things he acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable benefite as the sauing of his fleet and the winning of many places without any great trouble he made him knight and rewarded his men with many rich bountiful gifts Then departing from thence they went in tryumphing maner toward Frisland the chiefe citie of that Island situate ou the Southeast side of the Isle within a gulfe as there are many in that Island In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken that many ships are laden therewith to serue Flanders Britain England Scotland Norway and Denmarke and by this trade they gather great wealth And thus much is taken out of a letter that M. Nicolo sent to M. Antonio his brother requesting that he would seeke some meanes to come to him Wherefore he who had as great desire to trauaile as his brother bought a ship and directed his course that way after he had sailed a great while and escaped many dangers he arriued at length in safetie with M. Nicolo who receiued him very ioyfully for that he was his brother not onely in flesh and blood but also in valour and good qualities M. Antonio remained in Frisland and dwelt there for the space of 14 yeres 4 yeres with M. Nicolo and 10 yeres alone Where they came in such grace and fauour with the Prince that he made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauy and with great preparation of warre they were sent forth for the enterprise of Estland which lyeth vpon the coast betweene Frisland and Norway where they did many dammages but hearing that the king of Norway was coming towardes them with a great fleet they departed with such a terrible flaw of winde that they were driuen vpon certaine sholds were a great part of their ships were cast away the rest were saued vpon Grisland a great Island but dishabited The king of Norway his fleete being taken with the same storme did vtterly perish in those seas Whereof Zichmni hauing notice by a ship of his enemies that was cast by chance vpon Grisland hauing repayred his fleet and perceiuing himself Northerly neere vnto the Islands determined to set vpon Island which together with the rest was subiect to the king of Norway but he found the countrey so well fortified and defended that his fleete being so small and very ill appointed both of weapons and men he was glad to retire And so he left that enterprise without performing any thing at all and in the same chanels he assaulted the other Isles called Islande which are seuen Talas Broas Iscant Trans Mimant Dambere and Bres and hauing spoyled them all hee built a fort in Bres where he left M. Nicolo with certaine small barkes and men and munition And now thinking he had done wel for this voyage with those few ships which were left he returned safe into Frisland M. Nicolo remaining nowe in Bres determined in the spring to go forth and discouer land wherefore arming out three small barkes in the moneth of Iuly he sayled to the Northwards and arriued in Engroneland Where he found a Monasterie of Friers of the order of the Predicators and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas hard by a hill that casteth forth fire like Vesuuius and Etna There is a fountaine of hot burning water with the which they heate the Church of the Monastery and the Fryers chambers it commeth also into the kitchin so boyling hot that they vse no other â—ire to dresse their meate and putting their breade into brasse pots without any water it doth bake as it were in an hot ouen They haue also smal gardens couered ouer in the winter time which being watered with this water are defended from the force of the snow and colde which in those partes being situate farre vnder the pole is very extreme and by this meanes they produce flowers and fruites and herbes of sundry sorts euen as in other temperate countries in their seasons in such sort that the rude and sauage people of those partes seeing these supernaturall effects doe take those Fryers for Gods and bring them many presents as chickens flesh and diuers other things and haue them all in great reuerence as Lords When the frost and snowe is great they heate their houses in maner beforesaid and wil by letting in the water or opening the windowes at an instant temper the heate and cold at their pleasure In the buildings of the Monasterie they vse no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by the fire for they take the burning stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or rinders at the fierie mouth of the hill and when they are most enflamed cast water vpon them whereby they are dissolued and become excellent white lime and so tough that being contriued in building it lasteth for euer And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them doe serue in stead of stones to make walles and vautes for being once colde they wil neuer dissolue or breake except they be cut with some iron toole and the vautes that are made of them are so light that they need no sustentacle or prop to holde them vp and they will endure continually very faire and whole By reason of these great commodities the Fryers haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a wonder to see The couerts or roofes of their houses for the most part are made in maner following first they rayse vp the wall vp to his full height then they make it enclining or bowing in by little and litle in fourme of a vaut But they are not greatly troubled with raine in those partes because the climate as I haue saide is extreme colde for the first snow being fallen it thaweth no more for the space of nine moneths for so long dureth their winter They feede of the flesh of wilde foule and of fish for wheras the warme water falleth into the sea there is a large and wide hauen which by reason of the heate of the water doeth neuer freeze all the winter by meanes whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foule and such aboundance of fish that they take thereof infinite multitudes wherby they maintaine a great number of people round about which they kepe in continuall worke both in building and taking of foules and fish and in a thousand other necessarie affaires and busines about the Monasterie Their houses are built about the hill on euery side in forme round and 25 foote broad and in mounting vpwards they goe narower and narower leauing at the top a litle hole whereat the aire commeth in to giue light to the house and the flore of the house is so hot that being within they feele no cold at all Hither in the Summer time come many barkes from the Islands their about and from the cape aboue Norway and from Trondon and bring to the Friers al maner of
and these people are called Kerilli And South southeast from Corelia lyeth a countrey called Nouogardia And these three nations are vnder the Emperour of Russia and the Russes keepe the Lawe of the Greekes in their Churches and write somewhat like as the Greekes write and they speake their owne language and they abhorre the Latine tounge neither haue they to doe with the Pope of Rome and they holde it not good to worshippe any carued Image yet they will worshippe paynted Images on tables or boordes And in Russia their Churches steeples and houses are all of wood and their shippes that they haue are sowed with withes and haue no nayles The Kerilles Russians and Moscouians bee much alike in all conditions And South from the Moscouians lyethe Tartarians which bee Mahumetans and liue in tentes and wagons and keepe in heardes and companies and they holde it not good to abide long in one place for they will say when they will curse any of their children I woulde thou mightest tary so long in a place that thou mightest smell thine owne dung as the Christians doe and this is the greatest curse that they haue And East Northeast of Russia lieth Lampas which is a place where the Russes Tartars and Samoeds meete twise a yeere and make the faire to barter wares for wares And Northeast from Lampas lieth the countrey of the Samoeds which be about the riuer of Pechere and these Samoeds bee in subiection to the Emperour of Russia and they lie in tentes made of Deere skinnes and they vse much witchcraft and shoot well in bowes And Northeast from the riuer Pechere lieth Vaygatzâ— and there are the wilde Samoeds which will not suffer the Russes to land out of the Sea but they will kill them and eate them as wee are tolde by the Russes and they liue in heards and haue all their carriages with deere for they haue no horses Beyond Vaygatz lyeth a lande called Noua Zembla which is a great lande but wee sawe no people and there wee had Foule inough and there wee sawe white Foxes and white Beares And the sayde Samoeds which are about the bankes of Pechere which are in subiection to the Emperour of Russia when they will remoue from one place to another then they will make sacrifices in manner following Euerie kinred doeth sacrifice in their owne tent and hee that is most auncient is their Priest And first the Priest doeth beginne to playe vpon a thing like to a great sieue with a skinne on the one ende like a drumme and the sticke that he playeth with is about a spanne long and oue ende is round like a ball couered with the skinne of an Harte Also the Priest hath vpon his head a thing of white like a garlande and his face is couered with a piece of a shirt of maile with manie small ribbes and teeth of fishes and wilde beastes hanging on the same maile Then hee singeth as wee vse heere in Englande to hallow whope or showte at houndes and the rest of the company answere him with this Owtis Igha Igha Igha and then the Priest replieth againe with his voyces And they answere him with the selfesame wordes so manie times that in the ende he becommeth as it were madde and falling downe as hee were dead hauing nothing on him but a shirt lying vpon his backe I might perceiue him to breathe I asked them why hee lay so and they answered mee Nowe doeth our God tell him what wee shall doe and whither wee shall goe And when he had lyen still a litle while they cried thus three times together Oghao Oghao Oghao and as they vse these three calles hee riseth with his head and lieth downe againe and then hee rose vp and sang with like voyces as hee did before anâ— his audience answered him Igha Igha Igha Then hee commaunded them to kill fiue Olens or great Deere and continued singing still both hee and they as before Then hee tooke a sworde of a cubite and a spanne long I did mete it my selfe and put it into his bellie halfeway and sometime lesse but no wounde was to bee seene they continuing in their sweete song still Then he put the sworde into the fire till it was warme and so thrust it into the slitte of his shirte and thrust it through his bodie as I thought in at his nauill and out at his fundament the poynt beeing out of his shirt behinde I layde my finger vpon it then hee pulled out the sworde and sate downe This beeing done they set a kettle of water ouer the fire to heate and when the water doeth seâ—â—he the Priest beginneth to sing againe they answering him for so long as the water was in heating they sate and sang not Then they made a thing being foure square and in height and squarenesse of a chaire and couered with a gown very close the forepart therof for the hinder part stood to the tents side Their tents are rounde and are called Chome in their language The water still seething on the fire and this square seate being ready the Priest put off his shirt and the thing like a garland which was on his head with those things which couered his face he had on yet all this while a paire of hosen of deeres skins with y e haire on which came vp to his buttocks So he went into the square seat and sate down like a tailour and sang with a strong voyce or halowing Then they tooke a small line made of deeres skinnes of foure fathoms long and with a smal knotte the Priest made it fast about his necke and vnder his left arme and gaue it vnto two men standing on both sides of him which held the ends together Then the kettle of hote water was set before him in the square seat al this time the square seat was not couered and then it was couered w t a gown of broad cloth without lining such as the Russes do weare Then the 2. men which did hold y e ends of the line stil standing there began to draw drew til they had drawn the ends of the line stiffe and together and then I hearde a thing fall into the kettle of water which was before him in the tent Thereupon I asked them that sate by me what it was that fell into the water that stoode before him And they answered me that it was his head his shoulder and left arme which the line had cut off I meane the knot which I sawe afterwarde drawen hard together Then I rose vp and would haue looked whether it were so or not but they laid hold on me and said that if they should see him with their bodily eyes they shoulde liue no longer And the most part of them can speake the Russe tongue to bee vnderstood and they tooke me to be a Russian Then they be ganne to hallow with these wordes Oghaoo Oghaoo Oghaoo many
times together And as they were thus singing out calling I sawe a thing like a finger of a man two times together thrust through the gowne from the Priest I asked them that sate next to me what it was that I sawe and they saide not his finger for he was yet dead and that which I saw appeare through the gowne was a beast but what beast they knew not nor would not tell And I looked vpon the gowne and there was no hole to bee seene and then at the last the Priest lifted vp his head with his shoulder and arme and all his bodie and came forth to the fire Thus farre of their seruice which I sawe during the space of certaine houres but how they doe worship their Idoles that I saw not for they put vp their stuffe for to remoue from that place where they lay And I went to him that serued the Priest and asked him what their God saide to him when he lay as dead Hee answered that his owne people doeth not know neither is it for them to know for they must doe as he commanded This I saw the fift day of Ianuarie in the yere of our Lord 1556. after the English account A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia in the yeere of Christ 1556. and in the third yeere of the raigne of Queene Marie seruing for the third voyage to Moscouie Registred by Master Iohn Incent Protonotarie IT is here recorded by writing and autenticall testimonie partly for memorie of things done and partly for the veritie to be knowen to posteritie in time to come that whereas the most high and mightie Iuan Vasiliuich Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Moscouia and Nouogrode Emperor of Cassan and of Astrachan Lord of Pleskie and great Duke of Smolenskie Tuerskie Yowgoriskie Permskie Viatskie Bolgarskie and Sibierskie Emperour and great Duke of many others as Nouogrode in the nether countries Chernigoskie Rezanskie Polodskie Rezewskie Bielskie Rostoskie Yeraslaueskie Bealozarskie Oudarskie Obdorskie Condenskie and manie other countries and lord ouer all those partes in the yeere of our Lord God folowing the account of y e Latin church 1556. sent by the sea from the port of S. Nicholas in Russia his right honorable ambassador sirnamed Osep Napea his high officer in the towne and countrey of Vologda to the most famous and excellent princes Philip and Mary by the grace of God king and Queene of England Spaine France and Ireland defenders of the faith Archdukes of Austria dukes of Burgundie Millaine Brabant counties of Haspurge Flanders and Tyroll his ambassador Orator with certaine letters tenderly conceiued together with certain presents and gifts mentioned in the foot of this memorial as a manifest argument and token of a mutual amity and friendship to be made and continued betweene their maiesties subiects respectiuely for the commoditie and benefit of both the realmes and people which Orator was the 20. day of Iuly imbarked and shipped in and vpon a good English ship named the Edward Bonauenture belonging to the Gouernor Consuls and company of English marchants Richard Chancelor being grand Pilot and Iohn Buckland master of the said ship In which was laden at the adueÌ„ture of the foresaid Ambassador and marchants at seuerall accounts goods merchandizes viz. in waxe trane oyle tallow furres felts yarne and such like to the summe of 20000. li. sterling together with 16. Russies attendant vpon the person of the said Ambassador Ouer and aboue ten other Russies shipped within the said Bay of S. Nicholas in one other good ship to the said company also belonging called the Bona Speranza with goods of the said Orators marchants to the value of 6000. lib. sterling as by the inuoises and letters of lading of the said seueral ships wherunto relation is to be had particularly appeareth Which good ships comming in good order into the seas trauersing the same in their iourney towards the coast of England were by contrary windes and extreme tempests of weather seuered the one from the other that is to say the saide Bona Speranza with two other English ships also appertaining to the saide company the one sirnamed the Philip and Mary the other the Confidentia were driuen on the coast of Norway into Drenton water where the saide Confidentia was seene to perish on a Rocke and the other videlicet the Bona Speranza with her whole company being to the number of foure and twentie persons seemed to winter there whereof no certaintie at this present day is knowen The third videlicet the Philip and Mary arriued in the Thames nigh London the eighteenth day of April in the yeere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and seuen The Edward Bonauenture trauersing the seas foure moneths finally the tenth day of Nouember of the aforesaide yeere of our Lorde one thousand fâ—ue hundred fiftie and sixe arriued within the Scottish coast in a Bay named Pettislego where by outragious tempests and extreme stormes the said ship being beaten from her ground tackles was driuen vpon the rockes on shore where she brake and split in pieces in such sort as the grand Pilot vsing all carefulnesse for the safetie of the bodie of the sayde Ambassadour and his trayne taking the boat of the said ship trusting to attaine the shore and so to saue and preserue the bodie and seuen of the companie or attendants of the saide Ambassadour the same boat by rigorous waues of the seas was by darke night ouerwhelmed and drowned wherein perished not only the bodie of the said grand Pilot with seuen Russes but also diuers of the Mariners of the sayd ship the noble personage of the saide Ambassadour with a fewe others by Gods preseruation and speciall fauour onely with much difficultie saued In which shipwracke not onely the saide shippe was broken but also the whole masse and bodie of the goods laden in her was by the rude and rauenous people of the Countrey thereunto adioyning rifled spoyled and caried away to the manifest losse and vtter destruction of all the lading of the said ship and together with the ship apparell ordinance and furniture belonging to the companie in value of one thousand pounds of all which was not restored toward the costs and charges to the summe of fiue hundred pound sterling As soone as by letters addressed to the said companie and in London deliuered the sixt of December last past it was to them certainely knowen of the losse of their Pilote men goods and ship the same merchants with all celeritie and expedition obteined not onely the Queenes maiesties most gracious and fauourable letters to the Ladie Dowager and lordes of the Councell of Scotland for the gentle comfortment and entertainment of the saide Ambassadour his traine and companie with preseruation and restitution of his goods as in such miserable cases to Christian pitie princely honour and meere Iustice appertaineth
