinds of spiritual worship Praying Prophesying and Singing of Psalms H. Smith in a Book entituled The differences of the Churches of the Separation 1606. cap. 18. Id. cap. 11. Id. cap. 10. They add with truth enough in the affirmation were there but any sense in the application that there is the same reason of helps in all the parts of spiritual worship as is to be admitted in any one during the time of performing the worship What then Observe I pray you the illation and the necessity thereof on the former grounds Therefore for so they do infer as in Prayer the Book is laid aside and that by the confession of the ancient Brethren of the separation so must it also be in Prophesying and in Singing of Psalms as we are perswaded What are they but perswaded of it and no more than so Yes sure they are more positive and affirm for certain Id. ibid. that as in Prayer the Spirit only is our help and there is no outward help given of God for that kind of worship so also in Prophesying and Singing And in another place more plainly therefore whether we Pray Prophesie or Sing it must be the Word or Scripture not out of the book but out of the heart Id. cap. 18. Add here these Quaeres raised on the former Thesis Id. in fine libri 1. Whether in a Psalm a man must be tyed to Metre Rhythm and Tune and whether voluntary be not as necessary in tune and words as in matter 2. Whether Metre Rhythm and Tune be not quenching the spirit 3. Whether a Psalm be only thanksgiving without Metre Rhythm and Tune yea or no. Put this together and then tell me truly whosoever thou art if when a great and populous Congregation should be met together every one of them in that part of worship which consists in Singing should first conceive his own matter deliver it in Prose or Metre as he list himself and in the same instant chant it out in what Tune soever that which comes first into his head Tell me I say if ever there were heard so black a Sanctus such a confused and horrid noise of tongues and voices if any howling or gnashing of the teeth whatever can be like unto it And yet it follows so directly on the former Principles that if we banish all set forms of Common-prayer which is but one part only of Gods publick worship we cannot but in justice and in reason both banish all studied and premeditated Sermons from the House of God and utterly
of his Countrey from some imminent ruine they did it not without a certain Form of words dictated to them by the Priest who attended on them for the promotion of that service That so they did we have examples many in the stories both of Greeks and Romans amongst which that of Codrus the Athenian King and Decius the Roman General are of most antiquity V. Velleium Paterc hist l. 1. And for the Form in which they did it we have it thus laid down in that of Decius when in a war against the Latines the Romans beginning to give ground he said aloud unto theh Priest or Pontifex who did attend upon the Army Poutifex praei verba quibus me pro legionibus devoveam that they should dictate to him the accustomed words in which he was to dedicate or devote himself unto the gods for theh preservation of the Legions This said the Priest appointed him to put on his Gown which they called toga praetexta and with an hood upon his head and his hand raised up unto his chin to stand upon a Dart or Weapon and to say as followeth Jane Jupiter Mars pater Quirine Bellona Lares Divi Novensiles Dii indigetes Divi quorum est protestas nostrorum hostiumque Diique manes vos precor veneror veniam peto feroque uti populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriamque prosperetis hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidineque morteque afficiatis Sicut verbis nuncupavi ita pro Republica Quiritium Diis manibus Tellurique DEVOVE Which said he furiously cast himself into the middle of the Enemies as if he had been sent by the gods of purpose Livius in hist R. Decad. 1. l. 8. qui pestem ab suis aversam in hostes ferret to carry all their anger with him to the adverse party And that this was the solemn Form used constantly on those occasions appears not only by the words of Decius to the Priest or Pontifex before remembred but also by the following practice the self same Form quo pater DECIVS bello Latino se jusserat DEVOVERI Id. decad 1. l. 10. being used after by the younger Decius on the like occasion in a War against the Gauls and Samnites Such also was the solemn Form which the Romans used when they devoted any of their Enemies their Camps and Cities to the same perdition A copy or record wherof is still remaining in Macrobius from whom take it thus Dis Paters Macrob. Saturn l. 3. c. 9. sive Jovis Manes sive quo alio nomine fas est nominare ut omnes illam urbem Carthaginem exercitumque quem ego me sentio dicere fuga formidine terrore compleatis quique adversus legiones exercitumque nostrum arma telaque ferent uti vos eos exercitus eos hostes eosque homines urbes agrosque eorum qui in his locis regionibusque agris urbibusque habitant abducatis lumine supero privetis exercitusque hostium urbes agrosque eorum quos me sentio dicere uti vos eas urbes agrosque capita aetatesque eorum DEVOTAS consecratasque habeatis illis legibus quibus quandoque sunt maxime hostes devoti eosque ego Vicorios pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populo Romano exercitibus Legionibusque nostris devoveo ut me meamque fidem imperiumque Legiones exercitumque nostrum qui in his rebus gerundis sunt bene salvos sinatis esse Si haec ita faxitis ut ego scidm sentiam intelligamque tunc quisquis votum hoc faxit ubi faxit recte facium esto ovibus atris tribus Tellus mater teque Jupiter obtestor In the performance of which part of their devotions it is observed by my Author that when the party whosoever he was named the Earth or Tellus he stooped unto the ground and touched it when he named Jove he lift his hands up to the Heavens and when he came to the devoting of the place or people he layed them then upon his breast Sufficient evidence that not alone the Forms but their very gestures were prescribed and regulated For further proof whereof of the last I mean if we consult the Latine Authors of best rank and credit it will soon be found that there was little in the point of gesture left at liberty but almost every circumstance in the Act of Worship determined and appointed to their hands the Gentiles generally making their Prayers upon their knees their hands stretched unto the Heavens their faces looking towards the East and their heads uncovered These are the most considerable passages in the Act of Worship and these we shall run over briefly First that they prayed upon their knees and more than so lay prostrate sometimes on the earth in the act of Worship is evident by several testimonies both of their own Writers and of the Christian For Ovid tells us of the Roman Matrons that genibus nixas dees orasse that they kneeled on their knees when they made their Prayers the like saith Livie also whereof more anon Ovid. Fastor l. 4. and Apuleius brings in Psyche falling on her knees when she poured forth her Prayers to Juno Thus Ovid tells us also of Deucalion and Pyrrha Apul. Metamorph l. 6. that when they came unto the Temple Ovid. Metam l. 1. Procumbit uterque pronus bumi they both fell prostrate on the earth And so Tibullus of himself that he would never stick at that viz. to fall down prostrate yea to kiss the pavement Non ego si merui dubitem procumbere Templis Et dare sacratis oscula limitibus Tibull l. 1. Eleg. 5. More of this kind might be added here were not these sufficient And for the Christian writers they observe it also Arnobius noting of the Gentiles deorum ante ora prostratos esse that they fell prostrate when they came before their gods limina ipsa osculis converrentes Arnob. advers gentes l. 1. Prudentius in Apotheosi and did even sweep the pavement with their kisses And Prudentius also tells us of them genua incurvare Dianae plantis Herculis alvolvi that they did bow the knee before Diana and cast themselves down at the feet of Hercules 'T is true they used to sit sometimes when as the Priest was at the sacrifice and presently assoon as their Prayers were ended But then it is as true withal that by Tertullian their irreverence therein is much condemned Tertull. de orat l. 12. who could not patiently endure it and therefore sheweth how much he did dislike that irreverent gesture For which consult him in his Book de Oratione cap. 12. Next for the lifting up of the hands to Heaven besides that place of Virgil Duplices tendens ad sydera palmas Virgil. Aeneid 1. which we learnt when Children in our Grammars we find this Rite exceeding frequent in that Poet hardly one book in all the Aeneids in which that posture is not spoke of In Ovid it is
we must not take the words of Gregory to be so exclusive as to shut out the words of Institution or any of those Prayers or Benedictions which our Saviour used or the Apostles guided by the Lords example might think fit to imitate To think that willingly or rather wilfully they should omit the words of their Lord and Master which were so Operative and Energetical would prove too great a scandal to those blessed spirits And therefore Ambrose when he puts the question touching the Consecration of the Elements Ambr. de Sacramentis l. 4. c. 4. Consecratio igitur quibus verbis est cujus sermonibus by what words and by whose it is made or celebrated makes answer Domini JESV by the words of the Lord Jesus And if the Elements are to be Consecrated by no other words as the continual practice of the Church of Christ seems to say they may not there is no question to be made but that the Apostles used those words of Consecration which they had heard before delivered from our blessed Saviour We could not say they did hoc facere according to the Lords injunction if it had been otherwise And no less probable it is that in a work of so great consequence they fell not presently upon the words of Institution making a bare recital of them and no more than so and used not some preparatory Prayers to set an edge on the devotions of Gods people according as the Lord had done before who blessed the Bread before be brake it and therefore of necessity before he gave it Certain I am Rabanus Maurus de Institut Cler. l. 32. that so it is affirmed by Rabanus Maurus Cum benedictione gratiarum actione primum Dominus corporis sanguinis sui sacramenta dedicavit Apostolis tradidit quod exinde Apostoli imitati fecere successores suos facere docuerunt quod nunc per totum orbem terrarum generaliter tota custodit Ecclesia The Lord saith he first dedicated or ordained the Sacrament of his Body and Blood with Benediction and Thanksgiving and gave the same to his Apostles which the Apostles after imitating did both do themselves and taught their successors to do it also so that it is now generally practised by the Church throughout the world Here then we take it pro confesso that in the Celebration of the blessed Sacrament besides the words of Consecration which our Saviour used the Apostles added the Lords Prayer And we conceive it to be probable that they used certain Prayers and Benedictions by way of preparation to so great a business of which more anon For further proof whereof that such preparatory Prayers and Benedictions were used originally in the Celebration of this Sacrament we will first see what ground is laid by the Apostles and after look upon the building which hath been raised on the same by the holy Fathers First the Apostle layeth this ground 1 Tim. 2.1 2 3. I exhort therefore that firstof all Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men for Kings and for all that are in Authority that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour Which words are generally understood not of private Prayers but those which are made publickly in the Congregation Calv. Estius in 1. ad Tim. c. 2. Calvin doth so expound it for the Protestant Writers and so doth Estius for the Pontificians as is elsewhere noted And that the Western Church may not stand alone Theophylact and Oecumenius do both expound the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the daily service Theophyl Oecumen in 1. ad Tim. which from the first beginning had been Celebrated in the Church of God This I premise as granted without more adoe Which being so premised and granted and the ground thus layed we are to look upon the building as before was said raised by the Fathers on the place And here we will begin with S. Austin first as one that hath more punctually observed the place and traversed the whole ground and each part thereof than any one that went before him who writing to Paulinus doth thus build upon it August ad Panlinum Epist 59. Multa hinc quippe dici possunt quae improbanda non sunt sed eligo in his verbis hoc intelligere quo omnis vel paene omnis frequentat Ecclesia ut precationes accipiamus dictas quas facimus in celebratione Sacramentorum antequam illud quod est in mensa Domini incipiat benedici Orationes cum benedicitur sanctificatur ad distribuendum comminuitur quam tot am petitionem fere omnis Ecclesia DOMINICA ORATIONE concludit Interpellationes autem five ut nostri codices habent postulationes fiunt cum populus benedicitur tunc enim Antistites velut advocati susceptos suos per manus impositionem misericordissimae offerunt potestati Quibus peractis participato tanto sacramento Gratiarum actio cuncta concludit quam in his etiam verbis ultimam commendavit Apostolus I have put down the words at large because they are so full an Exposition of the several words used by the Apostles and not an Exposition only but an Application according to the several parts of the publick Liturgies The sense and meaning of them is as followeth Many things may be hence inferred saith he not to be distliked but I choose raher so to understand the same according unto that which I find observed in every or at least every Church almost that is to say that here by Supplications we mean those Petitions which we make in Celebration of the Sacraments before we come unto the consecration of the Elements by Prayers the sanctifying and blessing of the Bread and Wine when it is put into a readiness to be distributed unto the people which action or Petition every Church almost concludeth with the Lords Prayer Where by the way we may observe what place the Lords Prayer had of old in the Celebration The Intercessions are made then when the people do partake of the publick blessing for then the Prelates of the Church like Advocates or Sureties do by the laying on of hands present them to the merciful protection of the Lord their God Which ended and the people being made partakers of so great a Sacrament all is concluded or shut up with giving thanks which therefore is last spoken of by the Apostle So far the words of Austin and it is worthy the noting that Venerable Bede making a Commentary on S. Paul's Epistles collected out of several passages of this Fathers works puts down these words at large as before recited Ven. Beda Comment in 1. ad Tim. c. 2. for the full meaning of the place And if S. Austin was not out in his Exposition as I have heard of none that do charge him with it we have
