wisdome by the first naturall appetite afterwards more esteem that wisdome then those things whereby we arrived at it And as our limbs are given to us for a certain reason of living so the appetition of the soul is given not for every kinde of life but for one certain form of living so likewise reason and perfect reason For as action is proper to a Player motion to a Dancer yet not any but one certain kinde so the life that is to be acted is in one certain kinde not in any which kinde we call convenient and consentaneous Wisdome is not like the art of a Pilot or a Physician but rather to that Action we mentioned and to Dancing that the extream that is the effection of the Art be in the Art it selfe and not extrinsecall There is another similitude betwixt Wisdome and these Arts for in them are those things which are done rightly yet are not all the parts whereof they consist contained therein Things done rightly or Rectitudes contain all numbers of vertue for only wisdome is wholly converted into it selfe which is not in other Arts. But improperly is the Art of a Pilot and a Physician compared with the ultimate of Wisdome For wisdome includeth Fortitude and Justice and judgeth all things that happen to man to be below it which happenâ—th not in other Arts but none can hold these vertues which we last mentioned unlesse he affirm there is nothing that is different but honest and dishonest CHAP. V. Of Good and III. HItherto of Appetites we come next to their Objects Things according to Zeno are whatsoever participate of Essence Of things some are good some ill some indifferent Good is severall waies defined by the Stoicks but their definitions tend all to one end Good is profit or that which differeth not from profit Profit is vertue and vertuous action not different from profit is â— vertuous man and a friend For vertue being a quodammodotative Hegemonick and vertuous action being an operation according to vertue is plainly profit A vertuous man and a friend is not different from profit for profit is a part of Vertuous as being the Hegemoniack thereof Now the wholes are neither the same with their parts for a man is not a hand nor different from their parts for they subsist not without parts wherefore the whole is not different from its parts and consequently a vertuous man being the whole in respect of his Hegemoniack which is profit is not different from profit Good is by some defined that which is expetible in it selfe by others that which assisteth to felicity or compleateth it by Diogenes that which is absolute by nature or that which is perfect according to the nature of a rationall creature The consequent thereof is a beneficient motion or state absolute in nature Whereas things are known either by use or conjunction or similitude or collation by this fourth kinde is the knowledge of good for when from those things which are according to nature the minde ascendeth by collation of reason then it attaineth the notion of good Good is known and named not by accession increase or comparison with other things but by its proper power For as Hony though it be most sweet yet in its proper kinde of tast not comparative to any other we perceive it to be sweet So this good of which we speak is that which is most to be esteemed but that estimation consisteth in the kinde not the magnitude For estimation being neither amongst the good nor ill whatsoever you apply it to it will remain in its kinde Different therefore is the proper estimation of vertue which consisteth in the kinde not in increase To Good belongeth all vertue as Prudence Justice Temperance Fortitude and whatsoever participates of those as vertuous actions and persons Accessions hereto are joy cheerfulnesse and the like Ills are the contrary vices as Imprudence Injustice Intemperance Pusillanimity and whatsoever participates of vice as vicious actions and persons The accessions hereunto are discontent affliction and the like Of Goods some as we have said are Vertues others not-vertues as Joy Hope and the like In like manner of Ills some are Vices as those already mentioned others not-vices as Griefe and Fear Again of Goods some are continuall in all the vertuous and at all times such is all vertue sounde sence wise appetition and the like Others are intermissive as joy hope and prudent counsell which are not in all the wise nor at all times In like manner of Ills some are continuall in all and alwaies in the imprudent as all vice and imprudent sence and imprudent appetite Others intermissive as griefe fear and imprudent answer which are not alwaies in the wicked nor at all times Again of Good there are three kinds The first from which profit commeth as from its first cause such is vertue The second by which profit commeth as vertue and vertuous action The third that which may profit as vertue and vertuous actions and a vertuous man and a friend and the Gods and good Demons Thus the second signification includeth the first and the third both the first and second In like manner of Ills there are three kinds First that from which hurt originally proceedeth as vice Secondly that by which hurt commeth as vicious actions Lastly and most largely whatsoever is able â—o hurt Again of Goods some are in the Soul as vertue and vertuous actions some without the Soul as a true friend a good Country and the like some neither within nor without the soul as good and vertuous men In like manner of Ills some are within the Soul as vices and vicious actions some without the Soul as imprudent friends enemies and the like some neither within nor without the