the yere of our Lord 1090 being bishop of Schalholten in Island caused all the husbandmen or countreymen of the Iland who in regard of their possessions were bound to pay tribute to the king to be numbred omitting the poorer sort with women and the meaner sort of the communalty and he found in the East part of Island 700â— in the South part 1000 in the West part 1100 in the North part 1200 to the number of 4000 inhabitants paying tribute Now if any man will trie he shall finde that more then halfe the Iland was at that time vnpeopled The fifth section The Iland most part thereof is mountainous and vntilled But that part which is plaine doth greatly abound with fodder which is so ranke that they are faine to driue their cattell from the pasture least they surfet or be choaked THat danger of surfetting or choaking was neuer heard tell of in our fathers grandfathers great-grandfathers or any of our predecessours dayes be they neuer so ancient The sixth section There be in this Iland mountaines lift vp to the skies whose tops being white with perpetuall snowe their roots boile with euerlasting fire The first is towards the West called Hecla the other the mountaine of the crosse and the third Helga Item Zieglerus The rocke or promontorie of Hecla boileth with continuall fire Item Saxo. There is in this Iland also a mountaine which resembling the starrie firmament with perpetuall flashings of fire continueth alwayes burning by vncessant belching out of flames MVnster and Frisius being about to report the woonders of Island doe presently sâ—umble as it were vpon the thresholde to the great inconuenience of them both For that which they heere affirme of mount Hecla although it hath some shew of trueth notwithstanding concerning the other two mountaines that they should burne with perpetuall fire it is a manifest errour For there are no such mountaines to be found in Island nor yet any thing els so farre foorth as wee can imagine which might minister occasion of so great an errour vnto writers Howbeit there was seene yet very lately in the yeere 1581 out of a certaine mountaine of South Island lying neere the Sea and couered ouer with continuall snow and frost a marueilous eruption of smoake and fire casting vp abundance of stones and ashes But this mountaine is farre from the other three which the sayd authours doe mention Howbeit suppose that these things be true which they report of firie mountaines is it possible thereâ—ore that they should seeme strange or monstrous whenas they proceed from naturall causes What Doe they any whit preuaile to establish that opinion concerning the hell of Island which followeth next after in Munster Ziegler and Frisius For my part I thinke it no way tollerable that men should abuse these and the like miracles of nature to auouch absurdities or that they should with a kinde of impietie woonder at them as at matters impossible As though in these kindes of inflammations there did not concurre causes of sufficient force for the same purpose There is in the rootes of these mountaines a matter most apt to be set on fire comming so neere as it doeth to the nature of brimstone and pitch There is ayer also which insinuating it selfe by passages and holes into the very bowels of the earth doeth puffe vp the nourishment of so huge a fire together with Salt-peter by which puffing as it were with certeine bellowes a most ardent flame is kindled For all these thus concurring fire hath those three things which necessarily make it burne that is to say matter motion and force of making passage matter which is fatâ—ie and moyst and therefore nourisheth lasting flames motion which the ayer doeth performe being admitted into the caues of the earth force of making passage and that the inuincible might of fire it selfe â—hich can not be without inspiration of ayre and can not but breake foorth with an incredible strength doeth bring to passe and so euen as in vndermining trenches and engines or great warrelike ordinance huge yron bullets are cast foorth with monstrous roaring and cracking by the force of kindled Brimstone and Salt-peeter whereof Gunne-powder is compounded chingle and great stones being skorched in that fiery gulfe as it were in a furnace together with abundance of sande and ashes are vomited vp and discharged and that for the most part not without an earthquake which if it commeth from the depth of the earth being called by Possidonius Succussio it must either be an opening or a quaking Opening causeth the earth in some places to gape and fall a sunder By quaking the earth is heaued vp and swelleth and sometimes as Plinie saith casteth out huge heaps such an earth-quake was the same which I euen now mentioned which in the yere 1581 did so sore trouble the South shore of Island And this kinde of earth-quake is most clearkely described by Pontanus in these verses The stirring breath runnes on with stealing steppes vrged now vp and now enforced downe For freedome eke tries all it skips it leaps to ridde it selfe from vncouth dungeon Then quakes the earth as it would burst anon The earth y quakes and walled cities quiuer Strong quarries cracke and stones from hilles doe shiuer I thought good to adde these things not that I suppose any man to be ignorant thereof but least other men should thinke that we are ignorant and therefore that we will runne after their fables which they do from hence establish But yet there is somewhat more in these three fained mountâ—ines of Island which causeth the sayd writers not a little to woonder namely whereas they say that their foundations are alwayes burning and yet for all that their â—oppes be neuer destitute of snowe Howbeit it be seemeth not the authority and learning of such great clearks to marueile at this who can not but well know the flames of mount Aetna which according to Plinie bâ—ing full of snowe all Winter notwithstanding as the same man witnesseth it doth alwayes burne Wherefore if we will giue credit vnto them euen this mountaine also sithens it is couered with snowe and yet burneth must be a prison of vncleane soules which thing they haue not doubted to ascribe vnto Hecla in regard of the frozen top and the firie bottome And it is no marueile that fire lurking so deepe in the roots of a mountaine and neuer breaking forth except it be very seldome should not be able continually to melt the snowe couering the toppe of the sayd mountaine For in Caira or Capira also the highest toppes of the mountaine are sayd continually to be white with snowe and those in Veragua likewise which are fiue miles high and neuer without snowe being distant notwithstanding but onely 10 degrees from the equinoctiall We haue heard that either of the forsayd Prouinces standeth neere vnto Paria What if in Tenerifta which is one of the Canarie or fortunate Ilands the Pike
receiue or deliuer vnto others opinions grounded vpon no plaine and manifest places of Scripture for certainties and trueths Deut. 4. and 12. Esay 8. Matth. 27. 2. Tim. 3. Further also that commendation wherewith Munster and Krantzius doe grace the Islanders is meerly contrary to Christian religion namely that they make al one reckoning of their whelps and of their children But more of this matter anone in the 7. section So therefore Munster disagreeth with himselfe whereas those whom he affirmeth to be Christians afterward he maketh to be master-builders of hell Also Krantzius and Munster both together when as those whom they affirme to be engraffed by faith into Christ they exempt from all sense of pietie and honesty in that they write that their sonnes are not dearer vnto them then their whelpes But to returne to the matter In very deed we haue no great thing to say concerning our religion what or of what sort it was when Gentilisme was first put to flight No more I thinke haue other Northern nations neere vnto vs to say concerning y e beginning of their faith For alas we must needs confesse bewaile with deepe sighes that vntill that day which shined vnto vs like the beginning of immortalitie brought vnto vs the pure doctrine of the gospel our countrymen as likewise other churches of the North were ouer-spred with more then Cimmerian darkenesse But we may iustly and religiously thinke thus much that among vs and our neighbors of Norway for I wil not range out of my bounds nor affirme any thing of vnknowen people after heathenish idolatry was rooted out Christian faith religion did florish far more sincere and simple as being lesse infected with the poison of poperie at that time then afterward when as the pestiferous leauen of the see of Rome being augmented the contagious mischiefe growing ripe the poison thereof was dispersed through y e whole world for as it shal afterward appeare Island embraced Christ many yeeres before the new idolatry of the papists began to preuaile and did sound foorth nothing but faith in God the Father the Sonne the holy Ghost like vnto those two most renoumed kings of Norway who as they had one common name so had they one common care and profession to aduance the gospel of Christ. I meane Olaus the sonne of Thryggo who was borne in the yeere of Christ 968. attaining to the kingdom of Norway in the 27. yeere of his age and was the first as we haue heard that offred Christ vnto the Norwegians ouer whom hee reigned fiue yeeres and another of that name called Olaus Sanctus the sonne of Harald who in the yeere of Christ 1013. or thereabout gouerned with more seueritie for the space of 17. yeeres did boldly deliuer the doctrine of Christ. In the yere of Christ 1030. being vniustly slaine by wicked murtherers he shed his blood for y e name of Christ in a town of Norway called Sticfla Stodum Our countrey also had among many other one man of excellent pietie whose name was Nialus who about the yeere of Christ 1000. liued in the village of Berthorsbuol situate in the parish of Island called Landehum who also for his experience in humane affaires for his great wisedome and sage counsell was accompted famous For whereas in his time Island was turmoiled with many fierce mutinies the inhabitants being in subiection to no superiour magistrate he intermedled not in any quarels sauing that by his discreet vertue diligence hee set through and brought to composition a great number hee neuer did nor suffered violence but onely vpon the last day of his life So carefully auoyded he al seditions and strifes and gaue good assistance to others who were desirous also to auoyd and escape them neither did any man euer put in practise his counsel but it turned to his especiall good nor euer any did swerue therefrom but with the danger of his life and possessions The wordes or rather the oracles that came from him were so certaine that it was wonderful from whence any man should haue so great and so sure forecast and counsell of things to come as was found to be in him Whereupon his discreet and prouident wisedome ioyned with counsell became a prouerbe amongst vs Nials byta raden That is to say the counsel of Nialus or the thing is done or succeedeth by Nialus his counsel when any busines was atchieued prudently and with admirable discretion This man when for a slaughter committed by his sonne without his knowledge he was in his owne house beset with a 100. men who had conspired his death and when his enemies began on all sides to set his house on fire seeing his ende approch at length he brake into these words Doubtlesse these things happen by fate that is by the will of God Howbeit I put my hope and confidence in Christ that we meaning his wife and himselfe although this our fraile body shal vndergoe the corruption of death in the fire of our enemies yet that it shal be deliuered from eternal flames And so in the midst of these voyces and in the fury of the flames he with his wife and the manslayer his sonne in the yere of Christ 1010. ended his life A voyce vndoubtedly full well beseeming the sonnes of God arguing the notable comfort of his soule amidst the very pangs of death I therefore added those things to shew by what reason I was moued to thinke that in the very beginning of Christianitie receiued amongst vs mens minds were not so beguiled and ouerwhelmed in the darkenes of errors as of late a little before these our times they haue bene But after the Lord God by Luther and Luthers fellow-labourers in the vineyard of the Lord and by his godly successours did make the doctrine of saluation more manifest and shaking off the heauie slothe and thicke miste of our minds by the finger of his right hand that is by his holy Spirit Matth. 12. v. 28. did plucke the eares of our hearts and opened our eyes that we might behold his sauing health We all and euery of vs do beleeue and confesse that God is a spirit Iohn 4. v. 24. eternal Esay 40. v. 28. infinite Iere. 23. v. 24. Psal. 139. v. 7.8.9 most good Matth. 19. v. 17. almighty Gen. 17. 1. Reuel 1.8 one in being and nature one in prouidence one in the making and gouerning of all things Deut. 6.5 Ephe. 4.5 But distinguished by the persons of the Godhead and their properties the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Matth. 28. 19. 3.17 God the Father the first person of the Godhead creator of heauen and earth and all other things Gen. 1. v. 1. and in those that folow the vpholder gouernor of all Psa. 115.3 Heb. 1.3 Father of our Lord Iesus Christ Psal. 2,7 and verses following and our Father through him Rom. 8. 15. keeper of our soules and bodies Luke 12.12 And that
put to death all which they thought would haue stirred vp seditions and factions Whenas therefore the Spanish fleeâ— rode at anker before Caleis to the end they might consult with the Duke of Parma what was best to be done according to the Kings commandement and the present estate of their affaires and had now as we will afterward declare purposed vpon the second of August being Friday with one power and consent to haue put their intended businesse in practise the L. Admirall of England being admonished by her Maiesties letters from the Court thought it most expedient either to driue the Spanish fleet from that place or at leastwise to giue them the encounter and for that cause according to her Maiesties prescription he tooke forthwith eight of his woorst basest ships which came next to hand disburthening them of all things which seemed to be of any value filled them with gun-powder pitch â—rimstone and with other combustible and firy matter and charging all their ordinance with powder bullets and stones he sent the sayd ships vpon the 28 of Iuly being Sunday about two of the clocke after midnight with the winde and tide against the Spanish fleet which when they had proceeded a good space being forsaken of the Pilots and set on fire were directly carried vpon the King of Spaines Nauie which fire in the dead of the night put the Spaniards into such a perpleâ—ity and horrour for they feared lest they were like vnto those terrible ships which Frederic Ienebelli three yeeres before at the siege of Antwerpe had furnished with gun-powder stones and dreadfull engines for the dissolution of the Duke of Parma his bridge built vpon the riuer of Scheld that cutting their cables whereon their ankers were fastened and hoising vp their sailes they betooke themselues very confusedly vnto the maine sea In this sudden confusion the principall and greatest of the foure galliasses falling fowle of another ship lost her rudder for which cause when she could not be guided any longer she was by the force of the tide cast into a certaine showld vpon the shore of Caleis where she was immediatly assaulted by diuers English pinasses hoyes and drumblers And as they lay battering of her with their ordinance and durst not boord her the L. Admirall sent thither his long boat with an hundreth choise souldiers vnder the command of Captaine Amias Preston Upon whose approch their fellowes being more emboldened did offer to boord the galliasse against whom the gouernour thereof and Captaine of all the foure galliasses Hugo de Moncada stoutly opposed himselfe fighting by so much the more valiantly in that he hoped presently to be succoured by the Duke of Parma In the meane season Moncada after he had endured the conflict a good while being hitte on the head with a bullet fell downe starke dead and a great number of Spaniards also were slaine in his company The greater part of the residue leaping ouer-boord into the sea to saue themselues by swimming were most of them drowned Howbeit there escaped among others Don Anthonio de Manriques a principall officer in the Spanish fleet called by them their Veador generall together with a few Spaniards besides which Anthonio was the first man that carried certaine newes of the successe of their fleet into Spaine This huge and monstrous galliasse wherein were contained three hundred slaues to lug at the oares and foure hundred souldiers was in the space of three houres rifled in the same place and there were found amongst diuers other coÌ„modities 50000 â—ucats of the Spanish kings treasure At length when the slaues were released out of their fetters the English men would haue set the sayd ship on fire which Monsieur Gourdon the gouernor of Caleis for feare of the damage which might thereupon ensue to the Towne and Hauen would not permit them to do but drâ—ue them from thence with his great ordinance Upon the 29 of Iuly in the morning the Spanish Fleet after the foresayd tumult hauing arranged themselues againe into order were within sight of Greueling most brauely and furiously encountered by the English where they once againe got the winde of the Spaniards who suffered themselues to be depriued of the commodity of the place in Caleis rode and of the aduantage of the winde neere vnto Dunkerk rather then they would change their array or separate their forces now conioyned and vnited together standing onely vpon their defence And albeit there were many excellent and warlike ships in the English fleet yet scarse were there 22 or 23 among them all which matched 90 of the Spanish ships in bignesse or could conueniently assault them Wherefore the English shippes vsing their prerogatiue of nimble stirrage whereby they could turne and wield themselues with the winde which way they listed came often times very neere vpon the Spaniards and charged them so sore that now and then they were but a pikes length asunder so continually giuing them one broad side after another they discharged all their shot both great and small vpon them spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent kinde of conflict vntill such time as powder and bullets failed them In regard of which want they thought it conuenient not to pursue the Spaniards any longer because they had many great vantages of the English namely for the extraordinary bignesse of their ships and also for that they were so neerely conioyned and kept together in so good array that they could by no meanes be fought withall one to one The English thought therefore that they had right well acquited themselues in chasing the Spaniards first from Caleis and then from Dunkerkâ— and by that meanes to haue hendered them from ioyning with the Duke of Parma his forces and getting the winde of them to haue driuen them from their owne coasts The Spaniards that day sustained great losse and damage hauing many of their shippes shot thorow and thorow and they discharged likewise great store of ordinance against the English who indeed sustained some hinderance but not comparable to the Spaniards losse for they lost not any one shippe or person of account For very diligent inquisition being made the English men all that time wherein the Spanish Nauy sayled vpon their seas are not found to haue wanted aboue one hundreth of their people albeit Sir Francis Drakes shippe was pierced with shot aboue forty times and his very cabben was twise shot thorow and about the conclusion of the fight the bedde of a certaine gentleman lying weary thereupon was taken quite from vnder him with the force of a bullet Likewise as the Earle of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner vpon a time the bullet of a demi-culuering brake thorow the middest of their cabbin touched their feet and strooke downe two of the standers by with many such accidents befalling the English shippes which it were tedious to râ—hearse Whereupon it is most apparant