which is called the Psaltery so saith P. Martyr the very same words do we find in Beza who voucheth S. Augustine for his Author And although Musculus upon the place takes it not for a matter probable Primos Christianos musicis instrumentis usos fuisse in Ecclesia that the first Christians had the use of Musical Instruments in their publick meetings Yet being it is said by Calvin that these first Christians took up the use of singing Psalms ad ritum Judaicae Ecclesiae after the usage of the Jews as before was noted why might they not as well have Instrumental as Vocal Musick in their Congregations since the Jews used both But this is only on the by I insist not on it Nor would I be mistaken neither as if there were no use of the gift of Prayer in those Assemblies of Gods people I deny not that All I endeavour to make good is no more than this that as in the first dawning of the Gospel the Christians in their Acts of publick Worship did sing Davids Psalms or used such premeditated Hymns as were composed by men enabled thereunto for the publick use So there were also certain and set Forms of prayer to which the people were accustomed and unto which as oft as they were used in the Congregation they had been taught to say Amen But not withstanding Smectymn p. 11. it is said that conceived prayer was in use in the Church of God before Liturgies and a challenge hath been made and published for the Producing any one Liturgy rejecting those which are confessed to be spurious that was the issue of the first 300. years This is a two-edged sword or a gladius anceps as the Latines call it Id. p. 9. and therefore must be answered with a double ward For if their meaning be in the Church of God that is in the Assembly of Gods people in the Congregation there was no Liturgy or set Form of worship during the first three hundred years because no Liturgy of that time is to be produced they may as well conclude that from S. Pauls coming unto Rome till the time of Origen which was almost two hundred years there were no Sermons preached unto Gods people because none extant of that time And if they mean by Liturgies a regulated course and order to be observed in the officiating of divine service according to the definition made by Casaubon and approved by the Altar of Damascus as before was said Such Liturgies they do acknowledge to be used both by Jews and Christians as long in use Id. p. 6. for ought they say unto the contrary as conceived prayers And if such Liturgies Liturgies so defined as before is said then certainly prescribed and stinted Forms of Administration composed by some particular men in the Church and imposed on others Id. ibid. For what else is an Order observed in Church-Assemblies of praying reading and expounding the Scriptures administring the Sacraments c. as themselves understand by Liturgy than a prescribed and stinted Form of Administration And for an Answer to their Challenge in case we cannot shew any whole Liturgy being the issue of the first three hundred years Yet if we can produce such fragments and remainders of them as have escaped the wrack of Liturgies there were as a man standing on the shore may gather from the ribs and Rndera of a broken ship that some unfortunate Vessel hath been cast away although he neither knew the owner of it nor ever saw it rigged and tackled in her former bravery Nor is it so impossible an undertaking to venture on the shewing of a Liturgy within the space of time prelimited if men were not possessed with prejudice and took not up too much of their opinions upon trust and credit Concerning which I rather shall present the judgment of another man one every way above exception for his abilities in learning than lay down mine own and he thus declares it Breerwood in his Enquiries c. 26. I find saith he recorded in Durandus but upon what warrant or authority I cannot find that till the time of Adrian the Emperor which was about 120 years after Christ their Liturgies were all Celebrated in the Hebrew Tongue and that then the Oriental Church began first to Celebrate them in the Greek Indeed me-thinks it is possible that the Christians of the Gentiles might in honour of the Apostles retain the Apostles Liturgies in the very Tongue wherein by the Apostles themselves they had been first ordained For it is not to be doubted but many years passing about ten after our Saviours Ascension before the Apostles left Syria and sundred themselves to preach the Gospel abroad in the world among the Gentiles and foreign Nations It is not to be doubted I say but the Apostles while they remained in Jewry ordained Liturgies in the Jewish Tongue for the use of those Jews whom they had converted to Christianity Which Liturgies by the Christian Disciples of the Jewish Nation dispersed in many Provinces of the Gentiles might together with Christian Religion be carried abroad and gladly entertained among the Gentiles This is possible I say but if it be also true as I have not observed any thing in Antiquity that may certainly impeach the truth of it Yet that which is spoken of Durandus of those Liturgies in the Hebrew Tongue must be understood I doubt not of the Hebrew then vulgar and usual that is to say the Syriac Tongue In all which disputation one may clearly see that he takes it for a granted and undoubted truth that the Apostles did ordain Liturgies for the use of the Church The point in controversie being only this whether or not they did ordain them in the learned or the vulgar Hebrew Next to descent unto particulars there are three Liturgies still extant in the Bibliotheca Patrum in Greek and Latine ascribed to Peter James and Mark which if not theirs and whether they be theirs or not is adhuc sub judice are certainly exceeding ancient as ancient doubtless as the third Century though true it is they have not come unto our hands without the intermixture of some unwarranted additions And if we look upon them well we may easily find that whose soever names they carry they are indeed the ancient Liturgies of those several Churches whereof those holy men had once been Bishops and they whose Liturgies they were were willing it seems to derive their pedigree as high as possibly they could to add some lustre to them by the names of such eminent persons The Liturgy ascribed unto S. Peter what is it for the main and substance but the foundation or the ground of the Roman Missal as may appear comparing the Canon of the one with the forms and order of the other Biblioth Patr Gr lat To. 2. according as they are laid down together in the Bibliotheca And if that Isidore of Sivil be not much mistaken S. Peter hath a
of that Church his being Bishop there and suffering there an ignominious yet a glorious death for the sake of Christ are such noted Truths that it were labour lost to insist upon them Only I shall direct the Reader to such pregnant places in the most ancient and incorrupted Writers as may give satisfaction in those points to any one that will take pains to look upon them And first to look upon the Greeks he may find Papias and Clemens ancient Writers both alledged to this purpose by Eusebius Hist Eccles l. 2. c. 14. Caius Dionysius Bishops of Corinth both of good antiquity alledged in the same book cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius speaking for himself not only in the 13. Chap. of the same book also but also in his Chronicon in which he notes the year of his first coming to that City to be the 44. after Christs Nativity See to this purpose also Saint Chrysostom in his Homily De Petro Paulo Saint Cyril of Alexandria in his Epistle to Pope Celestine Theodoret Sozomen and others Next for the Latins there is hardly any but saith somewhat in it whereof see Irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. Tertullian in his book de praescript adv haeret Lactant. lib. 4. cap. 21. Optatus lib. 2. contr Parmen Hierom in his Tract De Eccl. Scriptoribus Saint Austin in Epist 165. and other places not to descend to later Writers of the Latin Churches whose interest it may seem to be To close this point Saint Austin Aug. ep 169. whom I named last shall speak once for all who reckoning up the Bishops in the Church of Rome thus begins his Catalogue Si enim c. If the succession of the Bishops there be a thing considerable quanto certius verè salubriter ab ipso Petro numeramus how much more certainly and assuredly do we begin the same with Peter who bare the figure of the whole Church And then goes on Petro successit Linus Linus succeeded Peter Clemens him and so to Anastasius who then held the See Nor can it be replyed that Peter took the Church of Rome into his Apostolical care and had not the Episcopal charge thereof as some now suppose The Tables of succession make that clear enough Saint Peter the Apostle could have no successours but the Bishop might Linus or whosoever else succeeded nor did nor could pretend succession to the preheminences and miraculous priviledges which were required necessarily unto the making of an Apostle challenge an interest by succession in his Pastoral Office they both might and did The Writers of all ages since do afford them that Only the difference is amongst them who was the first that did succeed him in his Pastoral charge St. Austin gives it unto Linus as before we saw next Clemens Adv. haeres l. 3. c. 3. Haeres 26. Lib. 2. contr Parmen Hieron de Script Eccles in Clement Id. ibid. in Petro. and then Anacletus Irenaeus doth agree with Austin placing Linus first but placing Anacletus second and then Clemens third and so doth Epiphanius also Optatus reckoneth them as before in Austin Saint Hierom sometimes ranketh them as Irenaeus and Epiphanius did Linus Cletus Clemens and sometimes placeth Clemens first as Tertullian and plerique Latinorum most of the ancient Latin Writers had done before I know there is much pains taken to compose this difference amongst our Antiquaries those most especially of the Papal party But in my mind there cannot be a better course taken to effect the same than that which was observed before in the case of Antioch And to effect this composition Ignatius and some other Fathers give a ground as probable as that which was laid down before in the former business Iren. l. 3. c. 3. For first it is affirmed by Irenaeus that S. Paul had as great an interest in the foundation of the Church of Rome as Saint Peter had A duobus Apostolis Petro Paulo Romae fundatae constitutae Ecclesiae as his own words are The like saith Epiphanius in another language Ado. haeres 27. num 6. Ep. ad Tral making both of them Bishops of that Church Next it is said expresly by Ignatins who might well speak on certain knowledg living in those times that Anacletus for I conceive that Cletus and Anacletus were the same was Deacon to S. Peter and Linus Deacon to S. Paul who doth indeed make mention of him in his second Epistle unto Timothy This ground thus laid why may we not conceive as before in Antioch that in the first planting of the Church of Rome there were two several Churches or congregations that of the Circumcision being collected by Saint Peter that of the Gentiles first drawn together by Saint Paul each of them being Bishop or chief Pastor of their Congregations Secondly that when the two Apostles perceived the time of their sufferings to draw near Peter ordained Anacletus Bishop of the Churches of the Circumcision and that Paul did commit to Linus the government of the Churches of the Gentiles both whom they had employed before as Deputies and Substitutes to attend these charges whilst they themselves did travel to and fro as occasion was and the necessities of the Church required Thirdly and lastly that Linus being dead Clemens who had before been specially designed by Saint Peter to possess his place succeeded Bishop of the Churches of the Gentiles there who finally surviving Cletus or Anacletus call him which you will and the division between Jew and Gentile being worn away united the two Churches in his person as the sole Bishop of the whole And this I am the rather induced to think because that Epiphanius making up a Catalogue of the Popes of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Epiph haer 27. first joyns together Peter and Paul next coupleth with the like conjunction Linus and Cletus and after brings in Clemens Euaristus Alexander c. in a line successively And yet the Tables of succession may well stand as they have done hitherto first Linus after Cletus and thirdly Clemens because that Linus dying first left Cletus in possession of the Pastoral charge and Cletus dying before Clemens left him the sole surviver of the three which possibly may be the reason why many of the Latins reckon Clemens for the first Bishop after Peter whom they conceive to be sole Bishop of that Church as indeed it was before there was a Church of Gentiles founded in that famous City For being formerly designed by Saint Peter to be his Successour and afterward enjoying the whole charge alone as Peter for a season did it might not seem improper to report him for the second Bishop that is the second of the whole And then again Clemens is placed by some next and immediately after Linus whose successor he was in the direct line as Bishop of the more famous Church viz. of the Gentiles and by some also after Cletus whom he succeeded at the
and unreprovable until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ Now Timothy was not like to live till Christs second coming the Apostle past all question never meant it so therefore the power and charge here given to exercise the same according to the Apostles Rules and Precepts was not personal only but such as was to appertain to him and to his successours for ever even till the appearing of our Lord and Saviour The like expression do we find in Saint Matthew when our Redeemer said unto his Apostles Matth. 28. ult Behold I am with you always even unto the end of the world Not always certainly with his Apostles not to the end of the World with those very men to whom he did address himself when he spake these words for they being mortal men have been dead long since Non solis hoc Apostolis dictum esse this was no personal promise then saith Calvin truly Harmon Evangel In Matth. 28. With them and their successours he might always be and to the end of the world give them his assistance Cum vobis successorlbus vestris as Denis the Carthusian very well observeth Saint Paul then gives this charge to Timothy and in him unto all his successors in the Episcopal function which should continue in the Church till Christs second coming And therefore I conceive the annotation of the ordinary gloss to be sound and good in Timotheo omnibus successoribus loquitur Apostolus Glossa Ordinar in 1 Tim. 6. that this was spoke in Timothy unto all his successors And so the Commentaries under the name of Ambrose do inform us also saying that Paul was not so solicitous for Timothy as for his successors ut exemplo Timothei Ecclesiae ordinationem custodirent In 1 Tim. 6. that they might learn by his Example i.e. by practising those directions which were given to him to look unto the ordering of the Church This ground thus laid we must next look on the authority which the Apostle gave to Timothy and Titus and in them to all other Bishops And the best way to look upon it is to divide the same as the School-men do into potestas ordinis and potestas jurisdictionis the power of Order and the power of jurisdiction in each of which there occur divers things to be considered First for the power of Order besides what every Bishop doth and may lawfully perform by vertue of the Orders he received as Presbyter there is a power of Order conferred upon him as a Bishop and that 's indeed the power of Ordination or giving Orders which seems so proper and peculiar to the Bishops Office as not to be communicable to any else Paul gives it as a special charge to Timothy to lay hands hastily on no man Tim. 5.22 which caution doubtless had been given in vain in case the Presbyters of Ephesus might have done it as well as he And Titus seems to have been left in Crete for this purpose chiefly Tit. 1. v. 5. that he might ordain Presbyters in every City which questionless had been unnecessary in case an ordinary Presbyter might have done the same The Fathers have observed from these Texts of Scripture that none but Bishops strictly and properly so called according as the word was used when they lived that said it have any power of Ordination Epiphanius in his dispute against Aerius Haeres 75. n. 4. observes this difference betwixt Bishops and Presbyters whom the Heretick would fain have had to be the same that the Presbyter by administring the Sacrament of Baptism did beget children to the Church but that the Bishop by the power of Ordination 