Soul as wicked men and all that participate of vice Of goods within the Soul some are habits some affections some neither habits nor affections The vertues themselves are affections their studies habits nor affections their acts neither habits nor affections In like manner of Ills some are affections as vices some habits only as infirmities of minde and the like some neither habits nor affections as vicious actions Again of Goods some are finall some efficient some both finall and efficient A friend and the benefits arising from him are efficient goods Fortitude magnanimity liberty delectation joy tranquillity and all vertuous actions are finall goods Both efficient and finall as all vertues as they perfect felicity they are efficient as they constitute it as parts thereof finall In like manner of Ills some are finall some efficient some both A friend and the dammages incurred by him are efficient Fear basenesse servitude stupidity frowardnesse griefe and all vicious actions are finall participant of are vices as they procure misfortune they are efficient as they constitute it as parts thereof finall Again of goods some are
were put to continuall fights and suffered more distresses then the Persian had put them to Fording the River Kâ—ntrites which bounds that country they passed into Armenia where having put to flight some troops of horse raised by the Kings deputies in these parts to oppose their passage they marched without disturbance to the heads of Tigris which they passed thence to the River of Teleâ—od in west Armenia molested with extream snowes losing many by extremity of cold till they came to the River Phasis neer which lived the Phasiani Taccâ—i and the Chalybes the Tacchi into whose country they first came conveying their provision into strong holds reduced the Greeks to great want untill with much paines they forced one of them where they took as much Cattle as maintained them in their passage through the country of the Chalybes a stout Nation of whom they could get nothing but blowes thence they marched to the River Harpasus so to the Scyâ—hini where the Lord of Gymnias a town in those parts led them through the enemies country which he willed them to burn as they went to the Mountain Thechesâ— from whence they might behold the sea to the great joy of the souldiers Passing friendly through the country of the Macrones to the Colchian Mountains discomâ—iting the Colchi who opposed them they arived at Tâ—aprezond a City upon the Euxine sea where was a Greek Colony here they sacrificed and celebrated games Cherisophus they sent to Anaxibius the Lacedaemonian Admirall with whom he was intimate to procure ships for their transportation home Whilest they stayed in expectation of his return they maintained themselves by incursions upon the Colchi and Drylaâ— but he not coming and their provision failing Xenophon perswaded the Cities adjoyning to cleer them a passage by Land which they took to Cerasus a Greek City where mustering their men they found but eight thousand six hundred left of ten thousand that went up with Cyrus the rest consumed by enemies snow and sicknesse They shared the mony that had been made by the sale of Captives reserving a tenth for a offering to Apollo and Diana Xenophon reserved his to be disposed at Delphi and Ephesus From Cerasus they passed through the Country of the Mosynaâ—ci a barbarous people divided into factions the stronger part despising their friendship they joyned with the weaker whom they left Master of all Then they marched to the Chalybes thence to the Tibarenes passing quietly through their Country to Cotyora a Greek Town and Colony of the Sinopians Thus far the Army marched on foot the distance of the place where they fought with Artaxâ—rxes to Cotyora being one hundred twenty two encampings six hundred twenty parasangs ten thousand eight hundred twenty furlongs the time eight Months Those of Cotyora refusing to afford them a Market or entertainment for their sick they entered the Town by force and took provision partly out of Pap â—lagonia partly out of the Territory of the Cotyonites whereupon the City of Sâ—nope to which Cotyora was tributary sent Ambassadours to them complaining of this dealing and threating to joyne with Corylas and the Paphlagonians whereto Xenophon answered that they feared not if need were to war against them both but could if they pleased gain the friendship of Corylas and the Paphlagonians as well as they Upon which answer the Ambassadours growing calm promised them all friendship from the State of Sinope and to assist them with shipping for the whole Army it being impossible to go by Land by reason of the Rivers â—hermodâ—â— Halys â—â—is and Parthenius Xenophon had designed to plant a Colony there but his intention being divulg'd by Silanus a Sooth-sayer those of Sinope and Heraclea sent to the Grecians promising them not only a sufficient fleet but desiring under hand Timasion a Greek Commander to promise the Army a good summe of mony to convey them to Troâ—â— which offers Xenophon who only desired the common good perswaded them to accept and to engage mutually not to forsake one another till they were all in safetie those of Heraclea sent shipping but not the mony whereupon Timasion and other commanders fearing the souldiers desired Zenophon the Army might go to Phasis which he refused but thereby was occasion'd a suspition that he should plot to deceive the Army and to bring them back to Phasis whereof he acquitted himselfe Here a generall inquisition was made of all offences since the death of Cyrus and they