Leagues fleet against the Turke at Prevesa 432. Of the Army which king Francis brought in Italy 108. Of the Galleyes and Souldiers to be raised by the Christian Princes against Soliman 413. Of the Souldiers sent by the Pope to the Emperour in his war against the Protestants 61. Of the Imperial Army against the Protestants ibid. Of theirs against him 613. O ODetto di Fois called Monsieur de Lautrech sent by King Francis to assist the Venetians 129. Goes to the defence of Milan 135. is declared by the King General in Burbon's stead 139. Ioyned with the Venetians goes towards Verona 144. Assaults Verona 145 146. Riseth from before it 147 148. Having received the keyes of Verona he immediately delivers them to the Venetians 153. Drawes his Army into Milan 177. Is beaten out thence by the Imperialists 177 178. Takes Pavia 262. Quitteth Lombardy and goes towards Naples 265.269 Enters that Kingdom and proffers the Imperialists battell 278. Takes in almost the whole Kingdom of Naples 279. Besiegeth Naples ibid. vexed at the many sufferings of his Army he sickens and dies 286 287. The Oration of Andrea Loredano to the Army 40 41. Of Cardona to the Army 44 45. Of Antonio Grimani to the Senate 69. Of Pietro Bembo to the Senate of Venice 88. Of the Cardinal of Seduno to the Switsers 110. Of Domenico Trivisano to the King of France 116. Of the King of Hungary's Embassadours to the Senatours of Venice 168. Of Alberto Pietra Commander of the Switzers 186. Of Georgio Cornaro to the Senate of Venice 210. Of Domenico Trivisano to the same 213. Of the same man to the same Senate 271. Of Luigi Mocenigo to the Senate of Venice 273. Of the same man in the same place 297. Of Marco Antonio Cornaro in answer to him 300. Of the same in the Senate 373. of Lunardo Emo in answer to him 375. Of Marc Antonio Cornaro in the same place 406. Of the Cardinal of Ferrara in the Colledge of Venice 599. Osofo its Situation and strength 63. Assaulted by the Imperialists 64. The siege raised by Alviano 71. P PArma assaulted by the Imperialists 176. Yeilded to the Emperour together with Piacenza 178. Attempted by the French 181. given by the Pope together with Piacenza to his son Pier Luigi 610. Pavia taken by the French 108. Yeilded up to the Imperialists 178. Besieged by Francis King of France 209. Taken by Lautrech and the pillage of it given to his Army 262. Taken and sack'd by the confederates army 290. Paul the 3. of the family of the Farnesi succeeds Clement the 7. in the Papacy 358. Seekes to make peace between Charles the 5. and King Francis 361. Negotiates by his Nuncioes for an universal peace among Christian Princes 368. Denies the Venetians the Tything of their Clergy 366. Concludes the league of the Christian Princes against Soliman 387. Procures an Interview between the Emperour anâ— the King of France at Nice in Provence 417. His designes in this Interview 418. Gives the Emperour a meeting and with what design 595. His designes fall not out to his hopes for which he complains of the Emperor 616 617. Seekes to bring the Venetians to joyn with him and the King of France 622. His vast designes and irregular thoughts 624. Sends the Bishop of Verona his Legate in Germany 626. He dies 629. Peace between the Switzers and the French 151. Between the Emperour and the King of France 152. Universal between Christian Princes treated about 235. Negotiated between the Emperour and the Venetians 323. Concluded and the condition of it 325. Between the Venetians and Soliman 573. Concluded between the Emperour Charles the 5. and Francis King of France and the conditions 604 Prelates of Rome how handled by the Germans in the sack of that city 252. Princes of Italy call in forrain Nations to their own ruine 45. Princes named in the confederacy between Charles the 5. and the Venetians 200. Princes of Italy affrighted at the great forces of Charles the 5. 315. Much troubled for the death of Paul the 3.629 A treacherous Priest hanged up by one foot in Venice and there stoned by the common people 58. New Pretences of Francis King of France for the State of Milan 94. Of the Venetians for Ravenna 293. Proffers made by the French to the Venetians if they would enter into a League with them 370. by Charles the 5. to his brother Ferdinand if he would yeild the title of King of the Romans to his son King Philip 626. Prospero Colonna in the Imperial camp 27. Disswades from the enterprise of Trevigi 51. Iâ— declared by Pope Leo General of the Ecclesiastick army 174. Assaults Milan and takes it 177 178. Raises the siege before Pavia 184. Takes Lodi and Cremona 189. Upon the Frenchmens passage into Italy provides for the Cities of Lombardy 208. Q THe Queen mother of France Negotiates with the Christian Princes for her son Francis his liberty 221. Meets at Cambray with Margaret of Austria to treat about a Peace between the Emperour and the King her son 313. R RAvenna desires of the Venetians a Commissary and a Garrison 256. By what right the Venetians held it 293. It is restored to the Pope 325. Renzo da Ceri Commander of the Garrison in Crema and his gallant carriage 33. Defends Crema against the Imperialists 65 Being declared by the Venetians General of the Horse will not accept of the place 67. Frees Crema from the siege 80 81. Takes in Bergamo 85. Makes a Truce with Milan and goes to Venice 86. Quits the service of the Venetians and goes to Rome 107 Rome taken by the Duke of Burbon and sacked by the Imperial Army 250. Much affrighted at the coming of Barbarossa with the Turkish Fleet to Ostia 593 S SAvii del Conâ—iglio what Office it is in Venice 366 A Sea-fight near Naples between the Imperialists and the French 282 Skirmishes between the Venetians and the Imperialists at Valeggio and Anfo 132 133. The Imperialists and French at Bicocca 185 186. The Imperialists and Venetians before Monopoli 306 307. The Duke of Urbine and the Spaniards 311 312 Soliman confirms the Truce to the Venetians 164. Is very curteous to them 265. Threatens to drive Charls the 5th out of the Empire pretending that it belonged to him 343. Shews himself an enemy to the Venetians and why 364. Passeth with a mighty Army to Vallona with a designe for Italy 368. makes peace with the Venetians 575. Sends his Fleet to the King of France 594. A friend to what is just and honest 610 Spaniards under the conduct of the Viceroy of Naples against the Venetians 27. Take Brescia and Bergamo for the Emperour 28. Fall upon the Venetian Camp 45 Defend Brescia beâ—â—eged by the Venetians 119. Those which took Rome would fain carry the Pope Prisoner into Spain â—â—4 Stefano Tiepolo General of the Venetian Fleet. 593. 〈…〉 dâ—ur to Soliman in Hungary 597. Chosen General of the forces in Terra
any Prince which was not done by his Council and Authority Wherefore it was that at the same time and by the same means he endeavoured contrary things The Count di Caretto who was gone a little before this time from Venice to the Vice-roys Camp his Secretary who stay'd at Venice to dispatch such things as should occur was present at the treaty of Peace which was negotiated by Santesio and did by Order from him interpose the Kings Authority therein But this business which had been so often in treaty had no better success now then it had at other times For the Venetian Senate being disposed alike in all Fortunes and not yielding any thing to the present calamities resolved not to accommodate their counsels to their Enemies desires but to do in what concern'd either Peace or War what they thought stood most with the Dignity of the Common-wealth There was one thing only which might seem to detract from their hopes and from their constancy of mind which was that certain News was given out that the King of Fraâ—ce with whom as it hath been said Ferdinando had made Truce for what concern'd Affairs on the other side the Mountains did also treat with him upon conditions of Peace which if it should succeed there was reason to doubt that Caesar would likewise joyn with them and that being all joyn'd together they might once more endeavour the prejudice of the Common-wealth And this was the more likely to be believed for that the King of France stood in need of such Friendships now that a heavy War was threatned him by the English The English Army which was very numerous was already past over the Sea to Callis in France and King Henry was ready to pass over himself to be present at this Enterprise Therefore upon this so weighty occasion the Senate thought fit to confirm King Lewis by all means possible in his former taken resolution and to exhort him by the mouth of their Embassadour Dandalo who was then Resident at that Court not to give the Affairs of Italy quite over That he would endeavour as soon as might be to renew the War before the Reputation which he had wonne was lessened and before his Claim to the Dukedom of Millan which did now begin to be of Force and Vigour should grow stale That the Forces of so great a King were not so much lessened for one Rout received at Novara as that he should suffer the Switzers a Mountainous Nation and which wanted all things to say they had driven a powerful Prince out of his Dominions and rob'd him of all the Praise and Profit of the Victory which he had almost already got That his Majesty of France would put on such Resolutions as became his greatness and assure himself that the Venetians would never be wanting in any thing to him That he might command their Forces Men and Money for whilst they had any Power nay whilst they should have Breath and Life they were ready to expose themselves to all hardship and danger for the Greatness of the Kingdom of France and in defence of the common cause To these things King Lewis answered That he very much thanked the Venetians for this their Civility he gave them very good words and hopes shewing a great desire to revenge himself of his Enemies for the Injuries which he had received that it was true his Forces were somewhat diminished but that his mind continued still the same and chiefly in prosecuting the War and continuing League and Friendship with them That it was the ancient Custom of the Kings of France not to be grievous but helpful to their Friends That therefore though he should little mind the Affairs of Italy for any Interest of his own he would not be unmindful of his Obligations to the Venetians wherefore he would be ready with all his might to help them to recover their ancient Dominions and to increase their Honour and Dignity But it was certainly held that the King of France could not minde the Affairs of Italy that year his Kingdom being infested in several parts for not only the Kâ—ng of England but Cesar and the Switzers had declared themselvs his enemies Yet the Venetians thought it must needs make for their Affairs to keep the Kings mind by these means still set on Glory and confirm'd with hopes of better successe and to keep him their Friend as much as they could And that they might begin to receive that advantage by this Negotiation at least which they could not as then expect from his Forces they exhorted the King that since he could not at present imploy his Forces nor his thoughts upon the Affairs of Italy he would the mean while endeavour to remove all those Impediments which might afterwards when he should have leisure to think thereon make his acquisition of the Dukedom of Millan more difficult That therefore he should endeavour to get help from all parts and that he should chiefly get the Pope to joyn with him in League and Friendship Which thing being desired very much by his Nobility and generally by all the people of France Lewis was perswaded to send the Bishop of Marcelles Embassadour to Rome to let the Pope know That he had annull'd the Counsel which he had formerly removed to Lyons and was ready to joyn with that of Latheran which was then celebrated in Rome and that following the Custom of his Ancestors he would alwayes highly honour the holy Name of Pope and would be ready to defend the Church of Rome to the utmost of his Power At the same time the Venetians sent ten Embassadours to the Pope all of them both for Age and Dignity the chief of the City that they might witness the singular Affection and Reverence which they bore unto him which having formerly endeavour'd to do they had appointed their Embassadour at Rome Francisco Foscari that as soon as the Counsel should be begun which the Pope had intimated to be held at St. Iohn of Latherans he should be present there in the name of the Common-wealth But afterwards they found the Popes mind to be otherwise disposed than they had thought for fearing now no more the French Forces after the Rout at Novara which was the reason why till then he had handled his business variously desembling his secret Intentions expecting the Issue of that War he began to discover himself and the Practices which he had held secretly before with the Common-wealths Enemies He reprehended the Venetians and blamed them for having call'd back the French into Italy to their own prejudice and the like of others and that they who ought moâ—e then all the rest to have laboured the quiet and liberty of Italy were the cause of raising new Commotions and of bringing her again under the Slavery of Barbarians Which that they might appear the more hainous faults he accused them of being minded if their Affairs had succeeded prosperously to turn their Forces against
he was the more fervent herein for that he thought he had just cause to undertake this War since new reasons were added to the ancient pretences which the Kingdom of France had to that State for he had married Claudia eldest daughter to King Lewis to whom the state of Millan might seem to belong her Father being â—on to a daughter of Iovan Galleazo Visconte But the desire of redeeming the ancient reputation of the French Militia which he knew was much lessened by the unfortunate success of the battle before Novara by the dishonourable conventions made with the Switzers at Dijune and by the loss of two noble cities Terroana and Tornai which were taken by the English prevailed most with this young King who was desirous of Military Glory Which mischiefs King Lewis could not remedy for just when Fortune began to smile upon him and that the honour of France began to revive he dyed Francis therefore thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing what he so much desired if by his Forces he should win a noble Dukedom which did of right belong unto him by which Enterprize the Glory of his name would be much increased and the Power of France and whereby way would be made for greater atchievements He therefore together with the Government of the Kingdom took upon him the same thoughts of renewing the War in Italy wherein his Father in Law Lewis had been much vers'd And knowing that Friendship with the State of Venice might make much towards his getting the Victory as soon as he had taken the Crown upon him he writ kind and affectionate Letters to the Senate wherein he acquainted them with his being King and shewing a ready and good affection towards the Common-wealth he seemed to desire to know their opinion touching their renewing of their League with the Kingdom of France and that if he should find them disposed like himself the League and ancient Friendship might easily be renewed to the common good He made the Bishop of Aste signifie as much unto them who was then in Venice having been sent Embassadour thither by King Lewis Wherefore the Venetians who at the same time coveted friendship with the French and desired that they would come into Italy and who as soon as they had heard of Lewis his death had charged their Embassadour Marco Dandalo that he should endeavour to pry into the secret counsels and intentions of the new King and should begin to treat of renewing the confederacy when they had received these Letters and Embassies from the King seeming to put an high esteem upon his Friendship they humbly thanked him for his affection to the Commonwealth and for his desire to assist them They promised to correspond with him in love and affection saying they knew very well how much it imported both of them to keep the Forces of France and theirs joyn'd together by reciprocal obligations of League That they were therefore ready to renew the present League and would always be ready to assist him in getting some Footing in Italy and in aggrandizing his Power so as he might be a terrour to his Enemies and a friend and sure help to the Common-wealth Moreover the Embassadours who were sent as you have heard to the Kings of France and England and who being upon their journey had tarried at Lyons after Lewis his death were ordered to go on and had commissions sent them to renew the League with the King of France These when they were come to Court did easily renew the League upon the former Articles To which the King was already so much inclined and treated with such fervency of the Affairs of Italy as he labour'd in all his discourses with the Venetian Embassadours to shew them what reasons had moved him to undertake this War affirming that he would never lay down Arms till he had gotten the state of Millan and till the Common-wealth had recovered all the Cities which she had lost and were returned to her former Dignity The Venetians were very glad of this the Kings resolutions and fearing lest this so great fervency might as it often falls out be by some new accident abated they shewed him how that the chiefest hopes of Victory lay in expedition to the end that the Enemy whose Forces were now much diminished and their resolutions doubtful and uncertain might not have time to recrute and re-assume courage and that the City of Crema this mean while which was known by experience might be a great help towards the recovery of Millan might not run any farther hazard which having for so many years undergone the inconveniences of War was now brought to great extreamity and that the Truce made with their Enemies being now near an end stood them in no stead for they had heard it credibly reported that Prospero Colonna had assembled his Forces together from all parts and prepared to besiege that City That the Senate would not be wanting in any thing that was in them to do who had already begun to raise new Souldiers and to provide Arms Money and Ammunition Moreover that though the War were chiefly to be made by Land-men yet thinking it not fit to lay aside the thought of ordering their Fleet that they might upon occasion therewith molest the Enemy they had resolved to rig out many Gallies entreating his Majesty that he would do the like The Embassadours having thus done all they had in command with the King at Paris they went into England to fulfill the other part of their Embassie where being graciously received they shewed in their first Audience The Venetians great sorrow for the death of King Lewis husband to King Henry's Sister a great Friend to the Common-wealth They then told the King how highly the Common-wealth was bound unto him for that in the Agreement made formerly with King Lewis and lately with King Francis he desired that she as a Friend and sharer with him in all his Fortunes might be particularly named and included in the League But afterwards at a more private Audience they earnestly desires him that he would by his Authority and by his exhortations confirm the King of France in the mind he seemed to be in of intending the Affairs of Italy and of sending assistance speedily to the Venetians and that in the mean time peace and friendship should be held inviolably between them from which great safety was to arise to both their States and much advantage to all Christendom that the Senate of Venice for their parts would never be wanting in any thing which might make for the gâ—od of the Crown of France or that of England and did very much desire that these present Kings as their Predecessors had done might know that the Common-wealth was much bound and tyed unto them This Embassie being done Giustiniano stay'd behind with Henry to treat of the Common-wealths affairs but Pasquillio return'd to France and being come to Paris he met with Letters and
and if he should find in him a well disposed will to be then able to increase it and to dispose of the Kings Forces at his pleasure But King Francis seeing his ancient Enemies re-kindle their hatred and his Friends behave themselves as Enemies and that they all conspired together against him as it is always seen that prosperity produces envy thought nothing could make more for his good at the present then to take the Pope from his Enemies and joyn his Holiness to him Cesar and the Switzers were already joyn'd together and it was commonly said that the King of Spain and King of England were likewise joyn'd with them the latter because he could not willingly endure to see the King of France his power and glory increase so much and the other because it was held for certain that when the French should be at peace with the rest he would soon make War with him either to put the King of Navar into his State or else to recover the Kingdom of Naples Wherefore King Francis finding such dangers threatened him by so many Enemies thought he had provided the better for his affairs by how much he should joyn in a straiter League and Friendship with the Pope Those things being then thus disposed of which concern'd the annexing the Forces and Authority of the Church unto him he began to think of his return into France to comply with his wives entreaties but much more to secure his Kingdom from the imminent danger of War by the men that he brought back with him and he stay'd now only that he might first somewhat establish the Venetians affairs and so increase the Forces of the League as though he were not himself in person in Italy he might have no reason to fear the Enemy for what concern'd the State of Millan Therefore as soon as he was gone from Bolognia and arrived at Millan he chiefly minded the sending of more Forces time enough to the Venetian Camp before Brescia Which was already reduced thereby to so great straits as it was thought it would soon fall into the Common-wealths hands It was known that the Souldiers who defended it and who had already shew'd great Valour in resisting many assaults being weary through so many inconveniences of the Siege and chiefly not having received pay nor relief nor Cesar not having taken any provision for it were brought almost to the very last point of despair in so much as the Spanish Souldiers had agreed that if the promised relief should not come from Cesar within twenty days they would deliver up the City to the Venetians upon condition that they might be permitted to go forth with their Colours and their other Military Affairs The King was particularly inform'd of these Proceedings by the Venetian Embassadours who accompanied him all this journey and shew'd him how affairs went and desired him not to give over the hopes of getting that City but to send his men forthwith to the Venetian camp to keep the Dutch Foot from relieving the City who were led on by Captain Roncandolfo which if it should succeed well so many moneths time would be spent in vain and they should lose so fair an opportunity of putting an end unto the War But though the King very well knew the importancy of the business he could not use such diligence as that the French aid could prevent the coming of the Dutch Foot who being 8000 in number entred all safe into the City the 20 days not being yet expired not meeting with any obsticle for the Common-wealths Souldiers who when News came of the Enemies approach were sent to the strait Passes of the Mountains basely retreated to the Army not staying so much as to look the Enemy in the face The Dutch had for their guid in this their voyage Captain Lodovico da Ladrone who being very well practised in those parts led them over the tops of Mountains by unusual ways so as getting at unawares out of those strait and difficult Passes they caused thereby more fear in our men When News came to the Venetian camp that the Enemy was come they differ'd in their opinions some were for continuing the Siege some for carrying the Army elsewhere but the number of the Dutch Foot being given out to be greater then indeed it was and the Spies having informed at the same time that Marco Antonio Colonna was gone out of Verona and entred into the confines of Mantua and hasted to assault them the Venetian Commanders fearing that if they should tarry any longer they might easily be incompassed on both sides by the Enemy thought it best to raise the Siege So the Artillery being brought into the Cities of Crema and Cremona the Army march'd to Castelnedulo six miles from Brescia When this News came to Venice it caused much wonder and as much sorrow in all the Citizens who built confidently upon the getting of Brescia The Captain General and Commissaries had by letters advertised the Senate that all the Passes were so guarded by our Souldiers as it was impossible for the Besieged to receive any succour And this was the more credibly believed because News came at the same time that the Forces which were sent from the French to assist our Camp which were 3000 Dutch Foot and 400 Horse were already on their way from Millan And assuredly the Common-wealth lost no little reputation hereby to think that so few men gathered together out of the Countrey unexperienced in the Militia without either Artillery or Horse should infuse such fear into a numerous Army so well provided of all things as was that of the Venetians and French and which expected new succours suddenly as should make them give over their hopes of getting the City by Siege and to change their Quarters Trivulcio was accused by many of too much haste and bad advice in losing the opportunity of putting an end unto his business which so much labour had been bestowed about Whereat he being very much incensed he demanded leave to quit the Service of the Common-wealth alledging that he was sent for home about some private affairs of his own which would not suffer him to tarry any longer in the camp But the Senate who thought this mans reputation and skill might be of great help in that War writ unto him and exagerating his Worth said They had always found much fidelity in his Actions and much readiness and had never found fault with him but much commended him for it that it became not the gravity of a Senate when things wisely undertaken did not succeed well to lay the fault upon the Authors according to the custom of the common people that they therefore never blamed any thing but the bitterness of the Season and the Fortune of War which had been so long averse to the Common-wealth so as though they might be sometimes troubled at the success of the Commanders counsels and advices yet knowing them to be good they did not