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did beget Fathers to the same A power from which he utterly excludes the Presbyter and gives good reason for it too for how saith he can he ordain or constitute a Presbyter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in his Ordination did receive no power to impose hands upon another Hom. 11. in 1 Tim. c. 3. Chrysostom speaking of the difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter makes it consist in nothing else but in this power of Ordination 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. only in laying on of hands saith he or in Ordination a Bishop is before or above a Presbyter and have that power only inherent in them Epistola ad Euagr. which the others have not Hierom although a great advancer of the place and Office of the Presbyter excludes him from the power of Ordination or any interest therein Quid enim facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus quod Presbyter non faciat What saith he doth a Bishop saving Ordination more than a Presbyter may do Neither doth Hierom speak de facto and not de jure quid facit not quid debet facere Smectymn p. 37. as I observe the place to be both cited and applyed in some late Discourses Hierom's non faciat is as good as non debet facere and they that look upon him well will find he pleads not of the possession only but the right and Title And we may see his meaning by the passage formerly alledged upon the words of Paul to Titus cap. 1. v. 5. Audiant Episcopi qui habent constituendi Presbyteros per singulas urbes potestatem By which it seems that Bishops only had the power of ordaining Presbyters and that they did both claim and enjoy the same from this grant to Titus For further clearing of this point there are two things to be declared and made evident first that the power of Ordination was so inherent in the person of a Bishop that he alone both might and did sometimes ordain without help of Presbyters and secondly that the Presbyters might not do the same without the Bishop And first that anciently the Bishops of the Church both might and did ordain without the help or co-assistance of the Presbyters Euseb hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 7. n. appeareth by the ordination of Origen unto the Office of a Presbyter by Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea and Alexander Bishop of Hierusalem who laid hands upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as my Author hath it Which act of theirs when it was quarrelled by Demetrius he did not plead in bar that there were no Presbyters assistant in it but that the party had done somewhat and we know what 't was by which he was conceived to be uncapable of holy Orders Id. l. 6. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So when the Bishop whosoever he was out of an affectation which he bare unto Novatus not being yet a Separatist from the Church of God desired 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Clergy being all against it to ordain him Presbyter the matter stood upon as the story testifieth was not the Bishops being the sole agent in it but because it was forbidden by the ancient Canons that any one who had been formerly baptized being sick in bed and that had been Novatus case should be
Epist ad Corinth p. 62. There find we the good man complaining that the Church of Corinth so ancient and well grounded in the faith of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should for the sake of one or two contentious persons tumultuate against their Presbyters and that the scandal of their functions should come unto the ears of Infidels to the dishonour of the Lord. Nor did the faction rest in the people only Ibid. p. 58. though it proceeded to that height as the ejecting of those Presbyters whom they had distasted but it had taken too deep sooting amongst the Presbyters themselves encroaching with too high an hand on the Bishops Office or wilfully neglecting his authority Part. 1. ch 5. For whereas in those times as before was shewn the blessed Eucharist regularly and according to the Churches Orders could not be celebrated but by the Bishop by his leave at least and that it did pertain to him to appoint the Presbyters what turns and courses they should have in that ministration these men perverting all good order neither observed the time and place appointed for that sacred Action nor kept themselves unto those turns and courses in the performance of the same which were assigned them by their Bishop Certain I am that the discourse of Clemens in the said Epistle doth militate as well against the one as against the other blaming as well the Presbyters for their irregular proceeding in their ministration as censuring the People for their insolency in the ejecting of their Presbyters So that we have two factions at this time in the Church of Corinth one of some inconformable Presbyters so far averse from being regulated by their Bishop as they ought to be Clem. p. 57. that they opposed the very Calling raising contentions and disputes about the Name and Office of Episcopacy another of the people against the Presbyters and that pursued with no less acrimony and despite than the former was For the repressing of these factions at this present time and the preventing of the like in the times to come the good old man doth thus proceed Beginning with the Presbyters Id. p. 48. he first presents unto them the obedience that Souldiers yield to their Commanders shewing them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how orderly how readily and with what subjection they execute the several Commands imposed upon them by their Leaders that since all of them are not Generals Collonels Captains or in other Office every one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his rank or station is to obey the charge imposed upon him by the King or Emperour and his Commanders in the Field Then represents he to them the condition of the natural Body Id. 49. in which the Head can do but little without the ministery of the Feet the Feet as little out of question without direction from the Head that even the least parts of the body are not only profitable but also necessary concurring all of them together to the preservation of the whole Which ground so laid he thus proceeds in his Discourse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Id. p. 52 c. These things being thus declared and manifested looking into the depth of heavenly knowledg we ought to do those things in their proper order the People in the tendring of their Oblations the Presbyters in the celebrating of the Liturgy according to the times and seasons by the Lord appointed who would not have these sacred Matters done either rashly or disorderly but at appointed times and hours and by such Persons as he hath thereunto designed by his supream Will that being done devoutly and Religiously they might be the more grateful to him They therefore who upon the times presixed make their Oblations to the Lord are blessed and very welcom unto him from whose commands they do not vary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For to the High-Priest was assigned his particular function the Priest had his peculiar ministery prescribed unto him and the Levites theirs the Laymen being left unto Lay-imployments Therefore let every one of you my brethren in his Rank and Station offer to God the blessed Eucharist with a good Conscience 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 53. keeping within the bounds of his ministration appointed to him by the Canon For so I take it is his meaning For not in every place was it permitted to the Jews to offer up the daily and perpetual Sacrifices whether they were Sin-offerings or Eucharistical Oblations but at Hierusalem alone nor there in any place indifferently but only in the Court of the Temple at the Altar the Sacrifice being first viewed and approved of both by the High Priest and the foresaid Ministers They that did any thing herein otherwise than agreeable to his will and pleasure were to die the Death you see my brethren that as we are endued with a greater knowledg so are we made obnoxious to the greater danger The Apostles have Preached the Gospel unto us from Christ JESUS Christ from God Christ being sent by God as the Apostles were by Christ and both proceeding orderly therein according to his holy Will For having received his Commands and being strengthened by the Resurrection of our Lord JESUS Christ and confirmed by the Word of God they spread themselves abroad in full assurance of the Holy Ghost publishing the coming of the Kingdom of God and having Preached the Word throughout many Regions and several Cities they constituted and ordained the first fruits of their labours such whom in spirit they approved of to be Bishops and Deacons unto those that afterwards were to believe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. p. 54.55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 55. Nor was this any new device it being written many ages since in the book of God Esay 60. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. I will appoint them Bishops in Righteousness and Deacons in Faith Afterwards laying down the History of Aarons Rod budding and thereby the miraculous confirmation of his Election he adds that the Apostles knowing by our Lord JESUS Christ the contention that would arise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name or function of Episcopacy Id. p. 57. take it which you will and being for this very cause endued with a perfect foresight of that which afterwards should happen ordained the aforesaid Ministers and left to every one their appointed Offices that whensoever they should die other approved men should succeed in their several places and execute their several parts in the Ministration Those therefore which were either ordained by them or by those famous and renowned men that followed after them with the consent and approbation of the Church and have accordingly served unblameably in the fold of Christ with all humility and meekness and kept themselves from baseness and corruption and have a long time carried a good testimony from all men those we conceive cannot without much injury be deprived of their place and service it being
I think we may according to the general meaning of that word in its native sense the Presbyters and Deacons both being but subservient Ministers unto the Bishop who did allot them out their turns and stations in the officiating of Gods divine Service the Presbyters not having yet assigned them their particular bounds wherewith to execute the same as in the time succeeding it is plain they had Of which more hereafter In the mean time we must examine whether the Church of Corinth to which Clemens writ had not been setled by the Apostle in that Form of Government which had been every where established in the neighbour Cities And certainly I can see no reason why Corinth should not have a Bishop aswell as Athens or Philippi or the Thessalonians Hierom. in Titum cap. 1. in Epist ad Euagr. or any other Church of Greece or Macedon I see much reason why it should For if that Bishops were first instituted in Schismatis remedium for remedy of Schism as Saint Hierom saith assuredly the Church of Corinth being first pestered with that foul Disease should first of all in all congruity be fitted with the remedy so proper and peculiar to it A Bishop then they were to have by Saint Hieroms Rule and that as soon as any other Church what ever but who this Bishop was is not yet so evident By Dorotheus in Synopsi Silas Saint Pauls most individual Companion is said to be the Bishop of this Church Corinthiorum constitutus est Episcopus as his words there are Baron in Rom. Martyrol Julii 13. wherein Hippolitus concurring with him doth make the matter the more probable And though I will not take upon me to justifie the reports of Dorotheus where there is any reason to desert him as there is too often yet when the point by him delivered doth neither cross the holy Scripture nor any of the ancient Writers as in this he doth not I know not why his word may not pass for currant Nay if we please to search the Scripture we may find some hint for the defence of Dorotheus in this one particular For whereas we find often mentioned that Silus did accompany Saint Paul in many of his peregrinations the last time that we find him spoke of is in the 18. of the Acts which time he came unto Saint Paul Verse 5 to Corinth After there is no mention of him in the book of God And possibly the reason of it may be this in brief that he was left there by Saint Paul to look unto the government of that mighty City Which when he could not do by the Word and Doctrine Saint Paul reserving for a time the jurisdiction to himself V. Chap. 4. n. 5. as before was said and that the Factions there did increase and multiply for want of ordinary power to suppress the same Saint Paul might then invest him with authority making him Bishop of the place both in Power and Title This if it may be counted probable I desire no more And then as we have found the first Bishop in the Church of Corinth we shall with greater ease and certainty find out a second though his name were Primus for proof of whose being Bishop here Ap. Easeb Hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 21. x 6. Ibid. c. 24. x 5. Id. lib. 5. c. 21. x 6. we have the testimony of Egisippus who took him in his Journey towards Rome and abode long with him giving him special commendation both for his Orthodoxy and Humanity After succeeded Dionysius next to him Bachyllus of both which we shall speak hereafter in convenient place From the Epistle of this Clemens unto those of Corinth which is his undoubtedly proceed we next unto the Canons commonly called the Apostles Canons Bellarm. Baron alii Tertul. adver Praxeam supposed to be collected by him but so supposed that still there is a question of it whether his or not That they are very ancient is unquestinable as being mentioned by Tertullian and cited in some of the ancientest Councils whereof the acts and monuments are now remaining on Record But being it is confessed on all hands Binius in natis ad Can. Apo. quosdam ab haereticis corruptos that some of them have been corrupted by the Hereticks of old the better to advance their cause by so great a Patronage we must be very wary how we build upon them And howsoever Bellarmine be exceeding confident Lib. De Seriptor Eccl. in Clemente Annal. An. 102. n. 17. that the first 50 are most true and genuine and probably it may so be yet I conceive it safe to admit them on those sober cautions which are commended to us by Baronius who on a full debate of the point in question doth resolve it thus Illi tantum nobis ex Apostolieis fontibus c. Those Canons only seem to us saith he to be derived from the Apostolical fountains which have either been admitted and incorporated by the Fathers into the Canons of succeeding Councils or confirmed by the authority of the Bishops of Rome aut in communem usum Ecclesiasticae disciplinae or otherwise have been continually practiced in the Churches Discipline The first and last these three cautions I conceive to be exceeding sound and should not stumble at the second had the Decrees and Ordinances of the ancient Popes come incorrupted to our hands Which ground thus laid we will now see what the Apostles Canons have delivered in the present business and that we shall distribute as it doth relate to Bishops either in point of their Admission how and by whom they are to be Ordained or of their carriage and behaviour being once admitted how far to disoblige themselves from the employments of the World or of their Jurisdiction over the inferiour Clergy whom they are to govern These are the points which are most clearly offered us to be considered of in the aforesaid Canons and these we shall present and then consider of them accordingly And first in way of their Admission to that sacred Function it seemeth to be the first care of the Collector that it be done according to the mind and meaning of the holy Apostles and therefore it is put in the very front viz. That a Bishop is not to be ordained but by three Bishops or by two at the least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Canon hath it Canon Apost 1. A Canon which hath all the Rules and cautions required by Baronius for proof of its antiquity and Apostolical institution as being confirmed by many of the Decretals in case they were of any credit incorporated first into the Canons of the Council of Arles Concil Arelat Can. 21. Nicen. Can. 4. as afterwards in those of Nice and generally continued in the constant practice and perpetual usage of the Church Only the difference is that the old Canon doth admit of Ordinations made by two Bishops if a third may not conveniently be had
