of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
so high a place and dignity so that he be well assured of his Friendship And if it so fall out that those cardinals who are not well affected unto him by plurality of their voices make such a Pope as is rather his enemy then friend he presently seeketh all means possible to purchase his favour he corrupteth his best favourites bribeth his neerest servants winneth by yearly fees and pensions his chief cardinals and so by direct and indirect courses procureth his assured Friendship Or if he be past hope to obtain the same that Pope shall be assured not to live long in his pontifical feat and Majesty For either he or some one of his friends or followers for him will find some way or other to dispatch him as it hath been very lately seen and verified So that either love procured and continued by his benevolence and liberality towards the Popes Cardinals or fear proceeding from the consideration and remembrance of the dangers which later Popes have both incurred and endured because they did not either like him or were not well liked by him containeth and continueth the See of Rome in peace and amity with him Next unto the Pope are the Venetians with whom the Spaniard knoweth that he may very easily entertain Love and Friendship because they do or have always put great trust and confidence in the change and alteration of times attributing so much thereunto that it is greatly to be feared their long sufferance will be the cause of their utter ruine and destruction for temporizing as they do they will become in time a prey unto some warlike Nation and namely unto the Turk with whom by reason of their continual Traffique with him they stand in such terms that they lye always open unto him and it is to be doubted that he taking the advantage and benefit of time will one day when they least suspect him deprive them of Corsu Candia Zant and other places as he did suddenly spoil them of the Kingdom of Cyprus notwithstanding because the Venetians are somewhat jealous of his greatness and fear to see any man to be of over-great credit and authority within the bowels and heart of Italy the Spaniard hath a watchful and suspitious eye over them knowing that as nothing can sever or seperate them from the Turk unless they see him not only ready to decline but also in some manner thrown down so they have always and will still be most ready to withstand the aspiring ambition of any Forreigner that should seek to make himself great and mighty in Italy Moreover he knoweth that the Venetians know not their own power nor can tell how to use the same which they shewed to be most true not many years since when they took not such occasions of enlarging their Dominions as were offered unto them Again he considereth that they having lived a long time in peace are grown so out of use of wars that they have in a manner forgotten all military discipline and therefore if they should at any time give him occasion to fall at variance with them he might undoubtedly with assaulting them upon a sudden drive them to some great inconvenience especially if he should enter with his forces into the heart and very center of their Dominion and there compel them to put strong Garrisons within all their Forts and Towns of strength whereby they should not be able to keep the field and in so many holds as they have it cannot be but that in some of them there would quickly be found want either of victuals or of munition or else some means to corrupt the Garrison or the Captain or the Inhabitants or such as are factious of which quality and humour there are many in very many of their cities Further he knoweth that if he were but once Master of the field all that is not strong within the Seigniory which in all States is a great deal more then the strong would presently yeild unto his discretion or else he should constrain them to come to the field and there leave the Forts and Towns without sufficient defence or else not to be able to continue their Garrisons long and coming once to the field they will easily be drawn of necessity unto a Battel wherein they can hope for no great good success or at the least they must suffer some great disadvantage by reason of the want of experience as well in their Souldiers as in their Captains But the greatest care or fear the Spaniard hath of the Venetians is lest that the remembrance of their good usage and demeanor towards the Neapolitans and of their mild and gentle Government wheresoever they chance to have the upper hand should make the Neapolitans willing and ready to further their Attempts if at any time they should set upon the Kingdom of Naples This care maketh him entertain friendship with them and also putteth him in mind if he see the least likelyhood that may be of Wars with them to seek all the means possible either by prevention or sudden Invasion to divert them from warring against Naples Thus liveth he either in peace with them or warreth against them with great advantage Now from them to the other Princes of Italy the which are of such strength that he needeth not greatly to fear them only of them he hath this care and this regard That he suffereth none of them to augment and increase his Estate no not him that dependeth most upon him carrying always this mind That it behoveth him as well to contain his best friends within a moderate and convenient greatness as to weaken and depress his enemies For he assureth himself that those that love him best in Italy who flatter him now most who follow him with all favour and furtherance would quickly forsake him if his Power once began to decline For the Italian lendeth his hand to his enemy to help him up that is but up to the chin in Water and putteth his foot upon his head to drown him that is fallen in above the chin And because he knoweth their weakness to be such as that they cannot possibly annoy him unless they chance to enter into League and Confederacy against him he entertaineth their divisions maintaineth his credit and reputation amongst them provideth wise and discreet Officers to govern his Subjects there useth his own people as gently as he can and lastly foreseeth that they shall not combine themselves against him This is all that I shall need to say of the Princes of Italy From whom I must come to the Queen of England who the times being as they are is in my simple opinion the mightiest and most terrible Enemy that the Spaniard hath For albeit France is far bigger then England the Turk mightier then France and the other Princes of whom I have spoken nearer unto him and his States then we are yet France is divided and therefore not able to molest him The Turk is