interim many Colours of the Switzers came opportunely to Millan commanded by Alberto Pietra to the number of 4000 of the Cantons of Seduno and Berne who were very welcome to the Souldiers and Citizens By their coming the faces of things altered all fear fled from the French to the Imperialists for the City being munited by such supplies so as it was not to be taken but with expence of much time and labour they within thought themselves safe enough since Cesar could not tarry long before the City for want of money victuals and of all things necessary Wherefore the French began to be of better heart and on the contrary Cesars hardships grew daily greater and greater But he was chiefly troubled with jealousie of the Switzers for calling to mind the past and present affairs he found that there were many of that Nation as well in his camp as in the City whom the French might easily win over unto them by their moneys which he could not so easily do by reason of his want thereof Moreover that that Nation had always unless it were upon some occasions in these latter times been great friends to the French And that they had always hated the greatness of the Emperours These considerations occasioned much fear in him and took from him the chief ground work of his hopes of Victory He likewise thought with much more commotion of mind upon Sforza's latter fortune near Novara where he was delivered up into the hands of the Enemy by the perfidiousness of those people He therefore held it the better counsel to free himself from that danger by reason of the Switzers fickleness At last his mind being agitated by such like thoughts as these and fear growing more powerful in him he resolved to quit his Army without having attempted any thing and to return himself into Germany Wherefore taking only 200 Horse along with him he gave out that the cause of his departure was only to provide monies for the payment of the Army and that he would speedily return to the camp But the Souldiers seeing their chief Commander gone began every one to do what he thought best for himself The Switzers went to Lodi and ruinating the Country every where sack'd the City And would have continued to commit the like Out-rages had not the Switzers which were in Millan protested that unless they would give over those injurious Proceedings they should be forced to come out against them together with the French and Venetians so as Switzers fighting against Switzers they were to imbrue their hands in one anothers blood The former Switzers for this respect forbearing doing any other damage after having made some peaceful abode in those parts some few days returned all of them to their own homes except it were some few companies who went with their Commander Morco Setio to the custody of Verona whither Colonna went also with his Horse and with the Spanish and Dutch Foot who were before drawn out from that Garrison The rest of the Spanish and Dutch Foot returned by several ways into their own Countries having been much prejudiced in their journey by the Venetian Horse Soon after the Emperours departure came the Marquess of Brandenbourg to the camp with a certain sum of money who though he did his best to rally the Souldiers that dis-banded yet things being already grown to great confusion and the Moneys that were brought not being sufficient to satisfie all he could doe no good Thus a great Army which was at first so formidable to the Enemy being in so short a time vanisht to nothing not any danger at all having befalen it may teach us that men are oftentimes deluded in their Councels by various accidents and meet with much unexpected ends And that we are often times deceived through hopes and fears arising out of meer opinion without discerning any thing save the first appearances In this preturbation of Affairs the no great good will which was between the Pope and King of France began to be more manifestly known sprung from former reasons which were unknown till now for King Francis complained that the Pope out of some bad intention had forestowed the sending of such recrutes unto his Army as by agreement he was bound to doe that he had privately incited the Switzers against him and had given many other signes of his bad inclination towards him Certainly 't is worthy note since occasion leads me thereunto with how many several affections and sometimes contrary within themselves the mindes of Princes are agitated Pope Leo and King Francis thought when they parted at Bullen that they had sufficiently provided for their Affairs and that the Friendship and League that was confirm'd betwixt them was likely to last long and to be cause of much safety to them both But soon after construing the same Affairs otherwise they began to doubt that the things agreed upon between them would not be observed so as each of them grew jealous of the other The Pope being conscious how bitter and open an Enemy he had already shewed himself unto the French how often he had abused their hopes under a fained pretence of Friendship that even then when they were in treaty of reconciliation he would not satisfie him in many things prest hard upon by the King in behalf of his Friends and Confederates began to doubt the King of France could never be his true Friend Moreover calling to minde the many injuries done by the two preceding Kings Charles and Lewis to the house of Medici he could not perswade himself that then when the French hoped to get some principal places in Italy King Francis could willingly tollerate the greatness of Lorenzo de Medici should still increase whereby he had opportunity given him to revenge the ancient injuries done to the prejudice of his reputation and to the States which he held in Italy On the contrary the King thinking that the same reasons remained still which had formerly disgratiated him with the Pope and that this the Pope's ill will towards him was the more increased by how much his power was increased in Italy and was become more formidable to him interpreted all things to the worst and according to this his aprehension that Leo had concealed his truest intentions from him that it was necessity which had made him accommodate himself to the condition of the times at their meeting and that as soon as he should meet with any means of hurting him this would evidently be seen The Venetians labour'd oft to free these Princes of these suspitions and sought by all means how to reconcile them for they knew how much it imported the strength and reputation of the League that the Pope King of France and Common-wealth should hold true intelligence together and did of all things abhorre to be necessitated to take up Armes against the Church wherefore passing by the injuries they had received from Leo they desired to have him less their Enemy The
other Cities of their dominion to great danger Wherefore being both of them resolute in their opinions the French Commanders rose with all their forces and past over the Po at Porta Stella to go by the way of Tuscany to Genua and the Venetians the Senate not thinking it fit that they should retire stayed at Pavia to be assistant in reputation to the affairs of Genua and that they might tarry there more securely and fall upon any enterprize which occasion should offer the Senate resolved to raise new foot to recruit their Army which was much diminished by several accidents But the French had but ill success for finding Genua strongly Garrison'd and they not being above two thousand Foot they had no hopes of doing any good there by their long tarrying though they were already got very near the City Wherefore they resolved to return to Lombardy and to quarter in the City of Alessandria whereunto Sforza gave way hoping that when two thousand Landsknechts who were already past the mountains should be come unto him they might return with better hopes to the enterprise of Milan But the mean while Trivulsio hearing of their retreat and despairing of timely succour yielded up the castle which was presently slighted by the people that they might have no such obstacle to their Liberty Savona likewise whereinto the succour led on by Captain Montigiano could not enter returned to the power of the Genueses after this they fell to alter the Government freeing it as much as at the first they could from popularity reducing those Families to a small number who were to partake in the management of the Common-wealth and instituting a magistracy of but a few citizens temporising their authority by that of the greater Councels though Doria's greatness continued to be very much in these civil institutions upon whose will and authority their establishment did depend And that they might be free from the fear of forraign forces which might cause an alteration in this new State the Genueses by publick order interceded with the Venetians desiring them to be contented that they might now remain in that free neutrality to which they had formerly exhorted them alledging it for a reason why they had taken up arms against their city because Antonietto Adorno was head of the government thereof who depending totally upon the Imperialists was very advantagious to the enemy But the Venetians answered that the face of affairs was much altered since they had very much offended the King of France by driving out his men and by receiving Doria who was his profest enemy whereby they had provoked the Kings forces against them nor could they be wanting to be assisting to the King their friend and Confederate And really the Venetians did very much desire that the business of Genua might be again attempted for the Kings better satisfaction who gave apparent signes of being displeased that they did not send their men with the Duke of Urbine to relieve Trivultio and because they thought it very convenient for their affairs that the City which was as it were the Gate of Italy whereby the Spaniards had convenience to enter thereinto by Sea might depend upon the will of their friend the King of France and especially at this time when Cesar had given out making use of such an occasion that he would come himself in person into Italy They therefore exhorted the Genueses to put themselves again under the King of France his protection who was a powerfull and courteous Prince in whom they should find both power and will to preserve their Liberty But neither the season of the year which was a very bitter winter nor yet the weakness of their Armies which were very much lessened by several accidents would not permit them to use force So as though it were known that there was a great scarcity of victuals in Milan that Antonio da Leva was sick and the Army sufficiently lessened which might very well invite them to the attempt of that enterprise since the Forces of the League were nigh at hand and though this might be a means to facilitate the good success of Genua and that the Senate had prayed the Duke of Urbine not to let slip so fair an occasion yet not trusting too much to their own Forces and apprehending the inconveniencies of winter the Captains of the League resolved to bring their Armies into their winter quarters and to expect a better season and greater Forces So as the Duke of Milan going to winter with his Forces in Pavia the Duke of Urbine was forced to rise from thence intending to go to Lodi but not pleased therewith he resolved to go to the banks of Ada and soon after past over the river to get into safer and more commodious quarters But the French Army went into Alessandria that they might afterwards joyn as the sea son and occasion should counsel But the Senate was chiefly troubled about the towns of Puglia which being preserved were very serviceable to the Common-wealth both in times of peace and war and being by agreement to be restored they might be a great advantage to them upon other occasionâ— Trani and Monopoli held then for the Venetians and Berletta for the French the rest being abandoned and these not without difficulty preserved by Commissary Vetturi when the French Army was routed who being about the taking of Manfredonia when he heard of what had happened at Naples sent a good number of Foot forthwith in Galleyes to Garrison those Maritime Towns writing forged Letters to the Magistrates that the French Commanders having been but very little damnified were retired with all their forces safe to Auversa to keep the people in their allegiance least out of fear they might be moved as many others had been to agree with the Imperialists Camillo Orsino was entred into Trani as soon as he rise with the Camp from before Maufredonia Iovan Corrado Orsino Iulio di Montebello and Horratio da Carpenna being parted from Brandizzo were in Monopoli and Renzo da Ceri who had the title of Lieutenant of the Kingdome was come to Barletta Whither also Simion Romano was come with his light-horse The Venetians were three thousand Foot Renzo brought with him five thousand and two thousand were raised at the charges of the Florentines and of some of the family of the Orsini so as they amounted in all to the number of ten thousand Foot to boot with four hundred Venetian horse and 300 horse which Renzo brought with him and in Abruzzo Iovan Iacopi Franco being got into Matrice and Camillo Orsino into Aquila they set up the French colours and held those Towns in the name of the King of France to whom the country people seemed much inclined as on the contrary the name of Cesar grew very hatefull to them by reason of the many extortions which his Officers used to the people The Venetians being intent upon the preservation of these places and hoping not only to
the King of France as much in Italy as that of the Emperour Nay certainly keeping the same measure and proportion which hath been spoken of we ought to assist the greatness of the French in Italy where it is so much lessened to oppose it to the like of Cesar which is so much enhanc'd When these scales shall be equally poised it will then be time to think how we ought to behave our selves in not suffering either of them to grow too great though they should contend one with another and by this contention if the Commonwealth cannot purchase perfect peace and tranquility as having forces so neer her she will thereby at least get more security and will live in better hope that Italy may one day recover her liberty This is not the first time that the Kings of France have pass'd over the Mountains they have been invited over by us by their assistance we have recovered our State and by their friendship we have kept up the reputation of our Commonwealth nor avails it any thing to say that we ought to carry the war into other parts and keep it far from our selves for war is already kindled in Italy our Country is already on fire and we treat not now how to enflame this fire by the Kings coming but rather how to extinguish another more great and dangerous Diversion is used as a second remedy when the first of preserving a mans estate from being endamaged by an enemy cannot otherwise be prevented but when we have time enough to prevent Cesar 's coming by encreasing our forces by making our selves Masters of the Field by fortifying our Towns and in fine block up his passage cut off his hopes and break his designs why shall we apply our selves to less useful and more uncertain remedies When Cesar shall be come into Italy and shall have made some progress therein which we could not otherwise have prevented it will then become us to think of diversion and to have recourse to these remedies of drawing him out of Italy by assaulting his other Dominions and by endeavouring to make him turn his forces elsewhere But certainly it will not now be wisely done to endeavour that the forces of a Confederate King should go and waste themselves in the barren parts of Spain and suffer our enemies to feed fat and enrich themselves in the fruitful parts of Italy Who will think him wise who in lieu of preventing that the fire seize not upon his own house will go and kindle it elsewhere and suffer his own dangers to encrease that he may revenge himself afterwards upon the author thereof It will assuredly be wiser counsel to seek how to keep injuries afar off then to think how to revenge them when they are received By these reasons it is clearly seen that the coming of the King of France into Italy will be very advantagious for us and that we have no reason to apprehend any danger thereby especially at this present conjuncture of time therefore we ought to endeavour it as much as we can and to charge our Embassadour that he seek by the authority and counsel of this Senate to perswade the King or in case he find him already so enclined to increase that his disposition in him to come as soon and as strong as he can into Italy to the terror of his enemies and consolation of his friends Cornaro was listned to attentively and after some dispute his opinion prevailed and the Embassadour Navagiero was enjoyn'd to deliver just what he had said who did accordingly and being come to France had great hopes of obtaining his desire for the King entertain'd the advice willingly seeming to approve of it and that he would follow it He therefore resolved to go forthwith into Languedoc that he might bring his men into the nearest and most convenient part to pass into Italy whither he said he would bring above twenty thousand foot ten thousand Lantsknechts and ten thousand Voluntiers Thus the King 's coming being certainly believed the Senate ordered Andrea Navagiero to stay in France with the Queen Mother and the Kings Council that Sebastiano Iustinian who was succeeded by Navagiero should follow the King into Italy This mean while the Senate being encouraged with hopes did diligently prepare for all necessaries for the War a Bridge was built over the Ada with intention that at the end of April the Commonwealths Army should advance and joyning with Monsieur St Paul's men should march to the enterprize of Milan which was thought would be the chief means of keeping the Emperour from coming since he would be thereby kept from that rendevous by the reputation whereof by the help of the Fleet and by the Kings presence they thought they might easily get Genua after and effect whatsoever else they should attempt They at the same time were no less diligent in putting Garrisons into the Towns of Puglia sending a good number of Foot into that Country to keep all that they were possess'd of and upon occasion to offer at getting of more as also to hold the Imperialists forces busied and divided and keep them from coming into Lombardy But amidst all this heat the King without any appearing occasion began to cool and to slacken his provisions for War so as monies were scarcely furnish'd from France for Monsieur St Paul who despairing of being able to maintain his Army protested he would be gone and give over the business for of ten thousand men which he was to have had he had scarce the one half for they ran away in threves for want of pay After long expectation Monsieur de Chattilion came from Fraâ—ce but with far less money then was requisite and going some few days after from the Camp he came to Venice saying he would pass into Puglia to confirm those souldiers and Commanders and to carry them some monies for which voyage though the Senate had speedily furnish'd him with shipping as he had earnestly desired yet he by several excuses delay'd his going with suspition that he had given out this only not that he had really any monies or that he intended to go to Puglia but that the Venetians might not slacken the provisions which they had made which the King much fearing because he knew he had given them occasion so to do he soon after sent Gioan Gioacchino his Embassadour to Venice to hasten the going away of the Fleet and of the other provisions for War and yet he brought no news of the King 's coming which was so much expected and of so great importance This did the more encrease the Venetians jealousie and was the occasion of much mischief both in respect of the dangers which they apprehended from Cesar and because by this delay they lost the fruit of all their hopes their Army being to lie idle about the banks of Ada because it was not able of it self to fall upon the enterprize of Milan But for all this the Senate forbare
being exhausted by the late wars they could not well find monies for so great an expence therefore they were forced to have recourse to other means amongst which they thought that to seize on the Tythes of the Clergy within their Dominions which were very many was a very good course which they endeavour'd to obtain of the Pope wherein they proceeded with him with much dexterity and humanity But yet they could not overcome many difficulties which stuck with him so as the business was protracted nay to a double displeasure of the Venetians he designed to lay two tenths upon all the goods of the Ecclesiasticks throughout Italy meaning to make use of these monies as he said in assisting the Catholick Cantons of the Switzers against which the Hereticks had taken up Arms. So as the Commonwealth was not only deprived of this benefit of Tythes which being to be taken out of the Incomes of their own Territories seemed imployable for the benefit thereof but occasion was thereby given of greater disturbances by the jealousies given to the Turks that these monies raised in the Popes name might be for the service of some League to be made against them Yet the Senate though they were deprived of these aids and of all hopes of ever attaining thereunto the Pope being mightily scandalized for that out of confidence of obtaining this favour they had begun a little too early to exact them would not delay making requisite provisions but overcoming all difficulties resolved for the present to arm fifty Gallies which were forthwith put to Sea in excellent order But this great noise of war did soon after cease of it self for Soliman being gone into Andrinopolis with intention as was given out that he might mind these preparations the better gave himself so to the delight of hunting and did so defer the affairs of war as he did not this year trouble any place with his Forces Yet the Venetian Fleet was not all this while idle the Sea being full of Pyrates who assembled together in great numbers infested all the Seas and disturb'd navigation and commerce But these were driven away in all parts and many of their Vessels were taken and destroy'd to the general advantage and to the great praise of the Venetians At this same time the King of Hungary though he kept himself in good order for war and that his forces were greater then Ferdinando's yet were it either that he did expect succour from the Turks for his greater security or that he feared the aid which Charles was said to prepare for his brother or that he desired to accommodate his affairs rather by treaty then by arms by reason of the little confidence he had in his own Subjects did not attempt any thing Thus Arms being suspended as it were by a tacit consent on all sides he sent Iovanni Lasco Embassadour to the Emperour from whom not being able to get any resolution Lasco past on to Ferdinand and meeting with no less doubts and difficulties touching his proposals in him he intended to go to other German Princes to treat of his Kings affairs with them but his safe conduct being deny'd him by Ferdinando he was forc'd to return to Hungary But King Iohn made it known by other means in the Dyets which were held in several parts of Germany and especially amongst the Hereticks that he might keep Ferdinand from being assisted by them that Soliman would esteem them his friends or enemies who should appear friends or enemies to the Kingdom of Hungary And leaving nothing unattempted he sent his Embassadours also to Venice desiring the Senate that they would mediate both with the Emperour and Pope to imbrace his cause and bring affairs to some composition wherefore the Senate knowing that King Iohn was resolved to try all extreams so as he might keep his Kingdom and that the Turks were still ready to defend him they that they might remove all new troubles and dangers from Christendome readily imbraced his cause and moved the Pope in his behalf But they could not do much good therein for the Pope were it either that he did rather favour Ferdinando then King Iohn or that he was really so minded seemed more inclined to have the business decided by Arms then by Treaty So as the rumours of war beginning again to be renewed and Soliman having more certainly published his resolution of coming with very powerful forces into Hungary to recover the City of Strigonia which was possess'd by Ferdinando the Pope sent his Nuntio the Bishop of Verona to Venice to require the Senate to delare what their intentions were and what they would do if the Turks should return with an Army into Hungary and to desire them that they would joyn with the rest of the Princes of Christendom in shewing their good will to oppose these common Enemies The Senators werâ— very doubtful what to do herein they were set upon on one side by their zeal to Religion and State Policy by reason of the great danger which accrew'd to the Commonwealth by the increase of their Neighbour the Turks forces who were Enemies to all Christian Princes And on the other side they were afraid they should find but little constancy in the Princes and that to shun more uncertain and farther distant dangers they might run upon such as were certain and present Their inward thoughts were very fervent but they cooled therein apace when they considered the nature of the business The Enemy being very strong and their friends not likely to agree in uniting their minds and forces and that these very things had been many times proposed rather to shew an appearance of zeal then out of any resolution or well grounded hopes of effecting the thing propounded So as neither totally imbracing this invitation nor yet seeming altogether averse thereunto they return'd this answer to the Pope That the desire of the good of Christendom was ancient and hereditary in the Venetian Senate but that as this made them readily willing to do any thing tending to the service thereof so did it grieve them that the present condition neither of times nor affairs would suffer them to shew it That the greatest Princes of Christendom were now at great odds so as there was small hopes that they would joyn their forces against these common Enemies That the Commonwealth was too weak of her self to oppose the Turks with any hopes of much advantage That they might affirm their State did confine for the space of two thousand miles leading from Cyprus to all Dalmatia upon the Turks in whose power there was always likewise great numbers of their Citizens and of their subsistances to a great value which things imposed upon them a necessity of temporizing with the Turks and which would not easily permit them to declare themselves their Enemies That they did notwithstanding very much praise the wisdom and piety of the Pope in fore-seeing and in providing against the dangers of Christendom but that
your Princes desires but labour by all possible means to confirm them in this their good intention nay solicite and provoke them indeavouring that as their interests cannot be separated in respect of Religion nor State so neither may their Forces nor minds be divided but united together by the firm bonds of charity and common safety so as they may become a terrour to those enemies whom rather our own discords than any worth in them hath made to undervalue us But let us overcome our selves and our affections and we shall easily overcome others The Forces of these three Potentates being firmly united will be such and so many as we may promise thereby unto our selves noble and assured victories Besides we do not doubt but that our example will invite the Emperour and all other Christian Princes to partake with us not onely in our labours and expence but also in glory We will use our authority with them will pray admonish and solicite them to enter into this holy League and not to be wanting to their common safety honour and duty to the end that howsoever our conscience may tell us we have not failed in any thing in the discharge of that place whereunto God hath called us And if it shall be thought that our presence may further the businesse and that our authority and example may move others the imperfections of old age shall not detain us from willingly exposing our life to all danger and labour to whom nothing can be more welcome then to die for the glory of Christ and for the good of Christendome The Embassadours and the two Cardinalls seeming to be much affected with these words humbly thanked his Holinesse and promised to lend all their assistance with sincerity and diligence in so important and pious a businesse and which was so much desired by their Princes as well for their own particular interests as for the common good of Christendom But all these vvords though much magnified by all parties produced not answerable effects for every one minding their own ends as those differ'd so differ'd they in their opinions and the conclusion of the businesse was spun out to an unseasonable length wherein many months were spent in vain The Pope deputed five of the chiefest Cardinalls of the Court to intervene in the Treaty in the name of the Apostolick See Alexander the Popes nephew Morone Cesis Grassi and Aldobrandino with whom when the two Spanish Cardinalls and the Spanish and Venetian Embassadours begun to treat they presently met with many difficulties The Signory of Venice because all her Territories by Sea are first exposed to the violence of the Turks and because the League lessened not the expence of so many Garrisons in their so many Cities and Maritime places and did not secure their affairs but that they were to be at greater expence and danger being desirous to reap some advantage which might be ansvverable to so many inconveniences propounded things which tended to the abating of the Turkish power and to the destroying of their Fleet and to the bereaving them of some of their Dominions that for the future they might not fear their forces Which things though they might also bring advantage to the King of Spain yet was not the event so certain nor the profit so apparent and at hand Therefore the King's Commissioners thinking that if their King's Dominions were not more safe were yet further from danger proposed temporising and rather to wait for the advantage of time then to expose any thing to fortune They therefore endeavoured the making of a perpetuall League and upon such tearms as tended more to defend themselves then to offend the enemy by which League the Catholick King would have reaped much good for by being as he alwaies was at open wars with the Turks he made use of the credit and forces of his friends without drawing a new enemy upon himself and by encreasing his power much at sea and carrying the war far off he freed his Dominions from the expence of Garrisons and from being molested by the Turkish Fleets which things did not onely not put him to greater expence but which is but seldom seen war brought safety and advantage to him For to boot with the lessening of his ordinary expence in maintaining souldiers in so many maritime parts he reaped so much profit by the immunities granted him by the Pope which were now the greater by the new concession of the Croysado in the Indies as did largely supply the charge he was at in his Fleet for during the League the revenues of the Crown of Spain were encreased to about two thousand millions of gold These were the Kings thoughts which were nourished and fomented by divers of his State-Ministers chiefly by some of those with whom the Treaty of the League at Rome was entrusted for it was generally thought that their opinions corrupted the Kings good intentions and was the occasion of depriving Christendom of the good which men thought might have been expected upon this occasion had it not been for them And yet they themselves that were the raisers of so many difficulties propounded contrarieties And as if they had thought it nothing to abase the Turks power and to save themselves from the present danger began to propound other things whereby utterly to destroy the whole Mahometan Sect and all their Empires constantly affirming that this League was to be declared to be not onely against the Turks but generally against all Infidells intending thereby also to extirpate the Moors and the Ottaman Empire being overcome to proceed on to the King of Persia to the end that Christendom might be for ever secured from these barbarous Infidells The vanity of which proposition appearing too plainly they bounded that Article afterwards within narrower precincts and would have ill Siriffo or King of Barbary and the Moors and others depending upon the Turks to be named as enemies to the League But notwithstanding when any thing of action was propounded they appeared to be very backward they would not consent to what the Venetians desired to wit That the forces of the League should be intended to continue for at least two or three years and that they should be such as might be employed in the greatest enterprises of the Levant for the common advantage of the Colleagues Against which it was objected That Princes could make no certain resolution in things which depended upon the variety of severall accidents that therefore they were to inform themselves of the Turks preparations and designes and resolve accordingly upon the Leagues forces and what they should do every year in Rome Which being but a semblance of satisfaction was thought would really hinder or retard all good successe the chiefest time for action being thereby to be spent in disputes This intention of the King's Agents aiming too much at their own accommodation and at the prejudice of the common cause appeared yet more plainly in other things more
