Augustane confession and Apology That Bishops might easily have reteined their places if they would they protest that they are not guilty of the diminution of Episcopall Authority And for the Helvetian Churches it appeares by that letter of Zuiâ—…glius and ten others of their principall Divines to thâ—… Bishop of Constance in all humility and observancâ—… beseeching him To favour and helpe forward their beginnings as an excellent Worke and worthy of a Bishop they call him Father Renowned Prelate Bishop the implore his Clemency Wisdome Learning that 〈◊〉 would be the first Fruits of the Germaine Bishops favour true Christianity springing up againe to heaâ—… the wounded Conscience They beseech him by the coâ—…mon Christ by our Christian Liberty by that Father affection which he owes unto them by whatsoever was 〈◊〉 vine and humane to looke graciously upon them or he would not grant their desires yet to connive at theâ—… So he should make his Family yet more illustrious aâ—… have the perpetuall Tribute of their Prayses so would but shew himselfe a Father and grâ—…â—…he request of his obedient Sonnes They coâ—…clude God Almighty long preserve your Excellenâ—… Thirdly for the French Churches it is plain Calvine in one of his Epistles touching a Reform Bishop that should turne from Popery that he mâ—… retein His Bishoppricke his Diocesse yea even 〈◊〉 Revennues and his Iurisdiction Lastly it is objected that Bishops have been 〈◊〉 â—…troducers of Anti-Christian Tyranny and all otâ—… abuses into the Church One said of Phisitians tâ—… they were happy Men for the Sunne revealed their Cure and the Earth buried all their inâ—…mities contrarywise we may say of Governours that in this respect they are most unhappy Men for the Sun reveales all their infirmities nay more all the Ennormities of the Times and the aberrations of their Inferiours are imputed to them but the Earth buries all their cures Episcopacy hath been so farre from being an adjument to the Pope in his Tyrannicall invasion of the Libertyes of the Church that on the other side it was a principall meanes to stay and retard his usurpation as did well appeare at the Councell of Treat how little he was propitious to that Order and by the Example of Grodsted Bishop of Lincolne who was malleus Romanorum and many others And now much the rather when Bishops acknowledge no dependency upon him No Forme of Government was ever so absolute as to keep out all abuses Errors in Religion are not presently to be imputed to the Government of the Church Arrius Pelagius c. were no Bishops but on the other side if Bishops had not been God knows what Churches what Religion what Sacraments what Christ we should have had at this Day And wee may easily conjecture by that inundation of Sects which hath almost quite overwhelmed our poor Church on a suddain since the Authority of Bishops was suspended The present condition of England doth plead more powerfully for Bishops then all that have writ for Episcopacy since the Reformation of our Church I have made this digression by occasion of the Observers so often girding at Bishops he may either passe by it or take notice of it at his pleasure There are some small remainders of his worke but of no great moment as this That there is a disparity between naturall Fathers Lords Heads c. and Politicall Most true though the Observer hath not met with the most apposite instances otherwise they should be the very same thing every like is also dislike He conceives that there is onely some sleight resemblance between them but our Law saith expresly otherwise That His Majesty is very Head King Lord and Ruler of this Realme and that of meer droit and very right First very Head and Lord and then of meer droit and very right It is impossible the Law should speake more fully But the maine difference which may come near the question is this that the Power which is in a Father Lord c. moderately and distinctly is joyntly and more eminently in a Soveraigne Prince as was long since declared at Rome in the case between Fabius Maximus and his Sonne No Father could deserve more reverence from a Sonne yet he knew that Domestick command must veile and submit to Politicall and that the Authority of a Father of a Family doth disappear in the presence of the Father of a Country as lesser Starres do at the rising of the Sun But his maine ground is that the King is the Father Lord Head c. of His Subjects divisim but not conjunctim if you take them singly one by one but not of an intire collective Body So it seemes His Majesty is the King of Peter and Andrew not of England nor yet so much as of a whole Towne or Village yet the Observer himselfe can be contented to be the Lord of a whole Manour I conceive he learned this doctrine out of Schola Salerni Anglorum Regi c. If this assertion were true how extrmely hath the World been deceived hitherto and we have all forsworne our selves in our Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance His Majesty is much bound to him for making him King of so many pretty little Kingdoms but as Titus Quinctius said of Antiochus his Souldiers when their Friends did set them out by parcells for Armies of Medes Elemites Cadusians That all these in one word were but Syrians So His Majesty is well contented to reduce all these Kingdoms of Microcosmes into one Kingdome of England if he may hold that in peace Such another Paradox is that which follows that Treason or Rebellion in Subjects is not so horrid in nature as oppression in Superiours One of the most absurd opinions and most destructive to all Societies that ever was devised By this new learning when the Master shall correct his Servant without sufficient ground in the Servants conceit he may take the Rod by the other end give His Master some remembrances to teach him his Office better If it be a little irregular yet it is the lesse fault upon these grounds Doth any Man think that the Observer instructs his Family with this doctrin at home out of his chaire beleeve it not By the very equity of this conclusion it should be a greater sinne for a Man to mispend what is his owne then to robbe or steale that which is not his own The Superiour though he abuse his power yet hath a right to it but the inferiour hath none How discrepant is this from the judgement of former times they thought no crime could be so great as that it ought to be punished with Parracide or that for discovery thereof a Servant should be examined against his Master or a Child against his Parent The Law of Parricides denyed lucem vivo fluctuanti mare naufrago portum morienti terram defuncto Sepulchrum Tully saith they were to be sowed up quick in a Sack and so cast into the River not to the wild Beasts