were punished some accused Xenophon for beating them all which proved for just causes one for offering to bury his sick companion alive some for forsaking their ranks others for lying on the ground in the snow or lingring behind Thus were all things quietly setled CAAP. IV. End of the Retreat THe Greeks assoon as their fleet was ready set sail for Harmond the Port of Stnope when Chirisophus met them with some Galleyes from Anaxibius who promised them pay as soon as they should come into Greece The Army desirous of a Generall intreated Xenophon with extraordinary testimony of affection to accept that command Xenâ—phon refused either disswaded by inauspicious sacrifice or unwilling to displease the Lacedaemonians in putting by Chir sophus who was thereupon chosen but soon after deposed for refusing to extort a great summe from Heraclea a Greek City their friends Xenophon also denying to be employed therein the Army thereupon became divided they chose ten Captains out of themselves with Chirisophus remained two thousand one hundred with Xenophon two thousand foot and forty horse Chirisophus went by land to meet Cleander Governour of Bizantiâ—m at the mouth of the River Calphas leaving such shipping as he had to Xenophon who landing in the confines of Thrace and of the Heraclean Country marched quietly through the midst of the land the Mutineers landing at Calphas surprised and spoyled the country thereabout the Thracians rising up against them cut off two Regiments and besieged the hill where the rest encamped Xenophon on the way being informed of the desperate condition of these Greeks went directly to the place setting on fire as he went all that was combustible the enemy fearing to be set upon in the night stole away as did the Greeks also whom Xenophon overtaking in the way to the Port of Calphas they embraced him with great joy and ariving at the Haven made a decree that it should be death for any man to propound to divide the Army and that they should depart the Country in their first order The former Commanders being restored in the room of Chirisophus who died they substituted Neon who going forth with two thousand men to pillage the Country was discomfitted by Pharnabazus Lievtenant to the King of Persia and lost five hundred men rest rescued by Xenophon the Army by his encouragement marched through a large Forest defeating Pharnabazus who opposed their passage there Cleander came over to them and having expressed much kindnesse to Xenophon and contracted hospitality with him departed
with him Do not you Dionysius consent hereto saith he I do answered Dionysius neither if he be in your house shall he receive any prejudice The next day about 20. daies before Plato left Sicily came Eurybius and Theodotes to Plato in so much hast and trouble Plato said Theodotes you were yesterday present at the agreement betwixt Dionysius and me concerning Heraclides I was so answered Plato but since continues Theodotes he hath sent out Officers to apprehend him and I fear he is somewhere very nigh therefore go along with us to Dionysius and let us use our utmost endeavour with him They went when they came before him Plato the rest standing silent by and weeping began thus â—hese men Dionysius are afraid lest you should do somthing against Heraclides contrary to the agreement you made yesterday for I suppose he is come near here abouts Dionysius at this grew angry his colour often changed with rage Theodotes fell at his feet and taking him by the hand besought him not to do any such thing Plato continuing his speech Be of good chear saith he Theodotes for Dionysius wilâ— not do any thing contrary to the promise he made yesterday Dionysius looking severely upon Plato to you saith he I made no promise yes by the God's answered Plato you promised not to do those things which Theodotes now beseecheth you not to do Archedemus and Aristocritus being present he told Plato as hee had done once before when he interceded for Heraclides That he cared for Heraclides and others more then for him and asked him before them whether he remembred that when he came first to Syracuse he counselled him to restore the Graecian Cities Plato answered he did remember it and that he still thought it his best course and withall asked Dionysius whether that were the only counsell he had given him Dionysius returned an angry contumelious reply and asked him laughing scornfully whether he taught him those things as a School boy to which Plato answered you well remember what replies he as a Master in Geometry or how Plaâ—o forbore to reply fearing it might occasion a stop of his Voyage But immediately went away Dionysius resolved to lay wait for Heraclides but hee escaped to the Carthaginian Territories From this displeasure against Plato Dionysius took occasion to forbear to send to Dion his money and first sent Plato out of his Castle where til then he had lain next the Palace pretending that the women were to Celebrate a Feast ten daies in the Gardens where he dwelt For that time he commanded Plato to live without the Castle with Archedemus during which time Tâ—eodotes sent for him and complained to him of Dionysius his proceedings Dionysius receiving information that Plato had gone to Theodotes took a new occasion of displeasure against him and sent one to him who asked him whether he had gone to Theodotes Plato acknowledged that he had then saith the Messenger Dionysius bad me â—ell you you do not well to preferre Dion and his friends before him Never from that time did he send for Plâ—to to the Court looking upon him as a profest