readily accepted of Peace that they had with patience suffered many unjust offences done by the Collegues to the end that by their Friendship some occasion migh be offer'd of coâ—ing to a fair agreement with Caesar. But that now it was too apparently seen that his Affairs grew dayly wâ—rse and worse and that the League being broken not under the appearing name of Peace but with apparent Injury he plotted against their Liberty So as being violenced by necessity and not to abandon the welfare of the Common-wealth they had contracted Friendship with the French That they call'd God and man to witness the sincerity of their Souls and Counsels and of the present necessity But they excused themselves handsomely to the King of Spain laying all the fault upon the late Pope for that being long troubled and confused by his dubious and importune Counsels and also often provokea by Injuries they were inforced to betake themselves to new Friendships and to better helps to preserve their Affairs which were in danger of precipitation But howsoever they said they did not contemn the League which they had made with that King but that they desired to continue his Friendship This mean while Iohn Cardinal of Sancta Maria in Dominica one of the House of Medeci was chosen Pope by the universal consent of the Cardinals All men were over-joy'd with this Election but chiefly the Venetians as those who had always been very kind and civil to the House of Medeci which was at that time received into the City and put into the number of the noble Families in whom the power of chusing the Magistrates and the Majesty of the Empire in the Common-wealth of Venice lay Wherefore the Senate hoped they might easily draw the new Pope to joyn with them in League and Friendship But Leo as soon as he was made Pope had many high thoughts revolved many things in his mind fitting his Counsels sometimes for War sometimes for Peace He was moved by his ancient Customes and by the Life which he had formerly led to imbrace quiet chiefly now when he found he was in such supreme Authority He thought it became him who had always profess'd an Inclination to Learning and to the Love of the Liberal Sciences to foment Peace and Concord by which those Studies are nourished and do marvelously increase Moreover he was to have respect to his high Dignity wherein he knew he had taken upon him a great Charge especially since he had raised so great an expectation of himself amongst all men as he was very vigilantly to think upon the common welfare and safety to the end that Italy and all other Nations who hoped to find some ease to their long sufferings by his Popedom might enjoy peace and safety To these Considerations it was also added that having often times tryed adversity he ought to shun all occasions of putting himself into the hands of Fortune By experience of the late evils he did hate the name of War But yet he thought not peace safe amidst such rumour of Wars and general Confusion He knew that men were naturally apt to grow insolent by successful victory which bore them headlong to satiate all their appetites That therefore whosoever should prove Conquerour was to be feared that all Forraign Princes had so great a desire to be Masters of Italy as whosoever of them should be very powerful would endeavour to bereave all the weaker Princes of their States Nor was the memory of the last Pope a small means to incite Leo to War finding that by his Actions and diligence the Church Territories were very much increased both for Dominion and Reputation But if he should resolve upon taking up of Arms he was in great dispute with which party he should side He was much troubled to think of the returning of the French into Italy remembring the late private Injuries and calling to mind the dangers of his Predecessor Iulius the second and those wherewith he himself was likewise threatened by the Pysan Council which was removed to Lyons but not extinct he held the Power of the French to be very formidable But on the other side the French being joyn'd with the Venetians did dayly increase so much in Force and Reputation as no apparent means was seen how to make head against so great a Power He knew that the Cities in the State of Millan being plundered sometimes by their Enemies sometimes by their Friends were so exhausted as it was impossible to get any considerable sum of money from them to maintain the War And the Switzers in whom all the hopes of safety seemed to remain were known not to be willing to undertake any thing which they might not greatly gain by And an opinion was had of them that they had so given themselves over unto Avarice as not being with-held by any shame they grew oft times so very greedy and so immoderate in their demands as the Treasure of a King was not able to satisfie them Nor saw he how he could lay any good Foundation for his designs upon help from the Spaniards though their Actions should be answerable to their words Leo being thus full of various thoughts did often alter his opinion and was not stedfast to any one resolution In the beginning of his Popedom he by his Briefs had exhortted all Christian Princes to peace and union and to bring them the more easily thereunto he resolved so to carry himself as not to seem to incline to either party Yet at the same time as if he had laid aside all hopes of agreement he incited the Venetians against the French endeavouring to perswade them that not only the Common-wealth of Florence would side with his Authority but that the Switzers would take up Arms for the Liberty of Italy and joyn in League with him and the Duke of Millan But the Venetians would not harken to this Advice as well for that they thought they ought not to forsake the certain League which they had already made with the French out of any vain hopes as also that looking more inwardly into the truth of the business they knew that those things which at first sight did promise apparent liberty did much increase the dangers and hasten the Slavery of Italy For it is most certain that the French had not so regulated their designs by the Forces and favour of the Venetians but that they treated the same time concerning divers things with Cesar by whom they were sure they might always be easily received for he very much desired their Friendship neither did they think it was harder to agree with the King of Spain for what concerned Italy since they had already accomodated their most important businesses with him beyond the Mountains Ferdinand who was a very wily Prince was already accustomed to abuse the French by his wary Courses and to reap the fruit of their Labours Therefore the Venetians minded the Pope that there was nothing more dangerous then by
wanting unto themselves in boldness and Courage The first thing the French did was forthwith to order their Artillery against the Enemy whereby to retard the Violence of the Assaulters But the Switzers though many of them were slain by the Cannon keeping their Orders advanc'd and bending towards the right hand they wonne the Ditch which did inviron the French Camp and addrest themselves against the Enemies middle Squadron which consisted of Dutch Foot and wherein their chiefest strength lay Thus a cruel Battle was begun all sides fighting with no less hatred then Courage For these two Nations as they use almost one and the same Discipline in War so being Rivals in Glory they strive for Precedency in Military Valour The Dutch were not to be made forsake their Station and the Switzers were very loth to depart without Victory The Issue of the Battle was therefore a long while doubtful but the other two Squadrons of the Switzers which were sent on the Flanks of the French Camp being safely got neer the Enemy by by-ways whereby they escaped the danger of the Cannon and seeing that the Horse did not move to succour their Foot they put on another Resolution the one of them assaulted the Camp in the Rear where the Souldiers that were on that Guard being slain and run away it turn'd suddenly to pillage the baggage the other moving with great violence against the French and Navarese Foot who guarded the Artillery and making them run advanced to succour their own men who were fighting with the Dutch and coming very opportunely fresh and intire upon the Enemy who were wearied and weakened with fighting put them into great disorder This mean while it was noised that the Switzers were entred the Camp and were pillaging the Baggage which as soon as the French Horse heard who till then had stood still neither spur of Honour nor fear of Infamy being of Power enough to make them enter the Battle they suddenly ran behind the Camp to recover the prey from the Enemy Therefore the Dutch being assaulted on all sides and forsaken by their Friends were at last forc'd to yield The Commanders and all the rest seeing all hopes of Victory lost fled and provided as well as they could for their own safeties The French Horse as if they had quite laid aside their ancient Discipline did nothing that day worthy praise There are some notwithstanding that say that being placed in an ill Quarter because there was a great Fen between them and the Enemy they were so hindred as they could not get out of the Camp nor put themselves into the Battle This was the Battle of Novara which I thought I could not pass over with silence as well for the weight of the business it self as likewise for the great Calamities which by reason thereof befell the Venetians Great alteration of Affairs arose suddenly in Italy from this adverse Fortune of the French and especially of those wherein the Venetians were concerned For though the greatest part of the French Army and chiefly the Chivalry was got safe into the City of Alexandria the Enemy wanting Horse to pursue the Victory yet the French parting soon from thence retreated to Piemonte using no less diligence to return into France then they had done to come for Italy But Gritti who being then in the French Camp accompanied them in this their fight was not wanting in exhorting them not to be dis-heartned so soon at Fortunes first blow He put them in mind that by this their immoderate fear they would beget an opinion in men that what had befallen them by chance and through the obscurity of the night proceeded from the Enemies Gallantry or else from their Cowardize and that so they would make that their own fault which was the fault of Fortune That by this base flight the King of France would suffer in his Honour and the Fame of that Nation glorious for so many Victories would be obscured Trivulcio and the other Commanders used the like Perswasions and it fell out very opportunely that in their retreat they met with some Foot Companies and some Troops of Horse which the King had formerly sent to recrute his Army into Italy But nothing was sufficient to make them stop they despised their Commanders exhortations and commands all Military Honour and whatsoever else suffering themselves only to be guided by their own Wills Therefore Gritti seeing the French Army wholly defeated and knowing he could be no longer serviceable there for his Common-wealth return'd by Savona to Genâ—a and from thence took his way towards Luca and at last after much ado and having ran many hazards got safe to Venice from whence he had been four years absent After this Victory Maximillian Sforza who being but a little before neglected by all his own men was not in any good condition did hereby get such Reputation as the peoples minds altering together with Fortune Embassadours flock apace to him from all his Cities to return under his Obedience and the Millaneses by a solemn Embassie of the chiefest of their City did strive most of all to obtain his favour and pardon excusing their Rebellion and shewing themselves willing to do whatsoever he should command them The Cities were received into favour upon condition that they should pay a certain sum of money to the Switzers that so they might reap the fruit of the Victory which was got by their labour and hazard The Vice-roy this mean while who keeping his Spaniards within their Quarters upon the River Trebia even till this day which was the thirteenth of Iune had not discovered himself to be Enemy neither to the French nor Venetians following the Fortune of the Conquerors past over the Poe and marched towards the Territories of Cremona to assault the Venetian Camp which he knew was there Which when Alviano understood and finding that the people began to tumultuate in all parts and that being already begun to be Enemies as well to the Venetians as to the French they prepared to take up Arms in Maximillians behalf he thought it became him to hasten out of those Confines and to draw his Army safe out of so many difficulties The Senate hearing the bad News of the rout of the French had ordered their General and Commissaries to retreat with their Camp to Valeggio to defend their Confines but that they should proceed in such manner as their Retreat might not seem a running away whereby their Friends might grow fearful and their Enemies be imboldned Yet Alviano putting on such resolves as became him to do upon such an accident seeing his Affairs grew dayly worse and worse withdrew hastily with his Army to the Territories of Verona But Cremona having none to defend her when he was gone fell quickly into the Spaniards hands which was sack'd for having received the Venetian Army within her Walls Thus the Vice-roy seeing that other mens dangers had opened a safe way unto his Counsels resolved to
the Church which he said might be easily seen by their League made with the French wherein having obliged King Lewis to aâ—st them in recovering whatsoever they were possest of before that War there was no doubt but that they aspired at the Recovery of the Lands of Romagnia Leo did oft times expostulate these things for not being able long to conceal his Counsels he endeavoured to excuse himself by laying the fault on others and by supposing a necessity for what he had done and by alledging false reasons for it to deserve Praise instead of Blame He was continually sollicited by Cesar to send him those Aides which were promis'd him by agreement by his Predecessor and which were renewed by him Therefore Leo being no longer able to make either excuse or delay he ordered Toroilo Savello and Mutio Colonno who commanded his Gens d' Armes that they should depart from Bolognia where they then were and go with their Troops which consisted of one hundred Horses apiece to joyn with the Dutch and Spanish Army The Venetians were troubled at nothing more then to see that the Pope had declared himself their Enemy for they having never been faulty in their Love and Observance to him in any whatsoever condition of his Fortune as he himself had confess'd and seemed desirous of an occasion to deserve it of the Common-wealth they presumed they might safely build upon his favour And though he had not as yet joyn'd with them in any League against their Enemies yet they thought him no whit less well minded towards them but rather that he desired to have no hand in the War to the end that he might be the freer from all suspition and be the better able to use his Authority in serving them upon managing any Agreement The Venetians seeing no hopes of Peace and that their Enemies did increase in numbers and Forces placed all their hopes in themselves and betook themselves to provide more diligently for all things which they thought might secure them from so many dangers and revenge their Injuries They took many Foot Souldiers into pay out of Romagnia and listed a great many light Horse Moreover they ordered Vicenso Capello who was Commissary for the Fleet that he should recrute the Gallies with Marriners and furnish the Fleet with all things necessary that he should recall the Candie Gallies and having gotten what numbers of Vessels he possibly could from all places he should with all speed bring the whole Fleet to Sara With the like diligence they provided Victuals Ammunition and Moneys and all things else as it were for the beginning of a new War Some Senators were of opinion that the Fleet should put into the Rivers of Puglia and infest the Maritime Places and that they should by all possible means seem at lest to revenge themselves of King Ferdinando who being provoked by no Injury had declared himself an Enemy to the Common-wealth Yet having thought better hereupon they thought it was not fit in so calamitous times as these were to incense a great King so far as to block up all wayes of ever returning into his favour The Venetian General was this mean while with his Army upon the Banks of Adice and being advertised by the Spies that the Spaniards were gone towards Vicensa intending to go to Padua and that Cordona with whom those men were already joyned which as we told you before were sent by him upon other Enterprises was marching with his whole Army towards him he thought it fit to get beyond the Adice so to free his own men from danger and by them to secure the Cities of Padua and Treviso Therefore the Senate though it had been of an other Opinion but a little before fearing least their Affairs might run into some greater disorder commended Alviano's Advice and forthwith sent Luigi Barbaro to re-build the Bridg over the Adice at Albaredo which as soon as it was finished the Army past immediately over and stay'd at Montagnana where it quarter'd But after the departure of their Army the Venetian Affairs which by reason of their first good successes began a little to hold up their head fell to precipitate again Polesine dâ— Rovigo yielded presently to the Enemy and great Risings were in all parts for the people in the Venetians Dominion seeing their Enemies to grow strong and their Friends weak and that they were grievously molested by the one and but slowly defended by the others even such Towns as had been most faithful to the Common-wealth did on all sides for their own safety surrender to the Enemy Only Renzo da Ceri who stay'd with part of the people to defend Crema wonne some Praise in War at this time and did somewhat maintain the ancient Venetian Reputation for sallying frequently out of the City he much incommodiated the Enemy he pillag'd and over-ran their Confines fired their Towns took many Prisoners took away their Monies which he brought to the Camp and maintained the Souldiers therewith The Spanish Army being this mean while advanc'd to countenance and assist Cesars Affairs the Town of Peschiera having made some little resistance fell into the Power of the Enemy and the Castle likewise though it were strongly walled and well garrison'd was the easilier lost by the disagreement of the Captains Lodovico Contarini who was Purvoyer for the City was taken Prisoner together with the Captains and most of the Souldiers the rest escaped the Enemy by flight From hence the Spaniards losing no time went presently towards Verona and joyning with the Dutch at the Town San Martinâ— they began to consult how they were to manage the War whereupon there being several Votes given the Opinion of the Bishop Gurghense was at last followed which was to march with the whole Army to the taking in of Padua Gurghense was the Emperours Lievtenant in Italy and was particularly at this time as Head of all the rest in Verona from whence going to the Army he held therein likewise the supream Authority It was not well known whether this Enterprise were propounded by Gurghense as by command from Cesar or of his own mear Advice that so if it should succeed he might win the greater Praise the Enterprise being very difficult But howsoever Gurghense despising the Opinion of the Military men who were all against him did obstinately persist in his Opinion and yet in his Speeches he stood rather upon amplifying the Greatness of the Rewards which they were to expect from the Victory than upon giving any reason why they should hope to be victorious But Alviano who had already convey'd all the Artillery and Baggage into Padua that he might be the freer and readier to march accordingly as he should see the Enemy move when he heard their Resolution arose presently with his whole Army and was very sollicitous in putting good Garrisons into Padua and Trevigi for it was generally thought that the whole success of the War did depend upon the Preservation of
these two Cities Baglione went with 2500 Foot and 400 Horse to the custody of Trevigpe and Andrea Malipiero was sent thither likewise from the Senate that he might take particular care for Ammunition and all other things which might be requisite for the Souldiers And Alviano went himself with the rest of the Army into Padua and though the City might seem to be sufficiently therewith garrisoned yet the Senate would have some companies chosen out of Venice and Istria which should be put into Arms and sent to guard that City Moreover many of the Country people who were run into Venice to save themselves from the Enemy were sent thither to be made use of as Pyoners upon any occasion To infuse the greater courage and confidence into all which many of the young Nobility of Venice and many other well born Citizens went with their Servants and Friends to the defence of Padua and readily exposed themselves in common with the other Souldiers to all labour and danger of the War Gritti also who had hardly been eight dayes in his Country was sent by order of the Senate to that City to discharge the same place which was formerly done by Malipiero Padua a great and noble City was kept by the Venetians with great care and vigilancy for the Common-wealth having placed the surest Foundations of her Empire by Land in that City both for the opportunity of its scituation fertility of ground and certain other fortunate Auspices they had not been wanting in these hardest times to attend the Preservation of that City with all sort of care so as it was made very strong and those parts of the Suburbs were thrown down which extending themselves into a great length could not be walled in the Trees were cut down for a good space round about the City and all the neighbouring Villages pull'd down to the ground so as being inviron'd on all sides by open fields no Enemy could approach the City but must be discover'd from a far off and expos'd to the shot of Cannon The Emperour Maximillian had formerly endeavoured the taking of this City with great warlike Preparation but finding all to be in vain was forc'd to quit the Enterprise But the Venetians hereby instructed had with all care and diligence caused works to be made about the Fort and had brought it to great security and perfection The City was likewise excellently well provided with Victuals and much corn was every day voluntarily brought in by the Neighbouring Inhabitants There was great store of Artillery of all sorts which being very well ordered and disposed of did sufficiently guard the Walls on all sides though they were of a very larg circute Thus had the Venetians carefully provided for all things requisite to the Preservation of this City moved thereunto rather out of the considerableness of the cause then fear of danger All these things being thus ordered those who were to defend the City did couragiously expect the Enemies Approach who being gone to the Castle of Este and from thence falling down along the River banks till they were come within two miles of the City encamp'd themselves on the right hand of the river Bachiglione There was nothing in the enemies Army except the train of Artillery which could give such Reputation as was requisite for the winning of so renowned a City The men were but few for such an Enterprise the Foot did not exceed 8000 nor the Horse above 1000 in all And their provision for Victuals was but by hazard from day to day so as it was conceived the Army would in a short time be reduced to great straits There were several Commanders in the Army of very great Renown in War but their experience was of no avail here by reason of the Bishop Gurghense his great Authority and his greater Obstinacy But that which did most of all trouble and confound the Commanders was the difficulty of bringing the Artillery to the Wails and of leading on their Souldiers safe to the Assault Which could not be done without a long and laborious work of Trenches under the shelter whereof they might escape the Cannon-shot which play'd from all parts But such work required so many men to make them as though all the Countrey round about was fetch'd in with great severity yet could they not find men enough for the business Insomuch as the Enemy having begun to make a broad and deep Ditch which was led on by crooked lines from the Camp to the City to make a Fence against the cannon-shot which was made from off the City Walls with the earth which they threw out they were forced quickly to forsake that work as well for want of Pioners as for the continual disturbance which they met with from the City and chiefly by the light Horse which sallying out often at unawares fell upon the Pyoners disturbe the work and did continually infest the Enemy sundry wayes So as nothing passing on either side but slight Skirmishes the time past on and but little was done and the Inconveniences of the Enemies Army increasing every day more and more their hopes of getting the City grew lesser and lesser for the Camp being pitch'd in a low scituation and subject to the often Inundation of water and consequently less healthful the Souldiers began to fall sick apace so as they could not tarry there moreover the Camp being kept from being victuall'd by Light Horse which sallied often out of the City and not being furnish'd with any great store out of the Countrey the Army was greatly inconvenienced The Souldiers not being content with their abode there complained grievously and with injurious words told their Commanders That that Enterprise was idlely undertaken that the business was too difficult and which by other Tryals was almost impossible to effect that they would not refuse any duties how sore soever nor shun any danger if there were any hope of good success but that a business which was not accompanied with any hope of good was certainly not only vain but very dishonourable and mis-becoming Military men What hopes had they to win a strong City now when numerous Armies of several joynt Princes being brought before it to the same purpose four years ago were forced with shame to forego it What reason had Caesar to perswade himself that his very name though at a far distans should make so much for the Victory now when his presence could not effect it before That a War of such importance ought not to be govern'd by the Authority and Counsel of Bishop Gurghense a man wholly unexperienced in what belong'd to War That he minded only Caesars Affairs and cared not for the Souldier that they had not received their due pay nor had not had such Aids sent them as was promised What remained there now to be done but immediately to raise the Camp These Speeches being noised throughout the whole Camp came to Gurghense's car who being moved thereat and dispairing