destroyed whereof I neede not make any other mention The new Cairo answereth euery yeere in tribute to the grand Signior 600000 ducates of golde neat and free of all charges growing on the same which money is sent to Constantinople about the fine of September by the way of Aleppo alwayes by lande vnder the custodie of three hundred horsemen and two hundred Ianizaries footmen The citie of Cairo is adorned with many faire Mesquitas rich great anâ— of goodly and gorgeous building among which are fiue principall The first is called Morastanâ— that is to say The hospitall which hath of rent fiue hundred ducats of golde euery day left vnto it by a king of Damasco from auncient times which king hauing conquered Cairo for the space oâ— fiue dayes continually put the people thereof to the sword and in the end repenting him of so great manslaughter caused this cruelty to cease and to obtaine remission for his sinne commiâ—ted caused this hospitall to be built enriching it as is aboue said The second famous monument of Cairo is called Neffisaâ— of one Neffisa buried there who was a Dame of honour and mooued by lust yeelded her body voluntarily without rewarde to any that required the same and sayde she bestowed this almes for the loue of her Prophet Mahomet and therefore at this day they adore her reuerence her and finally haue canonized her for a Saint affirming that shee did many miracles The third is called Zauia della Innachari who was one of the foure Doctors in the law The fourth is called Imamsciafij where is buried Sciafij the second Doctor of this law Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damasco the other in Aleppo The fift last famous monument is Giamalazar that is the house of Lazarus and this is the generall Uniuersity of the whole kingome of Egypt In this place Anno 1566 in the moneth of Ianuary by misfortune of fue were burned nine thousand bookes of great value as well for that they were written by hand as also wrought so richly with golde that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece one with another And because it could neuer be knowen yet how this fire beganne they haue and doe holde the same for a most sinister augurie and an euident and mâ—nifest signe of their vtter ruine The houses of Cairo without are vâ—ry faire within the greater number richly adorned with hangings wrought with golde Euery person which resorteth to this place for traffiques sake is bound to pay halfe a duckat except the gentlâ—men Venetians Siotes and Rhaguseans because they are tributarie to the Grand Signior Cairo is distant from the riuer Nilus a mile and more being situate on a plaine saue that on the one side it hath a faire little hill on the toppe whereof stands a faire castle but not strong for that it may be battered on euery side but very rich large compassed about with faire gardens into the which they conueigh water for their necessitie out of Nilus with certaine wheeles other like engines This magnificent citie is adorned with very fruitfull gardens both pleasant and commodious with great plenty of pondes to water the same Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the moneth of August when by meanes of the great raine in Ethiopia the riuer Nilus ouerfloweth and watereth all the countrey and then they open the mouth of a great ditch which extendeth into the riuer and passeth through the midst of the citie and entring there are innumerable barkes rowing too and fro laden with gallant girles and beautifull dames which with singing eating drinking and feasting take their solace The women of this countrey are most beautifull and goe in rich attire bedecked with gold pretious stones and iewels of great value but chiefely perfumed with odours and are very libidinous and the men likewise but foule and hard fauoured The soile is very fertile and abundant the flesh fat which they sell without bones their candles they make of the marowe of cattell because the Moores eate the tallow They vse also certaine litle furnaces made of purpose vnder the which they make fire putting into the furnace foure or fiue hundred â—gges and the said fire they nourish by litle and litle vntill the chickens be hatched which after they be hatched and become somewhat bigger they sell them by measure in such sort as we sell and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like Of certaine notable monuments without the citie of Cairo WIthout the Citie sixe miles higher into the land are to be seene neere vnto the riuer diuerse Piramides among which are three marueilous great and very artificially wrought Out of one of these are dayly digged the bodies of auncient men not rotten but all whole the cause whereof is the qualitie of the Egyptian soile which will not consume the flesh of man but rather dry and harden the same and so alwayes conserueth it And these dead bodies are the Mummie which the Phisitians and Apothecaries doe against our willes make vs to swallow Also by digging in these Pyramides oftentimes are found certaine Idoles or Images of golde siluer and other mettall but vnder the other piramides the bodies are not taken vp so whole as in this but there are found legges and armes comparable to the limmes of giants Neare to these piramides appeareth out of the sand a great head of stone somewhat like marble which is discouered so farre as the necke ioyneth with the shoulders being all whole sauing that it wanteth a little tippe of the nose The necke of this head contayneth in circuit about sixe and thirty foot so that it may be according to the necke considered what greatnesse the head is of The riuer Nilus is a mile broad wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo vpward but lower then Cairo passeth no such creature and this they say is by reason of an inchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for comming any lower then Cairo Moreouer of these creatures there are sometimes found some of an incredible bignesse that is to say of fourtie foot about The males haue their members like to a man and the females like to a woman These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feede and finding any small beasts as sheepe lambes goates or other like doe great harme And whiles they are foorth of the water if they happen at vnwares vpon any man woman or childe whom they can â—uercome they spare not their liues In the yeere of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and sixtie it happened that certaine poore Christians trauelling by Cairo towardes the countrey of Prete Ianni to rescue certaine slaues were guided by a Chaus and iourneyed alongst the banke of the said riuer The Chaus remained lingering alone behinde to make his prayers as their custome is at a place called Tana whom being busie in his double deuotion one of these Crocodiles ceazed by the shoulders and drew
called Giagra the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree and thorowout all the Indies and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of them and it is like to the Date tree In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse and none of it is woorthy to be burnt With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture of any other tree and with the leaues thereof they make sailes and with the fruit thereof which be a kinde of Nuts they make wine and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree and euery euening and morning they take it away full and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour and then they put it into buts with a quantity of Zibibbo white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings Of the barke of this tree they make cables ropes and other furniture for shippes and as they say these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe They make of the bowes bedsteds after the Indies fashion and Scauasches for merchandise The leaues they cut very small and weaue them and so make sailes of them for all maner of shipping or els very fine mats And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes great and small and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other vessels for meat in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke and if a man be thirsty with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe and as this Nut ripeneth the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca for the Indies for Macao for Portugall for the coasts of Melinde for Ormus as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia as cloth of bumbast white painted printed great quantity of Indico Opium Cotton Silke of euery sort great store of Boraso in Paste great store of Fetida great store of yron corne and other merchandise The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power as one that at need may command hath in his camp two hundred thousand men of warre and hath great store of artillery some of them made in pieces which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro yet although they bee made in pieces they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well whose shotte is of stone and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney which city is called Abneger Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul towards the Indies is the port of Dabul an hauen of the king Zamallaco from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles Goa GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire but the Iland is farre more fairer for it is as it were full of goodly gardens replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts and the fleet which commâ—th euery yeere from Portugall which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes and from thence they goe to Cochin where they lade for Portugall and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney and is callâ—d Bisapor this king is of great power for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570 this king came to giue assault to Goa being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths in which time there was peace concluded and as report went amongst his people there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the time of Winter and also killed very many elephants Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567 I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa within the land in the company of two other merchâ—nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature and they pay well for the Arabian horses and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus and from Ormus to Goa where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vpwards payeth no custome neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer whereas if they bring no horses they pay 8 per cento of all their goods andâ— at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome two and forty pagodies for euery horse which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence they be piâ—ces of golde of that value So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys as 300,400,500 duckets a horse and to 1000 duckets a horse Bezeneger THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565 by foure kings of the Moores which were of great power and might the names of these foure kings were these following the first was called Dialcan the second Zamaluc the third Cotamaluc and the fourth Viridy and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger but by treason This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile and had amongst all other of his captaines two which were notable and they were Moores and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten
or fourescore thousand men These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes and when the armies were ioyned the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres because the two traitourous captaines in the chiefest of the fight with their compaines turned their faces against their king and made such disorder in his army that as astonied they set themselues to flight Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants the which keeping the rightfull king in prison it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison which when he died left his sonne very yong and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio and sate in the royall throne and was called the king the second was called Temiragio and he tooke the gouernment on him the third was called Bengatre and he was captaine generall of the army These three brethren were in this battell in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead Onely Temiragio fled in the battel hauing lost one of his eyes when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell the wiues and children of these three tyrants with their lawfull king kept prisoner fâ—ed away spoiled as they were the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph there they remained sixe moneths searching vnder houses in all places for money other things that were hidden and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was so farre distant from their owne countrey When the kings were departed from Bezeneger this Temiragio returned to the city and then beganne for to repopulate it and sent word to Goa to the Merchants if they had any horses to bring them to him and he would pay well for them and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres although they were of his owne marke that he would giue as much for them as they would and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more Then he licenced the Merchants to depart without giuing them any thing for their horses which when the poore men saw they were desperate and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues which at that time ranged vp and downe And in the time I rested there I saw many strange and beastly dâ—eds done by the Gentiles First when there is any Noble man or woman dead they burne their bodies and if a married man die his wife must burne herselfe aliue for the loue of her husband and with the body of her husband so that when any man dieth his wife will take a moneths leaue two or three or as shee will to burne her selfe in and that day being come wherein shee ought to be burnt that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely either on horsebacke or on an eliphant or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage in one of these orders she goeth being apparelled like to a Bride carried round about the City with her haire downe about her shoulders garnished with iewels and flowers according to the estate of the party and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse and in her right hand an arrow and singeth thorow the City as she passeth and sayth that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone then they goe out of the City and going along the riuers side called Nigondin which runneth vnder the walles of the City vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women being widdowes there is prepared in this place a great square caue with a little pinnacle hard by it foure or fiue steppes vp the foresayd caue is full of dried wood The woman being come thither accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing then they make ready a great banquet and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse as though it were her wedding day and the feast being ended then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time according as she will After this the woman of her owne accord commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is and when it is kindled they come and certifie her thereof then presently she leaueth the feast and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth because she will not be seene of the people being naked she throweth herselfe into the riuer saying O wretches wash away your â—innes Comming out of the water she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made When she is on the pinnacle shee talketh and reasoneth with the people recommending vnto them her children and kindred Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire yet there are many that will haue them plucked away shewing therein an heart not fearefull and that they are not affrayd of that sight When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile and sprinckleth it ouer her head and with the same she anoynteth all her body and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire and presently the people that are
against them but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs burnt it in the beginning of the euening which put him to a new councell for he had likewise brought some artillery to that side of the towne During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the towne which had it not bene by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger as next vnto them had burnt all the prouisions we found there to our woonderfull hinderance The fourth day were planted vnder the gard of the cloister two demy-canons and two coluerings against the towne defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall thorow the which our battery lay the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall downe so as all the ordinance lay open to the enemy by reason whereof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine The Lieutenant also of the ordinance M. Spencer was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris Master thereof whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vnto him neuer left that place till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery which he presently did leauing a guard vpon the same for that day and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery as after there were very few or none annoyed therein That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall that when the assault should be giuen to the towne he should make a proffer of an escalade on the other â—ide where he held his guard but he mistaking the signall that should haue bene giuen attempted the same long before the assault and was shot in the mouth The same day the Generall hauing planted his ordinance ready to batter caused the towne to be summoned in which summons they of the towne shot at our Drum immediatly after that there was one hanged ouer the wall and a parle desired wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand that the man hanged was he that shot at the Drum before wherein also they intreated to haue faire warres with promise of the same on their parts The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna and some other prisoners and somewhat of the rendring of the towne but not much for they listened not greatly thereunto Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the towne which is almost all seated vpon a rocke found one place thereof mineable did presently set workemen in hand withall who after three dayes labour and the seuenth after we were entred the base towne had bedded their powder but indeed not farre enough into the wall Against which time the breach made by the canon being thought assaultable and companies appointed as well to enter the same as that which was expected should be blowen vp by the mine namely to that of the canon Captaine Richard Wingfield and Captaine Philpot who lead the Generals foot-companie with whom also Captaine Yorke went whose principall commandment was ouer the horsemen And to that of the Myne Captaine Iohn Sampson and Captaine Anthonie Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the Master of the Ordinance with certaine selected out of diuers Regiments All these companies being in armes and the assault intended to be giuen in al places at an instant fire was put to the traine of the mine but by reason the powder brake out backewards in a place where the caue was made too high there could be nothing done in either place for that day During this time Captaine Hinder was sent with some chosen out of euery company into the countrey for prouisions whereof he brought in good store and returned without losse The next day Captaine Anthony Sampson was sent out with some 500 to fetch in prouisions for the army who was encountred by them of the countrey but he put them to flight and returned with good spoile The same night the Miners were set to worke againe who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall Against which time the companies aforesayd being in readinesse for both places Generall Drake on the other side with two or three hundred men in pinnesses making proffer to attempt a strong fort vpon an Iland before the towne where he left more then thirty men fire was giuen to the traine of the mine which blew vp halfe the tower vnder which the powder was planted The assailants hauing in charge vpon the effecting of the mine presently to giue the assault performed it accordingly but too soone for hauing entred the top of the breach the other halfe of the tower which with the first force of the powder was onely shaken and made loose fell vpon our men vnder which were buried about twenty or thirty then being vnder that part of the tower This so amazed our men that stood in the breach not knowing from whence that terror came as they forsooke their Commanders and left them among the ruines of the mine The two Ensignes of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach but their colours were rescued the Generals by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant and Captaine Wingfieldâ— by himselfe Amongst them that the wall fell vpon was Captaine Sydenham pitifully lost who hauing three or foure great stones vpon his lower parts was held so fast as neither himselfe could stirre nor any reasonable company recouer him Notwithstanding the next day being found to be aliue there was ten or twelue lost in attempting to relieue him The breach made by the canon was woonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof who brought their men to the push of the pike at the top of the breach And being ready to enter the loose earth which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the wall with the weight of them that were thereon sâ—ipped outwards from vnder their feet Whereby did appeare halfe the wall vnbattered For let no man thinke that culuerin or demy-canon can sufficiently batter a defensible rampire and of those pieces which we had the better of the demy-canons at the second shot brake in her carriages so as the battery was of lesse force being but of three pieces In our retreat which was from both breaches thorow a narrow lane were many of our men hurt and Captaine Dolphin who serued very well that day was hurt in the very breach The failing of this attempt in the opinion of all the beholders and of such as were of best iudgement was the fall of the mine which had doubtlesse succeeded the rather because the approch was vnlooked for by the enemy in that place and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other which made the Generall grow to a new resolution for finding that two dayes battery had so little beaten their wall and that he had no better preparation to batter withall he knew in his