friend to Theodotes and Heraclides and his profest enemy Plato lived without the Castle amongst the Souldiers of the Guard who as Dionysius well knew had born him ill will long and sought to murtler him because he counsel'd Dionysius to givâ— over the Tyranny and live without a Guard Some who came to visit him gave him notice that calumnies were spread against him amongst the Souldiers as if he excited Dion and Theondas to restore the Island to liberty and that some of them threatned when they could light upon him to kill him Hereupon Plato began to think of some means of Escape which he effected in this manner He sent to Arobytas at Tarentum and to other friends advertising them of the danger wherein he was They under pretence of an Embassy in the name of the Country sent Lamascus whom Laertius calls Lamiscus one of their party with a Galley of three banks of Oares to redemand Plato declaring that his comming to Syracuse upon the engagement of Archytas His letter was to this effect Architas to Dionysius health WE all Plato's friends have sent Lamiscus and Photides to redemand the man according to your agreement with us You will do well to consider with what importunity you prevail'd with us to invite Plato to you promising to yeeld to all things and to give him liberty to go and come at his pleasure remember how much you prized his comming and preâ—erred him before all others if there hath hapned any difference betwixt you it will beâ—it you to treat him courteously and restore him safe to us This if you do you will do justly and oblige us Dionysius to excuse himselfe and to shew he was not angry with Plato feasted him magnificently and then sent him home with great testimonies of affection One day amongst the rest he said to him I am afraid Plato you will speak ill of me when you are amongst your friends The Gods forbid answered Plato smiling they should have such scarcity of matter in the Academy as to be constrained to discourse of you Dionysius at his departure desired him to find out whether Dion would be much displeased if he should dispose of his Wife to another there being at that time a report that he did not like his match and could not live quietly with his Wiâ—e Plato in his return came to Peloponnesus at what time the Olympick games were celebrated where the eyes of all the Grecians were taken off from the sports and fixed upon him as the more worthy object Here he found Dion beholding the exercises To whom hee related what had happened Dion protested to revenge the discourtesie of Dionysius towards Plato from which Plato earnestly disswaded him Being come home to Athens hee wrote to Dionysius and gave him a plain accompt of every thing but that concerning Dion's Wife he set it down so darkly that hee alone to whom the letter was directed could understand him letting him know that he had spoken with Dionâ— about the businesse which he knew and that he would be very much displeased if Dionysius did it so that at that time because there was great hopes of reconciliation between them the Tyrant forbore a while to dispose of his Sister Arete Dions Wife as soon after when he saw the breach irreconcilable he did marrying her against her will to one of his friends named Timocrates Dion thence forward prepared for War against Plato's advice who endeavoured to disswade him from it as well for respect of Dioonysius his good reception of him as for that Dion was well in years though Aelian saith he put Dion upon that war which Plutarch imputes to the instigations of Speusippus CHAP. X. His Authority in Civill Affairs AT home he lived quietly in the Academy not engaging himself in publick Affairs though he were a
his Father if he be called into question But is not our Country before all Offices yes but it is for the good of our Country to have Citizens pious to their Parents What if a Father should aim at possession of the â—yranny on endeavour to betray his Country shall the Son keep his Couâ—sell He shall beseech him not to do it If that prevail not he shall accuse him yea threaten and lastly if the matter shall tend to the destruction of the Country he shall preferre the safety of the Country before that of his Father If a wise man receive Counterfeit money for good if afterwards hee know it to be counterfeit money may he pay it where he ows anything for good Diogenes saith he may 〈…〉 may not If a man sell Wine that will not last and know it to be such ought hee to declare it or no Diogenes thinks he is not obliged Antipater conceives a good man must These are as it were cases of Controversie amongst the Stoicks CHAP. XIV Of Praeteroffices As every perfect Office in a rational Creature is a Rectitude and alwaies compleat in all numbers so every Praeter-office in a rationall creature is a sin A sin is that which is done contrary to right reason or in which somthing of Ofâ—ice is omitted by a rationall Creature A good deed is the command of the Law Sin the prohibition of the Law Hence it is that the Law forbiddeth fools and mad men many things but prescribeth them nothing because they are not capable of doing any thing wel All sinns are impiety as being a resisting of the will of the Gods The Gods love Vertue and its works they hate vice and its works Every sin therefore displeaseth them and consequently is impiety All sins are equall so Chrysippus in the first of his morall questions and Persieus and Zeno though not alike for they flow from one fountain as it were of vice and the judgment is the same in all but by the externall object by which that judgment is made they are rendred unlike