take what fallâ—… at his perill But that I may not denye truth to an Adâ—… versary I grant three truths in this Answer First that the Person and Office of a King atâ—… distinguishable a good man may be a bad King anâ—… a bad man a good King Alexander the great haâ—… his two friends Ephestion and Craterus the one waâ—… Alexanders Friend the other was the Kings Friend the one honoured his person the other his Office But yet he that loved Alexander did not hate thâ—… King and he that loved the King was no enemy tâ—… Alexander Secondly I grant in active Obedience if thâ—… King command any thing which is repugnant to the Law of God or Nature we ought rather to obeâ—… God then Men. The Guard of Saul refused justlâ—… to slay the Priests of the Lord and Hananiaâ—… Mishael and Azariah to worship Nebuchadnezarâ—… golden Image it is better to dye then to doe thaâ—… which is worse then Death Da veniam Imperatoâ—… pardon me O Soveraigne thou threatnest me witâ—… prison but God with Hell In this case it is not lawfull to yeeld active obedience to the King Again if the King command any thing which is contrary to the known Laws of the Land if it be by an injury to a third Person we may not doe it as for a Judge to deliver an unjust sentence for every Judge ought to take an Oath at his admission that he will doe right to every person notwithstanding the Kings letters or any other persons there is danger from others as well as from the King And generally we owe service to the King but innocency to Christ. But if this command intrench onely upon our own private Interest we may either forbear active Obedience or in discretion remit of our own right for avoiding further evill So said Saint Ambrose If the Emperour demand our fields let him take them if he please I doe not give them but withall I doe not deny them Provided alwayes that this is to be understood in plain cases onely where the Law of God of Nature or the Land is evident to every mans capacity otherwise if it be doubtfull it is a Rule in Case Divinity Subditi tenentur in favorem Regis Legis judicare It is better to obey God then Man but to disobey the King upon Surmises or probable pretence or an implicit dependence upon other Mens judgements is to disobey both God and Man and this duty as the Protesters say truely is not tyed to a Kings Christianity but his Crown Tiberius was no Saint when Christ bid give unto Caesar that which was Caesars Thus for active obedience now for passive If a Soveraigne shall persecute his Subjects for not doing his unjust Commands yet it is not lawfull to resist by raising Arms against him They that resist shall receive to themselves damnation But they aske iâ—… there no limitation I answer ubi lex non distinguiâ—… nec nos distinguere debemus how shall we limit where God hath not limited or distinguish where he hath not distinguished But is there no remedy for 〈◊〉 Christian in this case yes three remedies The first is to cease from sinne Rex bonus est dextra malus sinistra Dei a good King is Gods right hand a bad his left hand a scourge for our sinnes as we suffer with patience an unfruitfull yeare so we must doe an evill Prince as sent by God Tollatuâ—… culpa ut cesset Tyrannorum plaga said Aquinas remove our sinne and God will take away his rod. The second remedy is prayers and tears In that day you shall cry unto the Lord because of your King Saint Nazianzen lived under five persecutions and never knew other Remedy he ascribed the death of Iulian to the prayers and teares of the Christians Ieremy armed the Iews with prayers for Nebuchadnezar not with daggs and daggers against Nebuchadnezar Saint Paul commands to make prayers and supplications for Kings not to give poison to them Saint Peter could have taken vengeance with a word as well on Herod as Ananias but that he knew that God reserves Kings for his own Tribunall For this cause Saint Ambrose a Man of known courage refused to make use of the forwardnesse of the People against Valenâ—…ian the Emperour And when Saul had slayne the Priests of God and persecuted David yet saith David who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords anointed and be guiltlesse It was Duty and not a singular desire of perfection that held Davids hands who can stretch out his Hand No Man can doe it The third remedy is flight this is the uttermost which our Master hath allowed when they persecute you in one City fly to another But a whole Kingdome cannot fly neither was a whole Kingdome ever persecuted by a lawfull Prince private men tasted of Domitians cruelty but the Provinces were well governed The raging desires of one Man cannot possibly extend to the ruine of all Nor is this condition so hard for Subjects This is thankworthy if a man for Conscience towards God indure grief and if a man suffer as a Christian let him glorifie God on this behalfe This way hath ever proved successefull to Christian Religion the blood of the Martyrs is the seed of the Church caedebantur torquebantur nrebantur tamen multiplicabantur But all these Remedies are not sufficient they are nothing and they that thinke otherwise are stupid fellowes in the judgement of the Observer unlesse the People have right to preserve themselves by force of Arms yea notwithstanding any contracts that they have made to the contrary for every private man may desend himselfe by force if assaulted though by the force of a Magistrate or his own Father c. First I observe how the Observer enterferes in his Discourse for in the forty fourth page he telleth us quite contrary that the King as to his own Person is not forcibly to be repelled in any ill doing But passing by this contradiction I aske two questions of him by his good leave The first is if a Father should goe about onely to correct his Child and not to kill him or maime him whether he might in such a case cry Murther Murther and trie Mâ—steries with his Father and allege his own judgement against his Fathers to prove his innocency My second question is if an inraged Father should offer extreme violence to his Sonne how far he might resist his Father in this case whether to give blow for blow and stabbe for stabbe or onely to hold his Fathers hands For if it be a meere resistence without any further active violence which is allowable if it be onely in extream perills where the life is indâ—ngered and against manifest rage and fury what the Observer gets by this he may put in his eye and see never the worse But to give his remedy and his instance for it a positive answer I say further that this
to themselves and the King is not so much interested iâ—… it as themselves t is more inconvenienâ—…e and injuâ—…ice to deny then grant it what blame is it the 〈◊〉 Prinâ—…es when they will pretend reluctance of Conscience and Reason in things behâ—…vefull for the People Answer That which His Majesty saith that a Man may not goe against the Dictâ—…te of Hi own Conscience is so certain that no Man that hath his eyes in his head can deny it The Scripture is plain he that doubteth is damned if he eate because he eateth not of Faith for whatsoever is not of Faith is Sinne. Reason is as evident that all circumstances must concurre to make an action good but one single defect doth make it evill Now seeing the approbation of Conscience is required to every good action the want thereof makes it unlawfull nor simply in it selfe but relatively huic hic nunc to this Person at this time in this place Therefore all Divines doe agree in the case of a scrupulous Conscience that where a Man is bound by positive Law to doe any Act and yet is forbidden by the Dictates of his own Conscience to do it he must first reform his understanding and then perform obedience And this in case where a thing already is determined by positive Law but in His Majestyes case where the question is not of Obedience to a Law already constituted and established but of the free election or assenting to a new Law before it be enacted it holds much more strongly But yet this is not all there is a third obligation a threefold cord is not easily broken Take one instance the King iâ—…â—…nd by His Coronation oath to defend the Church to preserve to the Clergy all Canonicall Privileges the free franchises granted to them by the glorious King Saint Edward and other Kings Now suppose such