couragiously but notwithstanding Alviano had given them so fierce an assault at first as they could not possibly long sustain it so as in this first Encounter the Battle began already to favour the Venetians which being seen from above by those Country people who were placed upon the Mountains they in hopes of Prey ran down into the Plain and mixed with the Souldiers But Cardona coming in presently after to the aid of his men who was somewhat advanced with the main body wherein the Spanish Foot led the Van those Countrey people who were come to pillage not to fight being affrighted to see so many Enemies began to cry out they were overcome and at the same time turn'd their backs at which noise and by their sudden running away the Venetian Souldiers began to slacken their former violence and to give over the Battle Wherefore the Enemy still advancing our mens Out-cries Tumult and Fear began to increase throughout the whole Army At first Alviano nothing at all astonished at so strange an accident provided for all things he stay'd his affrighted men re-order'd them call'd every one of them by their names encouraged them excited them to shew their worth in 〈◊〉 left nothing unattempted But the Souldiers were so possest with sudden fear as all that their Commanders could say or pray was in vain they could not be made to stay neither by shame nor by command There was not any one of them that remembered their former worths nor hopes Thus in a moment the fortune of War did so alter as nothing was to be seen in our City which but a little before was as good as Conquerours but fear flight and death The Souldiers being routed and made to run fled towards Vicenza believing that they might there save themselves But those who were upon the Guard fearing lest in such a confusion the Enemy might together with our men enter the City clapp'd to the Gates and kept both Friends and Foes out So as the Venetian Souldiers not being in a condition of re-ordering themselves nor expecting any succour from elsewhere were almost all of them shamefully cut in pieces before the City Walls suffering themselves to be slain without any revenge Many of them also who fled another way towards the River Rorone finding the Bridges broken and not able to overcome the violence of the River were therein drowned But Baglione who as we told you was past forwards by another lower way whilst he hasted to assault the Enemy being intricated and hindered by the Bogs of the neighbouring Vally could neither then according to Alviano's directions assault the main body of the Enemies nor after our mens Rout get himself into any place of safety Wherefore being inviron'd on all sides by the Enemy he together with many of his Horse fell into their Power But those who escaped so many dangers by taking another way got into Padua and Trevigi amongst which were Alviano and Gritti who being gone to Vicenza a little before to raise men was not present at the Battle Of Commanders there dyed Sacramorâ— Viscoâ—te Hermes Bentivoglio Costanzâ— Pio Francisco Sassarello Alfonso da Parma and Meleagro da Forli who amongst others had won very great Praise for thrusting himself into the thickest ranks of the Enemies and killing many of them he himself was at last slain Many also were taken Prisoners either in the Battle or as they ran away among which of the better sort who had any command in the Army were Giovan Paolo Baglione Malatesta Malatesta Oâ—tone Visconte Battista Savella Pamfilo Bentivoglio and Allessandro Fregoso But Commissary Loredano who whilst he endeavour'd to stop the Fugitives had forslowed his departure was wounded and fell into the Power of the Enemy and met with an end far unworthy such a man for two Dutch Souldiers striving which of their Prisoner he should be the one of them by slaying him ended the contention By this days Battle it may be known what various and unexpected chances are occasioned by Fortune in War and what strange turns arise our of slight accidents Those whose hopes lay first more in their flight then in their fighting being of conquered become Conquerours pursued their routed Enemies with great cheerfulness and courage and those who before the Conflict built upon assured Victory being beaten overcome put to flight and having lost all hope found no relief to their miserable condition The nearness of Vicenza was thought to be the chief occasion of this our Armies so great calamity and of so strange a variation for our Souldiers believing that they should there receive sure refuge as soon as disorder arose in our first ranks the rest giving over the Battle placed all their hopes in their 〈◊〉 On the contrary part the Enemies being invironed on every side in an Enemies Countrey were forced to defend themselves and boldly to encounter all danger The place was likewise thought to be very much prejudicial to our men for the Plain being on that part very narrow by the Neighbour-hood of the Vally our men could not be all of them put in good Order nor could they make use of all their Forces for that part of the Army which was as hath been said divided together with Baglione from the rest was not of any help when the Battle began to retreat Alviano was greatly blamed by all men for these things for that un-inforced by any necessity he would forsake the very strong situation which he had first chosen to quarter in and put himself upon the hazard of a Battle when he might more safely have overcome the Enemy by Counsel then by the Sword It is most certain that the importunate sollicitousness of the Venetian Commissary and the immature Counsel of the Commander in chief made amends for the Enemies unadvisedness insomuch as Cardona who was the Authour of their inconsiderate departure won Honour and advantage insteed of the shame and prejudice which he was threatened with As soon as this unfortunate News came to Venice the Senators were greatly afflicted seeing the condition of their Affairs so strangely alter'd in a moment The blow was the greater for that by reason of the Generals and of the Commissaries Letters they had all of them conceived hopes of an undoubted Victory for they had inform'd the Senate but a little before that the Enemies Army was by them besieged and already reduced to such a necessity as they had no means left neither of running away nor of trying their Fortune by Battle so as the Victory was in a short time to be assuredly theirs without loss of blood Yet the Senators were not hereat so much troubled as to make them do any thing mis-becoming the Magnanimity and Dignity of that Order which may be witnessed by this that the very same day wherein they received this unfortunate News the Senate with a joynt consent resolved to write thus to Alviano That they could not deny but that they were somewhat troubled at this
stand admiring this egregious action and highly celebrate your name you have by a much more glorious Enterprize and that which none other durst to have done out-done your self out-shined your Glory and have left to posterity greater and better memory of the French Gallantry for though your Army was wearied with their long and toilsom march yet you stuck not to joyn Battle presently with most bitter Enemies wherein your Valour was such as you have shewed that those may be beaten who were before thought unconquerable You have routed and put to flight the Switzers who formerly dispising all other Nations did proudly usurpe unto themselves chiefest praise for what concerns the Militia and have forced them to return home whence they are not likely to come so soon again to disturbe your Affairs And that nothing might be left desirable to your praise Fortune which for the most part useth to have the greatest share in Battles dare lay claim to nothing in this your happy success for no cunning no stratagem nothing but meer Worth had any share in this Victory 'T is meerly this Worth then which whilst all things else were equal in Battle hath made you Victor causing fear flight and slaughter to your Enemies and freeing your own Army from the like which hath not only fought under your happy conduct but whilst you your self acted both the Captains and Souldiers part So as it is not the splendor of your Dignity but your own peculiar Worth which hath preserved you amidst the fury of Weapons and hath freed you more then once from danger Your Majesty may therefore promise unto your self all things prosperous and favourable hereafter Those things which are propounded as a reward to Conquerours Glory Wealth and Empire are already yours you have already recovered the State of Millan and your Enemies the Spaniards who being grown more insolent through the courage and labour of other men attempted greater things abandoning the Enterprize and retreating to within their own Confines do hardly believe they can defend them against your victorious Arms but we your true friends well-wishers to your Honour and Greatness being consolated and rejoyced by this your prosperity have raised our Souls to greater hopes and as we were ready to partake with you in any whatsoever fortune of War so you having by Gods good will by your own Worth and we may say partly by our assistance gotten so great a Victory we also promise prosperous success to our own Affairs Which as we know it is much desired by you so we hope that you will be assistant to our fortune with all your forces since thereby your power glory will be greatly confirm'd and increased for to have aided such a Common-wealth after her being opprest by many evils so as she be returned to her ancient state and dignity will be numbred amongst your prime praises and as you have always found us to be your faithful Servants so remaining still such but more powerful your Affairs in Italy may peradventure receive greater security Many therefore are the reasons of our joy that a King who is our friend hath purchased so much glory as will be envied by memory in all ages but peradventure paralell'd by none that we have hopes given â—s of recovering our own State and that Italy is freed from the fear she was in of the Dutch and Spaniards who sought to inthral her Liberty Certainly since your coming into Italy hath been long desired by us and assisted by all our endeavours as you your self know it cannot be doubted 〈…〉 our joy is great in seeing all your designs prosper so successively for we do very much rejoyce that we have had fortune to be aiding to so great a King and do think our selves already sure of those rewards which we assured our selves would be very great when we resolved to adhere unto you even in your dubious condition Then as our Common-wealth thinks that she hath got what soever your Majesty hath won by so great a Victory and is therefore greatly consolated thereat so we desire and hope that your Majesty will have the same respect to her and her Affairs being confident that our State Forces and fortune what soever it shall at any time happen to be shall always be ready to wait upon and to attend your convenience and greatness To this the Lord Chancellour in the Kings name made a very civil and honourable reply the Embassadours had private audience the next day of the King who in a long speech endeavour'd to shew his good will towards the Common-wealth Saying That he took their Embassie in very good part and that the affection of the Common-wealth of Venice towards the Crown of France had been long since witnessed by several Testimonies but that it was more clear by their recent deserts That he had always much valued her Friendship and was naturally given to imbrace it that it was very fitting that they who had had their share of the labour and danger of the War should partake of the fruit of Victory that therefore being mindful both of their ancient amity and of their last service done him he would not fail their expectation in the recovery of their State that he had already destiny'd that many of his men should fight under their Banners and that he would send them greater helps as soon as his Affairs should be brought to a peaceable and safe condition In fine that he would readily do any thing which might increase the Dignity and Power of the Common-wealth The Embassadours though they had ended their Embassie received orders from the Senate to keep with the King and in greater testimony of the honour and observancy which they bore him to wait upon him whithersoever he should go whilst he was in Italy At this time whilst the Castles of Millan and Cremona were besieged Alviano marched with the Venetian Army towards Brescia to attempt the taking of that City He desired very much to follow the Spanish Army after the success of the Battle that he might revenge both their former and late injuries and utterly destroy that bitter Enemy But the Vice-roy was so speedy in removing his Camp as Alviano lost all hopes of encountering with him Moreover this his desire of following the Enemy was sufficiently cooled by Letters which he received from the Senate wherein they signified their will and pleasure to be then setting all other things whatsoever aside he should endeavour the recovery of the Cities they had lost and minde only that That he should make use of the Victory and his late won reputation in things of greater importance and that he should chiefly imploy all his labour and study where greatest good and most hopes of ending the War were promised Wherefore Alviano passing over the Ada went with his whole Army to the taking in of Brescia Bergamo having been soon surrendered to him after the Switzers defeat The Commanders in the Venetian Camp differ'd in their
States It was also added that the Venetians should be particularly obliged to defend the Kingdom of Naples in time of War with five and twenty armed Gallies which defence was intended to be made against Christian Princes and when the Commonwealth should not be busied in any Turkish war The Kings of Poland Hungary and Portugal the Duke of Savoy Commonwealth of Florence Antonio Adorno Duke of Genua the House of Medici and the Marquis of Monferato were included as friends to all parties concerned in this confederacy and the Pope and King of England were named as Keepers and Conservators of these Articles The Peace being thus concluded Lorenzo Priâ—li and Andreâ— Navagiero were chosen Embassadors to be sent from Venice to the Emperour and Carlo Contarini to the Archduke Cesar's brother to congratulate this renewed confederacy and to witness the Senates desire to continue in friendship with the House of Austria And because Trivultio Governour of the Venetian Militia depended much upon the French party that charge was taken from him yet they were very civil to him in their words and seemed very well satisfied with his service offering him a pension of three thousand crowns a year if he would live in the Commonwealth as a private man till a better time and occasion should happen But he refusing all offers would return to France This place under the same Title of Commissary General and upon the same conditions as Trivulcio had served was given to Francisco Maria della Rouere Duke of Urbine he and his State being protected by the Commonwealth against whosoever should molest it They discharged themselves to the King of France answerable to the time and occasion excusing this their resolution partly by reason of the slowness of his provisions by which their hopes which were grounded upon his forces and assistance were too much weakned and partly by reason of the Pope's commands that they might no longer hinder nor delay the Treaty of universal peace which he did so affectionately propound and desire But the resolution the King of France put on when he was assured of the League made between Cesar and the Senate was certainly very strange differing from the common opinion of men and very void of reason Whence it may be conceived how hard it is to know the secret thoughts of Princes by any force of argument or by the rules of ordinary reason or to foresee their actions before they be done King Francis who being entreated and solicited by the Venetians to come into Italy when he might hope to be received and assisted by the Commonwealth which he in his own judgment knew to be of great concernment was either averse thereunto or at least but cool therein now when he wanted such friendship and aid when he was sure to meet with great opposition in Italy where all were become his enemies when the dangers and difficulties appeared to be greatest resolved to undertake the business of Milan But the Duke of Burbon's rebellion being at this time discovered so as he had reason to apprehend danger at home he was forced to forbear that his fervency at that time so as tarrying himself with part of his forces in France he sent Monsieur di Boniuette Admiral of France into Italy with two thousand Lanciers and twelve thousand Foot of several Nations Though Prospero Colonna was not ignorant of these preparations yet did he not so much consider them as the importancy of the affair required But when the French Army began to move and that those suspicions proved true which he would not credit before he assembled speedily all the men he could and came first to the banks of the Tesino hoping to hinder the enemies passage which quickly finding he could not do he entred with part of his souldiers into Milan and with the rest encreased the Garrisons of Pavia and Cremona abandoning Lodi to the end that he might not weaken the more important places by dividing his small forces into so many Garrisons The Venetians being advertised hereof that they might readily make good their new confederacy ordered their Curassiers to go towards the banks of Oglio and resolved at the same time to raise six thousand Foot and four hundred Light Horse for the defence of the State of Milan and other three thousand to dispose of in the Garrisons of their Cities They made Lunardo Emo Commissary General of the Army and acquainted the Duke of Urbine that he would come speedily into Lombardy to execute the place which he had taken upon him But the Admiral being quickly past over the mountains and it being said that he advanced with his Army to pass over the Tesino the Venetians resolved to bring their men into Giaradada to secure the Cities of Bergamo and Crema and that they might be the readier to succour Milan And because the Duke was long a coming they sent a Secretary of the Pregadi to hasten him But the French having taken up their quarters between Binasco and Bigrassa twelve miles distant from Milan and the Duke not being as yet come unto the Army they were doubtful whether they should pass over the Oglio or no. Thinking it then the safer way to bring their Army which they understood the French intended to assault into some strong place upon the Banks of Ada where it might be free from that danger So the Venetian Camp was at last brought to Pontivico whither the Duke of Urbin came within a few days Not far from hence was the Marquis of Mantua encamped with other forces Wherefore Colonna did earnestly desire both of them that they would joyn together and enter into Lodi which was not yet possess'd by the Enemy But they both of them refused to do it the Marquis saying that he would go with his men to succour Parma holding himself bound to do so as being a Souldier of the Church and the Venetians General because he thought he could not do it without much danger So as Lodi being abandoned by all fell easily into the French-mens hands Who having resolved to succour the Castle of Cremona sent to Marignano Frederico Bozzole with 6000 Foot and 400 Launciers wherewith they began to straiten the City which having within it 4000 Foot and 100 Curassiers did manfully defend it self and beat back the French several times Yet Cesar's Embassadour and the Duke of Millans did earnestly intreat the Senate of Venice that their men might pass as soon as might be over the River Oglio and incamp in some strong situation in the Territories of Cremona that so by raising jealousies in the French they might keep them from persisting in the Enterprize of Cremona But the French intended nothing but Milan before which they were sate down and that they might keep it from being relieved endeavour'd to hold those forces which might assist the Besieged busied else where For which their intention it made much that they should keep their men at Caravaggio and Montia in the
deceived therein nay it may be our neutrallity will be so much the more pernicious for that we are secure on neither side and come what will come we are expos'd to the discretion of the Conquerour For it is not to be hoped that Cesar seeing himself abandoned by us at his greatest need will bear us any respect when he shall be at the highest pitch of his prosperity Nor that King Francis who hath so oft in vain sought our friendship when his fortune though favourable was yet doubtful will have us for his Friends and Confederates when he shall be totally Victor and free from the fear of his Enemies It is then the best course by much to side early with those whom we may promise our selves we may make use of as our truest friends and neighbours who can most opportunely assist us in our affairs and who we have reason to believe will in this great action bear away the victory and these are doubtlesly the French with whom we have been joyn'd in Amity for these many years between whom and us there hath past so many friendly offices and reciprocal good will who have the same affections respects and ends that we have to allay Cesar 's immoderate greatness I am of opinion that we ought to carry our selves much otherwise in these affairs then he advised who spoke last for it is often seen thaâ— greatest hatreds and enmities falls out amongst those who have been nearest joyn'd in affection and love which usually happens because the omissions of a friend who is tyed by many obligations to another is held to be greater then those of a stranger would be wherefore if we who have so many ties of obligation to the King of France shall defraud his hopes and interrupt his designs by separating our selves from him I know not how we can hope if we let slip this occasion to regain his favour and though his own Interests may perswade him to embrace our friendship yet we must think that Princes are but men and subject to like affections as other men are nay more then others because they may the more easily satisfie their appetite Anger therefore conceived by the King against us may be of greater force then any reason which should perswade him to the contrary But that which more imports our present Resolves is we see that Fortune favours the French very much and is ready to settle them in full possession of the Dukedome of Milan the King himself is in Italy with a powerful Army to the very fame whereof as many Cities have already yeilded so must Pavia quickly do to its Forces and whatsoever else the Imperialists hold in this State Moreoveâ— the Duke of Albeny is ready to pass with a great many men into the Kingdom of Naples to molest the Imperialists also in those parts who to succour it will be forc'd to divide their men and be the less able to defend the State of Milan I see not therefore upon what foundation he grounded his judgement who sought on the contrary to shew that Pavia may be maintained and that the â—rench Army will soon disband We know by the last advises that that City is brought into great straits of all things and that the Dutch Foot who were at first so ready to defend it being now oppress'd by many sufferings and not satisfied for their want of pay do daylie raise such tumults as they make their Commanders despair of any good success the Viceroy and Duke of Bourbon confess that unless Pavia be reâ—eved within a few days it must be lost and then withal the whole Dukedom of Milan And what hopes can there be of relieving a City inviron'd with so great and so valiant an Army there being but few men in it and faâ—â—ing of its expected succour I therefore think that it may be feared with reason that the Imperialists despairing to be able to defend the State of Milan will make use of all their forces in the Kingdom of Naples and the whole burthen of the War will rest upon us if we do not early stave off this danger And certainly it is too strait a precinct wherein he thought to save himself and whereinto to reduce our hopes who disswade us from friendship with the French and slight this safer receptacle affirming that the Kings Army will disband of its self and will be ruin'd by its own disorders On the contrary me-thinks that nothing hath been attempted of many late years by the French Nation in Italy which hath a fairer aspect of constant will and of assured success then this present business wherein the King seems to be very fervent wherein the whole glory and warlike honour of that Nation is concern'd there being therein the better sort of people and the most cryed up Commanders that France hath and it being assuredly known that if their so great Forces prove vain this time the Crown of France must for ever give over whatsoever it pretends unto in Italy and much to its shame and to its greatest dishonour tolerate Cesar 's so vast greatness and the like of the Spanish Nation which is very odious to them Whence it may be probably argued that the French will be very constant in their prosecuting this Siege of Pavia and that finally they must have the better of the whole war the end whereof as it becomes the wisdom of this State to foresee so it becomes us in like wisdom to provide early against those evils into which our State may by such accidents fall and to make use of those means which God of his Divine grace hath offered us by suddenly concluding a Confederacy with the most Christian King which hath been offered us by him himself and propounded unto us These words of Trevisano wrought very much upon the auditory and his reasons together with the inclination which the Venetians have commonly had to France in memory of their long friendship with that Nation did at last prevail but they were no less perswaded thereunto by the fear which they had on the one side of the present danger of the French and on the other side of Cesars future ambition Peace was then establish'd and concluded with the French by means of Embassadours at Rome and was afterwards confirmed in Venice in the beginning of Ianuary the year 1525. It was said in the preamble thereof That Pope Clement from the very beginning of his Popedom had alwaies had peace between Christian Princes for his principal object but that he could not effect this his desire before now by reason of divers impediments and difficulties that the present condition of times would not permit the deferring of laying the ground-work of universal Peace by accomodating the affairs of Italy wherefore his Holiness and the Venetian Senate knowing that the most Christian King was well enclined to the quiet and safety of Italy long vexed with perpetual war which drew on also other wars were come to agreement with the