time contracted somewhat of that rust and rubbish wherewith the middle ages of the Church did so much abound Yet if mine own opinion were demanded in it though I agree unto the story both for the number of the Bishops and the Metropolitans I must needs think there was some other reason for it than the relation of the number of the Flamines and Archiflamines which is there pretended And that this was not done at once but in a longer tract of time than the Reign of Lucius as was in part affirmed before That Lucius did convert the Temples of the Idols into Christian Churches setled the revenues of the same upon the Churches by him founded I shall easily grant so far forth as the bounds of his dominions will give way unto it but being there were but 28 Cities in all that part of Britain which we now call England as both from Huntingdon and Beda was before delivered and that King Lucius was but a Tributary Prince of those Regions only which were inhabited by the Trinobantes and Cattieuchlani as I do verily conceive he was I believe rather that the number of the Bishops and Archbishops which our stories speak of related to the form of government as it was afterwards established in the Roman Empire Notitia Provinc in div cap. and not to any other cause whatever Now they which have delivered to us the state of the Roman Empire inform us this That for the easier government and administration of the same it was divided into fourteen Diocesses for so they called those greater portions into the which it was divided every Diocess being subdivided into several Provinces and every Province in the same conteining many several Cities And they which have delivered to us the estate of the Christian Church Notitia Prov. dignitat c. have informed us this that in each City of the Empire wherein the Romans had a Defensor Civitatis as they called that Magistrate the Christians when they gain'd that City to the holy faith did ordain a Bishop that over every Province in which the Romans had their Presidents they did place an Arch-bishop whose seat being commonly in the Metropolis of the Province gave him the name of Metropolitan and finally that in every Diocess in which the Romans had their Vicarius or Lieutenant-General the Christians also had their Primate and seated him in the same City also where the other was This ground thus layed it will appear upon examination that Britain in the time of the Roman Empire was a full Diocese of it self no way depending upon any other portion of that mighty State Ib. in Provinc Occident sup c. 3. as any way subordinate thereunto And being a Diocese in it self it was divided in those times into these three Provinces viz. Britannia prima Cambd. de divisione Britan. containing all the Countrys on the South of the River Thames and those inhabited by the Trinobantes Cattieuchlani and Iceni 2. Britannia secunda comprising all the Nations within the Severn and 3. Maxima Caesariensis which comprehended all the residue to the Northern border In the which Provinces there were no less than 28 Cities as before is said of which York was the chief in Maxima Caesariensis London the principal in Britannia prima Caer-Leon upon Vsk being the Metropolis in Britannia secunda And so we have a plain and apparent reason not only of the 28 Episcopal Sees erected anciently in the British Church but why three of them and three only should be Metropolitans For howsoever after this there were two other Provinces taken out of the former three viz. Valentia and Flavia Caesariensis which added to the former Id. ibid. made up five in all yet this being after the conclusion of the Nicene Council the Metropolitan dignity in the Church remained as before it did without division or abatement according to the Canon of that famous Synod Concil Nicen. Can. 6. And herewithal we have a pregnant and infallible Argument that Britain being in it self a whole and compleat Diocese of the Roman Empire no way subordinate unto the Praefect of the City of Rome but under the command of its own Vicarius or Lieutenant-General the British Church was also absolute and independent owing nor suit nor service as we use to say unto the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome but only to its own peculiar and immediate Primate as it was elsewhere in the Churches of the other Dioceses of the Roman Empire This I conceive to be the true condition of the British Church and the most likely reason for the number of Bishops and Arch-bishops here established according to the truth of Story abstracted from those errours and mistakes which in the middle Ages of the Church have by the Monkish Writers of those times been made up with them But for the substance of the story as by them delivered which is the planting of the Church with Bishops in eminent places that appears evidently true by such remainders of antiquity as have escaped the tyranny and wrack of time For in the Council held at Arles in France Anno 314. Tom. 1. Concilior Gall. Ã Sirmundo edit we find three British Bishops at once subscribing viz. Eborius Bish of York Restitutus B. of London and Adelfus B. of Colchester there called Colonia Londinensium Gennadius also in his Tract de viris illustribus mentioneth one Fastidius by the name of Fastidius Britanniarum Episcopus Gennad in Catal amongst the famous Writers of old time placing him Anno 420 or thereabouts whom B. God win I cannot tell upon what reasons Godwin in Catal. Episc Londinens Cit. ap Armachan de Primor c. 5. Cambden in Brigant reckoneth amongst the Bishops of the See of London Particularly for the Bishops or Archbishops of the British Church we have a Catalogue of the Metropolitans of London collected or made up by Joceline a Monk of Fournest an ancient Monastery in the North being 14 in all which howsoever the validity thereof may perhaps be questioned by more curious Wits yet I shall lay down as I find it taking their names from him that little story which concerns them out of other Writers First then we have Theon or Theonus 2 Eluanus one of the two Ambassadours sent by King Lucius to the Pope 3 Cadar or Cadoeus 4 Obinus or Owinus 5 Conanus 6 Palladius 7 Stephanus 8 Iltutus 9 Theodwinus 10 Theodredus 11 Hilarius Geosr Monmouth hist Brit. Speed in descr Britan. 12 Guitelinus sent as Ambassadour to Aldrocnus King of Armorica or Little-Britain to crave his aid against the Scots and Picts who then plagued the Britains 13 Vodius or Vodinus slain by Hengist but some say by Vortiger at the first entrance of the Sateons into this Isle 14 And last of all Theonus who had been sometimes Bishop of Gloncester but was after translated hither and was the last Bishop of London of this line or Series Of
the City Provinces As for the Church of Antiochia it spread its bounds and jurisdiction over those goodly Countries of the Roman Empire from the Mediterranean on the West unto the furthest border of that large dominion where it confined upon the Persian or the Parthian Kingdom together with Cilicia and Isauria in the lesser Asia But whether at this time it was so extended I am not able to determine Certain I am that in the very first beginning of this Age all Syria at the least was under the jurisdiction of this Bishop Ignatius in his said Epistle to those of Rome Ignat. ad Rom. stiling himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not a Bishop in Syria but the Bishop of Syria which sheweth that there being many Bishops in that large Province he had a power and superiority over all the rest Indeed the Bishops of Hierusalem were hedged within a narrower compass being both now and long time after subject unto the Metropolitan of Caesarea as appears plainly by the Nicene Canon though after they enlarged their border and gained the title of a Patriarch as we may see hereafter in convenient time Only I add that howsoever other of the greater Metropolitan Churches such as were absolute and independent as Carthage Cyprus Millain the Church of Britain Concil Ni. c. 7◠and the rest had and enjoyed all manner of Patriarchal rights which these three enjoyed yet only the three Bishops of Rome Antioch and Alexandria had in the Primitive times the names of Patriarches by reason of the greatness of the Cities themselves being the principal both for power and riches in the Roman Empire the one for Europe the other for Asia and the third for Africk This ground thus laid we will behold what use is made of this Episcopal succession by the ancient writers And first Saint Irenaeus a Bishop and a Martyr both derives an argument from hence to convince those Hereticks which broached strange Doctrines in the Church Iren. contr haer lib. 3. cap. 3. Habemus annumerari eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis c. we are able to produce those men which were ordained Bishops by the Apostles in their several Churches and their successors till our times qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab hiis deliratur who neither knew nor taught any such absurdities as these men dream of Which said in general he instanceth in the particular Churches of Rome Ephesus and Smyrna being all founded by the Apostles and all of them hac ordinatione successione by this Episcopal ordination and succession deriving from the Apostles the Preaching and tradition of Gods holy truth till those very times The like we find also in another place where speaking of those Presbyteri so he calleth the Bishops which claimed a succession from the Apostles He tells us this quod cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt that together with the Episcopal succession Ir. adv haeres l. 4. cap. 43. they had received a certain pledge of truth according to the good pleasure of the Father See to this purpose also cap. 63. where the same point is pressed most fully and indeed much unto the honour of this Episcopal succession Where because Irenaeus called Bishops in the former place by the name of Presbyters I would have no man gather Smectym p. 23. as some men have done that he doth use the name of Bishops and Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a promiscuous sense much less conclude that therefore Presbyters and Bishops were then the same For although Irenaeus doth here call the Bishops either by reason of their age or of that common Ordination which they once received by the name of Presbyters yet he doth no where call the Presbyters by the name of Bishops as he must needs have done if he did use the names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a promiscuous sense as it is supposed And besides Irenaeus being at this time Bishop if not Archbishop of the Church of Lyons could not but know that he was otherwise advanced both in power and title as well in Dignity as Jurisdiction than when he was a Presbyter of that very Church under Pothinus his Predecessor in that See and therefore not the same man meerly which he was before But to let pass as well the observation as the inference certain I am that by this argument the holy Father did conceive himself to be armed sufficiently against the Hereticks of his time and so much he expresseth plainly saying that by this weapon he was able to confound all those qui quoquo modo vel per sui placentiam malam vel vanam gloriam vel per coecitatem malam sententiam praeter quam oportet Ire adv haeres l. 3. c. 3. colligunt Who any way either out of an evil self complacency or vain-glorious humour or blindness of the mind or a depraved understanding did raise such Doctrins as they ought not So much for blessed Irenaeus a man of peace as well in disposition and affection as he was in name Next let us look upon Tertullian who lived in the same time with Irenaeus beginning first to be of credit about the latter end of this second Century Baron ann eccl anno 196. Pamel in vita Tertull. as Baronius calculates it and being at the height of reputation an 210. as Pamelius noteth about which time Saint Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom And if we look upon him well we find him pressing the same point with greater efficacy than Irenaeus did before him For undertaking to convince the Hereticks of his time as well of falshood as of novelties and to make known the new upstartedness of their Assemblies which they called the Church he doth thus proceed Tertull. de praes adv haeres c. 32. Edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum c. Let them saith he declare the original of their Churches let them unfold the course or order of their Bishops succeeding so to one another from the first beginning that their first Bishop whosoever he was had some of the Apostles or of the Apostolical men at least who did converse with the Apostles to be their founder and Predecessor For thus the Apostolical Churches do derive their Pedegree Thus doth the Church of Smyrna shew their Polycarpus placed there amongst them by Saint John and Rome her Clement Consecrated or Ordained by Peter even as all other Churches also do exhibit to us the names of those who being Ordained Bishops by the Apostles did sow the Apostolical seed in the field of God This was the challenge that he made And this he had not done assuredly had he not thought that the Episcopal succession in the Church of Christ had been an evident demonstration of the truth thereof which since the Hereticks could not shew in their Congregations or Assemblies it