a Bill should be tendred to His Majesty to deprive them of their temporall goods as was tendred to Henry the fourth in that Parliament called the Lay Parliament suppose that His Majesty is very sensible of the obligaon of His Oath but sees no ground of dispensation with his oath the Clergy as then Thomas Arundell Arch-Bishop of Canterbury are his Remembrancers and consent not to any alteration what should a King doe in this case in the one â—…cale there is Law Conscience and Oath in the other the tender respect which he beares to a great part yet but a part of his people I presume not to determine but our Chroniclers tell us what was the event then That his Majesty resolved to leave the Church in as good State or better then he found it That the Knights confessed their error and desired forgivenesse of the same Arch-Bishop That when the same motion was renewed after in the same year of his Raigne the King commanded them that from thenceforth they should not presume to move any such matter Even as his Predecessor Richard the second in the very like case had commanded the same Bill to be cancelled Kings then did conceive themselves to have a negative voice and that they were not bound by the votes of their great Councell These grounds being laid the Observers instances will melt away like Winter ice First the Oath and obligation is visible and certain but the dispensation or necessityof alteration is invisible and uncertain Secondly the rule that a man may not contradict his own Conscience for the advise of any Counseller is universall and holds not onely in actions judiciary whether sole or sociall but generally in all the actions of a Mans Life Thirdly the understanding is the sole Judge or Directer of the will the sin of Pilate was not to contradict Revelations which he never had but for fear of complaints and out of a desire to apply himselfe to an inraged Multitude to condemne an innocent Person The â—…bservers instance in the Earle of Strafford might well â—…ave been omitted as tending to no purpose unlesse 〈◊〉 be to shew his inhumanity and despight to the dead â—…shes of a Man who whilest he was living might â—…ave answered a wâ—…ole Legion of Observers and at â—…is death by his voluntary submission and his owne â—…etition to His Majesty did endeavour to clear this â—…oubt and remove these scruples Take the case as â—…he Observer states it yet justice is satisfied by his â—…eath and if it were otherwise yet it is not meet for â—…im or me for to argue of what is done by His Majesty â—…r the great Councell of the Kingdom That rancour â—…s deep which pursues a Man into another World But where the Observer addes That His Majesty was not the sole Judge and that he was uncapâ—…ble of sitting Judge at all I conceive he is much mistaken His Majesty may be Authoritative Judge where he doth not personally sit and the naming of a Delegate or High Steward to be a pronunciative Judge doth not exclude the principall The instance of a Judge giving sentence according to the major number of his Fellow Judges though contrary to his own opinion is altogether impertinent for this is the judgement of the whole Court not of the Person and might be declared by any one of the Bench as well as another Such a Judge is not an Authoritative Judge but proâ—…unciative onely neither can he make Law but declare it without any negative voice The other instance of a Juror concurring with the greater number of his Fellow Jurors contrary to his Conscience is altogether false and direct Perjury Neither of them are applicâ—…ble to Hiâ—… Majesty who 〈◊〉 powâ—…r both to execuâ—…e and pardon It is true necessiâ—…y of Stâ—…te justifies many thingâ—… which otherwise were inexcusable and it is as truâ—… that it is not lawfull to doe evill that good may comâ—… of it His last assertion that where the People by publickâ—… authority will seek any inconvenience to themselves anâ—… the King is not as much interessed as themselves it 〈◊〉 more injustice to deny then grant it iâ—… repugnant to whaâ—… he saith a little after that if the People should be sâ—… unnaturall as to oppose their own prâ—…servation the Kinâ—… might use all possible meanes for their safety and mucâ—… more repugnant to the truth The King iâ—… the Father oâ—… his People he is a bad Father that if his Sonne askâ—… him a stone in stead of bread or a Scorpion in steaâ—… of a Fish will give it him That Heathen was mucâ—… wiser who prayed to Iupiter to give him good thingâ—… though he never opened his lippes for them and to withhold such things as were bad or prejudiciall though he petitioned never so earnestly for them Suppose the People should desire Liberty of Religioâ—… for all Sects should the King grant it who is constituted by God the Keeper of the two Tables Suppose they should desire the free exportation of Arms Monyes Sheep which they say Edward the fourth for a present private end granted to the Kings of Castile
THE SERPENT SALVE OR A REMEDIE For the Biting of an ASPE WHEREIN The Observators Grounds are discussed and plainly discovered to be unsound Seditious not warranted by the Laws of God of Nature or of Nations and most repugnant to the known Laws and customs of this Realm For the reducing of such of His Majesties well-meaning Subjects into the right Way who have been mis-led by that Ignis fatuus Printed in the year 1643. To the READER WHen that Signe or rather Mâ—…teor called Castor and Polinx appeares single to the Sea-faring Men it portends a dangerous Tempest because of the density or toughnesse of the matter which is not easily dissolved And when it appeares double divided into two it presageth Serenity and a good Voyage But it is otherwise in the Body Politick When the King and Parliament are united it promiseth Happy and Halcionian Dayes to the Subject and when they appeare divided it threatens Ruine and Dissipation to the whole Kingdome This is our present condition the Heads are drenched with the oyle of Discord and it runs down to the skirts of the Garment Of all Hereticks in Theology they were the worst who made two beginnings a God of Good and a God of Evill Of all Hereticks in Policy they are the most dangerous which make the Common-wealth an Amphisbena a Serpent with two heads who make two Supreames without subordination one to another the King and the Parliament That is to leave a Seminary of Discord to lay a Trappe for the Subject to set up a Rack for the Conscience when Superiours sends out contrary Commands as the Commission of Array and the Order for the Milita If they were subordinate one to another we had a safe way both to discharge our Conscience towards God and secure our Estates to the World that is by obeying the Higher Power according to that golden Rule in presentia Majoris cessat authoritas Minoris But whilest they make them coordinate one with another the Estate the Liberty the Life the Soule of every Subject lies at Stake what passage can poor Conscience find between this Scilla and Charybdis between the two hornes of this Dilemma No Man can serve two Masters All great and sudden Changes are dangerous to the Body Naturall but much more to the Body Politick Time and Custome beget Reverence and Admiration in the minds of all men frequent Alterations produce nothing but Contempt Break ice in one place it will crack in more Mountebankes Projectors and Innovators alwayes promise golden Mountains but their performance is seldome worth a cracked Groat The credulous Asse in the Fable believed that the Wolf his counterfeit