Duke of Urbin being at this time not without much trouble to the Venetians gone about some particular Affairs of his own to Mantua These proceedings of the Enemy made the Colleagues suspect the Florentines fearing least they apprehending the danger that drew near them might come to some agreement with the Enemy which would be much to the prejudice of their friends wherefore the Venetians sent their Embassadour Marco Foscary forthwith to Florence to entreat them in the name of the Common-wealth to keep their faith and not to desert the confederates by reason of this accident He laid before them on the one side the scarcity of all necessaries which was in the Dutch Camp the weakness and difficulties of the Imperialists And on the other side the confederates great Forces their readiness to use them for their great service and to run one and the same fortune with them the hopes of better success for the Affairs of Italy by the assistance that was expected from France and many other preparations which were a making to make War upon the Imperialists to some purpose in several parts He wisht them to remember their ancient generosity and particularly the many prosperous successes which they had had when they joyned with the Venetians told them they might hope for the like now if they would keep the like constancy and generosity That as their continuing well inclined to the League would certainly much increase their reputation and confirm the mindes of the Confederates so would it be as prejudicial to them if they should desert them And that through fear of an immaginary danger they would fall upon great and greivous mischeifs for they would ruine themselves and therewithal draw on the ruine or much declination of others and hazard the liberty of Italy He therefore desired them That in respect of the love which the Common-wealth bore them and for the great and common concerns they would not be wanting in their duties The Florentines seemed to take this very well and sent their Embassadour Andrea de Pazzi to Venice to thank the Senate promising to continue in the League and particularly in their good intelligence with the Common-wealth desiring that 6000 more Foot might be raised at the common cost to resist yet greater Forces if it was true as it was said to be that the Duke of Burbone had drawn men out of Milan to march towards Tuscanie Whilst these things went thus the Colleagues Fleet continued still the Siege before Genua which was now reduced to great straits many things were propounded to hinder the relief by the Spanish Fleet which was said to be preparing in Carthâ—gena to the number of 40 Ships Navarro was for going into the Spanish Rivers and for firâ—ing the Spanish Fleet as it lay in the open Haven before it should put forth which advice was approved of by the Venetian Commissary But Doria though he seemed to like this motion well considered notwithstanding the season of the year and the danger by Sea made much against it since they were not like to find Havens whereinto to put upon any bad weather he likewise raised many other difficulties wherewith the rest being staggered and he himself being resolved not to go to Carthagena it was decreed that they should go to to the Island of Corsica or to that of Sardinia and to keep about those Rivers and to wait for the coming forth of the Imperial Fleet and to fight it as it should pass by to which purpose some great Vessels were made to come from Marcelles and the Ships which were formerly taken before Genua were armed Whilst these things were a preparing the Imperial Fleet which consisted of thirty and six armed Ships making more haste from Spain then was expected came sayling with a prosperous South-East wind towards Genua fifteen miles from land wherein was Don Carlâ— di Lanoia Viceroy of Naples Captain Albercona and Don Ferranâ—e Gonsaga which as soon as the Venetian Commissary understood who was then in Porto Venere with sixteen Gallies to solicite the arming of the Ships he put presently to Sea to pursue the Enemy but meeting with contrary winds he was forc'd to put back again into the Haven whilst the Spanish Ships pursuing their course drew still nearer land that they might get into the Haven of Genua But as they past by Monte St Frettoso they were discovered by Novarra from Codemonte who lay underneath the point of land with seventeen of the Leagues Gallies wherewith lanching forthwith into the Sea he went boldly and couragiously to fight the Imperial Fleet and it so fell out as one shot which was made from Novarra's Gally whilst it was hoised up by the waves struck off the Banner from off the Standard or Mast of the Gally wherein the Viceroy was at the same time Giacopo di Mezzo and Paolo Iustiniano two Captains of two of the Venetian Gallies putting in with the forwardest and nearest the Enemy did with their first volly shoot two of the Enemies Ship thorow and thorow the one of which sunk almost presently and the other lying on one side had time to stop the hole and save her self Captain Albercona who was in her got quickly out and got into a Pinnace that was hard at hand Many shot were made afterward on both sides but not much hurt done with much disorder and fear to the enemy their Ships being more exposed to danger then our Gallies which shooting nearer the superficies of the water did more certainly hit the great Ships and mist seldomer Whereupon Navorro who in this action shewed youth-like gallantry though he were seventy years old began to cry aloud Victory Victory and thereby encouraging the rest to fight vigorously they pursued the enemies Fleet which began already to fly hoping to make themselves masters thereof But the Tempest at Sea did encrease so much hourly as they saw clearly that to pass any further was to expose their Gallies to manifest danger and to the discretion of Fortune and of the winds Wherefore leaving further pursuit of the Enemy they resolved to put back into the Haven Commissary Armero being by the same occasion hindred from assisting his companion in the fight who put several times to Sea to that purpose but was still beaten back The Viceroy after having run much hazard got safe with some of his Ships into the Haven of Santo Stefano in the Seneses jurisdiction the rest of the Ships passing by Sicily and Corsica landed their men safely at Gâ—etta having in vain pursued and sought after the Leagues Fleet when the Sea was calm This succour which was landed by the Spaniards began to break the designs and hopes of the Confederates Wherefore enquiring diligently as is usual when things proceed not prosperously into the occasion of these disorders the Venetians grew jealous by what was said by some who were but ill satisfied that Commissary Armero might be in some fault who was therefore sent for to Venice by the
and a terrour to all the country When all the souldiers were assembled and the whole Army mustered near the Town San Termo it was found to consist of about thirty Thousand Foot of a good number of Horse and of all other things requisite for whatsoever enterprise Therefore the Prince of Orange and the Marquis Guasto much troubled at the danger which they saw their affairs were in in the Kingdome of Naples did at last though not without much adoe draw all their men out of Rome which was much furthered by twenty Thousand Duckets which the Pope gave to the Imperial Commanders though under some other pretence whereby they were inabled to give some pay to the Dutch Foot who were more unwilling then the rest to depart But the whole Army was not above fourteen Thousand Foot their numbers being much lessened by the Plague that was in Rome and by the going away of many souldiers loaded with prey So as the Pope being partly free of that oppression which made him proceed with some more reservedness towards the Confederates began to treat more freely with them and to discover part of his thoughts He sent the Archbishop Sepontino to Venice to demand the immediate delivery up unto him of the Cities of Cervia and Ravenna and the Bishop of Pistoia to France to the King whom he had held in hand till then with hopes of renewing the League to excuse himself for not being able to satisfie his desire in declaring himself not being able by reason of his weakness to think of any thing but Peace to which purpose he sent the same Bishop as his Nuntio into Spain to treat thereof with Cesar in which message he mingled some complaints against the Venetians for having taken and still detained some Towns belonging to the Church The Venetian Senate were very much troubled at this the Pope's request not so much for the thing it self as that they knew being made at such a time and after so importunate a manner it shewed clearly that the Pope sought an occasion to alienate himself wholly from them for it stood not with reason that while all things were in such disorder and that many of the Ecclesiastick Towns were yet in the Imperialists hand they should rashly quit those Towns Yet some were so fully resolved not to loose the Pope upon any whatsoever conditions as they maintained that howsoever the Pope was to be gratified and for the rest to rely upon his word hoping that he would never abandone the Commonwealths Interest This business being discuss'd in the Senate Dominico Trevisano a man of great authority as well for the dignity of being one of St. Mark 's Procurators as for his long experience spoke as is said to this effect Our proceedings in these last wars have hetherto been such as if we do not go astray and do not contaminate the sincerity and generosity which hath accompanied them they will remain of perpetual glorious memory to posterity For we have wisely constantly and religioussy defended and maintained the Liberty of Italy and the Grandezza and reputation of the Church of Rome not abandoning our own interests nor having done any thing in respect thereof which was not just and laudable We are desired by the Pope to deliver up unto him the cities of Cervia and Ravenna whereinto we put our men at such time as he was in greatest danger and trouble that the Imperialists might not possess themselves thereof to which purpose we put our Garrisons into them to preserve them from the common enemy Whether to give the Pope satisfaction herein be just advantagious for the State and for our affairs and suting with the present condition of the times or no may easily be discerned by any one who delights not in deceiving himself and who will measure the present result with reason not with passion I will not inlarge my self now upon the right and pretentions wee have to these Cities I believe they be true and good But I will say we must consider things in the condition they are in not in that they ought to be Therefore it will be sufficient to say that when we sent our men and our Commanders into these Cities they were in the Churches possession and they were guarded and defended by us with an intention of preserving them not of possessing them It will therefore agree very well with that untainted fidelity wherewith this Commonwealth hath alwayes proceeded to restore that which we would take it is true thinking it belonged to another though it were or ought to have been ours But set this respect aside though it be of no small esteem in so religious and so well instituted a Common-wealth as this of ours let us consider I beseech you whether it be a usefull advice or no whether it be a resolution well squared out to these times to detain these cities now any longer The war is hotter then ever and the event thereof very doubtfull wherein if to the misfortune of the Italians the Imperialists prevail who know's not in how many dangers and troubles we must be continually having many potent enemies at hand and but few friends Therefore all our thoughts all our endeavours should now aim at our confirming the forces of the League by driving the Emperours forces out of Italy at the establishing Francisco Sforza in the Dukedome of Milan at giving a particular King to the Neapolitans upon which things the true safety and establishment of our State on terra ferma doth depend which hath been so long floating and is still exposed to great danger And what is of more moment to attain unto these advantagious ends then the Popes favour what can be more prejudicial then to have him against us Why do you think it is that Cesar doth with such earnestness and such humanity endeavour his friendship unless it be that he finds clearly it is his surest foundation for greatness in Italy And shall we be aiding and assisting to this desire of our Enemies whereas we ought to labour all that we can to break their designs And yet it is most certain that if we adde this ill satisfaction to the inclination which the Pope begins to have to Cesars proceedings we shall make him to fall upon some prejudicial Agreement unto the League and particularly prejudicial unto our Commonwealth which is most concern'd therein When on the contrary by gratifying the Pope in this his desire we may hope nay rather be assured to sever him from the Emperour and win him to side with us And say this succeed not we shall assuredly setâ—ce him in that neutrality wherein he acquainted us he would continue unless he were compell'd to the contrary by some urgent necessity We ought to endeavour that he be thrust upon this necessity by some bad behaviour of the Imperialists as it may very well fall out he may be but shun by all means giving him occasion to do so which will redound to our prejudice
camp then they had thought and then what ought to be So as the forces being divided each part would be too weak and not without danger And on the other side the Venetians shewing that they had made good their articles better then the French had done said they would see them first incamped and that then they would do so likewise for they feared very much what the French would do having formerly observed in them a settled resolution to mind the business of Genua and set all things else aside affirming that they had Orders from the King so to do Wherefore much delay being used on both sides and the former resolution wherein they found many doubts and difficulties being as it were of it self revoked the Armies parted Monsieur di S. Paule went towards Laudriano the Duke of Urbine took up his first Quarters at Montio and the Duke of Milan went with an intention of carrying his men into Pavia From which places each of them playing their parts severally in blocking up the ways infesting the Country and by keeping Antonio da Leva from victuals they thought they might be able to suppress him and at last to compass their ends though by another way of possessing themselves of Milan and Como which were the only two places of importance which held for the Emperour in the Dukedome of Milan But the French were not well got to their Quarters when they sent word that they would go as it was before suspected to Genua being much sollicited thereunto by Cesare Fregoso who weighing affairs as he could wish them told them that the business would be soon and easily effected so as they believed they should soon return to the same Quarters and desired the Duke of Urbine that he would tarry the mean while with his men and those of the Duke of Milan where they were or thereabouts to do what was formerly designed not permitting the Besieged to be relieved The French Army rising then with this intention the first day of Iune marched towards Pavia which Leva being by his Spies advertised of he resolved to pursue them and if occasion should serve to fight them It was either his fortune or rather the small experience of the Enemy that favour'd his forwardness for the French Army marched divided into two parts the one of which led on by Count Guido Rangone who commanded the Van Artillery and Carriages was advanced eight miles before the other which was slow in following them Wherein was Monsieur de S. Paule who commanded the Battle and Claudio Rangone who ruled the Reer When Leva who advanced all in one body in good Order and very quietly was got very near the Enemy he found their disorder and his own advantage so as he resolved to fight them and ordered that the Light Horse should hasten to fall on upon the French rear which was scarcely got two miles from their quarters and looked for nothing less so as being all of them astonished and confused at the unexpected accident they easily grew into disorder whereby the enemy coming presently up to the Foot of the Van and charging them with their Light-horse they forced the French to retreat But Monsieur de St. Paul standing firm and in good order with the battel did valiantly resist the violence of the enemy for a good while the combat being made on all sides with much courage and equal fortune But when Leva came in with the rest of the Army wherein were the old Spanish Souldiers the French began apparently to give back and at last to run Many were slain in the conflict many taken prisoners amongst which Monsieur de St. Paul himself whilest despairing of good success he sought to escape the enemy by running away Some other escaped by flight into several places and chiefly into the Venetians State wherein they were readily received and well treated The Duke of Urbine hearing of this success and knowing that to tarry where he was was to no purpose and not without danger went from Montia to return to his former quarters at Cassano which was much commended by the Senate and proved luckely The Duke proceeded with much circumspection in his retreat for the safety of his Army wherein was as then about five thousand Foot four hundred Curassiers seven hundred Lighthorse and many Carriages He marched by the upper way endeavouring to keep the enemy on the left hand on which side he kept a great company of Harquebusiers to back the battle He divided his whole Army into three squadrons but so ordered as each of them might commodiously succour the other and be by them succoured The light horse traversing the Country watched the enemies wayes that they might give timely advertisement thereof to the Generall and by this diligence the Duke brought himself together with all his men and Carriages safe to their quarters at Cassan which is a place seated near the river of Ada which was on his back whereupon there was a bridg made to pass over into Giaradada and to the end that victuals might be brought from several parts to the Camp the quarter was every where invironed and fortified with safe works having but one way only open unto it which was likewise well munited This was thought to be a very covenient seat since from thence they might relieve Lodi and Pavia and as occasion should serve offend the enemy defend the Territories of the Commonwealth and upon need favour the enterprise of Genua wherefore the Duke thinking that he might keep there with much safety and honour would not admit of Fregoso's opinion and the like of some other Captains who advised that the Army might be brought into Brescia and thereby not exposed to danger they being much inferiour in numbers to Leva's men who being encouraged by his Victory and desirous to quite overthrow the Confederates forces pursued the Duke of Urbine and had taken up his quarters at Vasri some two miles distant from the Venetian quarters which caused our men to fear that they would pass over the Ada to destroy the Territories of Brescia Bergamo and Crema but the Duke relied much upon his Light-horse which were more in number then the enemies and exceeded them much in worth and discipline who scouring all the adjacent parts did not only disturb the carrying of victuals to the Imperial Camp but had caused such terrour as none of them durst stir out of their Trenches The Duke resolved therefore to tarry still in that quarter to preserve his reputation and to make use of the Provisions of the neighbouring Countrey for the service of his own Army which otherwise would have been left for the enemies use whereas if he should have retreated into the City he should have wasted those Victuals which served for the use of his Friends But Fregoso grew dayly more and more afraid that if the Army should tarry in those quarters it might receive some notable prejudice which his minde was so full of as it
the Army according to the custome of the Nation would be lazie and idle so as the Venetians were not necessitated to go out of their own Confines Yet the King of France seemed ill satisfied with the Venetians not that he knew he had any just occasion to be so because they had not exceeded the bounds of the Confederacy but because he hoped by these complaints to make them be more reserved in observing those things which they were engaged to do to Cesar and that they might abstain from entring into any new and straiter capitulation with him he therefore took occasion to complain of all things Cesare Fregoso having the command of a Troop of Light Horse wherewith he was then in Verona went from thence without leave to Genua that he might adhere unto the King's party wherefore he lost not only his pay and command but was banished out of all the Commonwealths Dominions The King complained bitterly of this and of other such things because the Venetians went about as he said to hinder his proceedings And on the other side Cesar's Agents seeming to resent that some Foot were dismissed who were taken into pay more then needed interpreted this as done to increase the Enemies Army which was gathering together in Mirandola Thus jealous were these Princes the one of the other in their having the Commonwealth for their Friend and Confederate The Emperour being parted from Provence came to Genua intending to pass as he did afterwards into Spain having left the Marquis of Guasto in Italy with twenty thousand Dutch Spanish and Italian Foot in the place of Antonio da Leva who was now dead Other Embassadours from the Common-wealth came to meet him at Genua as Nicolo Tiepoli Mark Antonio Veniero Mark Antonio Cornaro and Antonio Capello and he at the same time sent Don Pietro Gonzales di Mendoza to Venice to give an account of the reasons of his return and of the desire he had of Peace Touching which relating particularly the things which he Treated of with the King of France which Treatâ—es were afterwards renewed he said he had given the King three moneths space to resolve whether or no he would accept of the Dukedom of Milan for Monsieur d'Angulesme who by this Agreement was to marry the Widdow Dowager of Duke Sforza But that if the King should not resolve within that time he intended to give that State either to Don Luigi Infante of Portugal or else to Emanuel Son to the Duke of Savoy upon which he desired the Venetians opinion But he added that for the establishment of these things it would be requisite to make a new confederacy amongst the Italian Princes without the which he saw not how he of himself alone could undergo so great a burthen therefore if they should not condiscend to this they could not blame him if failing of this assistance he should be forced to betake himself to other Ayds which would be little to their satisfaction But the Senate being constant to their first resolution of not declaring their minds concerning the Dukedom of Milan unless they might be first assured of Cesar's pleasure nor to put themselves into new and greater Obligations more then those of the confederacy of Bullognia which had been oftentimes renewed answered As touching the new Duke of Milan That Cesar should first nominate one and that thereupon the Senate might the better consider both their own and the common Interest and put on the better resolution and as for the New League they alledged the same reasons which they had formerly done that it was not necessary and the same respects concerning the Turks which were now strengthned by the fame of the preparations of the Turkish Fleet for the next year The Venetians acquainted the Pope with these Treaties and consultations wherein they still attested their ancient desire of the peace and safety of Italy for which they desired the Pope to be fervent in interposing his authority for he having reassumed the thought of the business of Camerino seemed to appear somwhat cooler in this other important business insomuch as Ascanio Colonna being leâ—t at Rome after the Emperors departure from thence with a particular charge of having a care of such things as might concern the quiet of Italy This Treaty was not pursued so as the weight of the business and the present condition of times seemed to require the Pope pitching only on this that amongst these Princes he would stand neutral But at last being warn'd both by the Venetians solicitations by the still encreasing dangers of the Turkish Fleet and by his being bound to celebrate the Council which was declared to be in Vicenza instead of Mantua which was first chosen to that purpose and whereunto the Venetians readily yeilded he resolved to send express Legates to each of these Princes to treat of the universal Peace amongst Christian Princes of the League against the Turks and of the celebration of the Councel Agostine Trivultio was sent to the King of France and Cardinal Caraâ—ciolo to Cesar But these Embassies produced no better effects then many others had done for none of all this could be effected by reason of divers difficulties which arose The End of the Seventh Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK VIII THE CONTENTS THe King of France indeavours to part the Venetians from the Emperour and to incite the Turks against him Losses received in the Common-wealth by the subornation of Solimans Officers Severall discourses touching the Turkish preparations the Venetians prepare to resist Soliman so does the Emperour Soliman his Army and Fleeâ—â— the Venetians Fleet and several difficulties touching the Government thereof A speech made by Mark Antonio Cornaro perswading not to desert the Emperour Leonardo Emoe his speech to the contrary Soliman bears respect at Sea to the Venetians Territories Accidents which alter him therein and make him declare open war against them The Imperiall and the Venetian Fleet and the successe of each of them How the Senate resents the accident fallen out with the Turks and their resolution thereupon Soliman makes open war against the Venetians and what is thereby done Corfu described The Senates actions in resisâ—â—nce of the Turks against whom the Christians publish a League Orders given to the Generall The Spaniards fail therein the Turks assault Corfu but at ten dayes end quit it They besiege Naples and Malvesia but in vain Both these places are described Barbarossa over-runs the Archipelagus and takes many Islands therein The Venetians besiege Scardona which yeelds unto them Severall thoughts of Princes the yeâ—â— 1â—37 those of Soliman of the Emperour King of France Pope and Venetians Germany and the condition thereof The Senate consult touching the making or not making League Caesar's Embassadour solicits the Common-wealth to declare enmity to the Turks but in vain THe fire of War being rekindled hotter than before between the Emperour and the King of France grew to such a hight as