battery and of the rest taken at the Groine which had it bene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery or had there bene no other purpose of our iourney but that I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place The two last nights there were that vndertooke to fire the higher towne in one place where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side but they within suspecting as much made so good defence against vs as they preuented the same In our dâ—parture there was fire put into euery house of the low towne insomuch as I may iustly say there was not one house left standing in the base towne or the cloister The next day being the eight of May we â—mbarked our army without losse of a man which had we not bâ—aten the enemy at Puente de Burgos had bene impossible to haue done for that without doubt they would haue attempted something against vs in our imbarking as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd who confessed that the first night of our landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira the Conde de Andrada and to Terneis de Santisso to bring all the forces against vs that they could possible raise thinking no way so good to assure that place as to bring an army thither where withall they might either besiege vs in their base towne if we should get it or to lie betweene vs and our place of imbarking to fight with vs vpon the aduantage for they had aboue 15000 souldiers vnder their commandements After we had put from thence we had the winde so contrary as we could not vnder nine dayes recouer the Burlings in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex and with him M. Walter Deuereux his brother a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope Sir Roger Williams Colonell generall of the footmen Sir Philip Butler who hath alwayes bene most inward with him and Sir Edward Wingfield came into the fleet The Earle hauing put himselfe into the iourney against the opinion of the world and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great fortune though to the great aduancemâ—nt of his reputation for as the honourable cariage of himselfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home so did his exceeding forwardnesse in all seruices make him to be woondered at amongst vs who I say put off in the same winde from Falmouth that we left Plimmouth in where he lay because he would auoid the importunity of messengers that were dayly sent for his returne and some other causes more secret to himselfe not knowing as it seemed what place the Generals purposed to land in had bene as farre as Cadiz in Andaluzia and lay vp and downe about the South Cape where he tooke some ships laden with corne and brought them vnto the fleet Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet he fell with the Ilands of Bayon and on that side of the riuer which Cannas standeth vpon he with Sir Roger Williams and those Gentlâ—men that were with him went on shore with some men out of the ship he was in whom the enemy that held guard vpon that coast would not abide but fled vp into the countrey The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall vnder the shot of the castle and aboue the waste in water more then a mile from the towne wherein many were in perill of drowning by reason the winde was great and the sea went high which ouerthrew one boat wherein fiue and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished The enemy being fiue companies of Spaniards vnder the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes sallied out of the towne against vs and in our landing made their approch close by the water side But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams and his brother hauing landed sufficient number to make two troups left one to holde the way by the water side and led the other ouer the Sandhils which the enemy seeing drew theirs likewise further into the land not as we coniectured to encounter vs but indeed to make their speedy passage away notwithstanding they did it in such sort as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iackson they stood the same euen to the push of the pike in which charge and at the push Captaine Robert Piew was slaine The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them all our companies were drawen to the towne which being vnfortified in any place we found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night which being abandoned by him that commanded it a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid being possessed thereof desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed whereupon he would deliuer the same which he honestly performed There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall and twenty barrels of powder so as possessing both the towne and the castle we rested there one day wherein some Friers and other poore men came vnto their new king promising in the name of their country next adioyning that within two dayes he should haue a good supply of horse and foote for his assistance That day we remained there the Generals company of horses were vnshipped The Generals there fully resolued that the Armie should march ouer land to Lisbone vnder the conduct of Generall Norris and that Generall Drake should meete him in the riuer therof with the Fleete that there should be one Company of foote left in garde of the Castle and sixe in the ships also that the sicke hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures The Generall to trie the euent of the matter by expedition the next day beganne to march in this sort his owne Regiment and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Henrie Norris Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk in the vantgard Generall Drake Colonell Deuereux Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidneis in the battell Sir Iames Hales Sir Edward Wingfield Colonell Vmptons Colonell Huntlies and Colonell Brets in the arrereward By that time our army was thus marshalled Generall Drake although hee were to passe by Sea yet to make knowen the honourable desire he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with vs stood vpon the ascent of an hill by the which our battalions must of necessity march and with a pleasing kindnesse tooke his leaue seuerally of the Commanders of euery regiment wishing vs all most happy successe in our iourney ouer the land with a constant promise that he would if the iniury of the weather did not hinder him meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon with our fleet The want of cariages the first day was such as they were enforced to cary their munition vpon mens backs which was the next day remedied In this
he was no sooner gone then the enemy possessed the town and castle and shot at our ships as they came into the road At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco called Reys Hamet Bencasamp returned and with him M. Ciprian a Gentleman of good place and desert was sent from Don Antonio and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not fiue dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the riuer of Lisbon which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before though we lay hard by them at S. Iulians durst neuer make any attempt against vs vpon our departure from thence were returning home and in the morning being a very dead calme in the dawning thereof fell in the winde of our fleet in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company with his Lieutenant the Master and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship and betooke them to the ship-boats whereof one in which the Master and the Captaine were was ouerrunne with the gallies and they drowned There were also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the other ships which were so calmed as neither they could get to vs nor we to them though all the great shippes towed with their boats to haue relieued them but could not be recouered in one of which was Captaine Minshaw with his company who fought with them to the last yea after his ship was on fire which whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne but might easily iudge by his long and good fight that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse who setting also vpon one other hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant and he very sicke were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off although they had first beaten her with their artillery and attempted to boord her And seeing alâ—o one other hulke a league off a sterne off vs they made towards her but finding that she made ready to fight with them they durst not further attempt her whereby it seemed their losse being great in the other fights they were loth tâ— proceed any further From that day till the 19 of Iune our direction from the Generall was that if the wind were Northerly we should plie for the Açores but if Southerly for the Iles of Bayon We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke till the Southerly winde preuailing carried vs to Bayon part of our ships to the number of 25 in a great winde which was two dayes before hauing lost the Admirals and fleet according to their direction fell in the morning of that day with Bayon among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde who had in purpose if the Admirals had not come in with some 500 men out of them all to haue landed and attempted the taking of Vigo The rest of the fleet held with Generall Drake who though he were two dayes before put vpon those Ilands cast off againe to sea for the Açores but remembring how vnprouided he was for that iourney and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships returned for Bayon and came in there that night in the euening where he passed vp the riuer more then a mile aboue Vigo The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight which were not in the whole aboue 2000 men for in the 17 dayes we continued on boord we had cast many of our men ouer-boord with which number the Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo neere the which when he approched he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of the same who found vpon euery streets end a strong barricade but altogether abandoned for hauing entred the towne he found but one man therein but might see them making way before him to Bayon On the other side of the towne entred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield whose approch on that side I thinke made them leaue the places they had so artificially made for defence there were also certaine shippes sent with the Uice-admirall to lie close before the towne to beat vpon the same with their artillery In the afternoone were sent 300 vnder the conduct of Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure to burne another village betwixt that and Bayon called Borsis and as much of the country as the day would giue them leaue to do which was a very pleasant rich valley but they burnt it all houses and corne as did others on the other side of the towne both that and the next day so as the countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length There was found great store of wine in the towne but not any thing els for the other dayes warning of the shippes that came first in gaue them a respit to cary all away The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall who in the absence of the Generals that were on boord their ships commanded that night on shore caused all our companies to be drawen out of the towne and sent in two troups to put fire in euery house of the same which done we imbarked againe This day there were certaine Mariners which without any direction put themselues on shore on the contrary side of the riuer from vs for pillage who were beaten by the enemy from their boats and punished by the Generals for their offer in going without allowance The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon were before shewed to be want of artillery and may now be alledged to be the small number of our men who should haue gone against so strong a place manned with very good souldiers as was shewed by Iuan de Vera taken at the Groine who confessed that there were sixe hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders and the Tercios of Naples lately also returned out of the iourney of England Under the leading of Capitan Puebla Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of Flanders Don Pedro Camascho del tercio de Napoles Don Francisco de Cespedes Cap. Iuan de Solo del tercio de Naples Don Diego de Cassaua Cap. Sâ—uban Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse and foure of yron lately layed vpon the walles of the towne besides them that were there before The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our army was drawen into by sicknesse determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Açores with Generall Drake to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest And for the shifting of men and victualles accordingly purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe and to remaine there that day But Generall Drake according to their apointment being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands but
enter we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted for otherwise we did them litle harme and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her we fired a mat on her beak-head which more and more kindled and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit and thence to the top-saile yard which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger and to make shew of parle But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew that it might easily be put out and that it was nothing Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence A none the fire grew so strong that I saw it beyond all helpe although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her but had litle hope to obtaine our desire neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship my selfe and diuers hurt men then to haue ended there with the Carack but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats And when my care was most by Gods prouidence onely by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack whereby we were fast intangled we fell apart with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord The Exchange also being farther from the fire afterward was more easily cleared and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger the fire got into the fore-castle where I thinke was store of Beniamin and such other like combustible matter for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them So he brought me aboord two gentlemen the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira which as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique and came as a passenger in this Carack The other was called Bras Carrero and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique and came likewise in this ship for a passenger Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat onely these two we clothed and brought into England The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats we set all on shore in the I le of Flores except some two or three Negros whereof one was borne in Moçambique and another in the East Indies This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld was because this Carack was for the king end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique and the company of her together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola where they watered they say they had not now aboue 150 white men but Negros a great many They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her but we found them to differ in most of their talke All this day and all the night she burned but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water Some of them say that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios and some that she was lesse but she was much vndermasted and vndersoiled yet she went well for a ship that was so foule The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had and sixe or 7 shot at about one with another some 49 shotâ— the time we lay aboord might be two houres The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sâ—cars And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes the Carack escaped our hands After this attending about Coruo Flores for some West Indian purchase and being disappointed of our expectation and victuals growing short we returned for England where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie 1593 THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper being bound for Liuorno Zante and Patras in Morea being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593 and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantitie of wheate and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight the 6. day of October the winde being faire and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs to which we gaue chase with very much winde the sayle being a Spaniard which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue
knewe not howe farre but I with my company tooke another riuer which although at the first it offered a large inlet yet it proued but a deepe bay the ende whereof in foure houres I attained and there leauing the boat well manned went with the rest of my company three or foure miles into the countrey but found nothing nor saw any thing saue onely gripes rauens and small birds as larkes and linnets The third of Iuly I manned my boat and went with fifty Canoas attending vpon me vp into another sound where the people by signes willed mee to goe hoping to finde their habitation at length they made signes that I should goe into a warme place to sleepe at which place I went on shore and ascended the toppe of an high hill to see into the countrey but perceiuing my labor vaine I returned againe to my boat the people still following me and my company very diligent to attend vs and to helpe vs vp the rockes and likewise downe at length I was desirous to haue our men leape with them which was done but our men did ouerleape them from leaping they went to wrestling we found them strong and nimble and to haue skil in wrestling for they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers The fourth of Iuly we lanâ—hed our pinnesse and had fortie of the people to helpe vs which they did very willingly at this time our men againe wrestled with them and found them as before strong and skilfull This fourth of Iuly the Master of the Mermayd went to certaine Ilands to store himselfe with wood where he found a graue with diuers buried in it only couered with seale skinnes hauing a crosse laid ouer them The people are of good stature wel in body proportioned with small slender hands and feet with broad visages and smal eyes wide mouthes the most part vnbearded great lips and close toothed Their custome is as often as they go from vs still at their returne to make a new truce in this sort holding his hand vp to the Sun with a lowd voice he crieth Ylyaouâ—e and striketh his brest with like signes being promised safety he giueth credit These people are much giuen to bleed and therefore stop their noses with deeres haire or the haire of an elan They are idolaters and haue images geeat store which they weare about them and in their boats which we suppose they worship They are witches and haue many kinds of inchantments which they often vsed but to small purpose thankes be to God Being among them at shore the fourth of Iuly one of them making a long oration beganne to kindle a fire in this maner he tooke a piece of a board wherein was a hole halfe thorow into that hole he puts the end of a round stick like vnto a bed staffe wetting the end thereof in Trane and in fashion of a turner with a piece of lether by his violent motion doeth very speedily produce fire which done with turfes he made a fire into which with many words and strange gestures he put diuers things which wee supposed to be a sacrifice my selfe and diuers of my company standing by they were desirous to haue me go into the smoke I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke which they by no meanes would do I then tooke one of them and thrust him into the smoke and willed one of my company to tread out the fire to spurne it into the sea which was done to shew them that we did contemne their sorcery These people are very simple in all their conuersation but marueilous theeuish especially for iron which they haue in great accouÌ„t They began through our lenitie to shew their vile nature they began to cut our cables they cut away the Moonelights boat from her sterne they cut our cloth where it lay to aire though we did carefully looke vnto it they stole our oares a caliuer a boare speare a sword with diuers other things whereat the company and Masters being grieued for our better securitie desired me to dissolue this new friendship and to leaue the company of these theeuish miscreants whereupon there was a caliuer shot among them and immediatly vpon the same a faulcon which strange noice did sore amaze them so that with speed they departed notwithstanding their simplicitie is such that within ten houres after they came againe to vs to intreat peace which being promised we againe fell into a great league They brought vs Seale skinnes sammon peale but seeing iron they could in no wise forbeare stealing which when I perceiued it did but minister vnto mee an occasion of laughter to see their simplicitie and I willed that in no case they should bee any more hardly vsed but that our owne company should be the more vigilant to keepe their things supposing it to be very hard in so short time to make them know their euils They eate all their meat raw they liue most vpon fish they drinke salt water and eate grasse and ice with delight they are neuer out of the water but liue in the nature of fishes saue only when dead sleepe taketh them and then vnder a warme rocke laying his boat vpon the land hee lyeth downe to sleepe Their weapons are all darts but some of them haue bow and arrowes and slings They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale they do all their things very artificially and it should seeme that these simple theeuish Islanders haue warre with those of the maine for many of them are sore wounded which wounds they receiued vpon the maine land as by signes they gaue vs to vnderstand We had among them copper oare blacke copper and red copper they pronounce their language very hollow and deepe in the throat these words following we learned from them Kesinyoh Eate some Madlycoyce Musicke Aginyoh Go fetch Yliaoute I meane no harme Ponameg A boat Paaotyck An oare Asanock A dart Sawygmeg A knife Vderah A nose Aoh Iron Blete An eye Vnuicke Giue it Tuckloak A stagge or ellan Panygmah A needle Aob The Sea Mysacoah Wash it Lethicksaneg A seale skinne Canyglow Kisse me Vgnera My sonne Acu Shot Conah Leape Maatuke Fish Sambah Below Maconmeg Wil you haue this Cocah Go to him Aba Fallen downe Icune Come hither Awennye Yonder Nugo No. Tucktodo A fogge Lechiksah A skinne Maccoah A dart Sugnacoon A coat Gounah Come downe Sasobneg A bracelet Vgnake A tongue Ataneg A seale Macuah A beard Pignagogah A threed Quoysah Giue it to me The 7. of Iuly being very desirous to search the habitation of this countrey I went my selfe with our new pinnesse into the body of the land thinking it to be a firme continent and passing vp a very large riuer a great flaw of winde tooke me whereby wee were constrained to seeke succour for that night which being had I landed with the most part of my company and went
them neither would they alter one iote of their lawes and customes they would not receiue any stranger wherefore they requested our prince that hee would not seeke to violate their lawes which they had receiued from that king of worthy memory and obserued very duly to that present which if he did attempt it would redoâ—und to his manifest desâ—ruction they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life then to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes Notwithstanding that we should not thinke they did altogether reâ—use conuersation and traffick with other men they tolde vs for conclusion that they would willingly receiue one of our men preferre him to be one of the chiefe amongst them onely to learne my language the Italian tongue and to be informed of our manners and customes as they had already receiued those other ten of ten sundry nations that came into their Island To these things our Prince answered nothing at all but causing his men to seke some good harbrough he made signes as though he would depart and sayling round about the Island he espied at length a harbrough on the East side of the Island where hee put in with all his Fleet the mariners went on land to take in wood and water which they did with as great speede as they could doubting least they should be assaulted by the inhabitants as it fell out in deed for those that dwelt therabouts making signes vnto the other with fire and smoke put themselues presently in armes and the other comming to them they came all running downe to the sea side vpon our men with bowes and arrowes and other weapons so that many were sâ—aine and diuers sore wounded And we made signes of peace vnto them but it was to no purpose for their rage increased more and more as though they had fought for land and liuing Wherefore we were forced to depart and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Islande being alwayes accompanyed vpon the hil tops the sea coasts with an infinite number of armed men and so doâ—â—ling the Cape of the Island towards the North we found many great sholdes amongst the which for the space of ten dayes we were in continuall danger of loosing our whole fleâ—t but that it pleased God all that while to send vs faire weather Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape we saw the inhabitants still on the hill tops and by the sea coast keepe with vs and in making great outcryes and shooting at vs a faâ—re off they vttered their old spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore wee determined to stay in some safe harborough and see if wee might speake once againe with the Islander but our determination was frustrate for the people more like vnto beasts then men stood continually in armes with intent to beat vs back if we should come come on land Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not preuaile and thinking if he should haue perseuered and followed obstinately his purpose their victuals would haue failed them he departed with a fayre wind and sailed sixe daies to the Westwards but the winde changing to the Southwest and the sea waxing rough wee sayling 4 dayes with the wind the powp and at length discouering land were afraid to approch nere vnto it the sea being growen and we not knowing what â—and it was but God so prouided for vs that the winde ceasing there came a great calme Wherefore some of our company rowing to land with oares returned brought vs newes to our great comfort that they had found a very good countery and a better harborough vpon which newes we towed our ships and smal barks to land and being entred into the harborough we saw a farre off a great mountain that cast forth smoke which gaue vs good hope that we should finde some inhabitants in the Island neither would Zichmni rest although it were a great way off but sent 100 souldiers to search the countrey and bring report what people they were that inhabited it in the meane time they tooke in wood and water for the prouision of the fleet and catcht great store of fish and sea soule and found such aboundance of birds egges that our men that were halfe famished were filled theâ—ewithall Whiles we were riding here began the moneth of Iune at which time the aire in the Island was so temperate and pleasant as is impossible to expresse but when we could see no people at al we suspâ—cted greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited We gaue name to the heauen calling it Trin and the point that stretched ouâ— into the sea we called Capo de Trin. The 100 souldiers that were sent forth 8 dayes after 〈◊〉 and brought word that they had bene through the Island and at the mountaine and that the smoke was a naturall thing proceding from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill and that there was a spring from which issued a certaine water like pitch which ran into the sea and that thereabouts dwelt great multitudes of people halfe wilde hiding themselues in caues of the ground of small stature and very fearefull for as soone as they saw them they fled into their holâ—s and that there was a great riuer and a very good and safe harborough Zichmni being thus informed and seeing that it had a holesome and pure aire and a very fruitfull soyle and faâ—re riuers with sundry commodities fell into such liking of the place that he determined to inhabite it and built there a citie But his people being weary and faint with long and tedious trauell began to muâ—mure saying that they would returne into their countrey for that the winter was at hand and if they entred into the haâ—borough they should not be able to come out againe before the next Summer Wherefore he retaining onely the barks with Oares and such as were willing to stay with him sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe and willed that I though vnwilling should be their captaine I therefore departing because I could not otherwise chuse sayled for the space of twenty dayes to the Eastwards without sight of any land then turning my course towards the Southeast in 5. dayes I discouered land and found my selfe vpon the Isle of Neome and knowing the countrey I perceiued I was past Island wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subiect to Zichmni I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes to Frisland where the people who thought they had lost their prince because of his long absence in this our voyage receiued vs very ioyfully What followed after this letter I know not but by coniecture which I gather out of a piece of another letter which I will set downe here vnderneath That Zichmni built a towne in the port of the Island that he discouered and that he searched the countrey very diligently and discouered it all and
and they are disfigured in nothing sauing that they haue somewhat brouâ—â— visages and yet not all of them for we saw many of them wel fauoured hauing blacke and great eyes with a cheerefull and steady looke not strong of body yet sharpe witted nymble and excâ—eding great runners as farre as we could lâ—arne by experience and in those two last qualities they are like to the people of the East partes of the world and especially to them of the vttermost parts of China We â—ould not learne of this people their maner of liuing nor their particular customs by reason of the short abode we made on the shore our company being but small and our ship â—yding farre off in the Sea And not farre from these wee found another people whose liuing wee thinke to be like vnto theirs as hereafter I wil declare vnto your Maiestie shewing at this present the situation and nature of the foresayd land The shoare is all couered with small sand and so ascendeth vpwards for the space of 15. foote rising in forme of litle hils about 50. paces broad And sayling forwards we found certaine small Riuers and armes of the Sea that fall downe by certaine creekes washing the shoare on both sides as the coast lyâ—â—h And beyond this we saw the open Countrey rising in height aboue the sandie shoare with many faire fields and plaines full of mightie great woods some very thicke and some thâ—nnâ— replenished with diuers sorts of trees as pleasant and delectable to behold as is possible to imagine And your Maiesty may not thinke that these are like the woods of Hercynia or the wilde deserts of Tartary and the Northerne coasts full of fruitlesse trees But they are full of Palme trees Bay trees and high Cypresse trees and many other sortes of trees vnknowen in Europe which yeâ—ld most sweete saâ—â—urs farre from the shoare the propertie whereof we could not learne for the cause aforesaid and not for any difficulty to passe through the woods seeing they are not so thinke but that a man may passe through them Neither doe we thinke that they partaking of the East world round about them are altogether voyd of drugs or spicery and other riches of golde seeing the colour of the land doth somuch argue it And the land is full of many beastes as Stags Deere and Hares and likewise of Lakes and Pooles of fresh water with great plentie of Fowles conuenient for all kinde of pleasant game This land is in latitude 34. degrees with good and wholesome ayre temperate betweene hot and colde no vehement windes doe blowe in those Regions and those that doe commonly reigne in those coasts are the Northwest and West windes in the summer season in the beginning whereof we were there the skie cleere and faire with very litle raine and if at any time the aâ—â—â—be cloudie and misâ—ie with the Southerne winde immediatly it is dissolued and waxeth cleere and fayre againe The Sea is calme not boysterous the waues gentle and although all the shore be somewhat sholde and without harborough yet is it not dangerous to the saylers being free from râ—cks and deepe so that within 4. or 5. foote of the shore there is 20. foote deepe of water without ebbe or flood the depâ—h still increasing in such vniforme proportion There is very good ryding at Sea for any ship being shaken in a tempest can neuer perish there by breaking of her cables which we haue proued by experience For in the beginning of March as it is vsuall in all regioâ—s being in the Sea oppressed with Northerne windes and ryding there wee found our anchor broken before the earth fayled or mooued at all We departed from this place stil running along the coast which we found to trend toward the East we saw euery where very great â—ires by reason of the multitude of the inhabitants While we rode on that coast partly because it had no harborough and for that we wanted water we sent our boat ashoare with 25. men where by reason of great and continuall wâ—ues that beat against the shoaâ—e being an open Coast without succour none of our men could possibly goe ashoare without loosing our boate Wee saw there many people which came vnto the shoare making diuers signes of friendship and shewing that they were content we should come aland and by trial we found them to be very courteous and gentle as your Maiestie shal vnderstand by the successe To the intent we might send them of our things which the Indians commonly desire and esteeme as sheetes of paper glasses bels and such like trifles we sent a young man one of our Mariners ashoare who swimming towards them being within 3. or 4. yards of the shore not trusting them cast the things vpon the shoare but seeking afterwards to returne he was with such violence of the waues beaten vpon the shore that he was so bruised that he lay there almost dead which the Indians perceiuing ranne to catch him and drawing him out they caried him a litle way off from the sea The yong man perceiuing they caried him being at the first dismaied began then greatly to feare and cried out piteously likewise did the Indians which did accompany him going about to cheere him and to giue him courage and then setting him on the ground at the foote of a litle hil against the sunne they began to behold him with great admiration marueiling at the whitenesse of his flesh And putting off his clothes they made him warme at a great fire not without our great feare which remayned in the boate that they would haue rosted him at that fire and haue eaten him The young man hauing recouered his strength and hauing stayed a while with them shewed them by signes that he was desirous to returne to the ship and they with great loue clapping him fast about with many imbracings accompanying him vnto the sea and to put him in more assurance leauing him alone went vnto a high ground and stood there beholding him vntill he was entred into the boate This yong man obserued as we did also that these are of colour inclining to Blacke as the other were with their flesh very shining of meane stature handsome visage and delicate limmes and of very litle strength but of prompt wit farther we obserued not Departing from hence following the shore which trended somewhat toward the North in 50. leagues space we came to another land which shewed much more faire and ful of woods being very great where we rode at anker and that we might haue some knowledge thereof wee sent 20. men aland which entred into the countrey about 2. leagues and they found that the people were fled to the woods for feare They saw onely one olde woman with a young maide of 18. or 20. yeeres olde which seeing our company hid themselues in the grasse for feare the olde woman carried â—wo Infants on her shoulders and behind her necke a
to the Sunne ascribing vnto him the honour of the victory They haue no knowledge of God nor of any religion sauing of that which they see as the Sunne and the Moone They haue their Priests to whom they giue great credit because they are great magicians great soothsayers and callers vpon diuels These Priests serue them in stead of Physitions and Chirurgions They carry alwayes about them a bag full of herbes and drugs to cure the sicke diseased which for the most part are sick of the pocks for they loue women maidens exceedingly which they call the daughters of the Sunne and some of them are Sodemites They marry and euery one hath his wife and it is lawfull for the King to haue two or three yet none but the first is honoured and acknowledged for Queene and none but the children of the first wife inherite the goods and authoritie of the father The women doe all the businesse at home They keepe not house with them after they know they be with child And they eate not of that which they touch as long as they haue their flowers There are in all this Countrey many Hermaphrodites which take all the greatest paine and beare the victuals when they goe to warre They paint their faces much and sticke their haire full of feathers or downe that they may seeme more terrible The victuals which they carry with them are of bread of hony and of meale made of Maiz parched in the fire which they keepe without being marred a long while They carry also sometimes fish which they cause to be dressed in the smoke In necessitie they eat a thousand rifraffes euen to the swallowing downe of coales and putting sand into the pottage that they make with this meale When they goe to warre their King marcheth firstâ— with a clubbe in the one hand and his bowe in the other with his quiuer full of arrowes All his men follow him which haue likewise their bowes and arrowes While they fight they make great cries and exclamations They take no enterprise in hand but first they assemble oftentimes their Councell together and they take very good aduisement before they growe to a resolution They meete together euery morning in a great common house whither their King repaireth and setteth him downe vpon a seate which is higher then the seates of the other where all of them one after another come and salute him and the most ancient begin their salutations lifting vp both their handes twise as high as their face saying Ha he ya and the rest answer ha ha Assoone as they haue done their salutation euery man sitteth him downe vpon the seates which are round about in the house If there be any thing to intreate of the King calleth the Iawas that is to say their Priestes and the most ancient men and asketh them their aduise Afteâ—ward he commaundeth Cassine to be brewed which is a drinke made of the leaues of a certaine tree They drinke this Cassine very hotte he drinketh first then he causeth to be giuen thereof to all of them one after another in the same boule which holdeth well a quart measure of Paris They make so great account of this drinke that no man may taste thereof in this assembly vnlesse hee hath made proofe of his valure in the warre Moreouer this drinke hath such a vertue that assoone as they haue drunke it they become all in a sweate which sweate being past it taketh away hunger and thirst for foure and twenty houres after When a King dyeth they burie him very solemnly and vpon his graue they set the cuppe wherein he was woont to drinke and round about the sayde graue they sticke many arrowes and weepe and fast three dayes together without ceassing All the kings which were his friends make the like mourning and in token of the loue which they bare him they cut of more then the one halfe of their haire as well men as women During the space of sixe Moones so they reckon their moneths there are certaine women appoynted which bewaile the death of this King crying with a loude voyce thrise a day to wit in the Morning at Noone and at Euening All the goods of this King are put into his house and afterward they set it on fire so that nothing is euer more after to be seene The like is done with the goods of the Priestes and besides they burie the bodies of the Priests in their houses and then they set them on fire They sowe their Maiz twise a yere to wit in March and in Iune and all in one and the same soyle The sayd Maiz from the time that it is sowed vntill the time that it be ready to be gathered is but three moneths on the ground The other 6. moneths they let the earth rest They haue also faire Pumpions very good Beanes They neuer dung their land onely when they would sowe they set the weedes on fire which grewe vp the 6. moneths and burne them all They dig their ground with an instrument of wood which is fashioned like a broad mattocke wherewith they digge their Uines in France they put two graiues of Maiz together When the land is to be sowed the King commaundeth one of his men to assemble his subiects euery day to labour during which labour the King causeth store of that drinke to be made for them wherof we haue spoken At the time when the Maiz is gathered it is all carried into a common house where it is distributed to euery man according to his qualitie They sowe no more but that which they thinke will serue their turnes for sixe moneths that very scarcely For during the Winter they retire themselues for three or foure moneths in the yeere into the woods where they make little cotages of Palme boughes for their retraite and liue there of Maste of Fish which they take of Oisters of Stagges of Turkeycockes and other beastes which they take They eate all their meate broyled on the coales and dressed in the smoake which in their language they call Boucaned They eate willingly the flesh of the Crocodile and in deede it is faire and white and were it not that it sauoureth too much like Muske we would oftentimes haue eaten thereof They haue a custome among them that when they finde themselues sicke where they feele the paine whereas we cause our selues to be let blood their Physitions sucke them vntill they make the blood follow The women are likewise of good proportion and tall and of the same colour that the men be of painted as the men be Howbeit when they are borne they be not so much of an Oliue colour and are farre whiter For the chiefe cause that maketh them to be of this colour proceedes of annointings of oyle which they vse among them