Phisiitian would cure him of all his Infirmities and lost his skin for his labour When the Devill tempted our first Parents he assured them of a more happy Estate then they had in Paradise but what saith our common Proverbe seldome comes the better It is the Ordinance of God that nothing should be perfectly blessed in this World yet it is our weaknesse to impute all our sufferings to our present condition and to believe a change would free us from all Imcombrances So thought the Romanes when they changed their Consulls into Consulary Tribunes So thought the Florentines when they cashiered their Decem-Viri both found the disadvantage of their Novelties both were forced to shake hands again with their old Friends Other Nations have used to picture an English man with a paire of sheares in his hand thus deriding our newfanglednesse in attire But it is farr worse to be shaping new Creeds every Day and new forms of Government according to each mans private humour When a sick man tosseth from one side of his bed to another yet his Distemper followes him They say our Countryman never knowes when he is well but if God Almighty be graciously pleased once again to send us Peace I trust we shall know better how to value it In the mean time let us take heed of credulity and newfanglednesse Those States are most durable which are most constant to their own Rules The glory of Venice is perpetuated not so much by the strong Situation as by that Sanction or Constitution that it is not lawfull for any man to make mention of a new Law to the grand Counsell before it have been first discussed and allowed by a selected Company of their most intelligent most experienced Citizens Among the Locrians no man might propose a new Law but with an halter about his neck that if he did not speed in his suite he might presently be strangled The Lacedemonians did so farr abhorre from all study of change that they banished a skilfull Musition onely for adding one string 〈◊〉 to the Harp I desire that no man will interpret what I say in this Discourse as intended to the Prejudice of the lawfull Rights and just priviledges of Parliament The very name of a Parliament was Musick in our eares at the Summons thereof our hearts danced for joy It is rather to be feared that we idollized Parliaments and trusted more in them then in God for out temporall well being God who gave the Israelites a King in his anger may at his pleasure give us a Parliament in his anger That we reap not the expected fruit next to our sins we may thank the Observator and such Incendiaries I confesse my selfe the most unfit of thousands to descend into this Theater as one who have lived hitherto a Mute but to see the Father of our Country threatned and villified by a common Souldier is able to make a dumb man speak as it did sometimes the Sonne of Craesus Quando doler est in capite saith Saint Bernard when the head akes the tongue cries for assistence and the very least members the Toe or the litle Finger is affected We are commanded to be wise as Serpents Math. 10. 16. A chief wisdome of the Serpent is in time of Danger to wrap and fold his head in the circles of his body to save that from blowes I pretend not to skill in Politicks the Observator may have read more Bookes and more Men but let him not despise a weak Adversary who comes armed with evident truth I know I have the better cause the better second The Birds in Aristophanes fancying an all-sufficiency to themselves did attempt for a while to build a City walled up to Heaven not much unlike such another Fiction of the Apes in Hermogenes but at length the one for feare of Iupiters Thunder and the other for want of convenient tooles gave over the Enterprise Believe it the frame of an ancient glorious well-temper'd and setled Monarchy though it may be shaken for a time will not cannot be blown upside down with a few windy Exhalations or an handfull of Sophisticall squibbes The World begins to see something through the holes of these mens cloakes and to espye Day through the midst of the Milstone And now that men may borrow a word edgeway with them
which he calls a Remedy is ten times worse then the disease itselfe even such a Remedy as the luke-warm blood of Infants newly slain is for the Leprosy and in this respect worse that a Leprosy is a disease indeed but where shall a Man almost read in story of a Father slaughtering his Son except perhaps some franticke Anabaptist in imition of Abraham it will not be difficult to find two Sons that have made away their Fathers for one Father that hath made away his Sonne notwithstanding the Fathers Authority So this case is inter raro aut nunquam contingentia and may be reckoned amongst the rest of the Observers incredible suppositions which are answered before in the beginning of this Section But if the Observers Doctrine were once received into the world throughly for one instance of a Parracide now we should hear of an hundred A Mischief is better then an inconvenience a Mischief that happens once in an Age then an inconvenience which is apt to produce a World of Mischiefes every day as where the King is able to make good his Party res facile redeunt ad pristinum statum or where Forrein Princes shall engage themselves on the behalfe of Monarchy it selfe or perhaps doe but watch for an opportunity to seise upon both parties as the Kite did on the Frog and the Mouse and howsoever where Ambition Covetousnesse Envy Newfanglednesse Schisme shal gain an opportunity to act their mischievous intentions under the cloake of Justice and zeal to the Common-wealth We are now God knowes in this way of Cure which the Observer prescribes I may say it safely This Kingdom hath suffered more in the tryall of this remedy in one year then it hath done under all the Kings and Queenes of England since the union of the two roses I think I may inlarge it since the Conquest except onely such seditious times Leave a right to the Multitude to rise in Arms as often as they may be perswaded there is Danger by the Observer or some such seditious Oratours for their own ends and every English Subject may write on his doore Lord have mercy upon us Thirdly I doe grant that to levy Arms against the authority of the King in the absence of his Person is to warre against the King otherwise we should have few Treasons Some desperate Ruffian or two or three Raggamuffins sometimes but rarely out of revenge most commonly upon seditious principles and misled by some factious Teachers may attempt upon the Person of the Prince but all grand conspiracies are veiled under the maske of Reformation of removing greivances and evill Councellours Fallit enim vitium specie virtutis umbra I goe yet further that when a Kings Person is hâ—…ld captive by force and his commands are meerely extorted from him by duresse and fear of further Mischief contrary to the dictate of his own reason as it was in the case of Henry the sixth there his commands are to be esteemed a nullity of no moment as a forced marriage or a bond sealed per minas But where the King hath Dominion of his own Actions though he be actually misled and much more though he be said to be misled the case is far otherwise These three truths with these Cautions I doe admit in this distinction of the Kings Person and Office But yet further here are sundry rocks to be avoided in it The first is not onely to distinguish in reason but actually and in deed to divide the Kings Person from His Authority that is to make the King a Platonicall