restoring of Castel Nuovo He alleadged that the Common-wealth was to disburse the pay which was behind hand to the Spanish Foot for having guarded the Fort And touching the speedy dispatch of the Fleet that he intending to go in it himself in person there was was need of greater Forces and preparations and consequently longer time would be required But in some of these things reason and in othersome both reason and actions shewed that he aimed not at equity nor at the common good His words were very magnificent and his promises great but not without great suspition that his onely end was to keep the Venetians ty'd by the league to the end that he might make use of their Forces and friendship as far as might concern his own service not the common good for it was understood that Protestations were made in severall Courts which were held in the Kingdom wherein he was advised by the chief men of the Provinces not to depart the Kingdom Moreover he was so bare of money as if he had really intended to go himselfe in person with the Fleet he would not be able to maintain the expences which his comming would occasion out of these reasons it was conceived that the Venetians had not onely cause but were necessitated to think more of Peace then of War they were the more incouraged to attend this treaty of Peace out of hopes that they might obtain it of the Turks upon reasonable conditions For the Turks proceeding with more respect had made the Bailo be removed from the Tower del mare Magiore to Constantinople and likewise gave notice that they would quickly set all the Venetian Merchants at liberty which they accordingly did giving them time to negotiate their businesse being bound one for another not to go themselves in person nor to send their merchandize out of the confines of the Ottoman Empire There was likewise one Antonio da Modone come to Venice who lived then at Zante and brought Letters with him written to him upon his own private occasions by Gianusbei wherein he affirm'd the Grand Seigneur and the Bascia were well inclin'd to peace so as if an Embassador should be sent to that purpose to Constantinople some conclusion might soon be had in the point wherein Gianusbei willingly offered his best indeavours provided he were desired so to doe Out of these respects the Councill often thought it fit to begin a Treaty of Peace But to the end that the businesse might be carried with more secrecy and reputation they would not send at that time any publick person to Constantinople but gave commission to Lorenza Gritti natural Son to the Doge to go to Constantinople under pretence of following his own private affairs and particularly the recovery of certain merchandize belonging to a Brother of his lately dead at Constantinople His Commission was first to treat of a generall Truce and to insist thereupon as much he could that he might bring it to some conclusion But if the Turks should not assent thereunto he was then to advance the treaty of Peace for the Common-wealth wherein the former Capitulations were to be observed and all places taken by either party in that War were to be restored The King of France had likewise interposed himselfe in this Treaty of Truce who to this purpose had sent a servant of his to Constantinople but it was soon seen there was small hopes of bringing this Treaty to a good end for the Turks seemed to be very farre from comming to any agreement with Caesar having propounded and procured peace with the Venetians purposely that they might turn their Armies the more commodiously and with the greater force against him As soon as Gritti's going to Constantinople was divulged though the true occasion thereof was concealed it was soon suspected that he went to treat of Peace wherefore Don Diego Hurtado di Mendosa who was then Embassador from the Emperour at Venice discovered this his suspition in a private Audience in the Colledge modestly complaining that they should think of making an agreement with the common enemy and not comprehend the Emperour therein who was a friend and confederate of the Common-wealth and afterwards he in a long Oration disswaded them from treating of peace with the Turks What assurance said he what security can you have that these Barbarians will stand to the Agreement whereunto they shall assent not out of any desire of peace which they use naturally to abborre nor out of any good will to the Common-wealth since they hate the very name of Christian to death but onely out of some particular end or accommodation of their own that they may dissolve this league weaken the chiefest Potentates of Christendome and oppress the rest If it be the matter of expence which makes you alter your mind from continuing War you ought to consider that Peace doth not free you from it but renders it vain and uselesse for the Emperour will by no meanes be brought to an agreement with the Turks and whilest these shall be in Arms and shall have two great Fleets at Sea will you wise Seigneurs be unarmed will you trust the safety of your State to the uncertain faith of others Surely no body will believe it It would be a thing certainly to be desired that your State had not so formidable Neighbours as are the Turks and that you might injoy quiet and tranquillity free from so many jealousies and disaccommodations But since the present condition of times and affairs is such as that expence danger and labour must be undergone it should be thought a great good fortune that in this age and upon this occasion there is so powerfull a Prince in Christendom as may by his Forces counterpoise the Turkish power and who out of his desires and well-wishings to the common good is ready to expose not onely his Forces but his very Person to the hazard of War so to abate the pride of these common Enemies To this answer was made That the Common-wealth had been already two years in league yet she might truly affirm that it was she alone that had hitherto withstood the brunt of the Turkish Forces that the reasons were well known which had hindred the requisite speedy assistance and did therefore believe they might light upon the like misfortunes again Yet they had alwaies born and still did bear great respect to the Confederates That the King of France had indeavoured a generall truce at Constantinople that by accepting and favouring this Treaty he thought he did what concern'd the common service and that whereby the Common-wealth might reap many advantages and if nothing else the benefit of time which the Emperour himselfe thought very necessary for the well ordering of all things touching his voyage to the Eastern parts The like passages were had at the Court between Caesar himselfe and the Venetian Embassador But they produced no effects neither of spurring up Caesar to prepare for War nor of
agreement should be made as a friend to the Grand Seigneur nay that it should be declared in express words that the State of Venice should not be molested during that Agreement by those Princes that were therein comprehended and that if it should happen otherwise the Agreement with Soliman should be taken as broken and yet there was an opinion that the Venetians opposed the Truce which there being no hopes of Peace was treated of wherefore Caesar made his Embassador Mendosa return from Trent to Venice not cloaking this suspition but attesting howsoever his great good-will to the Common-wealth and praying the Senate to favour the treaty of Truce which was said to be already well begun at Constantinople and would be the easilier brought to a good end by the assistance of the Common-wealth promising to make her be named therein on their behalfe and included as a friend These things made the Venetians the more desirous to indeavour a suspension of Arms between these Princes because besides other no small considerations they thereby received much safety and honour being to be declared friends to both Parties and to receive and injoy the benefit of peace which might arise from that Agreement which made the Senators more zealous in interposing their Authority knowing very well how much it might make for them to make the Turks believe that she was in good esteem with the Christian Princes and the same Christian Princes that she was so valued by the Turks as that they were stedfastly resolved to keep peace with her It was thought the Emperour did so very much indeavour the conclusion of this Truce with the Turks because he was not onely out of all hopes of being assisted by the German forces against them but inforced to take up Arms against the chiefe Lords and States of Germany who contaminating both sacred and prophane things to the great disparagement of the Church of Rome and Majesty of the Empire did dayly plot more Novelties breaking forth into open Rebellion Wherefore the Emperour who to purchase their loves had formerly yeelded not without the Popes resentment that the Councill should be held in the City of Trent with great prerogatives on the Germans behalfe did afterwards repent himselfe knowing that he had done little good to the cause of Religion lost much ground with the Pope and gotten nothing with Germany and sought to moderate the conditons whereupon the Councill was to meet he therefore sent his Embassador Don Diego de Mendosa to the Common-wealth to bridle the liberty which some of the most licencious and worst affected towards the Court of Rome used But the Venetians knowing that the calling of the Council was not acceptable to the Pope as being done at an unseasonable time and in an unfitting place and in a manner little becomming the dignity and authority of the Apostolick Sea thought they would not openly oppose it would not send their Embassadors thither But the Agreement at Constantinople which was so hopefully brought neer a conclusion of Truce for many years no way of accommodation being to be found for the difficulties which arose touching the restoring of some little Castles in Hungary ended in a short suspension of Arms for but one year but with intention as it was said and written also from Salamons selfe to the King of France that things being better debated at Ferdinando's Court the Embassadors were to return again the next year to the Court at Constantinople with new Commissions to establish peace for a longer time New dislikes arose this mean while between the Turks and Venetians upon occasion of the Confines of Dalmatia where the Sangiacchi of Bossina and Clissa desiring to trouble the quiet for their own advantage or else to pillage the Country or to make the Venetians give them something to avoid those troubles went about to usurpe a good part of the Territory of Zara alleadging that a Country which contained 49 Towns did belong to the Towns of Nadino and Urana as the proper Territories thereof which being by the last conventions granted to belong to the Grand Seigneur they said their Territories belonged unto him too wherefore they threatned the Inhabitants of these places upon pain of great penalties not to acknowledge any other Government then Solimans This did much trouble the Venetians this Country being of great concernment both in it self and for the preservation of the City of Zara. And though their claim was clear for Nadino and Urana being small Castles have no peculiar Country but the Towns thereabout make up a Country together with Zara the chief City of that Province yet by reason of the strange and insolent proceeding of the Turks in such like affairs laying claim to any whatsoever Country whereupon the Grand Seigneurs Horse hath once set his foot they feared this might be the occasion of longer and greater trouble But Soliman being acquainted with the businesse referr'd the examination of the difference over to the Sangiacco of Chersego and to two Cadi's these are the ordinary Judges in point of justice and what they should determine should be done who were to meet upon the place to that purpose with the Representatives of the Common-wealth The Senate chose Luigi Reniero for this employment who handled the businesse with such dexterity and wisdome as the possession of that whole Territory which was in question was left free and quiet to the Common-wealth And new difficulties being raised again upon what had already been decided according to the Turkish custome Reniero as being well acquainted with the businesse was sent Consull to Constantinople who making our claim appear clear to Soliman did not onely obtain that these pretensions should never be any more questioned but that some other Towns formerly usurped and till then injoy'd by the Turks should together with the 49 Towns be restored to the Venetians So great a friend was this Prince to what was just and honest unlesse he were misled by false suggestions This year the Doge Pietro Lando dyed leaving behinde him the reputation of a good and wise Prince and Francisco Donato was chosen Prince in his place Nor did any thing else worth memory happen this year The next year 1546. those who desired the peace of Italy were sorely afraid that she would quickly return to her former troubles for the peace between the Emperour and the King of France not having effected the most important affairs which were agreed upon between them it remained so loose that nothing but opportunity of time was expected to make them re-assume Arms both their forces and thoughts for the present being otherwise employ'd The King of France by the unseasonable death of his son the Duke of Orleans could not obtain the Dukedom of Millan promised him in consideration of the marriage but his antient desire of possessing it was no whit lessened Nor was the Duke of Savoy re-possessed of his Towns the King detaining them under various excuses hoping to satisfie
mind with him and did hope that the King of Poland and the Duke of Muscovy would follow his example but that it was necessary to see first what the other Princes would do and particularly the King of Spain whose pleasure in that point he had desired to know speedily and assuredly by a messenger which he had purposely sent unto him The Pope did often solicite Charles the ninth King of France by his Nuncio to side with the League indeavouring to perswade him that though perhaps he could not lend so speedy assistance to the League as was requisite by reason of the troubles his Kingdom had been in for many years of late by domestick affairs yet ought he to favour it as much as he could and adde unto the Reputation if not unto the Forces thereof by his name and by his authority which request the King not thinking himselfe able to satisfie and yet being unwilling to seem to undervalue the Pope's exhortations and authority he interposed severall delays saying That he would see what others would do who were then more powerfull then he and freer from impediments But the Queen-Mother on whom the weight of that Government did then very much rest excusing her selfe more directly said that her Son's condition differed from that of other Princes because the point in hand with them was of continuing War against an Enemy but with France it was of breaking amity with a potent Prince their ancient friend that therefore it was a businesse of great weight and which ought to be well considered But both the King and Queen were very civill in their speeches towards the Common-wealth in so much as to boot with their offers made to the Venetian Embassador then resident in the Court of France and many that they made their Embassador make who were then resident at Venice The King sent a Gentleman of his expresly to offer unto the Signory all that it was possible for the Kingdom of France to do at the present being molested with so grievous accidents to wit That he would use his Authority to divert this War and to accommodate their affairs with the Turkish Emperour making use of that friendship which he had never contracted but found it commenc'd by his Grandfather King Francis and by Henry his Father and that he would think she should now make good use thereof if he could thereby do any service to his ancient good friends the Venetians But neither did time nor occasion permit any use to be made of these things preparations for War being already too far advanced on both sides nor was it thought a good course to slaken either other Princes or themselves all of them being now hotly set upon War and bent to defend their own Dominions The Italian Princes appeared well inclined to the League the Duke of Urbin offered both himselfe and his State readily and the Duke of Savoy did the like but to better advantage by reason of his Gallies whereof good use might be made as did after the Confederates The Duke of Florence was the more forward herein professing to be govern'd in all things by the Pope as being oblig'd to him for his new access of honour and to win his favour the more he seemed not onely willing to favour the League but being then in Rome he incouraged the Pope to what he saw him already zealously bent But the Duke of Ferrara had so incens'd the Pope against him by reason of the old difference of the Salt and of certain Navigation upon the Poe as he constantly affirm'd that he would by no means bear with the disobedience of a vassail of the Church nor that his own Authority should be so lessened threatning to go against him with his temporall arms unlesse he altered his mind And on the other side the Duke said that if he were necessitated to do so to preserve the jurisdiction of those Dominions which being gotten by his Ancestors fell to him by right of Inheritance he would leave nothing unattempted nay that he would call in the French Hâ—genots to his assistance which the Venetian Senate thinking to be too unseasonable at this time and that it might not onely disturb the League which was now on Treaty but otherwise necessitate and indanger the Common-wealth they sent Iovan Formento Secretary of the Councell of Ten a man well experienced in such Negotiations to Ferrara to mediate with the Duke that considering the present state of affairs and the due obsequy which he ought to pay unto the Apostolick Sea he would both for the common good and for his own particular interest lay aside all thoughts which might put him upon the triall of his Forces and that he might hope to receive better and more certain advantage by Treaty Thus by the interposition of the Senates Authority first with the Duke and then with the Pope this other fire was extinguished which was a kindling to the prejudice of Christendom It was also resolved to solicite Tamas king of Persia to take up Arms and to revenge the ancient and new Injuries which his Kingdom had received by the Ottaman Princes Vicenza d' Allessandri was chosen for this imployment a Citizen of Venice as one who having lived long at Constantinople was vers'd in severall Languages and had had some converse with these barbarous Nations This man the passages being block'd up by reason of the Wars in the lower parts towards the Sea took his journey throuhg Germany Poland and Walacchia and coming to the banks of the Mare Majore took shipping at Moncastro which is the ancient Hermonassa and went from thence to Lynope a City famous for having been the Country of Mithredates and from thence he went to Tauris whither being come and understanding that Tamas was then at Casmin one of the Residences of the Kings of Persia which lies more inward into the Country which was anciently called Arsatia he went to that City Here being brought in by some Armenian Merchants who had had commerce formerly at Venice by night according to the custome of that Nation before Sultan Caidar Mirice the Kings third Son who was then his Lieutenant he had several long discourses with him touching his journey and the occasion thereof Vicenzo acquainted him with Selino's having taken up Arms against the Venetians and with the great preparations for War which was made by almost all the Princes of Christendom to assault the Turkish Empire by their Armies and by their Fleets exhorting him in the names of his Lords and Masters to make use of this occasion and to make War with the Turks on that side now that their Asian Territories being exhausted of all their Souldiers who were to be imploy'd in the enterprise of Cyprus were left a prey to whosoever would assault them All which things Caidar seemed willing to hear and by many questions inform'd himself of every particular but promis'd nothing save that he would be a means that he might be admitted to
both by Sea and Land for he would send his Fleet with powerfull Forces to take that Kingdom and would assault their Dominions in all other places and he did trust in God the Patron of all Victories and in his blessed Prophet Mahomet who had blessed the Ottaman Family with so large an Empire to prove victorious in this enterprise as his Predecessors had alwaies done in all their attempts To these Letters the Senate returned this answer That the Venetians had alwayes observed peace with the Ottaman Emperours inviolably despising all other respects and refusing all occasions which they might have made use of to their advantage For they thought it became Princes above all things else diligently to keep their word and their plighted faith that being desirous to avoid any suspition in this point they had past by some injuries that they might not be the first disturbers of the Peace but that since they perceived that War was pronounced against them now when they did least suspect it they would not refuse it to defend themselves and to preserve the Kingdom of Cyprus which as their Fathers had possest for the space of severall ages under a just title so they did trust in divine justice to be able to defend it against whosoever should go about to rob them of it unjustly War being thus intimated to the Venetians and by them accepted drew all mens eyes upon it every one expecting how the Potentates of Christendom would resent this great commotion and believing that strange revolutions would be seen in the greatest Empires of the world according as the fortune of War should favour or frown upon the severall designs of Princes And as men do alwaies differ in opinion this resolution was diversly understood and interpreted Some thought that it might have better become the wisdome of the Senate and the manner wherewith the Common-wealth had wont to proceed to have given honourable reception to Cubat Chiaus and by endeavouring to sift out whether he had any secret Commission or no from the Grand Signeur or from Mehemet to use their skill and cunning to bring the businesse to a Treaty which when it should be begun time would be got which would make much for the advantage of the offended These recalled to memory the passages of the former Age and how late our Fathers did repent their not having taken this course when War was denounced against the Commonwealth by almost all the Princes of Christendom in the League at Cambrai from which and from the so many miseries thereby occasioned they might perchance have freed themselves if they had betane themselves betimes rather to Treaty than to Arms. That the present businesse was no lesse perillous than that which had preceded but the greater for that then the first brunts being sustain'd they might expect much benefit by the protraction of time since these Forces were likely soon to sunder and grow weak by reason of the differing designs of the associate Princes but that now having to doe but with one onely Prince who was very powerfull they underwent the same dangers and difficulties whether they should hazard themselves upon the fortunate of Battel or spin out the War in length nor was all waies to Treaties hard up since Selino was not provoked by an injury to assault the Common-wealth nor by any jealousie of State whereby he might plead necessity of selfe-safety for what he did but by a certain slight appetite of his own or desire of Glory which he having but small reason to do it might in time cool of it selfe and by the chief Bashaws mediation Nor would this be any basenesse but true morall wisdome by which a wise man aiming at the common good and setting aside all other vain respects knows how to suit his actions to time and occasion Nay the Common-wealth might gain more honour if treating of peace with their sword in hand they might come to Agreement with so proud and haughty an enemy by the bare fame of their Forces and if these Negotiations should not be able to reconcile the Enemy it might advantage the League which was in treaty with their friends But others on the contrary whose number was much the greater exalting the constant generosity of the Senate even to the skies fancied extravagant things unto themselves and what they might more truly have excused by necessity or have praised for wisdome in having without loss of courage accommodated their resolves unto the time they did celebrate it as sprung out of meere election and out of a magnanimous and noble purpose to abate the power of the common Enemy inciting other Princes to do the like by their leading the way and making war upon the Turks in their own confines both by sea and land That the power and greatnesse of that Nation was not peradventure so much dreaded before because it was far off and unknown that now it was grown so near and so well known and esteemed by all Princes as there would not be any one of them who would not for their own safety favour the enterprise that so much the rather for that nothing was more manifest then that if the Venetians should be worsted the Turkish Fleets might much the more easily run victoriously over all the Seas The zeal and charity towards their Country encreasing the more in some out of these respects in others the obsequie towards their Prince and in some the desire of military honour many of the Venetian Nobility especially those who held any Ecclesiasticall dignities and many Gentry of the Terra ferma nay many of the Commonalty and also many chief personages not onely of other parts of Italy but forrainers came in apace and offered the Common-wealth in so just and pious a war either mony or souldiers or their own persons or other things fitting for the Fleet and all this with strange and miraculous alacrity So as vying in a noble emulation it is not easie to determine who did exceed in their offers liberality piety and fidelity This did very much comfort the Senators it being a manifest testimony of the pleasing and moderate government of that Common-wealth and of the esteem she was in with forrainers So as their Citizens and Subjects uncommanded and moved onely out of a singular affection towards the State did of their own free-will employ their persons and faculties for the preservation thereof And other Nations esteeming its defence as the common cause sought to maintain its greatnesse and encrease its glory Therefore proceeding with all respect as far as the present necessity would permit in taxing the City of Venice and the other Cities belonging to the State they resolved to alienate divers publick goods to make use of much monies deposited in the Exchequer to the great advantage of such as brought gold or silver thither To this purpose the number of the Procurators of St. Mark was encreased this honour which is next that of the Doge being conferred
Nicossia 10000 foot for her defence whereof 1500 were Italians and all the rest Inhabitants of the Island to wit 3000 of the common sort 2500 of the City 2000 newly listed into the Militia taken out of the Country houses and paid partly out of the Exchequer partly out of private mens Purses and 1000 Nicossian Gentlemen These were almost all new men unexperienced and not over-well armed in so much as many wanting Pikes and Muskets were forced to use â—ills and Halberts But the City was very well provided of Artillery nor were there wanting such as knew how to manage them They had likewise great store of Pioners to make use of upon any occasion for to boot with 400 â—â—sted under Iovan Sossomeno they had taken in above 4000 more 〈◊〉 such imployments Yet amidst so many men and so much ground the Commanders not agreeing in the manner how to ordeâ— their in works this so necessary provision was left unperfect By these disorders these Forces were weakned which were certainly too few to resist so puissant an Army of the Enemies wherein on the contrary great observancy and reverence was giâ—â—h to the Commanders and all military actions being severely ordered were with strange readinesse observed Mustafa's authority who was a bold and warlike personage as also his reputation by the same which he had won by fighting in Selino's Army before he was Emperour against his brother Achomet the unhoped for victory which was then gotten being attributed to his forward valour The Souldiers who were accustomed to the duties of War to labour and hardships grew much more hardy by the opinion they had of their Captains worth and by the hopes of great reward which was promised them upon getting the victory There were as hath been said a great number of men in the Army the chiefe foundation whereof consisted in 6000 Iaâ—isarus and 4000 Spacchi these are Souldiers who are kept in continuall pay to serve on Horse-back and upon occasion do serve with others on foot valiant mentâ— and brought up in War Therefore the more humane foresight had been wanting to provide against such Forces the more did they apply themselves to beg assistance from God Solemn processions were daily made throughout the City which were done the more frequently and with the more devotion by the example and exhortation of Francisco Contarini Bishop of Baffo in whom Episcopall dignity became more honourable and reuerend by the ancient Nobility and by the riches of his family and by his own goodnesse and worth He being the prime ecclesiastick person for Philippo Mocenico Arch-Bishop of Nicossia was then at Venice was not wanting in performing such duties to those people which they could have expected from their own Pastour The chief of the City being one day assembled in the Church of Santa Sophia where were also many men of all conditions he spoke thus unto them If I shall look upon the greatnesse of the present dangers I cannot but much apprehend the common safety and as doubting the issue and with a submisse minde yield to adverse fortune And if on the other side I think upon your worth magnanimity fortitude and constancy I finde a certain warmth arise within me which encourageth me to hope for better things But if I raise my self from these more lowly cogitations to the consideration of divine providence and goodnesse my first fear is not onely allayed but is changed into an assured hope For when I observe the truth better I know that hard and difficult things become easye to such as are valiant and even impossibilities to faithfull Christians are made facile Therefore if you be not wanting in your antient and known worth and if you continue constant and stedfast in that faith which together with your own safeties you have undertaken to defend I am assured you wil find these troubles at the last not ordained for your ruine but for your praise and eternall glory We know by infinite examples of all ages how many sieges have been withstood and rendred vain by a few though the besiegers wâ—re very numerous Constant worth and a noble resolution of undaunted mind being sufficient to stave off greatest dangers But as for such whom God hath taken into his particular custody no powers of man hath been able to prejudice them nay Natures self the very Heavens and Elements have been subservient to them The waters stood still and made a safe passage to the Iewes through the midst of the sea the most scorched grounds afforded them fountains of clear water to refresh them withall and the Heavens gave them Manna a miraculous food to nourish them We are to hope for these or the like assistances from the hand of God for Selino Ottaman is a no lesse wicked and cruell persecutor of the faithfull then was that antient Pharaoh Nor are we Christians who are bought with the blood of his Son lesse dear to God or lesse beloved by him then any others have formerly been of which future miracle we have an evident late example which may perswade us to believe we shall share of Do you not know in what condition the Island of Malta was this time five year begirt by so long and so sore a siege oppugned by so many souldiers defended by so few void of all hopes of help and in all sorts of want and necessities Yet the defendants no whit lessening their valour nor loyalty for whatsoever adverse fortune the Barbarians power was rendred vain and uselesse and they were laught at for their over-daring attempt And that the power of divine providence might the more appear the Fort when reduced to the last extremity was freed from the siege by the enemy before it was relieved by friends You are to imitate these stout and valiant men by exposing your selves willingly to all the labours and dangers of war nay you must exceed them for those Knights being forrainers of severall Nations fought for religion and glory you do not onely defend these but also your wives children and estates so as all things both human and divine invite you to shew invincible valour and that the more readily and boldly as that you being free men and generous are to fight against slaves base and unarmed people wont to overcome more by their numbers then their valour Which advantage they at the present want this City being defended by strong walls and by so many great guns as this alone will be sufficient to repulse the enemy who if they shall dare to assault us you are sure of the victory if you can but withstand their first brunt For it cannot be long ere the succour come which you have heard our common-wealth is sending us with a powerfull Fleet which will never refuse to expose all her forces readily for the preservation of this Kingdom which she esteems as a noble member of her State and loves so well These humane provisions being of themselves sufficient to deliver us will through your