should come out of France to remooue our habitation vnto some riuer more toward the North that I might be nerer thereunto One of my souldiers whose name was Peter Gamby which had remained a long space before in this countrey to learne the languages and traffique with the Indians at the last came to the village of Edelano where hauing gotten together a certaine quantity of golde and siluer and purposing to returne vnto me he prayed the king of the village to lend him a canoa which is a vessell made of one whole piece of wood which the Indians vse to fish withal and to row vpon the riuers which this lord of Edelano granted him But being greedy of the riches which he had he commanded two Indians which he had charged to conduct him in the canoa to murder him bring him the merchandise and the gold which he had Which the two traitours villanously executed for they knockt him on the head with an hatchet as he was blowing of the fire in the canoa to see the fish The Paracoussy Vtina sent certeine dayes afterward to pray me to lend him a dozen or fifteene of my shot to inuade his enemy Potanou and sent me word that this enemy once vanquished he would make me passage yea and would conduct me vnto the mountaines in such sort that no man should be able to hinder me Then I assembled my men to demand their aduice as I was woont to do in all mine enterprises The greater part was of opinion that I should do well to send succour vnto this Paracoussy because it would be hard for me to discouer any further vp into the countrey without his helpe and that the Spanyards when they were imployed in their conquests did alwayes enter into alliance with some one king to ruine another Notwithstanding because I did alwayes mistrust the Indians and that the more after the last aduertisement that the Spanyards had giuen me I doubted lest the small number which Vtina demanded might incurre some danger wherefore I sent him thirty shot vnder the charge of my Lieutenant Ottigny which stayed not aboue two dayes with Vtina while he prepared victuals for his voyage which ordinarily and according to the custome of the countrey are caried by women and yoong boyes and by hermaphrodites setting forward with three hundred of his subiects Vtina hauing ech of them their bowe and quiuer full of arrowes caused our thirty shot to be placed in the foreward and made them march all the day vntill that the night approching and hauing not gone past halfe the way they were inforced to lie all night in the woods nere a great lake and there to in campe themselues they separated themselues by sixe and sixe making ech of them a fire about the place where their king lay for whose guard they ordeined a certaine number of those archers in whom he put most confidence Assoone as day was come the campe of the Indians marched within three leagues of Potanou there king Vtina requested my Lieutenant to grant him foure or fiue of his men to go and discouer the countrey which departed immediatly and had not gone farre but they perceiued vpon a lake distant about three leagues from the village of Potanou three Indians which fished in a canoa Now the custome is that when they fish in this lake they haue alwayes a company of watchmen armed with bowes and arrowes to guard the fishers Our men being hereof aduertised by those of the company durst not passe any further for feare of falling into some ambush wherefore they returned towards Vtina which suddenly sent them backe with a greater company to surprise the fishers before they might retire and aduertise their king Potanou of the comming of his enemies Which they could not execute so politikely but that two of them escaped the third also did the best he could to saue himselfe by swimming in which meane while he was stayed with shot of arrowes and they drew him starke dead vnto the banks side where our Indians flayed off the skinne of his head cut off both his armes in the high way reseruing his haire for the triumph which their king hoped to make for the defeat of his enemy Vtina fearing least Potanou aduertised by the fishers which were escaped should put himselfe in armes to withstand him valiantly asked counsell of his Iawa which is asmuch to say in their language as his Magician whether it were best to goe any further Then this Magician made certeine signes hidious and fearefull to beholde and vsed certeine words which being ended he sayd vnto his king that it was not best to passe any further and that Potanou accompanied with two thousand Indians at the least stayed in such and such a place for him to bidde him battell and besides this that all the sayd Indians were furnished with cords to binde the prisoners which they made full account to take This relation caused Vtina to be vnwilling to passe any further whereupon my Lieutenant being as angry as euer he might be because hee had taken so great paines without doing of any thing of account sayd vnto him that hee would neuer thinke well of him nor of his people if hee would not hazzard himselfe and that if he would not doe it at the least that he would giue him a guide to conduct him and his small company to the place where the enemies were encamped Heereupon Vtina was ashamed and seeing the good affection of Monsieur de Ottigny determined to go forward and he failed not to finde his enemies in the very place which the Magician had named where the skirmish beganne which lasted three long houres wherein without doubt Vtina had beene defeated vnlesse our harquebusiers had not borne the burthen and brunt of all the battell and slaine a great number of the souldiers of Potanou vpon which occasion they were put to flight Wherewithall Vtina being content for the present caused his people to retire and returne homeward to the great discontentment of Monsieur de Ottigny which desired nothing more then to pursue his victorie After he was come home to his house he sent messengers to eighteene or twentie villages of other kings his vassals and summoned them to be present at the feasts and dances which he purposed to celebrate because of his victorie In the meane while Monsieur de Ottigny refreshed himselfe for two dayes and then taking his leaue of the Paracoussi and leauing him twelue of his men to see that Potanou bethinking himselfe of his late losse should not come to burne the houses of Vtina he set forward on his way to come vnto me vnto our Fort where he vp and told me how euery thing had passed and withall that he had promised the twelue souldiers that he would come backe againe to fetch them Then the kings my neighbours all enemies to Vtina being aduertised of the returne of my
that by this time we had almost driuen out the moneth of May two subiects of king Vtina came vnto me with an Hermaphrodite which shewed mee that by this time the maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters Whereupon Vtina signified vnto me that in case I would carrie him home to his house he would take such good order that I should haue plentie of maiz beanes and withall that the field which he had caused to be sowen for me should be reserued to my vse I consulted with my men concerning this matter and found by the aduice of all my company that it was best to grant him his request saying that he had meanes to succour vs with food sufficient to serue our turnes for our embarkement and that therefore I might do well to carry him home Wherefore I caused the two barks forthwith to be made readie wherin I sailed to Patica a place distant from his village 8 or 9 leagues where I found no bodie for they were gotten into the woods and would not shew themselues albeit Vtina shewed himselfe vnto them for as much as they imagined that I should be constrained to let him go But seeing no body to shew themselues I was constrained to hazard one of my men which had bene acquainted with the state of the countrie to whom I deliuered the young sonne of Vtina and commanded him to goe with diligence to the village of Vtina vnto his father in law and his wife to aduertise them that if they would haue their king againe they should bring me victuals vnto the side of the little riuer whither I was gone At my mans comming euery one made much of the little thilde neither was there a man that thought not himselfe well appaide to touch him His father in law and his wife hearing of these newes came presently towards our barkes and brought bread which they gaue vnto my souldiers they held me there three dayes and in the meane while did all that they could to take me which presently I discouered and therefore stood diligently vpon my gard Wherefore perceiuing they could not haue their purpose and that they were already discouered they sent to aduertise me that as yet they could not helpe me to victuals and that the corne was not yet ripe Thus I was constrained to returne and to carry backe Vtina home where I had much adoe to saue him from the rage of my souldiers which perceiuing the maliciousnes of the Indians went about to haue murdered him Moreouer it seemed they were content that they had gotten the sonne that they cared not greatly for the father Now my hope fayling me on this side I deuised to send my men to the villages where I thought the maiz was by this time ripe I went to diuers places and cōtinued so doing 15 daies after when as Vtina besought me again to send him vnto his village assuring himselfe that his subiects would not sticke to giue me victuals and that in case they refused so to do he was content that I should do what I thought good with him I vndertooke this voyage the second time with the two barkes furnished as before At my comming vnto the little riuer we found his subiects there which failed not to come thither with some quantitie of bread beanes and fish to giue my souldiers Neuerthelesse againe to their former practise they sought all meanes to entrap me hoping to try quittance for the imprisonment of their king if they might haue gotten the victorie of me But after that they sawe the small meanes which they had to annoy me they returned to intreaties and offered that if I would giue them their king with certaine of my souldiers they would conduct them vnto the village and that the subiects seeing him would be more willing to giue vs victuals Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant vnto them mistrusting their subtiltie which was not so couert but that one might espie day at a little hole vntill they had first giuen me two men in pledge with charge that by the next day they should bring me victuals Which thing they granted and gaue mee two men which I put in chaines for feare they should escape away as I knew well they were instructed to doe Foure dayes were spent in these conferences at the end whereof they declared vnto me that they could not fully and wholly performe their promise and that the vttermost that they could doe for the present was to cause ech subiect to bring his burthen of mill To conclude they were content to doe so on condition that I would send them their two pledges within ten dayes As my Lieutenant was ready to depart I warned him aboue all things to take heede he fell not into the Indians hands because I knew them to be very subtill and craftie to enterprize and execute any thing to our disaduantage He departed therefore with his troope and came to the small riuer whereinto we were accustomed to enter to approch as neere as we could vnto the village of Vtina being sixe French leagues distant from thence There he went on shore put his men in good array and drew streight towards the great house that was the kings where the chiefe men of the countrey were assembled which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one and then another in doing whereof they spent notwithstanding three or foure dayes in which meane white they gathered men together to set vpon vs in our retreit They vsed therefore many meanes to holde vs still in breath For one while they demanded their pledges another while seeing my Lieutenant would not yeeld to them vntill such time as they had brought the victuals vnto the boats according to the agreement passed betwene vs they signified vnto him that the women and young children were affraide out of all measure to see fire in their matches so neere their harquebuses and that therefore they most earnestly be sought them to put them out that they might more easily get people ynough to carry the victuals and that they for their partes would leaue their bowes and arrowes and would be contented that their seruants should carrie them This second request was as flatly denied them as the former For it was an easie matter to smel out their intention But while these things were thus in handling Vtina by no meanes was to be seene but hid and kept himselfe secret in a little house apart where certaine chosen men of mine went to see him shewing themselues agreeued with him for the long delayes of his subiects whereunto he answered that his subiects were so much incensed against vs that by no meanes possible he was able to keepe them in such obedience as he willingly would haue done and that he could not hold them from waging of warre against Monsieur de Ottigny That he also called to minde that euen while he was prisoner at what time
inhabited in a riuer by thâ—m called the riuer of May and standing in thirty degrees and better In ranging this coast along the captaine found it to be all an Island and therefore it is all lowe land and very scant of fresh water but the countrey was maruellously sweet with both marish and medow ground and goodly woods among There they found sorell to grow as abundantly as grasse and where their houses were great store of maiz and mill and grapes of great bignesse but of taste much like our English grapes Also Deere great plentie which came vpon the sands before them Their houses are not many together â—or in one house an hundred of them do lodge they being made much like a great barne and in strength not inferiour to ours for they haue stanchions and rafters of whole trees and are couered with palmito-leaues hauing no place diuided but one small roome for their king and queene In the middest of this house is a hearth where they make great fires all night and they sleepe vpon certeine pieces of wood hewâ—n in for the bowing of their backs and another place made high for their heads which they put one by another all along the walles on both sides In their houses they remaine onely in the nights and in the day they desire the fields where they dresse their meat and make prouision for victuals which they prouide onely for a meale from hand to mouth There is one thing to be maruellâ—d at for the making of their fire and not onely they but also the Negros doe the same which is made onely by two stickes rubbing them one against another and this they may doe in any place they come where they finde sticks sufficient for the purpose In their apparell the men onely vse deere skinnes wherewith some onely couer their priuy members othersome vse the same as garments to couer them before and behind which skinnes are painted some yellow and red some blacke russet and euery man according to his owne fancy They do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious knots or antike worke as euery man in his owne fancy deuiseth which painting to make it continue the better they vse with a thorne to pricke their flesh and dent in the same whereby the painting may haue better hold In their warres they vse a sleighter colour of painting their faces thereby to make themselues shew the more fierce which after their warres ended they wash away againe In their warres they vse bowes and arrowes whereof their bowes are made of a kind of Yew but blacker then ours and for the most part passing the strength of the Negros or Indians for it is not greatly inferior to ours their arrowes are also of a great length but yet of reeds like other Indians but varying in two points both in length and and also for nocks and feathers which the other lacke whereby they shoot very stedy the heads of the same are vipers teeth bones of fishes flint stones piked points of kniues which they hauing gotten of the French men broke the same put the points of them in their arrowes heads some of them haue their heads of siluer othersome that haue want of these put in a kinde of hard wood notched which pierceth as farre as any of the rest In their fight being in the woods they vse a maruellous pollicie for their owne safegard which is by clasping a tree in their armes and yet shooting notwithstanding this policy they vsed with the French men in their fight whereby it appeareth that they are people of some policy and although they are called by the Spanyards Gente triste that is to say Bad people meaning thereby that they are not men of capacity yet haue the French men found them so witty in their answeres that by the captaines owne report a counseller with vs could not giue a more profound reason The women also for their apparell vse printed skinnes but most of them gownes of mosse somewhat longer then our mosse which they sowe together artificially and make the same surplesse wise wearing their haire downe to their shoulders like the Indians In this riuer of May aforesayd the captaine entring with his pinnesse found a French ship of fourescore tun and two pinnesses of fifteene tun a piece by her and speaking with the keepers thereof they tolde him of a fort two leagues vp which they had built in which their captaine Monsieur Laudonniere was with certeine souldiers therein To whom our captaine sending to vnderstand of a watering-place where he might conueniently take it in and to haue licence for the same he straight because there was no conuenient place but vp the riuer fiue leagues where the water was fresh did send him a pilot for the more expedition thereof to bring in one of hiâ— barks which going in with other boats prouided for the same purpose ankered before the fort into the which our captaine went where hee was by the Generall with other captaines and souldiers very gently enterteined who declared vnto him the time of their being there which was fourteene moneths with the extremity they were driuen to for want of victuals hauing brought very little with them in which place they being two hundred men at their first comming had in short space eaten all the maiz they could buy of the inhabitants about them and therefore were driuen certaine of them to serue a king of the Floridians against other his enemies for mill and other victuals which hauing gotten could not serue them being so many so long a time but want came vpon them in such sort that they were faine to gather acorns which being stamped small and often washed to take away the bitternesse of them they did vse for bread eating withall sundry times roots whereof they found many good and holesome and such as serue rather for medecines then for meates alone But this hardnesse no contenting some of them who would not take the paines so much as to fish in the riuer before their doores but would haue all things put in their mouthes they did rebell against the captaine taking away first his armour and afterward imprisoning him and so to the number of fourescore of them departed with a barke and a pinnesse spoiling their store victuall and taking away a great part thereof with them and so went to the Islands of Hispaniola and Iamaica a rouing where they spoiled and pilled the Spanyards and hauing taken two carauels laden with wine and casaui which is a bread made of roots and much other victuals and treasure had not the grace to depart therewith but were of such haughty stomacks that they thought their force to be such that no man durst meddle with them and so kept harborow in Iamaica going dayly ashore at their pleasure But God which would not suffer such euill doers vnpunished did indurate their hearts in such sort that