Idea wiâ—…out personall subsistence or as the Familists doe make their Christ a Quality and not a Man as if the King of England were nothing but Carolus Rex written in Court hand without flesh blood or bones To what purpose then are those significant solemnities used at the Coronation of our Kings Why are they crowned but to shew their personall and Imperiall Power in Military Affaires why inthroned but to shew their judiciary Supremacy why inoâ—…led but to expresse their Supremacy in matters of Religion That the Kings Authority may be where His Person is not is most true that His person may be without Authority is most false That his Office and Authority may be limited by Law is true but a King without personall Authority is a contradiction rather then a King such a King as the Souldiers made of Christ with a scarlet Robe a Crown of Thornes a Scepter of a Reed and a few Courtesies and Formallities The Person of a bad King is to be honoured for his Office sake to what purpose if his Person and his Office mâ—…y be divided How dull were the Primitive 〈◊〉 that suffered so much because they were not capâ—…ble of this distinction By this distinction S. Paul â—…ight have justified his calling Ananias whited Wall without pleading that he knew not that he was Gods High-Priest and have told him plainly that be reverenced his Office but for his Person and illegall commands â—…e did 〈◊〉 respect them When Maximian commanded â—…he Christian Souldiers to sacrifice to Idols this â—…as an unlawfull command yet they câ—…ose rather to â—…e cut in pieces then to resist When the same Maximian and Dioclesian published a cruell Edict â—…t Nicomedia agâ—…inst Christians That their Churâ—…hes should be demolished their Scriptures burned â—…heir Apostate Servants infranchised this was but a Personall Arbitrary Edict A principall Professor â—…ore it in pieces and suffered death for it even in the judgement of his Fellow Christian deservedly A second Danger is to leave too great a Latitude of Judgement uâ—…to Subjects to censure the doingâ—… of their Soveraigne and too great a Liberty not onely to suspend their obedience but also to oppose his commands till they be satisfied of the legallity thereof A miserable a condition for Princes as it is pernicious for Subjects and destructive to all Sâ—… cieties A Master commands the Servant an unjuâ—… act in the opinion of the Servant yet the Servaâ—… must submit or be beaten Doth not the Master hiâ—… selfe owe the same Subjection to his Prince tâ—… Master denyes the act is unjust so doth the Prince who shall be Arbiter it were too much sawcinesâ—… for a Servant to arrogate it to himselfe what is then for a Subject will a Judge give leave to an Eâ—… ecutioner to reprive the Prisoner till he be satisfie of the Legallity of the Judges sâ—…ence A Supâ—… riour may have a just ground for his Command whicâ—… he is not alwaâ—…es bound to discover to his Subjects nor is a Subject bound to sift the grounds 〈◊〉 his Superiourâ—… Commands In summe a Subjeâ—… should neither be tanquam scipio in manu like staffe in a mans hand alike apt to all motions read to obey his Prince though the act to be done be eâ—… dently against the Law of God or Nature nor yeâ—… on the other side so scrupulouâ—… as to demurre upon aâ—… his commands untill he understand
dictate so to him he might truely say that he was bound to doe it both by His Oath and his Office Yet his Grand-Father Edward the third revoked a Statute because it waâ—… prejudiciall to the rights of his Crown and was made without his free consent Observer That which results from hence is if our Kings receive all Royalty from the People and for the behoofe of the People and that by a speciall trust of safety and Liberty expresly by the people limited and by their own grants and Oaths ratified then â—…ur Kings cannot bâ—… said to have so inconditionate and high a propriety in all our Lifes Libertyes and Possessions or in any thing else to the Crown apperteining as we have in their dignity or in our selves and indeed if they had they were â—…ot born for the People but meerely for themselveâ—… neither were it lawfull or naturall for them to expose their Lifes and Fortunes for their Country as they have been bound hitherto to doe according to that of our Saviour Bonus Pastor ponit vitam pro oâ—…ibus Answer Ex his praemissis necessario sequitur collusio All your main Pillars are broken reeds and your Building must needs fall For our Kings doe not receive all Royalty from the People nor onely for the behoofe of the People but partly for the People partly for themselves and theirs and principally for Gods glory Those conditionate reservations and limitationâ—… which you fancy are but your own drowsy dreames neither doth His Majesties Charter nor can His Oath extend to any such fictitious privilege as you devise The propriety which His Majesty hath in our Lifes Libertyes and Estates is of publicke Dominion not of private Possession His interest in things apperteining to the Crown is both of Dominion and Possâ—…ssion the right which we have in him is not a right of Dominion over him but a right of Protection from him and under him and this very right of Protection which he owes to us and we may expect from him shews clearely that he is born in 〈◊〉 for his People and is a sufficient ground for him to expose his Life and Fortunes to the extremest perills for his Country The Authours inference that it is not lawfull or naturall according to these grounds is a silly and ridiculous collection not unlike unto his similitude from the Shepheard whom all men know to have an absolute and inconditionate Dominion over his Sheep yet is he bound to expose his Life for them Observer But now of Parliaments Parliaments have the same efficient cause as Monarchies if not higher For in truth the whole Kingdome is not so properly the Authour as the essence it selfe of Parliaments and by the former Rule it is magis tale because we see ipsum quid quod efficit tale And it is I think beyond all Controversy that God and the Law operate as the same causes both in Kings and Parliaments for God favours both and the Law establishes both and the act of Men still concurres in the sustentation of both And not to stay longer on this Parliaments have also the same finall â—…use as Monarchyes if not greater for indeed publicke Safety and Liberty could not be so effectually provided for by Monarchs till Parliaments were constituted for supplying of all defects in that Government Answer The Observer having shewed his teeth to Monarchs now he comes to fawn upon Parliaments the Italians have a proverbe He that speakes me fairer then he useth to doe either hath deceived me or he would deceive me Queen Elizabeth is now a Saint with our Schismaticall Mar-Prelates but when she was alive those rayling Rabshekehs did match her with Ahab and Ieroboam now their tongues are silver Trumpets to sound out the praises of Parliaments it is not long since they reviled them as fast calling them Courts without Conscience or Equity God blesse Parliaments and grant they may doe nothing unworthy of themselves or of their name which was Senatus Sapientum The commendation of bad men was the just ground of a wise mans fear But let us examine the parculars Parliaments you say have the same efficient cause as Monarchyes if not higher it seemes you are not resolved whether Higher How should that be unlesse you have devised some Hierarchy of Angells in Heaven to overtoppe God as you have found out a Court