any order or discipline all over the City plundering the Houses destroying the Churches dishonouring Matrons violating Virgins and putting all to the Sword without any distinction either of sex age or condition So as the Turks slew that day above 20000 persons and those whose lives were spared by the cruell Enemy rather for their greater punishment then out of any charity were tyed in chains drag'd over the dead carkasses of their parents and friends and carried away Prisoners Thus that City which for many years had lived in great pomp and splendour and in great abundance of all things did in one day undergo all the extreams of calamity affording by this so horrible spectacle a new example of variety of humane affairs This sacking hapned on the ninth of September the fourth day after the Turkish Army was incamp'd before the City The booty which was exported by the Enemy and sent to Constantinople to be presented to the grand Signor and to the Bashaws was very great and rich yet did they not go away wholly triumphant for a ship which was loaded with many of the most precious things and with the better sort of Prisoners was not got far from the Island when the Ammunition falling on fire it utterly perished with all that was within it Nicossia being taken and sack'd Mustaâ—a leaving 4000 Foot to guard it march'd with his Army towards Famagosta for after the taking of Nicossia the Turks found no obstacle but easily made themselves Masters of all the rest of the Island All the other Towns being neither strong nor having people to defend them yielded suddenly to the enemy as did also Cirenes though Iovan Maria Mudazzo who had the custody of the Castle and Captain Alfonzo Palazzo in order to the advice and exhortations of those of Famagosta had some few daies before signified that they would defend themselves as long as they could Those of the Mountains did the like Scipio Garaffa Paolo Singlitico and others of the Nobility accompanied with many Grecian Priests and by a great croud of country people comming in suddainly to Mustafa and swearing fealty unto him so as now nothing in the whole Island but Famagosta held for the Venetians Mustafa therefore led his Army thitherward and pitcht his Camp at the Pomadamo three miles distant from the City making many Turks ride daily to fro within sight of those of the Town with the heads of divers chief persons who were slain at Nicossia upon their Launces to terrifie the souldiers and to make them desist from their resolution of standing out the siege He afterwards drew a little neerer the City making his Trenches with baskets full of sand for that that soyl was not proper for such works But those of the Town sallying out to skirmish with the enemy drove them twice from their Trenches and by their Artillery from the Fort destroyed three Forts which the Turks had with much expedition raised at St. Georgio at Priepole and at la Torre del Ocha whereby the besieged got no great good as it fell out afterwards for in a few daies they had consumed in this businesse onely more then 50000 weight of powder But because the winter came already on which was not seasonable for the siege which was likely to prove a long and hard businesse and because some of the men were to be employed in re-inforcing the Gallies by reason of the advertisment that the Christian Fleets were joyned Mustafa being desirous not to try his fortune again whereby he might lessen the glory which he had gotten in taking Nicossia had severall treaties with the besieged to come to an agreement Wherefore suffering Iovanni Sosomano whom he had taken prisoner to go into the Town under pretence of getting monies for his ransom he made many motions tending to surrendring the Town that he should tell the Governours and Commanders That if they would not of themselves resolve to surrender the City they might whilst they had time to do so write to their Masters at Venice to acquaint them with the condition they were in with how hard it was to hold out against so great an Army and to exhort them to make use of this occasion of accommodating their affairs with the grand Signior and consequently of securing their Dominions by yielding up that which they could by no means keep Mustafa made severall Letters of the same tenure be written and ordered it so as they might seem to be written by the Governours of Famagosta and come to the hands of the Consul at Constantinople But the Governours and people of Famagosta were resolved to hold it out to the last therefore they did not onely not listen to any such discourse but in stead of writing to the Senate for leave to surrender they resolved to write very effectually for reliefe And to the end that the condition of affairs and their own particular needs might be the better understood they sent Nicolo Donato to Venice who was then with two Gallies in the Haven at Famagosta with whom came also Ierolimo Rogozzoni Bishop of that City very well instructed with all things and â—it for such an employment But it is now time that we return to acquaint you with the proceedings of the Christian Fleet which parting as hath been said all joyntly together from the Haven at Suda came to Scythia where the Commanders began to give their severall opinions how those forces were to be made use of to the best advantage Some were for assaulting some of the Ottaman Towns and for the endammaging them as much as possibly they could upon their own confines whereby they might make them forego Cyprus and come with their Fleet and the greatest part of their forces to relieve themselves where their affairs should be endangered most Which if it should not so succeed yet it would stand with their first purpose to counterpoise the losse which they might suffer in losing any of the Towns of Cyprus which peradventure might be more easily recovered by that means then by defending it now Wherefore they affirmed this to be the safer and more advantagious course to be taken than to go for Cyprus whereby in many cases they might rather reap losse then profit for it would not be in their power to force the Turkish Fleet to fight which riding in good order being flanckt on both sides by great Vessells full of Artillery might keep upon those shores as in a safe haven and either not be brought to fight or if they should it would be a sure token that they knew they might do it upon great advantage Nor could they hope for more safety when they should be arrived at Cyprus for the good they could expect by landing their men to assist Nicossia could not be answerable to the danger they might incur the enemy being so strong and Masters of the field and to besiege the besiegers would be almost impossible since there was such store of victualls in the Island And
otherwise perswaded he neither could nor would do it without the approbation of the Princes and Hauns-Towns of the Empire as also without the advice of his own particular States so as it behoved him to take time and to expect the firm resolution of others who perhaps might have changed their minds by reason of what had hapned at Nicossia that he might not resolve upon a thing of so great concernment without great maturity and so much the rather for that he not being the principall in this League and yet there being a place therein reserved for him no respect of his did hinder the others from concluding nor did his delay exclude himselfe whereby it was evident that Cesar had no mind to interest himselfe in this War And the like intentions were seen to be in the other German Princes and Hauns-Towns for an other Convention being by order from Caesar propounded to be called in the Dyet at Spire particularly to treat of things appertaining to the League they answered That when his Majesty should be molested by the Turkish Forces they would not fail to lend him all their assistance but that they did not intend to enter into so sore a War unnecessited Therefore to keep the Embassador Soranzo any longer in that Court was but little for their honour and not at all for their advantage The Senate recalled him back to Venice and having destin'd Antonio Tiepolo Embassador to the King of Polonia for the same purpose who was already on his way when they received this answer from the Emperour they quickly sent for him back being firmly opinioned that that Nation though very warlike and an Enemy to the Turks and which had formerly opposed him all that they could though but unfortunately would not resolve to meddle in that war without they were therein accompanied by Caesars Forces But there were many reasons which made Caesar unwilling to declare himselfe in favour of this League For having but a little before been unfortunate in the tryall of his Arms against the Turks and added by the losse of Zighet to the prejudice and shame which Germany had received some few years before by that Nation at Buda and at Essechio in his father Ferdinando's time he had resolved not to put himselfe upon the hazard of war again unlesse much provoked or rather forc'd by necessity and therefore having made Truce with Sultan Selino he studied to continue it He likewise knew that the Authority and Forces of the Empire were great onely in name and appearance but that in effect the latter waâ— but weak and the former but of little esteem Nor could the Emperours promise themselves any assistance from Germany as well by the so many discords caused in her by the diversity of Government and Religion as also for that their greatnesse grew troublesoâ—â— the Imperiall dignity being become almost hereditary in the Hoâ—se of Austria and the words and exhortations of the King of Spain were not peradventure such as that he could ground his hopes thereon for that King knew that when the Emperour who was not able of himselfe to withstand the Turks should be molested by them in his own Dominions he must be forced in respect of his alliance and for having exhorted him to the War to assist him with monies and so to draw a burthen upon himselfe in a time when he was at greater expence elsewhere To these respects the doubt was added which Caesar had lest the entring into so tedious and difficult a War might be a cause of diverting him from that which he ought chiefly to aim at to wit at the making his eldest Son Rodolphus be chosen King of the Romans and at the establishing the Imperial dignity in his off-spring who had but little else to trust to and yet cloaking these his cogitations as much as he might he would not make the Venetians dispair of having him a Confederate in this War to the end that they might the more willingly imbrace it and break off all Treaties of Agreement whereby his Dominions might be much secured and hâ— might the better attend his own particular ends whilst this so formidable enemy being busied elsewhere suffered him to live quiet These were the treaties touching League against Selino which were this year begun with much fervency but ended fruitlesse as you may have seen Now let us return unto the Fleets The Venetian Generall being return'd as you have heard to the Haven of Cania partly because his Enemies were nigh at hand and his friends far off partly by reason of the season which was not fit for actions at Sea thought it a vain and rash thing to attempt the reliefe of Famagosta whither it was resolved that 1600 Souldiers should be sent in three Ships and that they should be secured by a convoy of 12 Gallies by reason that they heard that eight Turkish Gallies remained upon the coast of Famagosta to hinder them but Commissary Veniero prest very hard that that City might have as many more ships and as many more men sent thither for the better security and longer preservation thereof wherein all the hope of preserving or rather of recovering the Kingdom of Cyprus lay which not being able by reason of many impediments to be effected Veniero in that respect and much more of sicknesse which befell him tarried behind in Candia Marquiss Rangone Pallevesino was destin'd for the Captain of these men but he absolutely refused to go alleadging that being sent to go into Famagosta if Baglione were not there and if he should be there to go into Nicossia he was now free from any such obligation because the last was lost and it was certainly known that an other Commander was in the former the which being judged not to be a reason fitting to be given by a Souldier especially at such a time he incur'd some note of infamy thereby in the opinion of the Souldiery whereupon he being opprest with grief dyed not long after â—â—d Luigi Martiningo was chosen in his place to be the Commander of that reliefe who was then Governour of Caâ—e and who with much alacrity offer'd to undertake that service These directions being given in Candia the Generall thought fit to be gone from Candia as soon as he could so to ease that Island of the charge it had been at in feeding so many men and to free it from the fear of so powerfull an Enemy since Piali would not then have any occasion to winter in the Archipelagus so leaving Quirini in Candia with the Gallies of that Kingdom with some Gally-slaves and other three great Gallies he went with the rest of the Fleet to Corfu having escaped a great storm at Sea in his voyage and with much ado got into the Haven at Vatica where the Generall expected orders from the Senate either to stay there or else as he had advised to passe on into Dalmatia for the better acconchiating of the Gallies and for the furnishing of the
praise and merit got by their valour and encouraged them to hope for greater things As for the rest he sometimes threatned their cowardice with severe punishment promised sometimes great honour and rewards to their valour He held forth unto them the booty and prey they were to get which he confirmed by their companions having enrich'd themselves at Nicossia He entreated he conjured them not to suffer the victorious army incur any shame that they should not fear them to whom they had ever been a terrour He â—ad them remember Nicossia shewing them that they might get another noble victory and put an end to the war with more ease and advantage for that the enemy were still the same weak and unexperienced in the true Militia They therefore ought to be the same and to be mindfull of their invincible forces whereby they had got the glorious name of conquerours having hardly ever attempted any thing wherein they were not successfull teaching the world by their example that fortune of war obeys true valour The Bashaw having much encouraged the souldiers with these and the like speeches would be present himself at the assault to the end that seeing what was done being seen himself by others he might by his advice provide for all things by his presence encourage his souldiers This assault proved terrible dangerous the Turks fought valiantly hoping to get the city that day but our men keeping together and resolute to keep what they had could not be beaten off the enemy appeared no sooner but they were disperst repulst and slain their blowes proved the sorer to the enemy for that being made at a multitude none of them proved vain Thus for five hours space the third assault was valiantly with stood But those who defended the Ravelin of the gate Limisso being disordered by fire-works and not being able to govern themselves well in so little a compasse laboured still when the battle was almost ended in all other places and were much endammaged by the enemy so as being forc'd to yield at last they suffered the Turks to mount the Ravelin and all other helps failing the Captains by necessary but dreadfull advice resolved immediately to give fire unto a Mine which they foreseeing the danger had prepared in the same place and the souldiers of the camp and those of the city being intermingled on the Ravelin those pursuing these retreating both enemies and friends were blown up and buried in those ruines The Ravelin being lost there was onely the thicknesse of the in-works made as hath been said of bags of earth between the besiegers and the besieged so as the souldiers of the camp and those of the city spoke often together and according to the custom of war the Turks mockt and laught â—t our men for their vain hopes saying That the Christian Fleet was sled for fear back towards Venice and our men reproached the enemy for that like country people not like souldiers they used their spades and mat-hooks not trusting to the valour of their forces Amongst which jesting speeches some serious discourse was sometimes mingled the Turks made some proposalls of agreement be put by certain slaves that were in their camp which they had oft-times formerly endeavoured by severall Letters written sometimes to the Governours and sometimes to the common people of the city which were conveyed in by arrowes But no answers of comming to a parley was ever assented unto according as was desired Wherefore the Turks finding they could not prevail by their craft betook themselves to another assault by the Ravelin which they had already got When the combat was come to it was egregiously fought on all sides but chiefly by our men and to the singular glory of the chief commanders for stout Baglione encouraged his souldiers more by his example than by his words and placing himself amongst the foremost took as it is said the Venetian Standard which the enemies got at the taking of Nicossia from the hands of an Ensigne-bearer and Luigi Martiningo who had the particular charge of that place committed to him did discharge the part of a wise and valiant commander in all things did supply the battle with fresh souldiers often assisting those that were wearied entertaining the enemy where they fought most and repulsing those that gave back The Turks having received a repulse betook themselves to molest our men yet further with new machinations they filled up all the space which was between the gate and the Ravelin with wood and faggots which they set on fire throwing in severall mixtures that the combustion might be the greater whereby they did much torment our men by the heat and also by the stench of that wood which growes in that Island and which is called by those of the country Tezza which being set on fire makes a very horrible stinke This fire continuing for many daies the souldiers had much adoe and were greatly incommodited to defend that place having in vain tryed all things to quench it Those valiant men notwithstanding these so many and so grievious perplexities did still defend the city all of them growing so couragious and being so resolute to maintain the siege to the utmost that even old men and women kept continually upon the walls and together with the souldiers discharged the duties of the Militia But things were now brought to the last extremity the persisting in labour and danger afforded no hopes of safety The Enemies were still recruited with new Forces and with all things necessary the want of men ammunition and victualls grew dayly greater and greater within the Town a great many of the valiantest Souldiers were already slain and many being wounded were given over for want of Medicaments and Physitians The few that were yet well were wasted not onely by continuall pains-taking but by sufferings being forced to feed upon Asses Horses Dogs and other such nauseous food and to drink nothing but water their wine being all spent They were reduceâ— to such weaknesse as they seemed to live more by vigour of winde then by strength of body so as finding it was now impossible to maintain the city any longer the citisens resolved to beseech the Governours and Commanders to provide for their safety and not to wait the utmost extremities Matteo Golâ—â— spoke in the â—ame of all the rest Who intreated the Magistrates in the name of the whole city that considering the loyalty and constancy of the Inhabitants the dangers and sufferings which they had so patiently undergone and that since things were now brought to the utmost extremity they would not suffer their fidelity to be rewarded by the totall ruine of their country but rather by the preservation thereof so as to the double praise of those who had so long defended her it might be seen that their generous minds which could be wrought upon by â—o fear of the Enemy had been moved by the love of their friends by a desire of giving
by the means of their Embassadour Lunardo Contarini who was sent to Don Iohn first upon the occasion of the victory and who tarried afterwards with him yet no resolution was taken nor were such actions seen as the businesse required Onely the Venetians letting no time slip nor sparing either for cost or labour endeavoured to make use of the victory were diligent in repairing their gallies added to their numbers and raised new men to recruit the Fleet that they might both return with a powerfull Fleet into the Levant and at the same time minde such occasions as presented themselves of doing some remarkable thing in the Gulph And finding those who were subjects to the Turkish Empire up in severall parts and ready to rebell they thought it became them according to the custom observed by the Common-wealth upon like occurrences to chuse another Generall to which end they chose Iacopo Foscarini who was then Commissary Generall in Dalmatia who having had the miraculous happinesse to passe some few years before from private affairs to the managing of publick businesse had shewed such singular judgment and wisdom therein and wrought himself into so good an opinion with all men as they thought they might safely place the hopes of the Common-wealth upon him And to obviate any occasion of new dislikes finding that Don Iohn and generally all the Spaniards noâ— well affected to Generall Veniero for what hath been said before the Senate was pleased that Veniero should come with some gallies into the Gulph and that Foscarini should go with the forces of the League into the Levant Who hearing of his election and having already received the Standard from Luigi Grimani who succeeded him in the place of Commissary in Dalmatia he went away from Zara with 9 gallies and came in the beginning of April to Corfu where he took upon him the charge of the Fleet which consisted then of 40 Gallies and fell diligently to view those that were in them to cause Foot be brought from Brandizzi great store whereof were already there under severall Commanders to provide for Victualls Arms and Ammunition and to dispose of all things excellently well And Generall Veniero came with some gallies into the Gulph to act as occasion should serve keeping the same superiority of command over all the Captains at Sea whensoever they met And these were the proceedings of the Christian Princes As for the Turks they were the more afflicted for the rout given to their Fleet because being long accustomed to good successe in war they believed their fortune was unalterable and totally despising the Christian Militia thought that to war with them was onely for assured prey and glory But after having received this unexpected blow they grew capable of fear and doubting the worst of evills that some tumults might arise even in Constantinople Selino who was then at Andrâ—nopoli came to Constantinople and shewed himself to the people concealing his grief and fear as much as he could but the Bashawes were not the lesse carefull in providing necessaries for the Fleet but building upon our mens slownesse and negligence in pursuing their victory they were the more diligent in all things for that their labours were accompanied by hopes that they might make amends for the losse they had suffered in their Fleet and recover their lost honour They rig'd up their old gallies and all those also which had been given over as unserviceable in the Marâ— majore and else-where They built many new ones mustered marriners sent out commands to their souldiers in other Provinces to come to Constantinople And using great speed and industry in all things not without much wonder and mischief to the Christians Carazzali went out very betimes out of the straits of Gallipoli with 60 gallies wherewith he began to scoure the seas and to lay waste the Islands of Tyre and Cerigo whilst Uluzzali stayed to gather together as many armed Vessells as he could designing as it was said to advance and pillage the Island of Candia when they should be joyned or else to face our Fleet hindring the designes of our Commanders and securing the Ottaman shores By which provisions of theirs and by the slownesse and irresolution of the Christian Colleagues the Turks re-assumed courage though at first they had begun severall discourses of peace with the Baylâ— and appeared very desirous thereof yet they put off the more certain resolution till Monsieur d' Aix the King of France his Embassadour should be come to Constantinople who they heard was parted from Venice and came upon important occasions to that Court and who as they believed brought with him some particular Commission about that businesse so as by his means and by his Kings authority the agreement might be the more easily made and the more firmly established So as afterwards the face of affairs altering when they came to a more particular treaty they propounded very unjust and unreasonable demands and would make peace rather as conquerours then conquered So as the businesse was as then laid asleep and the war prosecuted with much fervency which though the Venetians did willingly continue yet were they much troubled finding that their Islands were burnt and pillaged and that the vanquish'd enemy did insult as victorious threatning every day more mischief and ignominy And that on the other side their friends and confederates not being moved at these mischiefs nor apprehending greater dangers did proceed so slowly in all things as if the enemy had been utterly overthrown and that they needed not to fight any more but onely peaceably to enjoy the fruits of victory Many reasons were alledged for these delaies and much discourse was had upon it all men wondring very much at this manner of the Spaniards proceeding It was much noised that the French assisting the Flemish now no longer secretly as it was thought they had done formerly but that they were openly and by publick advice to assault the King of Spain's Dominions that the preparation of 50 armed ships which was made at Rochel which Philip Strozzi was designed to command aimed at this That the assembling of men and noise of arms which was said to be made in the Kingdom of Navar reflected upon this That therefore it became the Spaniards to be carefull and to provide against these important and dangerous commotions and not to employ their sea-forces wherein their greatest strength now lay in remote enterprises where they could not be ready upon occasion to defend their own territories Others reasoning otherwise said That these French commotions being in themselves of no moment were made to appear greater by the Spaniards thereby to cloak their truer and more secret counsells which were seen very cunningly to aime at the keeping of the Turks forces and power and the like of the Venetians so equally ballanced as neither of them should exceed their present condition That therefore thinking they had done enough for the Venetians security by defeating the