That they are equall is evident from this If there be not one truth more truth then another nor one falshood more falshood then another neither is one deceit more deceit then another nor one sin more sin then another He who is distant from Canobus a hundred furlongs and he who is distant but one furlong are both alike not at Canobus so he who sins more and he who lesse are both alike not in the right way Yet though sins are equall there are some differences in them forasmuch as some proceed from an obdurat incurable affection others from an affection not obdurat nor incurable And though every lie is equally a lie yet all men do not lie equally but every sin is equally sin for every sin consisteth in lying Thus Chrysippus Persaeus and Zeno But Heraclides of Tarsis friend to Antipater and Athenodorâ—s hold that sins are unequall CHAP. XV. Of wise or vertuous Persons Paradoxes THere are according to Zeno two kinds of men the wise or vertuous and the vicious The wise make use of vertue through the whole course of their life the vicious of vice Of the wise there are two sorts one in perfection consummate the other in progression procedent Of the first are these following paradoxes to be understood not that the Stoicks positively affirm there ever was such a one in nature for Zeno Cleanthes and Chrysippus were great and venerable persons yet did not attain the height of human nature but that such a one might possibly be A wise man is void of passion for he cannot fall There is another kinde of person void of passion likewise a wicked man that is obdurate and inflexible A wise man is void of pride honour and dishonour are alike to him There is another kinde of person void of pride a wicked man equally inclinable to dishonour as to honour A wise man is austere for he neither speaketh for complaisance nor admitteth any thing spoken in that kinde There is another sort of austere persons which resemble â—oure wine not fit for drinking but for medicines only A wise man is sincere for he taketh care that he be not thought better then he is by reason of some specious show and withall to expresse whatsoever good he hath without any Rhetoricall glosse A wise man is not pragmaticall for he declines the doing of â—ny thing that is beyond his office A wise man is â—â—ver drunk although he drink wine for he never sinneth but doth all things according to Vertue 〈◊〉 A wise man is never mad yet somtimeâ— strange phantasies may occurre to him through melancholy or deliration not according to the reason of eligibles but praeternaturall A wise man is never grieved for grief according to Apollodorus is an irrationall contraction of the Soul A wise man is divine for he hath God with himself but 〈◊〉 wicked man is an Atheist An Atheist is taken two waies for him who is an Enemy to the Gods and for him who believeth there are no Gods which all wicked men do not A wicked man is impious because he doth all things according to Vice as the good according to Vertue and he who hath one vice hath all He is an Enemy to the Gods for emnity is the discord of life as amity is the concord The wicked differs from the Gods in his course of life and therefore is an Enemy to them for they account all their Enemies who are contrary to them The wicked are contrary to the good God is good therefore the wicked are Enemies to God A wise man is religious for he is skilfull in all divine rites Religion is the Science of divine worship Hee sacrificeth to the Gods and is pure detesting all sin holy and just in Divine things A wise man only is a Priest skillfull in Sacrifices businesse of the Temple expiations and other things proper to the Gods A wise man only is a Prophet endued with the Science of those signs which are communicated by Gods or Demons which belong to humane life In him therefore are all kinds of vaticination as well by dreams birds and other things A wise man reverenceth and loveth his Parents and Brethren next the Gods He hath likewise an innate love of his Children which the vicious hath not A wise man ought to apply himself to some office in the Commonwealth according to Chrysippus unlesse otherwise diverted For he will encourage Vertue and suppresse Vice especially in those Commonwealths which are far from perfection Hee ought to make Laws instruct men prescribe rules To which is opposite study of popularity specious deceit prescription of things unprofitable which are not competible to a wise man A wise man ought to marry as Zeno in his Common-wealth that he may have Children A wise man doth not
opiniona'e or think but believe or know for he never assents to any falsity Ignorance is an infirm assent he thinks all firmly There are two kinds of opinion one an assent to things not comprehended the other a weak beliefe Neither of these are in a wise man for he never assented without comprehension and then alwaies firmly for nothing is hidden from him otherwise he might have a false opinion Therefore he is never diffident Faith is proper to a wise man for it is a firm existimation A Science is a firm habit therefore a wicked man doth neither know nor believe A wise man must imitate the Cynicks for Cynicisme is the nearest way for vertue as Apollodorus in his Ethick Others say a wise man ought to continue in that Sect if he have been thereof but if he have not to enter into it A wise man may upon occasion eat mans flesh Of this already amongst the Offices A wise man only is free the wicked are slaves for liberty is the power of doing according to our own judgment Servitude is a privation of the power of doing according to our