Paramount over his Vicegerent in Earth But you build upon your old sandy Foundation that all Kings derive their power from the People I must once more tell you the Monarchy of this Kingdome is not from the People as the efficient but from the King of Kings The onely Argument which I have seen pressed with any shew of probability which yet the Observer hath not met with is this That upon deficiency of the Royall Line the Dominion escheats to the People as the Lord Paramount A meere mistake they might even as well say that because the Wife upon the death of her Husband is loosed from her former obligation and is free either to continue a Widdow or to elect a new Husband that therefore her Husband in his Life time did derive his Dominion from Her and that by his Death Dominion did escheat to Her as to the Lady Paramount yet if all this were admitted it proves but a respective Equallity Yes you adde that the Parliament is the very essence of the Kingdome that is to say the cause of the King and therefore by your Lesbian Rule of quod efficit tale it is in it selfe more worthy and more powerfull Though the Rule be nothing to the purpose yet I will admit it and joyne issue with the Observer whether the King or the Parliament be the cause of the other let that be more worthy That the King is the cause of the Parliament is as evident as the Noon-day light He calls them He dissolves them they are His Councell by virtue of His writ they doe otherwise they cannot sit That the Parliament should be the cause of the King is as impossible as it is for Shem to be Noahs Father How many Kings in the World have never known Parliament neither the name nor the thing Thus the Observer In the infancy of the World most Nations did choose rather to submit themselves to the discretion of their Lords then to relye upon any Limits And litle after yet long it was ere the bounds and conditions of Supreme Lords were so wisely determined 〈◊〉 quietly conserved as now they are It is apparent then Kings were before Parliaments even in time Ouâ—… Freâ—…ch Authours doe affirme that their Kingdomâ—… was governed for many Ages by Kings without Parliaments happily and prosperously Phillip the fairâ—… was the first Erecter of their Parliaments of Paris and Mountpelliers As for ours in England will you heaâ—… Master Stow our Annalist thus he in the sixteenth of Henry the first in the name of our Historiographers not as his own private opinion This doe theâ—… Historiographers
of eminency on Earth If he will have no Bees but such as have no stings he may catch Drones and want his honny for his labour To limit Princes too farr is as if a Man should cut his Hawkes â—…ings that she might not fly away from him so he may be sure she shall never make a good flight for â—…im Saint Bernard tells us a Story of a King who â—…eing wounded with an arrow the Chirurgeons deâ—…ired Liberty to bind him because the lightest moâ—…ion might procure his Death his answer was non â—…ecet vinciri Regem it is not meet that a King should â—…e bound and the Father concludes Libera sit Regis semper salva potestas In two particulars this third Cato is pleased to expresse himselfe he would have the disposition of great offices power of calling and dissolving Parliaments shared betwen the King and the People Yesthe great Offices of the Kingdome and the Revenues of the Church have been the great wheeles of the Clock which have set many little wheeles 〈◊〉 going doubt you not the Observer meant to lick 〈◊〉 own fingers These speculations might be seasonabâ—…e in the first framing of a Monarchy Now when a Power is invested in the Crown by Law and lawfulâ—… Custome they are sawcy and seditious Howsoever his bolt is soone shot He that is wise in his own eyes there is more hope of a Foole then of such a Man Otherâ—…â—…s much wiser then he is almost as he conceives himâ—…lfe to transcend them are absoluâ—…ely of another miâ—… that this were to open a sluce to Faction and Sediâ—…on to rolle the Apple of Contenâ—…ion up and down both Houses of Parliament and each County and Burrough in the Kingdom to make labouring for places packing for votes in a word to disunite and dissolve the contignation of this Kingdom This in Policy They say further that in Iustice If the King be bound by His Office and sworn by His Oath to cause Law Iustice and Discretion in mercy and truth to be executed to His People If he be accountable to God for the Misgovernment of his great Charge that it is all the reason in the World why he should choose his own Officers and Ministers Kings are shadowed by those brazen Pillars which Hiram made for Solomon having Chapiters upon their heads adorned with Chaines and Pomgranates If these Sonnes of Belial may strip Majesty by Degrees of its due Ornaments first of the chaines that is the power to punish evill Doers and then of the Pomegranates the ability to reward good deserts and so insensibly to robbe them of the dependence of their Subjects the next steppe is to strike the Chapiters or Crownes from of their heads But how can this be except all Parliaments were taken as deadly Enemyes to Royalty Still when the Observer comes to a piece of hot Service he makes sure to hold the Parliament before him which devise hath saved him many a blow They that are not haters of Kings may be Lovers of themselves We are all Children of Adam and Eve He would be a God and she a Goddesse His instance that this is no more then for the King to choose a Chancellour or a Treasurer upon the recommendation of such or such a Courtier is ridiculous there His Majesty is free to dissent here is a necessity imposed upon him to grant Yet saith he the Venetians live more happily under their conditionate Dukes then the Turks under their absolute Emperours The Trophees which Rome gained under conditionate Commanders argue that there could be no defect in this popular and mixt Government Our Neighbours in the Netherlands being to cope with the most puissant Prince in Christendom put themselves under the conduct of a much limited Generall which streigthned Commissions have yeelded nothing but victoryes to the States and solid honour to the Prince of Orange Were Hanniball Scipio c. the lesse honoured or beloved because they were not independent was Caesar the private Man lesse succesfull or lesse beloved then Caesar the perpetuall Dictator Whatsoever is more then this he calls the painted rayes of spurious Majesty and the filling of a phantasticall humour with imaginary grandour Whose heart doth not burn within him to heare such audacious expressions yet still he protests for Monarchy A fine Monarchy indeed a great and glorius Monarchy an Aristo-Democracy nicknamed Monarchy a circumscribed conditionate dependent Monarchy a Mock-Monarchy a Monarchy without coercive Power able to protect not to punish that is in effect neither to protect nor punish a Monarch subordinate to a Superiour and accountable to Subjects that may deny nothing a Monarchy in the Rights whereof another challengeth an interest Paramount Quorsum haec he is more blind then a Beetle that sees not whither all this tends To advance King Charles to the high and mighty Dignity of a Duke of Venice or a Roman Consull whilest this Gentleman might sit like one of the Tribunes of the Common People to be his Supervisor It were to be wished that the Observer would first make tryall of this modell of Government in his own House for a yeare or two and then tell us how he likes it That Form may fit the Citty of Venice that will