Foot made it known to the Embassadour of the Common-wealth then resident with him no reason appearing to move him thereunto save onely his fear that the Venetians would come to some agreement with the Turks that he would adhere unto the League Out of these reasons the Venetians proceâ—ded doubtfully and irresolutely in the businesse of the Peace Whereupon Doge Mocenico who had alwaies been more inclined to peace then to the League upon a day when the Councill of Ten were met spoke thus It was not the thought of any one as I believe to perpetuate or to continue this war which is intimated to us by Selino too long when we did first resolve to take up Arms for our own defence but with a noble and generous minde to make tryall of the fortune and gallantry of the Common-wealth of the good-will and forces of Christian Priâ—ces for the greater safety of our State and of all Christendom against the power of the insolent common Enemy And it is certain that war is in order to peace and quiet security ought to be the thing aimed at by all troubles and dangers Experience of what hath passed of late years may sufficiently teach us what our condition may be if we shall continue war any longer what the end thereof may be what reparation we may expect for so great expences and what reward for our labours We lost the noble city of Nicossia the first year by vainly trusting that our forces would be accompanied by the like of others whereby to relieve the Kingdom of Cyprus Losing no courage we continued making provisions for war flattering our selves that we might repair our losses by ioyning in a straiter confederacy with the other Christian Princes God was pleased to give us such a victory over our enemies as almost none could hope for and yet I know not through what fault or misfortune of ours Famagosta was miserably lost and we were compelled to yield up the peacefull and secure possession of the whole Kingdom to the enemy But the pleasure of having begun to overcome suffered us not to be sensible of our great losse VVherefore we as readily and boldly betook our selves to make great provision of Arms the third year and to encrease our Fleet and Souldiers not sparing for any cost nor passing by any inconvenience VVe now see too clearly what good we have got â—hereby Our Gallies lay long idle at Corfu expecting aid from the Confederates and when we hoped that having overcome so many difficulties all forces would be joyned together that we might go joyntly against the enemy we must leave our Islands in prey to them and let our Fleet return with more losse of time and reputation theâ— any advantage we got by the forces of that union And when at last fortune afforded us unexpected occasions of beating the enemy we must abandon them by reason of being abandoned by our friends parting unseasonably from the haven at Navarino unnecessitated and dishonourably But what need I relate things of so recent memory VVe are reduced to such a condition as assuredly we cannot maintain war of our selves alone against the Turks forces too disproportionate for us And we know by experience that the company of others which ought to be a help and ease to us is an incumbrance and impediment it fills us with great hopes which it afterwards makes not good but suffers us to precipitate and doth rather increase then secure 〈◊〉 evills We were perswaded that good intelligence might not onely be had between the Pope the King of Spain and our Common-wealth but that this our confederacy might make all other Christian Princes to take up Arms joyntly against the common enemy especially after that great victory which was alwaies thought would have conduced much to the suppressing of them But now we find we built those our conceptions more upon desire than upon well-grounded a truths Shall we then continue still in the same errour and place the preservation of our State and all our welfare upon such uncertain grounds upon hopes wherein we have been so often delâ—ded It was certainly a generous pâ—ous and laudable resolution not to yield to Selino's insolent demand not to abandon the cause of Christendom not to degenerate in the least point from our Ancestors who did alwaies with much magnanimity undertake such things wherein they might hope for praise unto themselves and for glory and grandezza to this Common-wealth But now after having couragiously taken up Arms and been fortunate in battel and that we see clearly we cannot by what cross destiny I know not reap any further good by other prosperity that we hazard all by fighting and that we get nothing by overcoming To continue in this fame minde and in the same troubles and dangers without any reward and when the opportunity of great effects which was given us by victory is already vanisht and escap'd our hands to grow worse and worse and not rather to wait for the advantage which we may hope for from time and from other occasions may rather appear to be rash obstinacy than good Christian zeal or desire of true honour If we shall consider the condition of our forces and of our Common-wealth it is too manifest that nothing can be more unseasonable 〈◊〉 more prejudiciall than to prolong the War For the condition of affairs grows daily worse for us the forces of the League which depends upon variety of Counsells and oft-times upon contrary respects become vain and uselesse though they be great in themselves and yet the inconveniency of maintaining them is great on our side by reason of the excessive expence we must be at and for the want of men especially of Rowers whereof these wars have consumed so many as now we must with much expence have recourse for them to Transalpine Nations and not be sure of being well served But if we consider the particulars of our State and seek not to deceive our selves we may clearly know that though our forces be great of themselves yet are they but weak to sustain the waight of war long against so powerfull and fortunate an Empire aâ— iâ— that of the Turks and which is of no less importance our Territories by Sea lie far from this city are divided amongst themselves and exposed to the iniuries of the Enemy and more easie to be assaulted by them both by Sea and Land than to be relieved by us and therefore they require so many souldiers to Garrison and defend them as we are inforced to maintain at one the same time as it were two Armies to furnish the Fleet and to guard the Sea-Forts and I wish we be not necessitated to raise a third to oppose those who threaten to aâ—sault Friuli What reason have we then to hope we shall by length of War be able to defeat the Enemy It might peradventure have been done if we had known at first how to make use of our Victory and therefore our
endeavours have still been to raise a great force wherewith to put a speedy end to the war VVhat effects have ensued thereupon and for what reasons is sufficiently declared by the necessity and dangers which we are in Our hopes now if â—e do weigh them arighâ— are changed into fear of being rained by a powerful Empire which for the extent thereof and orderly Militiâ— is â—pt to maintain war long VVhy should any one doubt then but that we should listen to proposals of peace made and propounded by the chief Bashaw to our Consul as we have been informed by many of his Letters since we have in vain indeavoured to secure Candia and our other Dominions by other wayes wherefore shall we not use that course which is afforded us of fâ—eeing our selves from the present eminent dangers we are in VVe know that Bashaw Mehemet as one that hath alwaies been desirous of peace laying the doubtfull event of war before Selino hath made him giue way to agreement from which he seemed to be at first much averse If we let slip this occasion truly for my part I fear we shall hereafter desire it in vain and that our affairs will lie long flâ—ting before they will be brought into the Haven and to our former condition of Tranquillity for which we were peradventure more to be envied by other Princes than we had reason to envy them who were invironed with so many troubles and dangers VVho would ever have imagined that the Turks would have been able to put together a new and so powerfull a Fleet the very next year after so great a â—out as they should dare to put to Sea therewith to defend their Rivers and yet we see they have done that with ease which was by all men thought impossible They haue put to Sea have much prejudiced our Dominions they have faced our Fleet defended all their own Territories and are safely returned with their whole Fleet unto Constantinople VVhat greater proof can we have of their power What more certain tokens of the next years successes if after having been so beaten they have resumed so much courage and been able to put together so great Forces we may very well imagine what they will dare and what they will be able to do after having had so long time to recruit themselves and having in a large manner recovered their former reputation and greatnesse But let them who are of a contrary opinion say I beseech you if the Turks shall come forth the next year so powerfull to our prejudice both by Sea and by Land too as some affirm and that the King of Spain moved by some more particular important respects of his own by reason of jealousies which he may have of the French or Germans which is already spoken of or that for any other such occasion he resolve to imploy his Forces destin'd for the service of the League for the safety of Flanders as he did the last year or if he shall purpose to effect his old and chief design about the businesse of Africa which as we know all is the thing chiefliest desired by the Spaniards and which we may have just reason to apprehend by his not suffering his Fleet â—o winter in the Levant how shall we be able to defend Candia Corfu and our other more important places against so eminent danger whilst we relie upon one who is not stedfast in his resolution of adhering unto us so as by vainly trusting to such a leaning-stock our forces shall become the weaker and lesse able to with-stand the enemy or to do any thing against them When they shall besiege our Islands play upon our Forts we shall then send our Embassadors to Spain Portugall and Germany vainly imploring and soliciting the assistance of other Princes acquainting them with their own and our dangers which they value but little as we did the late years And our enemies when they shall see â—s deserted by our friends and not resolved what to do our selves will become more insolent than yet they have been will scorn all conditions of agreement and that which we now refuse being offered shall not be listned â—nto nor granted when it is propounded by us My opinion then Gentlemen is that the occasion of achieving more generous and noble ends as might with reason have been hoped for after so famous a victory being to the great mis-fortune of our selves and of all Christendom let slip we may at least reap thereby what advantage we may to the end that all our dangers rest not wholly unrewarded nor that the blood of so many of our well deserving citisens be shed in vain We ought not to recommit the total of our Fortune for any slight cause to the uncertain event of Battel and experience teacheth us that we ought not to hope for any great enterprises Let us then be rationall let us free our selves as soon as we can from the Dominion of fortune and let us let this maligne influence of the Heavens which doth but badly befriend our Common-wealth passe over Nor ought this to be a badge of infamy to us to the world nor unsatisfactory to the Confederates Our actions have been too evident our good wills therein have been sufficiently seen therein by all men none can deny but that we have readily concur'd to the observancy of the League that we have desired solicited and indeavoured the suppression of the enemy and to make good use of victory But since all our indeavours prove vain who can blame us if being advised thereunto by reason or rather compelled by necessity we have thought upon securing our Dominions by peace as well as the Spaniards indeavoured to secure theirs the last year by detaining their Fleet which by the Articles of the League was destin'd to the common service in the Levant These our just reasons are known to all men the Spaniards themselves know not how to gain-say them nay as we have been lately informed a State Minister of the Kings seeming to have some jealousie of this Treaty said the King would not be displeased that the Common-wealth of Venice to the preservation and dignity whereof he had alwaies been a well-wisher as all Christian Princes ought to be for the good of Christendom should treat with the Turks of peace upon honourable conditions And say that this peace which shall now be established be not likely to be of any long security to us through the enemies perâ—idiousnesse we may notwithstanding get advantage of time by it a thing very seasonable in doubtfull and dangerous accidents and which alwayes ought to be indeavoured by those that are weakest for humane things are govern'd with much of change and not onely mens opinions are seen to be altered in a short time but the whole state and condition of the most important affairs Let us now indeavour to find out some remedy for our instant dangers God who hath alwaies taken this Common-wealth into his particular
Cardinalls imagining that by so doing they might please both the Pope and the Spaniards for which they daily expected thanks and remuneration would aggravate the businesse more then they themselves believed it deserved to be But the Catholick King who was accustomed to govern and knew by experience how very rationall it is in Princes to desire that their Dominions may be preserved by wisdom and moderation not being at all troubled at the newes that peace was concluded seemed not to be displeased with what the Common-wealth had done for her own interests saying That assuredly they must be weighty and important occasions which had moved the Venetians to put on such a resolution And that as he had been ready to lend his forces to the service of Christendome and particularly to the good of the Common-wealth so he did assure himself that they being sensible of his good-will by his actions would do the like to him when occasion should require it And the Spaniards generally both in the Court of Rome and in Spain using much moderation made no outward shew either of dislike nor resentment Some said They were rather sorry for the occasion which had necessitated the making peace then for the peace it self They confest that those respects which had perswaded to this resolution must have been very great but not so well known to them by reason of the distance of their Dominions and of their Kings power And the Spanish Embassadour who was at Rome understanding that the Embassadour who was chosen to go to Constantinople to confirm the Capitulations was not yet gone from Venice propounded new endeavours to enliven the League This way of proceeding regulated by the reason of interest not of affection was much wondered at as a thing but little known or practised by Italians Wherefore some said that the Spaniards were thus moderate lest by blaming the Venetians they might provoke them to justifie themselves by complaining of the actions of the Colleagues the last years past Others said That though they had lost the advantage of the League for that time they would not forego the friendship of the Common-wealth for ever which they might make use of upon other occasions But it may be the truest cause was that following therein their naturall custom of maintaining their dignity it became them not to value much the dissolution of the League as if they were not sufficient of themselves to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish forces But the Pope continued still unsatisfied Wherefore the Venetians not being willing to be held contumacious resolved to send an expresse Embassadour to Rome that the Pope might be the more easily pacified and admit of their true justifications by this signe of their reverence and respect Nicolo da Ponte was chosen for this employment a man of reverend years and of great esteem and authority in the Common-wealth being a Procurator of St. Marks This man going speedily to Rome and having obtained audience of the Pope shewed him that the Common-wealth had just cause to accept of the peace which was offered by the Turks That all their territories by sea were exposed to very great danger by reason of the enemies many preparations made to offend them and through the slow proceedings of their friends and confederates to defend them That the weight of this war was become so grievous by reason of the expences which the Common-wealth had been at for the space of three years and through the many inconveniences whereby her subjects were prejudiced as it became now unsupportable That as long as the hopes of prosperous successe and of future quiet did keep up their hearts in the bitternesse of war and did a little consolate the present evills the Venetians had out-done what they were bound to by their Articles in providing for war â—nd exceeded their abilities But that the best occasions being now unseasonably let slip what reason had they to continue at such expences and dangers since it was now clearly known that the Common-wealth could not preserve her Dominions better then by peace That the Pope should be well pleased it being for the common service of Christendom that accommodating her self to the times she should temporise with so powerfull an enemy that she might employ the remainder of her forces upon some other seasonable occasion for the good of Christendom and of the Church as she had so often formerly done That in this respect Paul the third when he knew that it was in vain to take up arms against Soliman did himself exhort the Venetians to make peace though they had the same obligations of League upon them as they had now That the Senate did not communicate this their resolution to their considerates out of just and sitting respects governing it self by that rule by which all other States govern themselves and by which the Catholick King a powerfull Prince had walked For that he might not break the League unnecessitated if the condition of affairs should alter as they did and not to seem to distrust his forces whereby to encourage his enemies He did not acquaint the Venetians with the reasons which moved him to keep back his Fleet nor did any thing but the effect it self discover his intentions and the jealousies which he had of the French That it became the Venetians to do the like now who at the beginning of the treaty of peace which was as then doubtfull and uncertain basarded the losse of the uncertain advantage of the League and of encountring many inconveniences in following that advice which reason did dictate unto them or rather necessity though it might be more truly said that peace was much nearer being concluded then was imagined it being thought that an Embassadour was to be sent expresly for that end to Constantinople as had been done formerly and that such resolutions might be communicated in fitting time But that that which was much desired and much to be desired being proffer'd it ought not to be refused or deferred for any respect whatsoever the dammage not being to be repaired by any mediation which any delay though never so short might occasion in a businesse of such importance they being to treat with a barbarous Nation insolent and full of jealousies That they had also considered that to advise in a thing which was judged by those that demanded counsell not to be avoided seemed to be unseasonable and to no purpose the rather for that it would not have been lawfull for the Pope though he had known the true reasons which had caused the Venetians to make peace to disswade them from it or to hinder it nor would the place which he held permit him to advise or give way thereunto So as since their occasions forc'd them to act contrary to his declared will and not to be governed by his exhortations their offence would have been made the greater That lesser evill was occasioned hereby since he knew nothing of the treaty of peace before
they should deal friendly and neighbourly with all the subjects of the Commonwealth But to return to the Treaty of the League Many things were urged by Cesar's Agents to obtain their intent That it was not reasonable that since Cesar did prefer the friendship of the Commonwealth before his other conveniences and interests he might also make use thereof for the preservation of his own States nor ought it to be esteemed so hard a thing nor so prejudicial to the Venetians to send their Armies into the Kingdom of Naples since there was an example thereof when not many years since they sent the Marquis of Mantua with their men to assist the King of France To satisfie which particulars in part the Senate resolved to promise Cesar some Gallies for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples provided that in time of such need they should not be busied in the Turkish War The slow and irresolute councels of France concerning the affairs of Italy made the Venetians the more inclinable to agree with the Emperour which affairs they thought the French to be far from thinking upon for that it was said all their forces would be turned upon the Kingdom of England and truly if no other accidents had intervened the confederacy with Cesar had then been concluded for Embassadors came from the Archduke Ferdinand in whose name Cesar's agents had formerly treated who brought word that their Princes pleasure was not to come to any certain agreement of Peace at that time but only to a renewing of Truce for five years for being but newly entered as he said into the Government he was not so well informed of the State of his affairs as was requisite to come to such an agreement so as the Archduke being excluded from this confederacy whereby the chiefest difficulties which were between the Commonwealth and the House of Austria were kept on foot the Venetians resolved not to conclude any thing with Charls the Emperour Moreover the Pope had at this time sent Campeggio Bishop of Feltre to the Venetian Senate to exhort them to embrace the Universal League and to put all other differences which were between them and Cesar into his hands alledging for this his request that he feared if the Commonwealth should first conâ—ederate with the Emperour and so forego the friendship of the French the French would the more hardly be brought to joyn with the other Christian Princes in the general League against the Turks This gave the Senate a just cause of new delay but of all things else Adorno's death did chiefly impede the conclusion of this business who died in the beginning of the year 1523. A wary and wise man who by his fair carriage had won favour with the Senators Marino Caracciola the chief Apostolique Notary who was already gone from Spain and destined an Embassadour for Rome was sent to Venice by Cesar to supply his place The King of France having certain knowledge of these practises who did much suspect them before sent Renzoda Ceri and soon after Ambrogio da Fiorenza and Monsieur di St Valiere to Venice that they might assure the Venetians of the many preparations for War which were making in France and of his resolution of coming himself in person into Italy and that consequently they might solicite the Venetians to order their forces for the sudden attempting the enterprize of Milan thinking hereby to remove the chief cause of the Senate treating of a new confederacy with Cesar which the King and Court knew to be because they feared that Forces would not come so soon nor so strong from France as was requisite But all these endeavours were of less efficacy because little belief was given to the words nor promises of the French of whom they had heard so much and seen so little Wherefore some colour for delay being made by reason of the endeavours of an universal Truce as hath been said which was so much put for by the Pope the Senate answered the Embassadors That they neither could nor would do any thing till they saw an end of this business left they might seem to trouble the peace of Italy and spoil the hopes of great good to Christendom But the King of France having reasons for Truce propounded to him by the Venetians and by the Pope himself said That he was not dis-enclined to lay down Arms nor that he did desire to enjoy what belonged to another but that his honour would not permit him now to desist from the recovery of the Dukedom of Milan which was his wherein if the Pope and Venetians would assist him they should finde him very ready for the future to do any thing which might be for the common peace and safety but that it was in vain to attempt the union of the Christian Princes and the settlement of the affairs of Italy without this To which purpose and in witness of his good will he sent Lodouico Canosa Bishop of Bayeux to Rome and to Venice But howsoever there was more noise of Wars heard then effects seen so as many moneths being spent in these transactions with great variety of counsels and opinions Peace and League was at last with great solemnity concluded between Cesar and the Venetians the particulars whereof were these That the Venetians should possess the Cities Towns Villages and other places of their Dominionâ— in the same Iurisdiction as now they did That they should pay two hundred thousand Crowns to Cesar within the space of eight years That the Citizens of their State who had adhered to Cesar should return into their Country and should be received into favour all faults being forgiven to such of their Citizens as had followed Cesar 's party to whom in lieu of their confiscated goods five thousand Ducats of yearly Revenue should be assigned That restitution of all places taken should be made by all parties as was agreed upon at Worms which as soon as it should be performed in its other parts the Venetians should be bound to disburse thirty eight thousand Ducats as was likewise determined by the agreement at Worms That it should be lawful for the subjects of the Venetians as also for Cesar 's subjects to live freely and commerce in either of their Dominions and that they should be civilly and lovingly treated as subjects of the same Country That for the defence of Milan Sforza for whom Cesar engaged his word should be bound to maintain continually in time of Peace five hundred Curassiers and that the Venetians should maintain as many but that in time of War the number should be increased to eight hundred Curassiers five hundred Light Horse and six thousand Foot with an answerable Train of Artillery and that Charls should be obliged to do as much for the defence of the State of Venice and they all of them promised to hinder for as much as in them lay the coming of any victuals to any Enemies Army which should come to the prejudice of their