and to make ready for the Sabbath That done they take no work in hand Only the Women when the Sun is near its setting light up their Sabbath-lamps in their dining rooms and stretching out their hands towards them give them their Blessing and depart To morrow they begin their Sabbath very early and for entrance thereunto array themselves in their best Cloaths and their richest Jewels it being the conceit of Rabby Solomon that the Memento in the front of the fourth Commandment was placed there especially to put the Jews in mind of their Holiday Garments Nay so precise they are in these Preparations and the following Rest that if a Jew go forth on Friday and on the night falls short of home more than is lawful to be travelled on the Sabbath day there must he set him down and there keep his Sabbath though in a Wood or in the Field or the High-way side without all fear of wind or weather of Thieves or Robbers without all care also of Meat and Drink Periculo latronum praedonumque omui penuria item omni cibi potusque neglectis as that Authour hath it For their behaviour on the Sabbath and the strange niceties wherewith they abuse themselves he describes it thus Equus aut asinus Domini ipsius stabulo exiens Id. cap. 11. froenum aut capistrum non aliud quicquam portabit c. An Horse may have a Bridle or an Halter to lead not a Saddle to load him and he that leadeth him must not let it hang so loose that it may seem he rather carrieth the Bridle than leads the Horse An Hen must not wear her Hose sowed about her Leg They may not milk their Kine nor eat any of the milk though they have procured some Christian to do that work unless they buy it A Taylor may not wear his Needle sticking on his sleeve The lame may use a staff but the blind may not They may not burthen themselves with Cloggs or Pattens to keep their feet out of the dirt nor rub their Shoos if foul against the ground but against a wall nor wipe their dirty Hands with a Cloth or Towel but with a Cows or Horses tail they may do it lawfully A wounded Man may wear a Plaster on his sore that formerly was applyed unto it but if it fall off he may not lay it on anew or bind up any wound that day nor carry money in their Purses or about their Clothes They may not carry a Fan or flap to drive away the Flies If a Flea bite they may remove it but not kill it but a Lowse they may yet Rabbi Eliezer thinks one may as lawfully kill a Camel They must not fling more Corn unto their Poultry than will serve that day lest it may grow by lying still and they be said to sow their Corn upon the Sabbath To whistle a tune with ones Mouth or play it on an Instrument is unlawful utterly as also to knock with the ring or hammer of a Door or knock ones hand upon a Table though it be only to still a Child So likewise to draw Letters either in dust or ashes or on a wet Board is prohibited but not to fancy them in the Air. With many other infinite absurdities of the like poor nature wherewith the Rabbins have been pleased to afflict their Brethren and make good sport to all the World which are not either Jews or Jewishly affected Nay to despite our Saviour as Buxdorfius tells us they have determined since that it is unlawful to life the Ox or Ass out of the Ditch which in the strictest time of the Pharisaical rigours was accounted lawful Indeed the marvel is the less that they are so uncharitable to poor Brute creatures when as they take such little pitty upon themselves Crantzius reports a story of a Jew of Magdeburg who falling on a Saturday into a Privy would not be taken out because it was the Sabbath day and that the Bishop gave command that there he should continue on the Sunday also so that between both the poor Jew was poisoned with the very stink The like our Annals do relate of a Jew of Tewkesbury whose story being cast into three riming Verses according to the Poetry of those times I have here presented and translated Dialogue-wise as they first made it Tende manus Solomon ut te de stercore tollam Sabbata nostra colo de stercore surgere nolo Sabbata nostra quidem Solomon celebrabis ibidem Friend Solomon thy Hands up-rear And from the Jakes I will thee bear Our Sabbath I so highly prize That from the place I will not rise Then Solomon without more adoe Our Sabbath thou shalt keep there too For the continuance of their Sabbath as they begin it early on the day before so they prolong it on the day till late at night And this they do in pity to the souls in Hell who all the while the Sabbath lasteth have free leave to play For as they tell us silly wretches upon the Eve before the Sabbath it is proclaimed in the Hall that every one may go his way and take his pleasure and when the Sabbath is concluded they are recalled again to the house of Torments I am ashamed to meddle longer in these trifles these Dreams and dotages of infatuated men given over to a reprobate sense Nor had I stood so long upon them but that in this Anatomy of the Jewish follies I might let some amongst us see into what dangers they are falling For there are some indeed too many who taking his for granted which they cannot prove that the Lords Day succeeds into the place and rights of the Jewish sabbath and is to be observed by vertue of the fourth Commandment have trenched too near upon the Rabbins in binding men to nice and scrupulous observances which neither we nor our Fore-fathers were ever able to endure But with what warrant they have made a sabbath day in the Christian Church where there was never any known in all times before or upon what Authority they have presumed to lay heavy Burthens upon the Consciences of poor men which are free in Christ we shall the better see by tracing down the story from our Saviours time unto the times in which we live But I will here sit down and rest beseeching God who enabled me thus far to guide me onwards to the end Tu qui principio medium medio adjice finem THE HISTORY OF THE SABBATH The Second BOOK From the first preaching of the Gospel to these present Times By PETER HEYLYN D.D. COLOSS. ii 16 17. Let no man judge you in meat or in drink or in respect of an holy day or of the new Moon or of the SABBATH Days which are a shadow of things to come but the Body is of Christ LONDON Printed by M. Clark to be sold by C. Harper 1681. To the Christian Reader AND such I hope to meet with in this Part especially which treating
had trespassed therein against the Sabbath he gathered the small chips together put them upon his hand and set fire unto them Vt in se ulcisceretur Matropol l. 4. t. 8. quod contra divinum praeceptum incautus admisisset that so saith Crantzius he might avenge that on himself which unawares he had committed against Gods Commandment Crantzius it seems did well enough approve the solly for in the entrance on this story he reckoneth this inter alia virtutum suarum praeconia amongst the monuments of his piety and sets it up as an especial instance of that Princes sanctity Lastly whereas the modern Jews are of opinion that all the while their Sabbath lasts the souls in Hell have liberty to range abroad and are released of all their torments Pâ—i ad Domivicum c. 5. So lest in any superstitious fancy they should have preheminence it was delivered of the souls in Purgatory by Petrus Damiani who lived in Anno 1056. Dominico die refrigerium poenarum habuisse that every Lords day they were manumitted from their pains and fluttered up and down the lake Avernus in the shape of Birds Indeed the marvel is the less that these and such like Jewish fancies should in those times begin to shew themselves in the Christian Church considering that now some had begun to think that the Lords day was founded on the fourth Commandment and all observances of the same grounded upon the Law of God As long as it was taken only for an Ecclesiastical Institution and had no other ground upon which to stand than the Authority of the Church we find not any of these rigours annexed unto it But being once conceived to have its warrant from the Scripture the Scripture presently was ransacked and whatsoever did concern the old Jewish Sabbath was applied thereto It had been ordered formerly that men should be restrained on the Lords day from some kind of labours that so they might assemble in the greater number the Princes and the Prelates both conceiving it convenient that it should be so But in these Ages there were Texts produced to make it necessary Thus Clotaire King of France grounded his Edict of restraint from servile labours on this day from the holy Scripture quia hoc lex prohibet sacra Scriptura in omnibus contradicit because the Law forbids it and the holy Scripture contradicts it And Charles the Great builds also on the self same ground Statuimus secundum quod in lege dominus praecepit c. We do ordain according as the Lord commands us that on the Lords day none presume to do any servile business Thus finally the Emperour Leo Philosophus in a constitution to that purpose of which more hereafter declares that he did so determine secundum quod Sp. Sancto ab ipsoque institutis Apostolis placuit according to the dictate of the Holy Ghost and the Apostles by him tutored So also when the Fathers of the Church had thought it requisite that men should cease from labour on the Saturday in the afternoon that they might be the better fitted for their devotions the next day some would not rest till they had found a Scripture for it Observemus diem dominicum fratres sicut antiquis praeceptum est de Sabbato c. Let us observe the Lords day as it is commanded from even to even shall ye celebrate your Sabbath The 251. Sermon inscribed de tempore hath resolved it so And lastly that we go no further the superstitious act of the good King Olaus burning his hand as formerly was related was then conceived to be a very just revenge upon himself because he had offended although unaware contra divinum praeceptum against Gods Commandment Nor were these rigorous fancies left to the naked world but they had miracles to confirm them It is reported by Vincentius and Antoninus that Anstregisilus one that had probably preached such doctrine restored a Miller by his power whose hand had cleaved unto his Hatchet as he was mending of his Mill on the Lords day for now you must take notice that in the times in which they lived grinding had been prohibited on the Lords day by the Canon Laws As also how Sulpitius had caused a poor mans hand to wither only for cleaving wood on the Lords day no great crime assuredly save that some parallel must be found for him that gathered sticks on the former Sabbath and after on his special goodness made him whole again Of these the first was made Arch-Bishop of Burges Anno. 627. Sulpitius being Successor unto him in his See and as it seems too in his power of working miracles Such miracles as these they who list to credit shall find another of them in Gregorius Turonensis Miracul l. 1. c. 6. And some we shall hereafter meet with when we come to England forged purposely as no doubt these were to countenance some new device about the keeping of this day there being no new Gospel Preached but must have miracles to attend it for the greater state But howsoever it come to pass that those four Princes especially Leo who was himself a Scholar and Charles the Great who had as learned men about him as the times then bred were thus persuaded of this day that all restraints from work and labour on the same were to be found expressly in the Word of God yet was the Church and the most Learned men therein of another mind Nor is it utterly impossible but that those Princes might make use of some pretence or ground of Scripture the better to incline the People to yield obedience unto those restraints which were laid upon them First for the Church and men of special eminence in the same for place and learning there is no question to be made but they were otherwise persuaded Isidore Arch-Bishop of Sevil who goes highest De Eccles Offic. l. 1.29 makes it an Apostolical Sanction only on divine commandment a day designed by the Apostles for religious exercises in honour of our Saviours Resurrection on that day performed Diem dominicum Apostolì ideo religiosa solennitate sanxerunt quia in eo redemptor noster à mortuis resurrexit And adds that it was therefore called the Lords day to this end and purpose that resting in the same from all earthly acts and the temptations of the world we might intend Gods holy worship giving this day due honor for the hope of the resurrection which we have therein The same verbatim is repeated by Beda lib. de Offic. and by Rabanus Maurus lib. de institut Cleric l. 2. c. 24. and finally by Alcuinus de divin Offic. cap. 24. which plainly shews that all those took it only from an Apostolical usage an observation that grew up by custom rather than upon commandment Sure I am that Alcuinus one of principal credit with Charles the Great who lived about the end of the eighth Century as did this Isidore in the beginning of the seventh saith
of men 4. The like by Bardesanes and the Priscilianists the dangerous consequents thereof exemplified out of Homer and the words of S. Augustine 5. The error of the Maniches touching the servitude of the Will revived by Luther and continued by the rigid Lutherans 6. As those of Bardesanes and Priscilian by that of Calvin touching the Absolute Decree the dangers which lie hidden under the Decree and the incompetibleness thereof with Christs coming to Judgment 7. The large expressions of the Ancient Fathers touching the freedom of the Will abused by Pelagius and his followers 8. The Heresie of Pelagius in what it did consist especially as to this particular and the dangers of it 9. The Pelagian Heresie condemned and recalled the temper of S. Augustine touching the freedom of the Will in spiritual matters 10. Pelagianism falsly charged on the Moderate Lutherans How far all parties do agree about the freedom of the Will and in what they differ OF all the Heresies which exercised the Church in the times foregoing there never was any more destructive of humane Society more contrary to the rule of Faith and Manners or more repugnant to the Divine Justice and Goodness of Almighty God than that which makes God to be the Author of sin A blasphemy first broacht in terms express by Florinus Blastus and some other of the City of Rome about the year 180. encountred presently by that godly Bishop and Martyr S. Irenaeus who published a Discourse against them bearing this Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Viz. Hist Eccl. Euseb l. 5. c. 14. 19. That God was not the Author of sin And he gave this Inscription to it as the story telleth us because Florinus not content with those Vulgar Heresies which had been taken up before would needs break out into blasphemous Phrensies against God himself in making him the Author of all those sins which lewd men commit Which Doctrine were it once admitted not only the first sin of Adam but all the sins that have been hitherto perpetrated by his whole Posterity must be charged on God and he alone must be accountable for all Murthers Robberies Rapes Adulteries Insurrections Treasons Blasphemies Heresies Persecutions or any other Abominations which have been acted in the world since the first Creation For certainly there can be no reason why every man may not say on the committing of any sin whatsoever it be as did Lyconides in Plantus when he defloured old Eudio's Daughter Deus mihi impulsor fuit is me ad illam illexit it was God alone who tempted and provoked them to those wicked actions What Arguments the good Father used to cry down this Blasphemy for a Heresie is a name too milde for so lewd a Doctrine I cannot gather from my Author but such they were so operative and effectual in stopping the current of the mischief that either Florinus and the rest had no followers at all as most Hereticks had or such as never attained to the height of their Masters Impudence And so that damnable Doctrine the Doctrine of Devils I may call it seems to be strangled in the birth or to be buried in the same grave with the Authors of it never revived in more than thirteen hundred years after the death of Irenaeus when it was against by the Libertines a late brood of Sectaries whom each of the two opposite parties are ashamed to own This taught as did Florinus Calv. Advers Libertl c. 12. in the Primitive times Quicquid ego tu facimus Deus efficit nam in nobis est That whatsoever thing they did was Gods working in them and therefore God to be intituled to those wicked actions which themselves committed The time of their first breaking out affirmed to be about the year 1529. The Founders of this Sect Loppinus and Quintinus Flemmings both and this Prateolus affirms for certain to be the Progency of Calvin and other leading men of the Protestant Churches They came saith he Eschola nostrae tempestatis Evangelicorum Bellarmin somewhat more remisly Prateol Elench Haeve in Quintino Bellar. Omnino probabile est eos ex Calvianianis promanasse and makes it only probable that it might be so but not rightly neither The Libertines breaking out as before was said Anno 1527. when Calvin was of little credit and the name of Calvinists or Calvinians not so much as heard of And on the other side Paraeus Professor of Divinity in the University of Hidelberg writing some Animadversions on the Cardinals works assures us that they were both Papists acquaints us with the place of their Nativity and the proceedings had against them Nor was Calvin wanting for his part to purge himself from such an odious imputation not only by confuting their Opinions in a set discourse but making one Franciscus Porquius a Franciscan Fryer to be a chief stickler in the Cause Against which I know nothing that can be said but that the doctrine of the Libertines in this particular doth hold more correspondence with Calvins principles than any of the received Positions of the Fryers of S. Francis But whether it were so or not I shall make this Inference That the Doctrine must needs be most impious which both sides detested which the Papists laboured so industriously to father on the Schools of Calvin and the Calvinians no less passionatly to charge on some of our great Masters in the Church of Rome But so it is that though the Impiety was too gross to appear bare fac'd yet there have been too many both in the elder and these latter times who entertaining in their hearts the same dreadful madness did recommend it to the world under a disguise though they agreed not at all in that Masque or Vizard which was put upon it Of this sort Manes was the first by birth of Persia and Founder of the damnable Sect of the Manicheans Anno 273. or thereabouts This Wretch considering how unsuccesfully Florinus had sped before in making God who is all and only good to be the Author of sin did first excogitate two Gods the one good and the other evil both of like eternity ascribing all pious actions to the one all Sins and Vices to the other Which ground so laid he utterly deprived the will of man of that natural liberty of which it is by God invested and therefore that in man there was no ability of resisting sin or not submitting unto any of those wicked actions which his lusts and passions offered to him Prateol in Elench Haer. in Marich Condendebant item peccatum non esse à libero arbitrio sed à Daemone capropter non posse per liberum arbitrium impediri as my Author hath it Nor did they only leave mans will in a disability of hindering or resisting the incursions of sin but they left it also under an incapability of acting any thing in order to the works of Righteousness though God might graciously vouchsafe his assisting grace making no