not fit the Kingdome of England I beleeve he hath not carefully read over the History of that State Though now they injoy their Sun-shines and have their Lucida intervalla yet heretofore they have suffered as much misery from their own Civill and Intestine Dissentions as any People under Heaven and so have their Neighbour States of Genoah Florence c. And of Florence particularly it is remarkeable that though their Prince huâ—…band his Territory with as much advantage to himselfe and pressure to his People as any Prince in Europe yet they live ten times more happily now then they did before in a Republick when a bare legged Fellow out of the Scumme of the People could raise Tumults surprise the Senate and domineere more then two great Dukes so that now they are freer then when they did injoy those painted rayes of spurious Liberty If thâ—… Romans had not found a defect in their popular Government they had never fled to the choise of a Dictator or absolute Prince as a sacred Anchour in all their greatest extremityes And for the Netherlands it is one thing for a free People to elect their owne forme of Government another for a People obliged to shake off that Forme which they have elected It is yet but earely of the day to determine precisely whether they have done well or ill The danger of a Popular Government is Sedition a common Enemy hath hitherto kept them at unity and the King of Spaine hath been their best Friend Scipioes opinion that Carthage should not be destroyed was more solid and weighty then Catoes as experience plainly shewed Those Forrein Warres preserved Peace at home and were a Nursery of Souldiers to secure that State When the United
bear the same name with the whole so he may give the Authority of Parliament to a particular Committee or perhaps to a particular Member He saith it is virtually the Kingdome Not so it is virtually the Commons of the Kingdom not to all intents neither but to some purposes He addes that it is the great Councell of the Kingdom to which it belongs to provide that the Commonwealth receive no prejudice It is a part of the Great Councell and should provide for its safety as the grand inquest doth for the whole County by finding out the dangers and grievances and proposing remedyes but to prattle of a Majesty or plenitude of Soveraigne Power derived now at this time of the day from the People is to draw water out of a Pumice or to be mad with reason I have now answered all that the Observer hath brought throughout his Booke either concerning Hull or Sir John Hotham Now will he heare with patience what Hull Men say They say that Sir John hath been a prime occasion of these Distempers as the most severe and zealous Collector of Ship-mony that ever was in his Sheâ—…ivealty a president to the rest of the Kingdome not onely an Executor of the commands of others but also a Plotter and Contriver of this businesse That he hath had not 〈◊〉 Moneths mind but sixteen yeares mind to the Government of Hull ever since the Wars with Spain upon all occasions and as an introduction to his designes hath gotten the Traine bands of Hull added to his Regiment That his Friends have been the Raisers and Fomenters of these Feares and Jealousies of the surprising of Hull sometimes by the Lord of Dunbarres Men that were trained under ground surely they were not men but Serpents Teeth that should be turned into armed Men sometimes by Mr. Terret a Lincolnshire Gentleman and his Troopes of Horse a fine devise indeed to have surprised Hull on a suddain with horse and with horse from Lincolnshire who knows how they should have got over Humber unlesse they were winged They say that before ever the Kâ—…ngdome took any notice of a breach between the King and the Parliament Master Hotham openly divided them at Hull They that are for the King stand there and they that are for the Parliament stand here did he know nothing then judge you They tell who it was that threw away His Majestyes Letter in scorn and told the Major of Hull it was worth nothing who it was that commanded the Burgesses upon pain of Death to keep in their Houses and not to appeare when His Majesty repaired to Hull who it was that caused the bonefires to be put out upon the day of His Majestyes inauguration upon pretended fear of the Magazine whereas at the same time his Souldiers had a great fire under the very Walls of it who it was that desired of the Townes Men of Hull a certificate to the Parliament that His Majesty came against Hull in an Hostâ—…le manner with greater numbers then he had which was refused by the greater and sounder part as good reason they had both because it was untrue and also because during all the same time they were confined to their Houses upon pain of Death who it was that administred an Oath or Protestation to the Townes Men of Hull so directly opposite both to their Oath of Allegiance and to the Oath which they take when they are admitted Burgesses or Freemen of that Corporation They say Mr. Hothams Motâ—…o of his Cornet is For the publick liberty but that it was not for the publick Liberty either for him to promise the Townes men that none should be troubled with billeting Souldiers against their wills and so soon as he was gotten into Hull to fill their houses with Billiters and tell them it was Policy of State to promise fair till they were in possession or for his Father to hold a Pistoll to the brest of the Kings Lieutenant to beate and imprison their Persons to banish them from their habitations to drown their Corne and Meddow to burn their Houses to robbe them of their goods and allow the owner but ten pounds out of a thousand for the maintenance of himselfe his wife and Children to suffer his Officers to charge an honest Woman with fellony for comming into her own house because her Husband was a Delinquent and Sir Iohn had disposed his goods If you desire to know where was the first forcing of billets it was at Hull where was the first plundering of goods at Hull the first drowning of Grounds at Hull where was the first burning of Houses at Myton neare Hull where was the first shedding of blood at Anlaby near Hull and to aggravate the matter in a time of Treaty and expectation of Peace They say the first men banished from their Habitations were Mr. Thornton Mr. Cartwright Mr. Perkins Mr. Faireburne Mr. Kerny Mr. Topham Mâ—… Watson Mr. Dobson of Hull They say the first Impositionof four pound a Tunne upon some kind of Commodityes was at Hull and wish that the Father had been translated into Lincolnshire with the Sonne that Yorkeshire might have sung Laetentur Caeli c. You have seen what they say whereof I am buâ—… the Relater if it seem too sharpâ—… blame the Pellicaâ—… and not me Now I must crave a word with the Towne Besides the oath of Allegiance which every good Subject hath taken or ought to take every Burgesse of that Town takes another Oath at his admission to keep that Towne and the Blockhouses to the use of the King and his Heires not of the King and Parliament I cannot now procure the Copy to a word but I shall set down the like Oath for Yorke and of the two the oath of Hull is stricter I desire the Londoners and all the strong Townes in the Kingdom who I conceive have taken the same form of Oath to take it into serious consideration for their Soules health This heare ye my Lord Major Mr. Chamberlenâ—… and good Men that I from hence forth shall be trusty and true to Our Soveraigne Lord the King and to this Citty And this same Citty I shall save and maintein to our said Soveraigne Lord the King His Heires and Successors c. So helpe me God The Oath beginnes as solemnely as that of the Romane Faeciall Heare O Iupiter and thou Iuâ—… Quirinus thou c. And being affirmative though it bind not a Townes-man ad semper to be alwayes upon the Walls in Arms yet it binds him semper to be ready upon all necessityes it binds him never to doe any thing that may be contrary to his Oath And was not that Protestation contrary which was by Sir Iohn Hotham imposed upon the Inhabitants of Hull and by them taken Forasmuch as the King being seduced by wicked and evill Counsell intends to make Warre against this Towne of Hull who have done nothing but by Order of Parliament We therefore whose names