they lingered the time so long that a ship and galliasse being made out of Santa Domingo came thither into the harborow and tooke twenty of them whereof the most part were hanged and the rest caried into Spaine and some to the number of fiue and twenty escaped in the pinnesse and came to Florida where at their landing they were put in prison and incontinent foure of the chiefest being condemned at the request of the souldiers did passe the harquebuzers and then were hanged vpon a gibbet This lacke of threescore men was a great discourage and weakening to the rest for they were the best souldiers that they had for they had now made the inhabitants weary of them by their dayly crauing of maiz hauing no wares left to content them withall and therefore were inforced to rob them and to take away their victual perforce which was the occasion that the Floridians not well contented therewith did take certeine of their company in the woods and slew them wherby there grew great warres betwixt them and the Frenchmen and therefore they being but a few in number durst not venture abroad but at such time as they were inforced thereunto for want of food to do the same and going twenty harquebuzers in a company were set vpon by eighteene kings hauing seuen or eight hundred men which with one of their bowes slew one of their men and hurt a dozen drâ—ue them all downe to their boats whose pollicy in fight was to be maruelled at for hauing shot at diuers of their bodies which were armed and perceiuing that their arrowes did not preuaile against the same they shot at their faces and legs which were the places that the Frenchmen were hurt in Thus the Frenchmen returned being in ill case by the hurt of their men hauing not aboue forty souldiers left vnhurt whereby they might ill make any more inuasion vpon the Floridians and keepe their fort withall which they must haue beene driuen vnto had not God sent vs thither for their succour for they had not aboue ten dayes victuall left before we came In which perplexity our captaine seeing them spared them out of his ship twenty barrels of meale foure pipes of beanes with diuers other victuals and necessaries which he might conueniently spare and to helpe them the better homewards whither they were bound before our comming at their request we spared them one of our barks of fifty tun Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had the ground doth yeeld victuals sufficient if they would haue taken paines to get the same but they being souldiers desired to liue by the sweat of other mens browes for while they had peace with the Floridians they had fiâ—h sufficient by weares which they made to catch the same but when they grew to warres the Floridians tooke away the same againe and then would not the Frenchmen take the paines to make any more The ground yeeldeth naturally grapes in great store for in the time that the Frenchmen were there they made 20 hogsheads of wine Also it yeeldeth roots passing good Deere maruellous store with diuers other beast and fowle seruiceable to the vse of man These be things wherewith a man may liue hauing corne or maiz where with to make bread for maiz maketh good sauory bread and cakes as fine as flowre Also it maketh good meale beaten and sodden with water and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children It maketh also good beuerage sodden in water and nourishable which the Frenchmen did vse to drinke of in the morning and it assuageth their thirst so that they had no need to drinke all the day after And this maiz was the greatest lacke they had because they had no labourers to sowe the same and therfore to them that should inhabit the land it were requisit to haue labourers to till and sowe the ground for they hauing victuals of their owne whereby they neither rob nor spoile the inhabitants may liue not onely quietly with them who naturally are more desirous of peace then of warres but also shall haue abundance of victuals profered them for nothing for it is with them as it is with one of vs when we see another man euer taking away froÌ„ vs although we haue enough besides yet then we thinke all too little â—or our selues for surely we haue heard the Frenchmen report and I know it by the Indians that a very little cententeth them for the Indians with the head of maiz rosted will trauell a whole day and when they are at the Spanyards finding they giue them nothing but sodden herbs maiz and in this order I saw threescore of them feed who were laden with wares and came fifty leagues off The Floridians when they trauellâ— haue a kinde of herbe dried who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end with fire and the dried herbs put together doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof which smoke satisfieth their hunger and therwith they liue foure or fiue dayes without meat or drinke and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose yet do they holde opinion withall that it causeth water sterme to void from their stomacks The commodities of this land are more then are yet knowen to any man for besides the land it selfe whereof there is more then any king Christian is able to inhabit it flourisheth with medow pasture ground with woods of Cedar and Cypres and other sorts as better can not be in the world They haue for apothecary herbs trees roots and gummes great store as Storax liquida Turpintine Gumme Myrthe and Frankinsence with many others whereof I know not the names Colours both red blacke yellow russet very perfect wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare about them that with water it neither fadeth away nor altereth colour Golde and siluer they want not for at the Frenchmens first comming thither they had the same offered them for little or nothing for they receiued for a hatchet â—wo pound weight of golde because they knew not the estimation thereof but the souldiers being greedy of the same did take it from them giuing them nothing for it the which they perceiuing that both the Frenchmen did greatly esteeme it and also did rigourcusly deale with them by taking the same away from them at last would not be knowen they had auy more neither durst they weare the same for feare of being taken away so that sauing at their first comming they could get none of them and how they came by this golde and siluer the French men know not as yet but by gesse who hauing trauelled to the Southwest of the cape hauing found the same dangerous by meanes of sundry banks as we also haue found the same and there finding masts which were wracks of Spanyards comming from Mexico iudged that they had gotten treasure by them For it is most true that diuers
all diligence the riuers from Rio grande vnto Sierra Leona till the twelfth of Ianuarie in which time we had not gotten together a hundreth and fiftie Negros yet notwithstanding the sicknesse of our men and the late time of the yeere commanded vs away and thus hauing nothing wherewith to seeke the coast of the West Indias I was with the rest of our company in consultation to goe to the coast of the Mine hoping there to haue obtained some golde for our wares and thereby to haue defraied our charge But euen in that present instant there came to vs a Negro sent from a king oppressed by other Kings his neighbours desiring our aide with promise that as many Negros as by these warres might be obtained aswell of his part as of ours should be at our pleasure whereupon we concluded to giue aide and sent 120 of our men which the 15 of Ianuarie assaulted a towne of the Negros of our Allies aduersaries which had in it â—000 Inhabitants being very strongly impaled and fenced afâ—er their manner but it was so well defended that our men preuailed not but lost sixe men and fortie hurt so that our men sent forthwith to me for more helpe whereupon considering that the good successe of this enterprise might highly further the commoditie of our voyage I went my selfe and with the helpe of the king of our side assaulted the towne both by land and sea and very hardly with fire their houses being couered with dry Palme leaues obtained the towne and put the Inhabitants to flight where we tooke 250 persons men women children and by our friend the king of our side there were taken 600 prisoners whereof we hoped to haue had our choise but the Negro in which nation is seldome or neuer found truth meant nothing lesse for that night he remooued his campe and prisoners so that we were faine to content vs with those few which we had gotten our selues Now had we obtained between foure and fiue hundred Negros wherwith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West Indies and there for our Negros and other our merchandize we hoped to obtaine whereof to counteruaile our charges with some gaines wherunto we proceeded with all diligence furnished our watering tooke fuell and departed the coast of Guinea the third of Februarie continuing at the sea with a passage more hard then before hath bene accustomed till the 27 day of March which day we had sight of an Iland called Dominica vpon the coast of the West Indies in fourteene degrees from thence we coasted from place to place making our traffike with the Spaniards as we might somewhat hardly because the king had straightly commanded all his Gouernors in those parts by no meanes to suffer any trade to be made with vs notwithstanding we had reasonable trade and courteous entertainement from the I le of Margarita vnto Cartagena without any thing greatly worth the noting sauing at Capo de la Vela in a towne called Rio de la Hacha from whence come all the pearles the treasurer who had the charge there would by no meanes agree to any trade or suffer vs to take water he had fortified his towne with diuers bulwarkes in all places where it might be entered and furnished himselfe with an hundred Hargabuziers â—o that he thought by famine to haue inforced vs to haue put a land our Negros of which purpose he had not greatly failed vnlesse we had by force entred the towne which after we could by no meanes obtaine his fauour we were enforced to doe and so with two hundred men brake in vpon their bulwarkes and entred the towne with the losse onely of two men of our partes and no hurt done to the Spaniards because after their voley of shot discharged they all fled Thus hauing the town with some circumstance as partly by the Spaniards desire of Negros and partly by friendship of the Treasurer we obtained a secret trade whereupon the Spaniards resorted to vs by night and bought of vs to the number of 200 Negros in all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were glad of vs and traded willingly At Cartagena the last towne we thought to haue seene on the coast we could by no meanes obtaine to deale with any Spaniard the gouernour was so straight and because our trade was so neere finished we thought not good either to aduenture any landing or to detract further time but in peace departed from thence the 24 of Iuly hoping to haue escaped the time of their stormes which then soone after began to reigne the which they call Furicanos but passing by the West end of Cuba towards the coast of Florida there happened to vs the 12 day of August an extreme storme which continued by the space of foure dayes which so beat the Iesus that we cut downe all her higher buildings her rudder also was sore shaken and withall was in so extreme a leake that we were rather vpon the point to leaue her then to keepe her any longer yet hoping to bring all to good passe we sought the coast of Florida where we found no place nor Hauen for our ships because of the shalownesse of the coast thus being in greater dispaire and taken with a newe storme which continued other 3 dayes we were inforced to take for our succour the Port which serueth the citie of Mexico called Saint Iohn de Vllua which standeth in 19 degrees in seeking of which Port we tooke in our way 3 ships which carried passengers to the number of an hundred which passengers we hoped should be a meane to vs the better to obtaine victuals for our money a quiet place for the repairing of our fleete Shortly after this the 16 of September we entered the Port of Saint Iohn de Vllua and in our entrie the Spaniardes thinking vs to be the fleete of Spaine the chiefe officers of the Countrey came aboord vs which being deceiued of their expectation were greatly dismayed but immediatly when they sawe our demand was nothing but victuals were recomforted I found also in the same Port twelue ships which had in them by the report two hundred thousand pound in gold siluer all which being in my possession with the kings Iland as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed I set at libertie without the taking from them the waight of a groat onely because I would not be delayed of my dispatch I stayed two men of estimation and sent post immediatly to Mexico which was two hundred miles from vs to the Presidentes and Councell there shewing them of our arriuall there by the force of weather and the necessitie of the repaire of our shippes and victuals which wantes we requiâ—ed as friends to king Philip to be furnished of for our money and that the Presidents and Councell there should with all conuenient speede take order that at
to beanes but is bigger and longer and much more thicke together on the stalke and when it wareth ripe the meate which filleth the rine of the cod becommeth yellow and is exceeding sweet and pleasant In this time of our being there hapned to come a Portugall to the Westerne fort with a flag of truce to whom Captaine Sampson was sent with Captaine Goring who comming to the said messenger he first asked them what nation they were they answered Englishmen hee then required to knowe if warres were betweene England and Spaine to which they answered that they knew not but if he would goe to their Generall he could best resolue him of such particulars and for his assurance of passage and repassage these Captaines made offer to ingage their credits which he resusâ—d for that he was not sent from his Gouernor Then they told him if his Gouernor did desire to take a course for the common benefit of the people and countrey his best way were to come and present himselfe vnto our noble and mercifull Gouernour sir Francis Drake whereby hee might bee assured to find fauour both for himselfe and the inhabitantes Otherwise within three dayes wee should march ouer the land and consume with fire all inhabited places and put to the sword all such liuing soules as wee shoulde chance vpon so thus much hee tooke for the conclusion of his answere and departing hee promised to returne the next day but we neuer heard more of him Upon the foure and twentieth of Nouember the Generall accâ—mpaniâ—d with the lieutenant generall and sixe hundred men marched foorth to a village twelue miles within the land called Saint Domingo where the Gouernour and the Bishoppe with all the betâ—er sort were lodged and by eight of the clocke wee came â—o it finding the place abandoned and the people fled into the mountaines so we made stand a while to ease our selues and partly to see if any would come to speake to vs. After we had well rested our selues the Generall commaunded the troupes to march away homewards in which retreat the enemie shewed themselues both horse and foote though not such force as â—urst encounter vs and so in passing sometime at the gase with them it waxed late and towards night before we could recouer home to S. Iago On Munday the sixe and twentieth of Nouember the Generall commaunded all the pinnesses with the boates to vse all diligence to imbarke the Armie into such shippes as euery man belonged The Lieutenant generall in like sort commanded Captaine Goring and Lieutenant Tucker with one hundred shot to make a stand in the market place vntill our forces were wholly imbarked the viceadmiral making stay with his pinnesse certaine boats in the harbour to bring the sayd last companie aboord the ships Also the Generall willed forthwith the gallie â—ith two pinnesses to take into them the company of Captaine Barton and the company of Captaine Bigs vnder the leading of captaine Sampson to seeke out such munition as was hidden in the ground at the towne of Praya or Playa hauing bene promised to be shewed it by a prisoner which was taken the day before The Captaines aforesayd comming to the Playa landed their men and hauing placed the troupe in their best strength Captaine Sampson tooke the prisoner and willed him to shewe that hee had promised the which he could not or at least would not but they searching all suspected places found two pieces of ordinance one of yron an other of brasse In the after noone the Generall ankered with the rest of the Fleet before the Playa comming himselfe ashore willing vs to burne the towne and make all haste aboord the which was done by sixe of the clocke the same day and our selues imbarked againe the same night and so we put off to Sea Southwest But before our departure from the towne of S. Iago wee established orders for the better gouernment of the Army euery man mustered to his captaine and othes were ministred to acknowledge her Maiestie supreme Gouernour as also euery man to doe his vttermost endeuour to aduance the seruice of the action and to yeeld due obedience vnto the directions of the Generall and his officers By this prouident counsell and laying downe this good foundation before hand all things went forward in a due course to the archieuing of our happy enterprise In all the time of our being here neither the Gouernour for the king of Spaine which is a Portugall neither the Bishop whose authoritie is great neither the inhabitants of the towne or Island euer came at vs which we expected they should haue done to intreate vs to leaue them some part of their needfull prouisions or at the least to spare the ruining of their towne at our going away The cause of this their varcasonable distrust as I doe take it was the fresh remembrance of the great wrongs they had done to old M. William Hawkins of Plimmouth in the voyage he made 4. or 5. yeeres before when as they did both breake their promise and murthered many of his man whereof I iudge you haue vnderstood therefore it is needlesse to be repeated But since they came not at vs we left written in sundry places as also in the spittle house which building was only appointed to be spared the great discontentment scorne we tooke at this their refraining to come vnto vs as also at the rude maner of killing sauage kind of handling the dead body of one of our boyes found by them stragling al alone from whom they had taken his head and heart and had stragled the other vowels about the place in a most brutish and beastly maner In reuenge whereof at our departing we consumed with fire all the houses aswell in the countrey which we saw as in the towne of S. Iago From hence putting off to the West Indies wee were not many dayes at Sea but there beganne among our people such mortalitie as in fewe dayes there were dead aboue two or three hundred men And vntill some seuen or eight dayes after our comming from S. Iago there had not died any one man of sicknesse in all the fleete the sicknesse shewed not his infection wherewith so many were stroken vntill we were departed thence and then seazed our people with extreme hot burning and continuall agues whereof very fewe escaped with life and yet those for the most part not without great alteration and decay of their wittes and strength for a long time after In some that died were plainely shewed the small spots which are often found vpon those that be infected with the plague wee were not aboue eighteene dayes in passage betweene the sight of Saint Iago aforesaid and the Island of Dominica being the first Island of the West Indies that we fell withall the same being inhabited with sauage people which goe all naked their skinne coloured with some painting of a reddish tawney very personable and handsome strong