say it is moved by it self And he condemned yea mocked the Lutherans manner of speech that the Will followeth as a dead and unreasonable Creature for being reasonable by Nature moved by its own Cause which is God it is moved as reasonable and followeth a reasonable And likewise that God consenteth though men will not and spurn at him For it is a contradiction that the Effect should spurn against the Cause That it may happen that god may effectually convert one that before hath spurned before sufficient prevention but afterwards cannot because a gentleness in the Will moved must needs follow the Efficacy of the Divine Motion Soto said That every Divine Inspiration was only sufficient and that that whereunto Free-will hath assented obtaineth efficiency by that consent without which it is ineffectual not by the defect of it self but of the man The Opinion he defended very fearfully because it was opposed that the distinction of the Reprobate from the Elect would proceed from man contrary to the perpetual Catholick sense that the Vessels of Mercy are distinguished by Grace from the Vessels of Wrath. That Gods Election would be for Works foreseen and not for his good Pleasure That the Doctrine of the Fathers in the Affrican and French Councils against the Pelagians hath published that God maketh them to will which is to say that he maketh them consent therefore giving consent to us it ought to be attributed to the Divine Power or else he that is saved would be no more obliged to God than he that is damned if God should use them both alike But notwithstanding all these Reasons the contrary Opinion had the general applause though many confessed that the Reasons of Catanca were not resolved and were displeased that Soto did not speak freely but said that the Will consenteth in a certain manner so that it may in a certain manner resist as though there were a certain manner of mean between this Affirmation and Negation The free speech of Catanca and the other Dominicans did trouble them also who knew not how to distinguish the Opinion which attributeth Justification by consent from the Pelagian and therefore they counselled to take heed of leaping beyond the Mark by too great a desire to condemn Luther that Objection being esteemed above all that by this means the Divine Election or Predestination would be for Works foreseen which no Divine did admit The Ground thus laid we shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Judgment of the Church of Rome in the five Articles disputed afterwards with such heat betwixt the Remonstrants and the Contra Remonstrants in the Belgick Church so far forth as it may be gathered from the Decrees and Canons of the Council of Trent and such preparatory Discourses as smoothed the way to the Conclusions which were made therein In order whereunto it was advised by Marcus Viguerius Bishop of Sinigali to separate the Catholick Doctrine from the contrary and to make two Decrees in the one to make a continued Declaration and Confirmation of the Doctrine of the Churches Ibid. p. 215. and in the other to condemn and Anathematize the contrary But in the drawing up of the Decrees there appeared a greater difficulty than they were aware of in conquering whereof the Cardinal of Sancta Cruz one of the Presidents of the Council took incredible pains avoiding as much as was possible to insert any thing controverted amongst the School-men and so handling those that could not be omitted as that every one might be contented And to this end he observed in every Congregation what was disliked by any and took it away or corrected it as he was advised and he spake not only in the Congregations but with every one in particular was informed of all the doubts and required their Opinions He diversifyed the matter with divers Orders changed sometimes one part sometimes another until he had reduced them unto the Order in which they now are which generally pleased and was approved by all Nor did the Decrees thus drawn and setled give less content at Rome than they did at Trent for being transmitted to the Pope and by him committed to the Fryers and other learned men of the Court to be consulted of amongst them they found an universal approbation because every one might understand them in his own sense And being so approved of were sent back to Trent and there solemnly passed in a full Congregation on the thirteenth of January 1547. according to the account of the Church of Rome And yet it is to be observed that though the Decrees were so drawn up as to please all parties especially as to the giving of no distast to the Dominican Fryers and theis Adherents yet it is casie to be seen that they incline more favourably to the Franciscans whose cause the Jesuits have since wedded and speak more literally and Grammatically to the sence of that party than they to do the others which said I shall present the Doctrine of the Council of Trent as to these controverted Points in this Order following 1. Of Divine Predestination All Mankind having lost its primitive integrity by the sin of Adam they became thereby the Sons of wrath Concil Trid. Sess 6. c. 1. and so much captivated under the command of Satan that neither the Gentiles by the power of Nature nor the Jews by the Letter of the Law of Moses were able to free themselves from that grievous Servitude In which respect it pleased Almighty God the Father of all Mercies to promise first Ibid c. 2. and afterwards actually to send his only begotten Son Jesus Christ into the World not only to redeem the Jews who were under the Law but that the Gentiles also might embrace the righteousness which is by Faith and all together might receive the Adoption of Sons To which end he prepared sufficient assistance for all Hist of the Council f. 212. which every man having free will might receive or refuse as it pleased himself and foreseeing from before all Eternity who would receive his help and use it to God and on the other side who would refuse to make use thereof he predestinated and elected those of the first sort to Eternal Life and rejected the others 2. Of the Merit and Effect of the Death of Christ Him God proposed to be a propitiation for our sins by his Death and Passion and nor for our sins only Ses 6. c. 2 3. but for the sins of the whole World But so that though Christ died for all men yet all do not receive the benefit of his death and sufferings but only they to whom the merit of his Passion is communicated in their new birth or Regeneration by which the grace whereby they are justified or made just is conferred upon them 3. Of Mans Conversion unto God The Grace of God is not given no man by Jesus Christ to no other end session 6 can 2 3. but that thereby he might
of Heavenly gifts he had no spot of uncleanness in him he was sound and perfect in all parts both outwardly and inwardly his reason was uncorrupt his understanding was pure and good his will was obedient and goldly he was made altogether like unto God in Righteousness in Holiness in Wisdom in Truth to be short in all kind of perfection After which having spoken of mans Temporal Felicities relating to the delicacies of the Garden of Eden and the Dominion which God gave him over all the Creatures the Homily doth thus proceed viz. But as the common nature of all men is in time of prosperity and wealth to forget not only themselves but also God even so did this first man Adam who having but one Commandment at Gods hand namely That he should not eat of the Fruit of Knowledge of Good and Evil did notwithstanding most unmindfully or rather most wilfully break it Hom. of the Nativity p. 168. in forgetting the strait charge of his Maker and giving ear to the crafty suggestion of the evil Serpent the Devil whereby it came to pass that as before he was blessed so now he was accursed as before he was loved so now he was abhorred as before he was most beautiful and precious so now he was most vile and wretched in the sight of his Lord and Maker instead of the Image of God he was now become the Image of the Devil instead of a Citizen of Heaven he was now become the Bond-slave of Hell having in himself no one part of his former purity and cleanness but being altogether spotted and defiled insomuch that now he seemed to be nothing else but a lump of sin and therefore by the just judgment of God was condemned to everlasting death This being said touching the introduction of the body of Sin the Homily doth first proceed to the propagation and universal spreading of it and afterwards to the Restitution of lost man by faith in Christ This so great and miserable plague for so the Homily proceedeth if it had only rested in Adam who first offended it had been so much the easier and might the better have been born but it fell not only on him but also in his Posterity and Children for ever so that the whole brood of Adams flesh should sustain the self same fall and punishment which their forefather by his offence most justly had deserved S. Paul in the fifth to the Romans saith By the offence of only Adam the fault came upon all men to condemnation and by one mans disobedience many were made sinners By which words we are taught that as in Adam all men universally received the reward of sin that is to say became mortal and subject unto death having in themselves nothing but everlasting condemnation both of body and soul c. Had it been any marvel if man-kind had been utterly driven to desperation being thus fallen from life to death from salvation to destruction from Heaven to Hell But behold the great goodness and tender mercy of God in this behalf albeit mans wickedness and sinful behaviour was such that it deserved not in any part to be forgiven yet to the intent be might not be clean destitute of all hope and comfort in time to come he ordained a new Covenant and made a sure promise thereof namely that he would send a Mediater or Messias into the world which should make intercession and put himself as a stay between both parties to pacifie the wrath and indignation conceived against sin and to deliver man out of the miserable curse and cursed misery whereunto he was fallen head-long by disobeying the Will and Commandment of the only Lord and Maker Which ground thus laid we will proceed unto the Doctrine of Predestination according to the sense and meaning of the Church of England which teacheth us according to the general current of the ancient Authors before Augustins time that God from all Eternity intending to demonstrate his power and goodness designed the Creation of the World the making of man after his own Image and leaving him so made in a perfect liberty to do or not to do what he was commanded and that foreknowing from all Eternity the man abusing this liberty would plung himself and his posterity into a gulf of miseries he graciously resolved to provide them such a Saviour who should redeem them from their sins to elect all those to life eternal who laid hold upon him leaving the rest in the same state in which he found them for their incredulity And this I take to be the method of Election unto life Eternal through Jesus Christ our Lord according to the Doctrine of the Church of England For althought there be neither prius nor posterius in the will of God who sees all things at once together and willeth at the first sight without more delay yet to apply his acts unto our capacity as were the acts of God in their right production so were they primitively in his intention But Creation without peradventure did forego the fall and the disease or death which ensued upon it was of necessity to be before there could be a course taken to prescribe the cure and the prescribing of the cure must first be finished before it could be offered to particular persons Of which and of the whole doctrine of Predestination as before declared we cannot have an happier illustration than that of Agilmond and Lamistus in the Longobardian story of Paul the Deacon In which it is reported That Agilmond the second King of Lombardy riding by a Fish-pond saw seven your Children sprawling in it whom their unnatural Mothers as the Author thinketh had thrown into it not long before Amazed whereat he put his hunting spear amongst them and stirred them gently up and down which one of them laying hold on was drawn to land called Lamistus from the word Lama which is the Language of that People and signifies a Fish-pond Trained up in that Kings Court and finally made his Successor in the Kingdom Granting that Agilmond being forewarned in a Vision that he should find such Children sprawling for life in the midst of that pond might thereupon take a resolution within himself to put his hunting spear amongst them and the which of them soever should lay hold upon it should be gently drawn out of the water adopted for his Son and made Heir of his Kingdom No Humane story can afford us the like parallel case to Gods proceeding in the great work of Predestination to Eternal Life according to the Doctrine of the ancient Fathers and the Church of Rome as also of the Lutheran Churches and those of the Arminian party in the Belgick Provinces Now that this was the Doctrine also of the Church of England will easily appear upon a due search into the Monuments and Records thereof as they stand backed by those learned religious men who had a principal hand in carrying on the great work of the Reformation
Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points 10. An answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why I Have the longer stood upon the answering of this Objection to satisfie and prevent all others of the like condition in case it should be found on a further search that any of our godly Martyrs or learned Writers who either suffered death before the Reign of Edward VI. or had no hand in the carrying on of the Reformation embraced any opinions in Doctrine or Discipline contrary to the established Rules of the Church of England For otherwise as we must admit all Tyndals Heterodoxies and Friths high flying conceits of Predestination which before we touch'd at so must we also allow a Parity or an Identity rather in Priests and Bishops because John Lambert another of our Godly Martyrs did conceive so of it In the primitive Church saith he there were no more Officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons that is to say Ministers as witnesseth beside Scripture S. Hierom in his Commentaries on the Epistles of S. Paul Whereas saith he that those whom we now call Priests were all one and no other but Bishops and the Bishops no other but Priests men ancient both in age and learning so near as could be chosen nor were they instituted and chosen as they be now a days the Bishop and his Officer only opposing them whether they can construe a Collect but they were chosen also with the consent of the people amongst whom they were to have their living as sheweth S. Cyprian But alack for pity such elections are banished and new fashions brought in By which opinion if it might have served or a Rule to the Reformation our Bishops must have been reduced to the rank of Priests and the right of Presentation put into the hands of the people to the Destruction of all the Patrons in the Kingdom If then the question should be asked as perhaps it may On whom or on whose judgment the hrst Reformers most relied in the weighty business I answer negatively First That they had no respect of Calvin no more than to the judgement of Wicklef Tyndal Barns or Frith whose offered assistance they refused when they went about it of which he sensibly complained unto some of his friends as appears by one of his Epistles I answer next affirmatively in the words of an Act of Parliament 2. 3. Edw. 6. where it is said That they had an eye in the first place to the more pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church Being satisfied in both which ways they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran Plat-forms the English Confession or Book of Articles being taken in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg and a conformity maintained with the Lutheran Churches in Rites and Ceremonies as namely in kneeling at the Communion the Cross in Baptism the retaining of all the ancient Festivals the reading of the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and Holy-days and generally in the whole Form of External Worship Fourthy in reference to the points disputed they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany whose assistance they earnestly desired whose coming over they expected who was as graciously invited hither by King Edward the Sixth Regiis literis in Angliam vocari as himself affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius His coming laid aside upon the fall of the Duke of Sommerset and therefore since they could not have his company they made use of his writings for their direction in such points of Doctrine in which they though it necessary for the Church to declare her judgment I observe finally That as they attributed much to the particulars to the Authority of Melancthon so they ascribe no less therein unto that of Erasmus once Reader of the Greek Tongue in Cambridge and afterwards one of the Professors of Divinity there whose Paraphrases on the four Evangelists being translated into English were ordered to be kept in Churches for the use of the People and that they owned the Epistles to be studied by all such as had cure of souls Concerning which it was commanded by the injunctions of King Edward VI. published by the advice of the Lord Protector Somerset and the Privy Council Acts and Mon. fol. 1181. in the first year of the said Kings Reign 1. That they should see provided in some most convenient and open place of every Church one great Bible in English with the Paraphrase of Erasmus in English that the People might reverently without any let read and hear the same at such time as they listed and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereunto And 2. That every Priest under the degree of a Batchellour of Divinity should have of his own one New Testament in English and Latine with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same and should diligently read and study thereupon and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the Scripture as do set forth the Mercy Benefits and Goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death despair or trouble of Conscience and that therefore every Bishop in their Institution should from time to time try and examine them how they have profited in their studies A course and care not likely to have entred into the thoughts of the Lord Protector or any of the Lords of the Council if it had not been advised by some of the Bishops who then began to have an eye on the Reformation which soon after followed and as unlikely to be counselled and advised by them had they intended to advance any other Doctrine than what was countenanced in the Writings of that Learned man Whereupon I conclude the Doctrine of the points disputed to be the true and genuine Doctrine of the Church of England which comes most near to the plain sense of holy Scripture the general current of the Fathers in the Primitive times the famous Augustane Confession the Writings of Melancthon and the Works of Erasmus To which Conclusion I shall stand till I find my self encountred by some stronger Argument to remove me from it The ground thus laid I shall proceed unto the Reformation
upon so plain a Revelation of Gods secret Will than take up Arms against the Queen depose her from her Throne expel her out of her native Kingdom and finally prosecute her to the very death The Ladder which Constantine the great commended to Assesius a Novatian Bishop for his safer climbing up to Heaven was never more made use of than by Knox and Calvin for mounting them to the sight of Gods secret Council which St. Paul calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or things unspeakable such as are neither possible nor lawful for a man to utter But of all Knox's followers none followed so close upon his heels as Ro. Crowly a fugitive for Religion in Q. Maries days and the Author of a Book called a Confutation of 13 Articles Ibid. p. 18. c. In which he lays the sin of Adam and consequently all mens sins from that time to this upon the Absolute Decree of Predestination for seeing saith he that Adam was so perfect a Creature that there was in him no lust to sin and yet withal so weak of himself that he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtile Serpent no remedy the only cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God In other places of this book he makes it to be a common saying of the Free-will men as in contempt and scorn he calls them that Cain was not Predestinate to slay his Brother Ibid. p. 2. ◠which makes it plain that he was otherwise persuaded in his own opinion That the most wicked persons that have been whereof God appointed to be even as wicked as they were that if God do predestinate a man to do things rashly and without any deliberation he shall not deliberate at all but run headlong upon it Ibid. p. 2. 6. be it good or evil That we are compelled by Gods predestination to do those things for which we are damned Ibid. 2.7 Ibid. 46. And finally finding this Doctrine to be charged with making God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant and pressed therewith by some of the contrary persuasion he returns his answer in this wise If God saith he were an inferiour to any superiour power to the which he ought to render an account of his doing or if any of us were not his Creatures but of another Creation besides his workmanship then might we charge him with Tyranny because he condemneth us and appointed us to be punished for the things we do by compulsion through the necessity of his Predestination For a Catholicon or general Antidote to which dangerous Doctrines a new distinction was devised Ibid. p. 4. 47. by which in all abominations God was expresly said to be the Author of the fact or deed but not of the crime which subtilty appeareth amongst many others in a brief Treatise of Election and Reprobation published by one John Veron in the English tongue Ibid. p. 32. about the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth which subtilty Campneys not unfitly calls a marvellous sophistication a strange Paradox and a cautelous Riddle and he seems to have good reason for it For by this Doctrine as he noteth it must follow that God is the Author of the very fact and deed of Adultery Theft Murder c. but not the Author of the sin Sin having as they say no positive entity but being a meer nothing as it were and therefore not to be ascribed to Almighty God And thereup on he doth infer that when a Malefactor is hanged for any of the facts before said he is hanged for nothing because the fact or deed is ascribed to God and the sin only charged on him which sin being nothing in it self it must be nothing that the Malefactor is condemned or hanged for By all the Books it doth appear what method of Predestination these new Gospellers drive at how close they followed at the heels of their Master Calvin in case they did not go beyond him Certain it is that they all speak more plainly than their Master doth as to the making of God to be the Author of sin though none of them speak any thing else than what may Logically be inferred from his ground and principles And by this book it appeareth also now contrary these Doctrins are to the establish'd by the first Reformers in the Church of England how contrary the whole method of Predestination out of which they flow is to that delivered in the Articles the Homilies and the publick Liturgy and witnessed too by so many learned men and godly Martyrs Which manifest deviation from the rules of the Church as it gave just offence to all moderate and sober men so amongst others unto Campneys before remembred who could not but express his dislike thereof and for so doing was traduced for a Pelagian and a Papist or a Popish Pelagian For which being charged by way of Letter he was necessitated to return an Answer to it which he published in the second or third year of Queen Elizabeth In which Answer he not only clears himself from favouring the Pelagian Errours in the Doctrine of Freewill Justification by Works c. but solidly and learnedly refuteth the Opinions of certain English Writers and Preachers whom he accuseth for teaching of false and scandalous Doctrine under the name of Predestination Ibid. p. 10. Rom. 5. for his preparation whereunto he states the point of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ out of the parallel which St. Paul hath made between Christ and Adam that by the comparison of condemnation in Adam and redemption in Christ it might more plainly be perceived that Christ was not inferiour to Adam nor grace to sin And that as all the generation of man is condemned in Adam so is all the generation of man redeemed in Christ and as general a Saviour is Christ by Redemption as Adam is a condemner by transgression Which ground so laid he shews how inconsistent their Opinions are to the truth of Scripture who found the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation on Gods absolute pleasure by which infinitely the greatest part of all mankind is precedaniously excluded from having any part or interess in this Redemption reprobated to eternal death both in body and soul as the examples of his vengeance and consequently preordained unto sin as the means unto it that so his vengeance might appear with the face of Justice Which preordaining unto sin as it doth necessarily infer the laying of a necessity upon all mens actions whether good or bad according to that predeterminate Counsel and Will of God so these good men the Authors of the books before remembred do expresly grant it acknowledging that God doth not only move men to sin but compel them to it by the inevitable rules of Predestination But against this it is thus discoursed by the said Campneys that if Gods Predestination be the only cause of Adams fall and filthy sin Ibid. p. 51. And
darling Doctrine of this present time so is it very eagerly pursued by Buchannan who affirms expresly Quicquid juris populus alicui dederit Buchann de jure Regni idem justis de causis posse reposcere that whatsoever power the people give unto their King or Supream Magistrate they may resume again upon just occasions Their Power they make so small and inconsiderable that they afford them very little even in matters of Temporal and no Authority at all in things Spiritual Calvin professeth for himself that he was very much agrieved to hear that King Henry the eighth had took unto himself the Title of Supream Head of the Church of England accuseth them of inconsiderate zeal nay blasphemy who conferred it on him and though he be content at last to allow Kings a Ministerial power in matters which concern the Reformation of Gods Publick Worship yet he condemns them as before of great inconsiderateness Calvin in Amos cap. 7. Qui facerent eos nimis spirituales who did ascribe unto them any great authority in spiritual matters The designation of all those who bear publick Office in the Church the calling of Councils or Assemblies the Presidency in those Councils Ordaining publick Fasts and appointing Festivals which anciently belonged unto Christian Princes as the chief branches of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction which is vested in them are utterly denied to Kings and Princes in their Books of Discipline Insomuch that when the Citizens of Embden did expel their Earl they did it chiefly for this reason Thuan. hist l. 114. Quod se negotiis Ecclesiasticis Consistorialibus praeter jus aequitatem immisceret that he had intermedled more than they thought fit in Ecclesiastical causes and intrenched too much upon their Consistory As for their power in Temporal or civil Causes by that time Knoxes Peers and Buchannans Judges Paraeus his inferiour Magistrates and Calvins popular Officers have performed their parts in keeping them within the compass of the Laws arraigning them for their offences if they should transgress opposing them by force of Arms if any thing be done unto the prejudice of the Church or State and finally in regulating their Authority after the manner of the Spartan Ephori and the Roman Tribunes all that is left will be by much too little for a Royd'Ivitot or for a King of Clouts as we English phrase it Last of all for their persons which God held so sacred that he gave it for a Law to his people Israel not to speak evil of their Princes saying Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people Let us but look upon these men and we shall find the basest attributes too good for the greatest Kings Calvin calls Mary Queen of England by the name of Proserpine Calvin in Amos cap. 7. and saith that she did superare omnes Diabolos that all the Devils of Hell were not half so mischievous Beza affords Queen Mary of Scotland no better Titles than those of Medea and Athaliah Beza in Epist ad Jo. of which the last was most infamous in divine the other no less scandalous in humane stories the one a Sorceress and a Witch the other a Tyrant and Usurper The Author of the Altare Damascenum whosoever he was can find no better attribute for King James of most blessed memory than infensissimus Evangelii hostis Didoclaviuâ— in Epistola ad â—â—ctor the greatest and deadly Enemy of the Gospel of Christ And Queen Elizabeth her self did not scape so clear but that the zealous Brethren were too bold sometimes with her Name and Honour though some of them paid dearly for it and were hanged for their labour How that seditious Hugonot the Author of the lewd and unworthy Dialogue entituled Eusebius Philadelphus hath dealt with three great Princes of the House of France and what reproachful names he gives them I had rather you should look for in the Author than expect from me being loath to wade too far in these dirty puddles save that I shall be bold to add this general Character which