in the blood and slaughter of his Subjects To what end to exhaust his Treasure lose his Revenues weaken his Friends deprive himselfe of the certain assistence of his Subjects at a time when he conceives it to be so usefull for his affaires They had need be strong proofes indeed that can incline the judgement of any rationall Man to such a senselesse Paradox Let us view them First The Rebells said so They pleaded the Kings Authority They called themselves the Queenes Army Is not this a doughty Argument By the same reason we may accuse Christ as the Patron of all Schismaticall Conventicles because they say here is Christ and there is Christ some out of a credulous simplicity others out of a deep subtlety or ascribe the Primitive Haeresies to the Apostles because the false Teachers did use their names to make their Haeresies more current So Sir Iohn Hotham and Serjeant Major Skippon doe pretend the Authority of King and Parliament the King disclaimes both the one and the other many who are now in Arms against the King do verily beleeve they fight for the King against some bad Counsellers whom they cannot name The same Rebells sometimes pleaded an Ordinance of Parliament Nothing is more usuall with Pirates then to hang out a counterfeit Flagge A second reason is Sundry Commanders of note were passed over into Ireland by his Majestyes warrant who were seen presently after in the head of the Rebells His Majesty hath long since answered this and demanded reparation of such a groundlesse Calumny I onely adde two things The one how ignorant our intelligencers are of the State of Ireland to fein such a devise of a Brother of Sir George Hamletons yet Sir George hath no Brother there but Sir Fredericke who was then and long after in Manour Hamleton as opposite to the Irish Rebells as the Observer himselfe The other is if this were true yet it were but a poor collection There are many who have had not onely Warrants under the Kings hand but Letters Patents under his Broad Seale who owe their very subsistence to His Majestyes bounty yet have made a shift to creepe from his bosome out at his sleeve If such a thing had been as it is an impudent Fiction yet these are neither the first nor the last that have betrayed the trust of a Gracious King The third and last reason is because His Majesty was not so active to represse this insurrection nor so ready to proclaime them Traytours so the Observer He that will not accuse the King of zeal against the Irish Rebells yet he may truely say there is not the same zeal expressed that was against the Scots c. The proffered supplyes of the English and Scottish Nation are retarded opportunityes neglected nice exceptions framed This plea is pertinent to make the King though not the Contriver yet the Conserver of that Rebellion but is as false as the Father of Lyes from whom it proceeds Hear His Majesty himselfe The Irish Rebells practise such unhumane and unheard of outrages upon our miserable People that no Christian care can hear without horrour nor Story paralell And as we looke upon this as the greatest affliction it hath pleased God to lay upon us so our unhappinesse is increased in that by the distempers at home so early remedyes have not beene applyed to those growing evills as the necessity there requires And we acknowledge it a high Crime against Almighty God and inexcusable to our good Subjects if we did not to the utmost imploy all our powers and faculties to the speediest and most effectuall assistence and protection of that distressed People He conjures all His loving Subjects to joyne with him in that Worke He offers to hazard his sacred Person in that Warre To ingâ—…ge the revenues of his Crowne what can the Observer desire more perhaps he may say these Offers came late and unseasonably Then let us looke backward to His Majestyes Proclamation of the first of Ianuary 1641 soon after his return from Scotland in a time of so great Distractions here at home when that Remonstrance which ushered in all our Feares and Troubles was ready to be published Let them shew that any Course was presented to His Majesty before this either by his great Councell to whom he had committed the care of it or by his Lords Justices and Councell of Ireland who were upon the place We abhorring the wicked Disloyalty and horrible Acts committed by those Persons do hereby not onely declare our just indignation thereof but also do declare them and their Adherents and Abetters and all those who shall hereafter joyne with them or commit the like acts on any of our good Subjects in that Kingdome to be Rebells and Traytours against our Royall Person and Enemyes to our Royall Crown of England and Ireland c. Commanding them to lay down Arms without delay or otherwise authorizing and requiring his Lord Iustices there and the Generall of His Majesties Army to prosecute them as Traytours and Rebells with fire and sword But if we look further still when the first tydings of this cursed Rebellion came to His Majesty in Scotland he did not sleep upon it but presently acquainted both His Parliaments with it required their assistence recommended it to their care promised to joyn in any course that should be thought fit Neither did His Majestyes care rest there but at the same time he named six or seven â—…olonels in the North of Ireland to raise Forces instantly to suppresse that insurrection which was done accordingly and they say if some had been as active then as they were made powerfull by the confluence of that part of the Kingdome in all probability that Cockatrice egge had been broken sooner then hatched before that ever any of the old English and many of the meer Natives had declared themselves In pursuance of these premises when the Act for Undertakers was tendered to His Majesty he condiscended freely to give away all his Escheats to this Worke an Act not to be paralelled among all his Predecessors yea though some clauses in that Statute especially for the limitation of His Majestyes Grace might seem to require a further discussion The wants of Ireland and the present condition of England doe speak abundantly whether those great Summes of Mony or those great Forces raised for that end have been imployed to the use for which they were solely designed yet Rabshekeh will not want a pretext to raile aâ—… good Hezekiah though Spider like he suck poison out of the sweetest Flowers Surely there must be some fire whence all this smoake hath risen Perhaps they conceive that His Majesty was not willing without good advise upon the first motion to put all his strong Forts in the North of Ireland into the hands of the Scotch Army can you blame him considering the present State of Affaires there I dare referre it to any mans judgement that is not wholy prepossessed with