wee espied one gallie vnder our â—ee hard by vs boging vp with vs. Then because it was euening one of the great ships discharged sixe great shot at vs to the ende the gallies should knowe that wee were the shippe they looked for Then the gallie came vp and hayling vs of whence our shippe was a Portugall which wee had with vs made them answere that we were of the fleete of â—ierra firma and of Siuil with that they bid vs amaine English dogs and came vpon our quarter star-boord and giuing vs fiue cast pieces out of her prowe they sought to lay vs aboord but wee so galled them with our muskets that we put them from our quarter Then they winding their gallie came vp into our sterne and with the way that the gallie had did so violently thrust in the boordes of our captaines cabbin that her nose came into it minding to giue vs all their prowe and so to sinke vs. But wee being resoluteâ— so plyed them with our small shot that they could haue no time to discharge their great ordinance and when they began to approch wee heaued into them a ball of fire and by that meanâ—s put them off whereupon they once againe fell asterne of vs and gaue vs a prowe Then hauing the second time put them off wee went to prayer and sang the first part of the 25. Psalme praysing God sor our safe deliuerance This being done we might see 2. gallies and a frigat all three of them bending themselues together to encounter vs hereupon we eftsoones commending our estate into the hands of God armed our selues and resolued for the honour of God her Maiestie and our countrey to fight it out till the last man Then shaking a pike of fire in dâ—fâ—ance of the enemie and weauing them amaine we bad them come aboord and an Englishman in the gallie made answer that they would come aboord presently So managing our selues to our furniture and euery moment expecting the assault wee heard them parle to this effect that they determined to keepe vs companie till the morning and then to make an end with vs then giuing vs another shot from one of the gallies they fell asterne Thus our fight continued with the shippes and with the gallies from seuen of the clock in the morning till eleuen at night Howbeit God which neuer faileth them that put their trust in him sent vs a gale of winde about two of the clocke in the morning at Eastnortheast which was for the preuenting of their crueltie and the sauing of our liues Also the Lord be praised for it in all this dangerous fight wee had not one man slame and but 2. hurt but our sayles and ropes were so rent with their shot that it was wonderfull to behold our maine mast also was shot cleane through whereby wee were in exceeding great danger Thus our consortes forsooke vs and left vs in these extremities The next day being the 14. of Iune in the morning wee sawe all our aduersaries to lee-ward of vs and they espying vs chased vs till 10. of the clocke and then seeing they could not preuaile gaue vs ouer So that day about 5. of the clocke in â—he afternoone we bare vp to the Southwest in hope to finde our consortes but we had no sight of them at that time nor afterward Then stoode we in all that night for the Cape of S. Anthonie hoping there to see our Admirall according to his direction The 15. day of Iune early in the morning we desâ—ryed the Spanish fleete againe being within 5. leagues of Cape S. Anthonie Then hauing no sight of our consortes wee stoode for the place according to the direction of our owner sir George Carcy where we did plie for the space of 23. dayes and neuer could see any sayle but two frigats which wee gaue chase vnto the 24. of Iune and could not fet them vp Thus we giue God most humble thankes for our fafe deliuerance from the cruell enemie which hath beene more mightie by the prouidence of God then any tongue can expresse to whom bee all prayse honour and glory both now and euer Amen Appendix THe barke called The Content had but one Minion one Falcon one Saker 2. port-bases She continued fight from seuen in the morning til sunset with 3. armadas of 600. and 700. tunnes apiece and one small shippe of 100. tunnes not being aboue musket shot from any of them And before the sunne was set there came vp to her two of the kings gallies Besides the Armadas shot their great ordinance continually at her not so few as 500. times And the sides hull and mastes of the Content were sowed thicke with musket bullets Moreouer all their sheats tops and shrowdes were almost cut insunder with their great small shot There passed from the galies each whereof came thrise vp to her discharged fiue great pieces at a time out of euery their prowes forthright within three yards of her poope through her maine saile 19. great shot through her main top-saile foure through her fore-saile seuen through her fore-top-saile fiue and through her maine maste one The vpper part of the Content was hurt in fiue places Onely 13. men continued this fight the rest being in holde A frigat of the Spaniards being afterward taken confessed that there were in the gallies aboue 40. Spaniards slaine and many were hurt in that combate The names of those 13. persons that continued the fight Nicolas Lisle Captaine M. Major Lieutenant William King Master Iohn Barwick Mrs. mateâ— William Clement gunner Thomas Houldships Bote-swaine Charles Creame Thomas Godfrey Giles Thornton Iohn Pells Iohn Bourel Ralph Grey William Heore The names of the rest be these following Iohn Pie Iohn Smith Iohn White Iohn Butcher Iohn Brooke Iohn Twopenie Edmund Giggs William Bateman William White Laurence Shellie A true report of a voyage vndertaken for the West Indies by M. Christopher Newport Generall of a fleete of three shippes and a pinnesse viz. The golden Dragon Admirall whereof was Captaine M. Newport himselfe The Prudence Vice-admirall vnder the conduct of Captaine Hugh Merrick The Margaret vnder Captaine Robert Fred and The Virgin our pinnesse vnder Captaine Henry Kidgil Begun from London the 25. of Ianuarie 1591. Written by M. Iohn Twitt of Harewich Corporall in the Dragon In which voyage they tooke and burnt vpon the coast of Hispaniola within the bay of Honduras and other places 3. townes and 19. saile of shippes and frigatsâ— THe 12. day of Februarie An. 1591. we set saile from Douer roade and hauing a prosperous winde the 27. day of the same moneth wee fell with Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbarie and on the 28. wee arriued at Santa Cruz roade where hauing refreshed our selues some 3. or 4. dayes we put off to sea againe and about the 5. of March wee passed by the Ilands of the Canaries and hauing a fauourable wind the 4. of April An. 1592. we fell
the gunner with 2 others outright hurt 20 more of which 4 or 5 died This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burnt in the gunner roome among all the fire workes that no man at the first wist what to doe but recalling backe their feare they began to cast water into the gunner roome in such abundance for the Queenes ships now also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our helpe that God be praised we put out the fire saued all no great harme was done to the goods By this may be seene that there is no sure safety of things in this world For now we made account to be out of all danger where behold a greater come vpon vs then we suffered all the whole voyage But the almightie be praysed for euer which deliuered vs out of this and many other in this voyage Our fire being well put out and we taking in fresh men God be praysed we came to Blacke-wall in safety A speciall letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho the Gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northerne part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second king of Spaine answering his desire touching the conquest of Rio Grande with the relation of the besieging of the castle of Cabodelo by the Frenchmen and of the discouerie of a rich siluer mine and diuerse other important matters I Receiued your Maiesties letter bearing date the ninth of Nouember 1596. whereby I vnderstande that your Maiestie doth determine to proceede in the discouerie and conquest of Rio Grande according to the relation which was sent your Maiestie by Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernour generall of this Realme of Brasilia together with a copie of a letter which your Maiestie sent vnto vs bearing date the two and twentieth of March 1596. Moreouer I receiued another letter from your Maiestie bearing date the 15 of March 1597. Both which letters were to one effect It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that there are diuerse Gentlemen in these countreys of as good abilitie as my selfe which seeke to liue at home onely for their ease and pleasure and are not wont to hazard nor venture their bodies liues and goods so often times in your Maiesties seruice as I haue done and commonly doe and can keepe their goods and riches and not spend nor wast them as I haue done and dayly doe so wilfully yet neuerthelesse being spent in your Maiesties seruice I am very glad thereof For I and they are alwayes readie at your Maiesties commandement And as concerning your Maiesties commandement in commanding me that I should put to my helping hand in the conquest of Rio Grande although this Captaineship of Paraiua and countrey where I doe gouerne doth want abilitie for that purpose yet neuerthelesse your Maiestie shall alwayes finde me readie to doe your Maiestie the best seruice I can for it is very well knowen how forward I haue bene alwayes and am in this conquest and still doe put to my helping hand as partly your Maiestie doth vnderstand by a letter which I wrote to your Maiesty by my sonne bearing date the 19 of March 1596 wherein your Maiestie may vnderstand what good seruice I haue alreadie done therein and alwayes will be readie to my power to doe the like in furthering of the said enterprise It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the third of Iuly there was brought vnto me a Frenchman a prisoner who presented himselfe vnto me And I examining of him he tolde me that he came running away from certaine French ships men of warre which came vpon this coast and he tolde me that he had serued your Maiestie in the warres of France Likewise he told me that he left me seuen great ships Frenchmen of warre riding at an anker in Rio Grande and that there were 13 french ships of warre more which had giuen battery to the Castle of Cabodelo and landed 350 soldiers all in white armour and the battery continued from Friday vntill the Munday following both by sea and land and great store of Frenchmen were slaine and two Captaines of the French On our side the Captaine of the castle was slaine and other two Portugals hurt other harme they had none There were but twentie Portugals in the castle and fiue pieces of ordinance They ment to haue kept the castle and to haue traded with the Indian people So seeing they could not take the castle they hoysed sayles and went from thence to Rio Grande and being altogether they are in number 20 saile at an anker in Rio Grande And some of them determine after they be new trimmed and drest and haue taken in fresh victuals and stayed there vntill Easter then to depart from thence to the Honduras and so to burne and spoyle some townes thereabout I certified Manuel Mascarenhas of these informations by my letters requesting him to send me with all expedition those souldiers which were in garison in Fernambuck to ayde me and to defende this Captaineship from the enemie But the Friers of The Couent would not consent thereunto nor suffer them to be sent vnto me So I was forced to make shift with those souldiers only which I had in my gouernment and tooke them with me and marched to the place where the enemies were entrenched and vpon Whitsunday in the euening about three of the clocke hauing in my company a Negro of the countrey of Petiguar which was our guide he brought vs where the enemies campe was and presently I did assault them and slew great store of them burning the villages and countrey of those rebels which did ioine with the Frenchmen and tooke many of them prisoners So they told me that there were ten great french ships of warre which were at an anker in Rio Grande Likewise I was informed that there is a frenchman called Daurmigas which hath discouered and found great store of siluer in a place called Capaoba The siluer hath bene tried and melted it is very good and fine siluer and there is great quantitie The man which told me of this hath beene in the mine and hath seene in tried and melted And I haue bene my selfe once in the place it is but 6 dayes iourney from this Captaineship Furthermore this Frenchman told me that one Monsieur Mifa a french Captaine and a kinsman of the gouernour and Uiceadmirall of Diepe in Normandie had one of his armes strooken off at the siege of the castle of Cabodelo who is departed from Rio Grande with determination to come backe hither againe the next yeere in the moneth of Ianuarie following and to inhabite in this countrey of Paraiba which is 20 leagues from Fernambuck because of the great store of siluer which they haue alreadie found here Moreouer I am enformed that a noble man of France called The earle of Villa Dorca doth intend to come vpon this coast with a great fleete
was the richest and the fruitfullest part so God had peopled it with the most valiant and furious people in all America The prouince which they inhabite called El Estado de Arauco is but a small prouince about 20 leagues in length and is gouerned by ten principall men of the countrey out of which tenne they chuse the valiantest man for their generall in the warres The kings of Peru in times past could neuer conquere this part of Chili nor yet any other kings of the Indians The weapons vsed by these people of Arauco are long pikes halbards bowes and arrowes they also make them iacks of seale-skinnes and head-pieces in times past the heads of their halbards and pikes were of brasse but now they haue gotten store of yron They pitch their battels in maner like the Christians for putting their pikemen in rankes they place bowmen among them and marshall their troupes with discretion and great valour Now the Spaniards comming vnto this prouince sent word vnto them by other Indians saying that they were the children of God and came to teach them the word of God and that therefore they ought to yeelde themselues vnto them if not they would shoot fire among them and burne them These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards but desiring to see that which they had heard reported met them in the field and fought a most cruell battell but by reason of the Spaniards great ordinance and caliuers they were in the end put to flight Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God because of their great ordinance which made such a noise and breathed out such flames of fire yeelded themselues vnto them So the Spaniards hauing diuided this prouince made the Indians to serue their turnes for getting of gold out of the mines which they enioyed in such abundance that hee which had least had 20000 pezos but Captaine Baldiuia himselfe had 300000 pezos by the yeere The fame of these riches in the end was spred as farre as Spaine from whence soone after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili whom Captaine Baldiuia caused to inhabite sixe townes to wit Villa nueua de la Serena called in the Indian tongue Coquimbo the second Sant Iago which the Indians call Mapocha the third La Concepcion called by the Indians Penco the fourth La Imperial the fift Baldiuia and the sixt La Villa Rica Also he built a fort in the middle of all the land wherein hee put ordinance and souldiers howbeit all this their good successe continued not long for the Indians in short time perceiuing that the Spaniards were but mortall men as well as they determined to rebell against them wherefore the first thing that they did they carried grasse into the said fort for the Spaniards horses and wood also for them to burne among which grasse the Indians conueyed bowes and arrowes with great clubs This done fiftie of the Indians entred the sort betooke themselues to their bowes arrowes and clubs and stood in the gate of the sayd for t from whence making a signe vnto other of their nation for helpe they wanne the fort and slewe all the Spaniards The newes of this ouerthrow comming to the towne of Concepcion where Captaine Baldiuia was hee presently set foorth with two hundred horsemen to seeke the Indians taking no more men with him because he was in haste And in a plaine he met the Indians who comming of purpose also to seeke him and compassing him about slew most part of his company the rest escaping by the swiftnesse of their horses but Baldiuia hauing his horse slaine vnder him was taken aliue Whom the Indians wished to be of a good courage and to feare nothing for the cause said they why we haue taken you is to giue you gold ynough And hauing made a great banquet for him the last seruice of all was a cuppe full of melted gold which the Indians forced him to drinke saying Now glut thy selfe with gold and so they killed him This Baldiuia was a most valiant man who had beene an olde souldier in the warres of Italy and at the sacking of Rome Upon this discomfiture the Spaniards choose for their Captaine one Pedro de Villa grande who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili and taking with him tenne peeces of ordinance marched against those Indians but with so badde successe that he lost not onely the field and many of his men but also those ten peeces of ordinance which hee brought The Indians hauing thus gotten the victorie went streightway against the towne of Concepcion from whence the Spaniards fled for feare and left the towne desolate And in this maner were the Spaniards chased by the Indians out of the countrey of Arauco But newes hereof being brought to the Marques of Cannete viceroy of Peru hee sent his sonne Don Garcia de Mendoça against those Indians with a great power of horsemen and footmen and store of Artillerie This nobleman hauing subdued Chili againe slaine in diuers battels aboue 40000 Indians and brought them the second time vnder the Spaniards subiection newly erected the said fort that stoode in the midst of the land inhabited the towne of Concepcion againe and built other townes for the Spaniards and so leauing the land in peace hee returned for Peru. But yer hee was cleane departed out of the land the Indians rebelled againe but could not doe so much mischiefe as they did before because the Spaniards tooke better heede vnto them From that time vntill this present there hath bene no peace at all for notwithstanding many Captaines and souldiers haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that people wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this prouince eleuen townes and two bishoprickes yet haue they little ynough to maintaine themselues by reason of the warres for they spend all the golde that the â—â—â—d yeelâ—eth in the maintenance of their souldiers which would not bee so if they had peacâ—â—â—â—r then they might worke in all their mines Thus hauing spoken somewhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest therof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150 houses hath twise bene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is wateâ—poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a riuer foure leagues from the sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine countrey of Arauco being situate ouer against the Island La Mocha on which Island the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine land Hauing passed the plaine of Arauco the next towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath â—eene the greatest and the richest towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growen very poore and hath small store