own judgment There is another kinde of servitude which consisteth in subjection a third in being possess'd and subjected to which is opposed vicious domination A wise man only is a King For Monarchy is a principality subordinate to none which only consists in the wise as Chrysippus in his treatise That Zeno used words properly For saith he a Prince must know both good and bad which none of the wicked knoweth Dominion and the kinds thereof Monarchy Magistracy Generalship Admiralty and the like are only proper to a wise man therefore the wise only command though not actually yet potentially A wise man only is proper to be a Magistrate Iudge and Oratour but not any of the wicked A wise man is void of sin for he cannot fall into errour A wise man is innoceâ—t and uninjurious for he cannot hurt either himselfe or others nor receive nor do any injury For injury is a hurtfull injustice which is not competible to a wise man although he may be unjustly assaulted for he having within himselfe all good and vertue is not capable of vice or harme A wise man is not mercifull nor pardons any remitting nothing of the punishments inflicted by Law as knowing them to be proportioned to not exceeding the offence and that whosoever sinneth sinneth out of his own wickednesse A wise man therefore is not benign for he who is benign mitigates the rigour of Justice and conceives the punishments inflicted by Law to be greater then they ought But a wise man knoweth the Law to be good or a right reason commanding what is to be done and what not A wise man nothing wonders at those things which seem Paradoxall as Charon's Cave the ebbing and flowing of the Sea and hot springs and ebullitions of fire A wise man will not live in a desart for he is communicative by nature and practick and will undertake exercise to strengthen his body A wise man will pray requesting good things of the Gods as Possidonius affirmes in his first of Offices and Hecaton in his thirteenth of Paradoxes A wise man only is a friend Friendship is only amongst the wise for in them only is an unanimity as to things that concern life and community so as our friends may make use of them as freely as we our selves Unanimity is the Science of common good A friend is expetible in himselfe Plenty of friends is a good but amongst the wicked there is no friendship for friendship being reall and not faigned it is impossible it should consist without faith and constancy But in the wicked there is infidelity and inconstancy and hostility and therefore not friendship but some externall connexions whereby necessity or opinion ties them together A wise man doth all things well as we say all Pipes play the Ismenian tune well He doth all things wisely temperately prudently modestly and according to the other vertues throughout the whole course of his life A wicked man doth all amisse sinning in the whole course of his life inconstant by nature often grieved by his own ill actions wretched and troubled for as much as he is vexed at the thing done so much is he angry at himselfe for being the Author of it A wise man loâ—eth â—vertuously those whose beauty expresse their inward vertue Thus Zeno Chrysippus and Apollodorus affirm For love is an impulsion of benevolence raised from beauty which love is not of conjunction but of friendship For this reason Zeno though he were in love with Thrasonides a young woman that was in his power yet suppress'd his affection because she was averse from him This Chrysippus calls the love of friendship it is no way discommendable for beauty is the flower of vertue A wise man upon â—â—casion will die voluntarily for his Country and friends or in case he seized by some excessive pain losse of his senses or incurable diseases A wise man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 foâ— he compasseth that which is proposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he is every way augmented 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he hath attained the just height of wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he is invincible and insuperable The wicked are the contrary A wise man profiteth the wise and is mutually profited by all the wise though not friends or acquaintance for betwixt them there is a concord and community of goods and he who benefiteth another benefiteth likewise himselfe A wicked man neither conferreth nor receiveth benefits for one is to move towards vertue the other is to be moved towards vertue A wise man is a good Oâ—conomist skilfull to ' acquire wealth Oeconomist is a habit active and contemplative in the businesse of a family Oeconomy is the ordering of expences works and possessions the Science of acquisition is a reason whereby wealth is attained which some account in indifferents others in good But no wicked man is a good Oeconomist since only a wise man knoweth from whence how and how far gain may be a â—quired A wise man only is perfect for he wanteth no vertue a wicked man is imperfect for he hath no vertue Therefore the wise are alwaies happy the wicked miserable which happinesse according to Chrysippus differs nothing from that of God nor is lâ—sse expetible The wicked partake of no good because vertue and that which partakes thereof is good and those things which are convenient and requisite are proper only to the wise as the contraries to the wicked A wise man is only rich for good is true riches and ill true poverty a wicked man is poor not having the means to become rich A wise man is only obedient the wicked can neither obey nor command A wise man only is honourable for