Didoclavius gives to all Kings in general viz. Naturâ insitum est in omnibus Regibus Christi odium that all Kings naturally hate Christ which may serve for all This is enough to let us see how irreconcileable an hatred these of the Calvinian faction bear against Kings and Princes how well they play the part of the very Antichrist in exalting themselves against whatsoever is called God and that the special reason why they affect so much to be called the Saints is out of a strong probable hope to see the day in which they shall bind Kings in chains and all the Princes of the earth in fetters of iron Finally such is their disaffection unto sacred Monarchy which they have sucked out of the grounds and principles here laid down by Calvin that we may justly say of them what was most truely said of the ancient Romans quasi nefas esset Regem aliquem prope eorum terminos esse Jâ—stin hist l. 29. they have bestirred themselves so bravely in defiance of the Regal Government as if they did account it an unpardonable sin to suffer any King though most good and gracious to border near them Which lest they should not be of power to compass by their popular Magistrates or by the Judges or the Peers or the People severally which make the main Battel for this Combat let us next look on the Reserve and see what hopes they have to effect the business by the three Estates conjoyned in Parliament or by what other name soever we shall call their meeting which Calvin in the last place doth reflect upon but cautiously with a qua forte or a peradventure as in that before CHAP. V. What are the three Estates in each several Kingdom in which CALVIN speaks and what particularly in the Realm of England 1. Of the division of a People into three Estates and that the Priests or Clergy have been always one 2. The Priests employed in Civil matters and affairs of State by the Egyptians and the Persians the Greeks Gauls and Romans 3. The Priests and Levites exercised in affairs of Civil Government by Gods own appointment 4. The Prelates versed in Civil matters and affairs of State in the best and happiest times of Christianity 5. The Clergy make the third Estate in Germany France Spain and the Northern Kingdoms 6. That antiently in the Saxon times the Ecclesiasticks of this Realm were called to all publick Councils 7. The Prelates an essential fundamental part of the English Parliament 8. Objections answered and that the word Clerus in the Legal notion doth not extend unto the Prelates 9. That the inferior Clergy of the Realm of England had anciently their Votes in Parliament to all intents and purposes as the Commons had 10. Objections answered and that the calling of the Clergy to Parliaments and Convocations were after different maners and by several Writs
times the Kings did graciously vouchsafe to pass the whole Bill in that Form which the Houses gave it or to reject it wholly as they saw occasion yet still the Privy Council and the Judges and the Council learned in the Laws have and enjoy their place in the House of Peers as well for preservation of the Kings Rights and Royalties as for direction to the Lords in a point of Law if any case of difficulty be brought before them on which occasions the Lords are to demand the Opinion of the Judges and upon their Opinions to ground their Judgment As for Example In the Parliament 28 of Hen. VI. The Commons made suit that William de la Pole Duke of Suffolk should be committed to Prison for many Treasons and other Crimes and thereupon the Lords demanded the Opinion of the Judges 28 Hen. 6. whether he should be committed to Prison or not whose Answer was that he ought not to be committed in regard the Commons had not charged him with any particular offence but with generals only which Opinion was allowed and followed In another Parliament of the said King held by Prorogation one Thomas Thorpe the Speaker of the House of Cemmons was in the Prorogation-time condemned in 1000 l. damages upon an Action of Trespass at the suit of Richard Duke of York and was committed to Prison for execution of the same The Parliament being reassembled the Commons made suit to the King and Lords to have their Speaker delivered to them according to the Privilege of Parliaments The priviled of the Barons p. 15. the Lords demanded the Opinion of the Judges in it and upon their Answer did conclude that the Speaker should stilll remain in Prison according to Law notwithstanding the privilege of Parliament and according to this resolution the Commons were commanded in the Kings name to chuse one Tho. Carleton for their Speaker which was done accordingly Other Examples of this kind are exceeding obvious and for numbers infinite yet neither more in number nor more obvious than those of our Kings serving their turns by and upon their Parliaments as their occasions did require For not to look on higher and more Regal times we find that Richard the 2d a Prince not very acceptable to the Common people could get an Act of Parliament 21 Ric. 2. to confirm the extrajudicial Opinion of the Judges given before at Notingham that King Henry IV. could by another Act reverse all that Parliament entail the Crown to his posterity 1 Hen. 4. and keep his Dutchy of Laneaster and all the Lands and Scigneuries of it from being united to the Crown that King Edward the 4th could have a Parliament to declare all the Kings of the House of Lancaster to be Kings in Fact but not in Right 1 Ed. c. 1. and for uniting of that Dutchy to the Crown Imperial notwithstanding the former Act of separation that King Richard the 3d could have a Parliament to bastardize all his Brothers Children Speeds Hist in K. Richard 3. Verulams Hist of K. Hen. 7. 11 Hen. 7. c. 10. to set the Crown on his own Head though a most bloody Tyrant and a plain Usurper that K. Henry VII could have the Crown entailed by an Act of Parliament to the issue of his own body without relation to his Queen of the House of York which was conceived by many at that time to have the better Title to it another for paying a Benevolence which he had required of the Subject though all Benevolences had been damned by a former Statute made in the short but bloudy reign of King Richard the 3d that King Henry VIII could have one Act of Parliament to bastardry his Daughter Mary in favour of the Lady Elizabeth 65 Hen. 8. c. 22 28. c. 7. 35 H. 8. c. 1. another to declare the Lady Elizabeth to be illegitimate in expectation of the issue by Queen Jane Seymour a third for setling the succession by his Will and Testament and what else he pleased that Queen Mary could not only obtain several Acts in favour of her self and the See of Rome but for the setling of the Regency on the King of Spain 1 Mar. ses 2. c. 1 2. 1. 2 Ph. M. c. 8.10 in case the Children of that Bed should be left in non-age And finally that Queen Elizabeth did not only gain many several Acts for the security of her own Person which were determinable with her life but could procure an Act to be passed in Parliament for making it high Treason to affirm and say That the Queen could not by Act of Parliament bind and dispose the Rights and Titles which any person whatsoever might have to the Crown 13 Eliz. c. 1. And as for raising moneys and amassing Treasures by help of Parliaments he that desires to know how well our Kings have served themselves that way by the help of Parliaments let him peruse a book entituled the Privilege of Parliaments writ in the manner of Dialogue between a Privy Counsellor and a Justice of Peace and he shall be satisfied to the full Put all that hath been said together and sure the Kingdom of England must not be the place in which the three Estates convened in Parliament have power to regulate the King or restrain his actions or moderate his extravagances or where they can be taxed for persidious treachery of they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insult on the Common-people or otherwise abuse that power which the Lord hath given them Calvin was much mistaken if he thought the contrary or if he dreamt that he should be believ'd on his ipse dixit without a punctual enquiry into the grounds and probability of such a dangerous intimation as he lays before us But against this it is objected that Parliaments have disposed of the Militia of the Kingdom of the Forts Castles Ports and the Navy Royal not only without the Kings leave but against his liking that they have deposed some Kings and advanced others to the top of the Regal Throne And for the proof of this they produce Examples out of the Reign of King Henry III. Edw. II. and King Richard the second Examples which if rightly pondered do not so much prove the Power as the Weakness of Parliaments in being carried up and down by the private conduct of every popular pretender For 't is well known that the Parliaments did not take upon them to rule or rather to over-look K. Henry III. but as they were directed by Simon Montfort Earl of Leicester who having raised a potent faction in the State by the assistance of the Earls of Glocester Matth. Paris Henr. 3. Hereford Derby and some others of the great Lords of the Kingdom compelled the King to yield unto what terms he pleased and made the Parliaments no other than a means and instrument to put a popular gloss on his wretched purposes And
held on the 25th of June 1622. were severally condemned to be erroneous scandalous and destructive of Monarchical Government Upon which Sentence or determination the King gave order that as many of those books as could be gotten should solemnly and publickly be burnt in each of the Universities and St. Pauls Church-yard which was done accordingly An accident much complained of by the Puriten party for a long time after who looked upon it as the funeral pile of their Hopes and Projects till by degrees they got fresh courage carrying on their designs more secretly by consequence more dangerously than before they did The terrible effects whereof we have seen and felt in our late Civil Wars and present confusions But it is time to close this point and come to a conclusion of the whole discourse there be no other Objections that I know of but what are easily reduced unto those before or not worth the answering 15. Thus have we taken a brief survey of those insinuations grounds or principles call them what you will which Calvin hath laid down in his book of Institutions for the incouragement of the Subjects to rebellious courses and putting them in Arms against their Sovereign either in case of Tyranny Licentiousness or Mal-administration of what sort soever by which the Subject may pretend that they are oppressed either in point of Liberty or in point of Property And we have shewn upon what false and weak foundations he hath raised his building how much he hath mistaken or abused his Authors but how much more he hath betrayed and abused his Readers For we have clearly proved and directly manifested out of the best Records and Monuments of the former times that the Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes in the State of Rome to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi in the Common-wealth of Athens to oppose the Senate or if they were that this could no way serve to advance his purpose of setting up such popular Officers in the Kingdoms of Christendom those Officers being only found in Aristocraties or Democraties but never heard or dreamt of in a Monarchical Government And we have shewn both who they are which constitute the three Estates in all Christian Kingdoms and that there is no Christian Kingdom in which the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever they do call them have any authority either to regulate the person of the Sovereign Prince or restrain his power in case he be a Sovereign Prince and not meerly titular and conditional and that it is not to be found in Holy Scripture that they are or were ordained by God to be the Patrons and Protectors of the common people and therefore chargeable with no less a crime than a most perfidious dissimulation should they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly abuse that power which the Lord hath given them to the oppression of their Subjects In which last points touching the designation of the three Estates and the authority pretended to be vested in them I have carried a more particular eye on this Kingdom of England where those pernicious Principles and insinuations which our Author gives us have been too readily imbraced and too eagerly pursued by those of his party and opinion If herein I have done any service to supream Authority my Countrey and some misguided Zealots of it I shall have reason to rejoyce in my undertaking If not posterity shall not say that Calvins memory was so sacred with me and his name so venerable as rather to suffer such a Stumbling-block to be laid in the Subjects way without being censured and removed than either his authority should be brought in question or any of his Dictates to a legal tryal Having been purchased by the Lord at so dear a price we are to be no longer the Servants of men or to have the truth of God with respect of persons I have God to be my Father and the Church my Mother and therefore have not only pleaded the cause of Kings and Supream Magistrates who are the Deputies of God but added somewhat in behalf of the Church of England whose rights and priviledges I have pleaded to my best abilities The issue and success I refer to him by whom Kings do Reign and who appointed Kings and other Supream Magistrates to be nursing Fathers to his Church that as they do receive authority and power from the hands of God so they may use the same in the protection and defence of the Church of God and God even their own God will give them his Blessing and save them from the striving of unruly people whose mouth speaketh proud words and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity FINIS De Jure Paritatis Episcoporum OR A BRIEF DISCOURSE ASSERTING THE Bishops Right of Peerage WHICH EITHER By Law or Ancient Custom DOTH Belong unto them WRITTEN By the Learned and Reverend PETER HEYLYN D. D. In the Year 1640. When it was Voted in the Lords House That no Bishop should be of the Committee for the preparatory Examination of the EARL of STRAFFORD He being dead yet speaketh Heb. xi 4. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. A PREFACE ALthough there are Books enough writ to vindicate the Honours and Priviledges of Bishops yet to those that are fore-stalled with prejudice and passion all that can be said or done will be little enough to make them wise unto sobriety to prevail with them not to contradict the conviction of their mind with absurd and fond reasonings but that Truth may conquer their prepossessions and may find so easie an access and welcome unto their practical judgments that they may profess their faith and subjection to that order which by a misguided zeal they once endeavoured to destroy Many are the methods that have been and are still used to rase up the foundation of Episcopacy and to make the Name of Bishop to be had no more in remembrance For first some strike at the Order and Function it self And yet St. Paul reckons it among his faithful sayings 1 Tim. 3.1 that the Office of a Bishop is a good work And the order continued perpetually in the Church without any interruption of time or decrees of Councils to the contrary for the space of many Centuries after the Ascension of Christ and the Martyrdom of the Apostles For they ordained Bishops and approved them Before St. John died Rome had a succession of no less than four viz. Linus Anacletus Clemens and Evaristus Jerusalem had James the just and Simeon the Son of Cleophas Antioch had Euodius and Ignatius and St. Mark Anianus Abilius and Cerdo successively fill'd the See of Alexandria All these lived in St. Johns days and their order obeyed by Christians and blessed by God throughout the whole world for the Conversion of Jews and Gentiles for the perfecting of the Saints and the edifying of