think that the Spaniard desireth not her Kingdoms who sheweth many and manifest signs that he affecteth the Rule and Empire of all the world Why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power to the end he may be the better able to annoy her And how can she be too wary too circumspect too wathful over such a friend if he will needs be taken as a friend who watcheth and snatcheth every little and great secret and coulourable occasion to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy Shall she take him for a friend that seeketh to murther her person to estrange her Subjects to destroy her Realms The first confirmed by the Treasons before mentioned The second proved by the pernitious and detestable Book published by Dr Allen wherein he exhorteth teacheth and licenseth her Subjects to rebel against her and had for his labour a Cardinalship procured by the Spaniard The last lately verified and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible Navy gathered together in seven years space compounded of all Nations and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer and yet by our Might and the Almighties assistance happily and speedily conquered It is truly written or wisely fained That Hercules a man exceeding common mens stature a man blessed with more then ordinary good fortune a man of rare vertues and of admirable force and strength went up and down the world walking with a mighty Club in his hand and wandring from place to place only to subdue and chastise Tyrants and this true History or wise Fiction tendeth to no other purpose is reported for no other cause but to signifie that oppression is hateful and oppressors hated that affliction craveth compassion and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy and that to subvert the one is laudable and to succour the other is lawful Then if as Cornelius Tacitus saith other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable unto them but Princes are and must be of another condition because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of Fame and Renown The Prince that succoureth the oppressed and seeketh to supplant the oppressor worketh a deed of Charity an action of Piety a work of commendation and in working thereof bendeth his counsels and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame Then if as Polibus saith he that hath not compassion of other mens harms must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries Princes because there is quaedam rerum vicâ—ssitudo and fortune was never at all times favourable although they be in the highest degree of felicity must not presume too much on their own good fortune nor condemn those that are in miseries lest that if they chance to fall no man will vouchsafe to help them up again Then if as Thucidides saith he is not only a Tyrant that enforceth his Subjects to live in bondage and servitude but he also that may withstand another mans violence and do not withstand the same Princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them and in danger to be esteemed and reputed Tyrants Then if as Zenophon saith it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise Princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed because they have been and are in League with the Oppressor who hath violated his faith unto them and unto others are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity Then if as Iosephus saith patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions the Prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof Then if as Bartholomeus Facius saith women-kind the weaker and more fearful it is the readier it is to beleive any credible report her Majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed States unto which the late King of France did as you have heard give open ear and would as it is credibly reported have vouchsafed sufficient relief had he not been letted by domestical dissentions and wars nourished and maintained of purpose by the Spaniard because he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor Then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own and unto Princes to contend and strive for other mens Goods as ambitious minds do affirm and desire yet must they remember that the desire of Rule passeth all other affections yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable but rather hateful and odious as too too great and obstinate severity and a mind nothing flexible or relenting at the sight at the remembrance of another mans misery Then though Princes be of power to begin Wars and to oppress their Subjects yet ought they to consider that it is not always expedient to do all that a man may or can do that a wise man must first try all other means then use the tryal of Armes that as it is commendable to be valiant against the enemy so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent that they which offend by force and not of purpose by constraint and not of free-will and use Armes for their liberty and not oâ— malice deserve pardon and not hard dealing favour and not cruelty life and liberty and not death and servitude Then to be short if every one of these reasons shall not be available unto the Queen of England and the oppressed Flemmings yet let all avail her and them so shall she and they be justified and the Spainiard condemned so shall their and her actions be approved and his doings be reprehended so shall no man have just occasion to envie their and her prosperity and all Princes good cause to fear and suspect his over-growing authority so briefly shall it appear that the Spaniards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her Majesty and that although she hath hitherto spared him yet she hath no occasion to favour â—im And now I will make it appear that not withstanding his many Kingdomes and great power it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him For if it had pleased her Highness to have sent greater strength in Flanders then she did and of late years to have aided the United Provinces with huger Armies then she ever sent thither those Countries which are now partly in hâ—s possession and partly freed from his bondage had all before this time rejected him for their Lord and not any of them ever returned to his Subjection But the fear which she had of him and his power at home the supplies which she sent into France and the upholding of her friends in